Reformation Writings

Part 1 - 1525-1537

Reformation Writings Part 1 - 1525 - 1537

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Part 1 - 1525-1537

Dr. Martin Luther's

Complete Writings,

published by

Dr. Joh. Georg Walch.

Sixteenth volume.

Reformation Writings.

Documente zur Reformationhistorie gehörige Documente.

New revised stereotype edition.

St. Louis, Mo.

CONCORDIA PUBLISHING HOUSE.

1900.

** Dr. Martin Luther's**

Reformation Writings.

First section.

Documente zur Reformationhistorie gehörige Documente.

Against the Papists.

(Continued.)

From the years 1525 to 1537.

Published anew on behalf of the Ministry of the German Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and other states.

St. Louis, Mo.

CONCORDIA PUBLISHING HOUSE

1900.

Foreword.

This sixteenth volume of the complete writings of Luther brings the continuation of the documents on the history of the Reformation from 1525 to 1537 in six chapters. The tenth deals with the peasant revolt and the death of Prince Frederick; the eleventh with the imperial congresses held in the years 1525 to 1529 at Augsburg, Speier, Esslingen, Regensburg and again at Speier; the twelfth with several alliances of papal princes against the confessors of the Protestant doctrine, and with the conventions of the Protestant princes and estates at Torgau, Rodach, Schleiz, Schwabach, Schmalkalden and Nuremberg; the thirteenth on the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530 and the Confession handed down at the same, and also on Luther's stay in Coburg during the Diet; the fourteenth on the meetings of the Protestants in Schmalkalden and the so-called Schmalkaldic League, and also on the first religious peace concluded thereafter; the fifteenth on the negotiations held between the imperial and papal envoys on the one hand and the Protestant estates on the other.

because of a concilium to be appointed. It should also be mentioned here that three confessional writings of our church, namely the Augsburg Confession, its Apology and the Schmalkaldic Articles, have been printed in this volume in their entirety and revised according to J. T. Müller, "Die symbolischen Bücher" ("The Symbolic Books"), and that several of Luther's main writings, as "Von den Conciliis und Kirchen" ("On the Conciliates and Churches"), are found in this volume.

We have omitted the duplicates of the old edition, namely No. 802, which belongs to an earlier section, and is already included in the 15th volume, Col. 2291; No. 1074, because duplicate of No. 12 in the appendix of this volume, and appendix No. 16, because duplicate of No. 1103. As worthless, we have omitted what is offered to us in No. 826 of the old edition. This is a small collection of sentences and individual expressions, which Aurifaber claims to be an extract made by Spalatin from the first sheet of Luther's intended counter-script against the Mainz Rathschlag. For this, we have taken the whole scripture, as far as it exists, from the Erlangen Aus-.

3

[VI Foreword]{.underline}.

The following is a summary. Things torn apart are united, as, No. 999 is brought to No. 1073, No. 1013 to No. 1011. Several time determinations are partly supplemented, partly corrected, as at No.801. 804. 854(11.). 877. 953. 978. 1004. 1073. 1075. 1165 and 1185. A large number of writings are improved after the originals, e.g. No.773. 782. 890. 891. 894. 895. 897. 910. 911. 912. 922. 923. 942 and others. The letters written by Luther in Latin are newly translated from Latin, as are several other writings, as No. 902 and 904.

In the old edition, we often encounter Walch's distortions of meaning in print and other errors, some of which run through all previous editions. An outstanding example of this kind is found in No. 1247, § 135 (Col. 2706 f. of the old edition; likewise even in the second edition of the Erlangen edition, Vol. 25, p. 354): "One can well see that this Concilium at Nicaea neither conceived nor established anything new, but condemned the old faith against the new error of Arii through the holy Scriptures. Here, without changing the slightest thing, the correct sense could be established by transposing a few words, namely: "It can be seen that this Concilium neither conceived nor established anything new, but condemned the new error of Arii against the old faith by the holy Scriptures." Of other errors we give here only a selection. It is found in Walch,

Col. 26: set instead of estimate; 28" measure - never; 40 envy - children; 49 given - admit; 52 use - irritate; idiä. Waare - delusion; 53 divine - amicable; 93 weil-will; 98 Tödte - Töde; 142 du - da; 183 ihr Freunde - ihre Pfründen; 183 die alten Verliebten - Verlebten; 205 judge-rich; 336 mandate - month; 350 getheilt - geurtheilt; 398 undue - and due; 405 have - half; 408 rightly - rightly; 443 would be someone - who someone; 762 Barcelona - Bononia; 764 with - nit; 793 Chemnitzer - Zwickauer; 943 Speier-Steiermark; 944 grunzet - grenzet; 1053 Palmen - Psalmen; 1078 if.- wem; 1097 Stengler - Spengler; 1115 Freude - friends; 1123 Bösem - bosom; 1171 Nun - None 9. Hour; 1200 served - mean; 1273 heathens - saints; 1357 because - will; 1538 Uebermacht- superpowers; 1684 Schulhändel - Schuldhändel; 1706 still remained - nachblieben; 1737Lehren-Lehen; 1840 Stritten - cities; 1872 change - Verendung termination; 1888 Spanish - Speierische; 1892 try -disposition; 2090 entertainment -negotiation; 2119 a correctness - incorrectness; 2120 Christian-explain; 2156 honor - Churwürde; 2193 provociren - procuriren; 2222 unterbringen - umbringen; ibid. would - desolate; 2212 and 2237 betriegen - to war; 2275

  1. For brevity, we leave the word "Columne" before the numbers and the colon after them, and put a dash (-) for "instead".

Foreword. VII

Eßdram - Heraklam; 2386 aus - without; 2436 unbetrüglich - betrüglich; 2764 zu antilogisiren - zerantilogisiren; 2829 Jenischen Boten - des Jonas (Jonensem) Boten. With this last error Walch has the excuse that also De Wette has the reading Jenensem. From this indication, it is easy to see that one must often get into quite an embarrassment when reading Walch's old edition. Of course, we have not been able to make everything smooth, but we have made every effort to smooth the way for the reader.

In this volume, as in the previous one, we have included a chronological index of Luther's documents, letters, and concerns.

May God also bless the course of this volume. We learn from the writings contained therein how wonderfully God has protected and preserved His Church, which teaches and confesses His holy, pure Word, against all the violence and attempts of the adversaries, however powerful they were and however evil they meant it. May he keep us in his truth until our blessed end, amen.

St. Louis, on Reformation Day 1900.

A. F. Hoppe.

Content

of the

The first part of the book is the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings,

which contains the documents on the history of the Reformation from 1525 to 1537.

Against the Papists. (Continued.)

The tenth chapter. > > The peasants' revolt and the death of Prince Frederick. > > The first section. > > Von Münzers Unruhen zu Allstädt und Luthers Warnungen vor demselben.

Columne

760 Luther's report to Spalatin on what he had written about Muenzer to the Schösser zu Allstädt 1

761 Some questions submitted to Muenzer about faith. 1524 1

762 Luther's warning letter to the town council and the

Mühlhausen congregation. August 21, 15242

763 Luther's Letter to the Princes of Saxony on the Rebellious Spirit. July 1524 4

The second section of the tenth chapter.

From the peasants' indignation that broke out in 1525.

A. From the demands of the farmers.

  1. 12 articles on the complaints and requests of the peasants. Before April 1525 16

B. How Prince Ludwig of the Palatinate consults Melanchthon about the demands of the peasants, and of Luther's and Melanchthon's writings in this matter.

765 Letter from Elector Ludwig of the Palatinate to Melanchthon, in which he asks him for his opinion on the Twelve Articles.

May 18 1525 22

766 Melanchthon's writing against the articles of the Bauerschaft. Late May or early June 1525 24

Columne

767 and 768. Luther's exhortation to peace on the twelve articles of the Bauerschaft in Swabia. In May 1525 45

769 Luther's writing "Wider die räuberischen und mörderischen Rotten der Bauern. Before mid-May 1525 71

770: Luther's letter about the hard booklet against the peasants. June or July 1525 77

771 Spalatin's Concerns of Old and New Fronts 99

C. How this outrage was sought to be settled by amicable settlement.

772 Treaty between the Confederation of Swabia and the peasants of Lake Constance and Algau, with Luther's preface and exhortation. April 22, 1525 102

The third section of the tenth chapter.

About the peasants' revolt in Thuringia, of which Münzer was the author.

773 Letter from Elector Frederick to Duke John. April 14, 1525 110

774 Letter from Elector Frederick to Duke John, the day before his blessed end, exhorting him to bring the matter home to God. May 4 1525 112

775 Letter from the Erfurt Council to Luther and Melanchthon concerning the riot. 10 May 1525 113

  1. escort letter of the peasants for Albrecht, Count of Mansfeld. May 11, 1525 114

777 Münzer's letter to Count Albrecht zu Mansfeld. May 12, 1525 115

778 Luther's Epilogue to the Scripture: "Ein schrecklich Geschicht und Gericht" 2c 116

779 Münzer's letter to the peasants assembled at Frankenhausen and to the miners at Mansfeld. Before May 12, 1525 118

  1. Münzer's letter to Count Ernst zu Mansfeld. May 12, 1525 120

X Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings.

Columne

  1. münzer's confession, when he was in the goodness and

was questioned in an embarrassing manner. May 16, 525 122

782 Münzer's letter to those at Mühlhausen, according to the verdict received. May 17, 1525 125

783 Three letters from Luther to D. Rühel, Münzern and concerning the rebellious peasants. First letter, May 4, 1525 126

Second letter, May 23, 1525 130

Third letter, May 30, 1525 131

  1. two letters from Luther to Amsdorf about the agitated peasants. First letter, May 30, 1525 133

Second letter, June 12, 1525 135

Section Four of Chapter Ten.

Writings and news about the history of Thomas Münzer and the peasant revolt.

  1. Letter from Hans Zeis, Schösser zu Allstädt, to Spalatin concerning examination of Münzer's teachings. July 20, 1524 136

786 The same report to Spalatin on the repression of Münzer and the citizens of Mühlhausen. February 22 and March 5, 1525 137

787: Hans Zei's letter to Spalatin about the peasants' revolt in Thuringia. May 7, 1525 140

788: The knight Rudolph von der Planitz and Hans von Weißenbach report to the councilors of Altenburg about the bloody outcome of the peasants' revolt in Thuringia. June 2, 1525 ... 140

789 New Newspaper about the revolting peasants back and forth. June 18, 1525 142

  1. newspaper, how to deal with the agitated Peasants bypasses. July 12, 1525 143
  2. beginning and end of the peasant war at Rothenburg an der Tauber. 1525 144

792 Aurifaber's Narrative of the Peasants' War 158

793 Luther's Preface to the Scripture: "Schreckliche History and Judgment of God on Thomas Muenzer." 159

  1. Melanchthon's History of Thomas Muenzer.... 159

Section Five of Chapter Ten.

Of the Prince Frederick the Wise's blessed death during the Peasants' Revolt and of his burial.

795: Spalatin's consolation to the Elector at his end. May 5, 1525 174

796: Some questions posed to Luther and Melanchthon on how the Elector should be buried, together with their opinions on the same 177

797 Gabriel Zwilling's Concerns about the Burial of the Elector 178

798 Spalatin's account of how the corpse of the Elector was buried in Wittenberg on May 10 and 11, 1525 180

Luther's two sermons at the funeral of the Elector. St. Louis Edition, Vol. XII, 2032 ff.

Luther's letter of consolation to Duke John of Saxony on the death of his brother. St. Louis Edition, Vol. X, 2050.

The eleventh chapter.

Of the imperial congresses held in the years 1525 to 1529 at Augsburg, Speier, Esslingen, Regensburg and again at Speier.

The first section.

From the Imperial Diets of Augsburg, Speier and Esslingen. Columne

801st Farewell to the Diet of Augsburg. End 1525 184

802 Emperor Carl V's mandate to the Counts of Mansfeld. St. Louis edition, vol. XV, 2291.

  1. names of the princes and bishops who in 1526 on At the Imperial Diet in Speier, 190

804 Presentation of the Imperial Governor and the Commissars to the Princes and Estates at the Imperial Diet at Speier. August 4, 1526 191

805 Response of the Imperial Cities to the First Part of the Lecture Concerning the Gospel at the Diet of Speier 194

  1. articles of burdening in church, on compiled, presented and considered at the Imperial Diet at Speier in 1526 196

807 An Article Concerning the Free, Christian and Impartial Concilium 207

808th article of what is except for a free, Christian and impartial concilium is to be abolished 207

  1. farewell of the Diet of Speier, the August 27, 1526 208

810 Aurifaber's report from this Imperial Diet 223

811 News of the Battle of the Turks on August 29. Written the 22nd of September 1526 223

812 Carl V's letter to the princes of the German Empire, in which he blames King Francis of France for the downfall of the German Empire. to the situation in Hungary. November 29, 1526 224

813 Farewell to the Diet of Esslingen, December 21, 1526 231

Chapter eleven, section two.

Of the imperial congresses held at Regensburg in 1527 and again at Speier in 1529.

  1. farewell of the Diet of Regensburg, May 28, 1527 236

815 Emperor Carl V's power of attorney for his commissioners delegated at the Diet of Speier. August 1, 1528 248

816th Imperial Diet Proposition at Speier. 1529 250

817: Concerns of the Electors, Princes and others delegated to the Grand Committee about the above Imperial Proposition. Before April 10, 1529 254

  1. farewell of the Imperial Diet at Speier. The April 22 1529 258

819 Luther's and Melanchthon's concern about Sperer's farewell, drawn up on the prince's orders 283

Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings. XI

Columne

820 Jnstrumentum Appellationis, objected to by the protesting Estates at the Imperial Diet at Speier. April 25, 1529 286

821 Some new draft articles of composition not found in the Instrumentum Appellationis 332

822: Letter from Elector John of Saxony announcing the protestation in his lands. May 9, 1529 333

823 Emperor Carl V's letter of warning to the imperial estates, which refused to accept the imperial treaty at Speier. July 12, 1529 336

The twelfth chapter.

The first part of the book is a description of some of the covenants made by papal princes against the confessors of the Protestant doctrine, as well as of the conventions of the Protestant princes and estates at Torgau, Rodach, Schleiz, Schwabach, Schmalkalden, and Nuremberg.

The first section.

About the Mainzian Council and the so-called Pack Alliance.

824: Aurifaber's Report on the Mainz Council Battle against the Adherents of the Lutheran Doctrine. 1526 338

Luther's account of this in a letter to Spalatin. St. Louis edition, vol. XV, appendix, no. 128.

  1. Luther's intended rebuttal against the Mainz City Council. March 1526 339

827 Luther's concerns about what the Elector of Saxony should do to the Catholic bishops. 1526 or later 362

828 King Ferdinand's Mandate against the Lutherans. Ofen, August 20, 1527 363

829 The formula of the alleged alliance communicated by Otto von Pack to Landgrave Philip of Hesse, dated Breslau, 15 May 1527 373

830 Articles which the parties interested in Pack's alliance are said to have approved, sworn to, pledged and agreed to 379

831: Letter from Landgrave Philip of Hesse to Duke George of Saxony, to which he enclosed a copy of the alleged alliance. May 17, 1528 380

832: Duke George's answer to this. May 21, 1528 382

833 The landgrave's manifesto, in which he justifies himself because of the armor he has taken. May 22, 1528 384

834 Luther's, Melanchthon's and Bugenhagen's concerns about Pack's alliance. Between May 6 and 12, 1528 387

835 Excuse of the Elector of Mainz that the alleged alliance was a mere fabrication. May 27, 1528 389

Columne

836: The Elector Joachim's responsibility against Hesse and Saxony for the supposed alliance. May 25, 1828.

a. The Elector Joachim's letter to the > > Landgraves 395 > > b. The Elector Joachim's letter to the Electors of Saxony 397

837: Apology of the Bishop of Würzburg for the alleged and fictitious Bünoniss. May 28, 1528 398

838 The Archbishop of Salzburg's apology. June 3 1528 410

839 King Ferdinand's Apology. June 1 1528 412

  1. the dukes of Bavaria, Wilhelm and Ludwig, apology. June 5, 1528 416

This includes:

The Dukes of Bavaria, Wilhelm and Ludwig, letter to the Imperial > Regiment. May 28 1528 417 > > Letter from the Landgrave of Hesse to the > > He^oge to Bavaria. May 28, 1528 418 > > Duke Wilhelm of Bavaria's answer to this. June 3, 1528 419

841: The responsibility of Duke George of Saxony against information that Luther had given about the alliance. December 19, 1528 422

This includes:

Luther's letter to Wenceslaus Link. June 14, 1528 424 > > Duke George's letter to Luther. October 28, 1528 425 > > Luther's Answer to Duke George. October 31, 1528 426

842 Letter from Otto von Pack to Luther. Jan. 23, 1529 433

The second section of the twelfth chapter.

Of the conventions of the Protestant princes and estates at Torgau, Rodach, Schleiz, Schwabach, Schmalkalden and Nuremberg.

  1. from the convent at Torgau.
  2. apology from the mayor and council of the city of Nuremberg, why they cannot for the time being engage in a decisive action because of the intended alliance for the protection of religion. 15 Feb. 1526 ... 434
  3. first alliance between the Elector John of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, established at Torgau the May 2 1526 439
  4. repetition and extension of this alliance at Magdeburg. June 12, 1526 443
  5. Admission of the city of Magdeburg to this alliance. June 14, 1526 444

847 Execution of Magdeburg's admission to this alliance with the Reversal of the House of Magdeburg. June 25, 1526 445

XIIContents of the Sixteenth Part of Luther's Complete Writings.

Columne

848: Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg, Duke of Prussia, special alliance with Elector John of Saxony. Sept. 29.

1526....... 448

  1. from the Protestant estates' delegation to Emperor Carl V and the convention held at Rodach.

849 Obligation of the envoys to be sent to Emperor Carl V by the protesting Electors and Estates. May 26, 1529 452

851 Instruction on what the envoys of the Elector, the princes and the cities should advertise to the Roman imperial and Hispanic royal majesty. May 27, 1529. 453

851 The Protesting Princes, Princes, and Estates' Subsidiary Instruction for their Appeals to the Emperor Carl V to send envoys. May 1529 467

  1. power of attorney for the envoys sent to Emperor Carl V by the protesting Electors, Princes and Estates. May 1529... 471
  2. draft of the oral presentation at the imperial audience 472
  3. Three letters of credence given to the envoys to some imperial ministers'. 27 May 1529....... 476
  4. instrument erected because of the exoneration of the legation for one of the envoys, Alexius Frauentraut. Oct. 7, 1529 480

856 Emperor Carl V's farewell to the envoys sent to him. Piacenza, 12 Oct. 1529 482

  1. instrument on the insinuation of the Speier appeal to the emperor. 13 Oct. 1529 486

858 Report of the envoy Michael von Kaden to the Nuremberg City Council concerning the announced imperial arrest. Oct. 13, 1529 490

859: The Protesting Princes, Princes and Estates Appeal before Notary and Witnesses from the Emperor's Departure from a Free Christian Concilium. 14 Oct. 1529 492

860 Two petitions of the envoys to the emperor for the release of their arrest. Before and at October 21 1529 493

861 The answer given by the Count of Nasfau and Alexander Sweat to the envoys to the promotorial letters. Oct. 30, 1529 496

862: The Margravial Chancellor of Brandenburg, Georg Vogler, writing in which it is explained how great injustice had been done to the Protestant envoys by the imperial arrest 499.

863 The written account drawn up by the envoys of the whole plot of their legation 507

864 Luther's concern for himself and his colleagues about whether those who dissent on the doctrine of the Lord's Supper should be included in the covenant (end of May 1529) 518

865 List of those who were present at the Rodach Convention 522

  1. confederation nucleus, erected by some Protestant estates at Rodach (den June 7) 1529 522
  2. about the convention at Schleiz and the correspondence between Chursachsen and Hessen, as well as about the other conventions held at Schwabach, Schmalkalden and Nuremberg.

Conventions. Columne

867 Letter from Landgrave Philip of Hesse to the Elector of Saxony, in which he expresses his impatience that the Elector wants to speak out against the Confederation for the sake of the article on the Lord's Supper. July 18, 1529 534

868: Prince John's answer to the Landgrave, in which he insists on a personal meeting before the Schwabach onvention. July 26, 1529 538

869: The Landgrave's replica to the Elector. Aug. 1, 1529 541

870 The Elector's answer to this. Aug. 9. 1529 544

871: Letter from the Landgrave of Hesse to the Elector in his own hand, asking what the Elector should provide him with. Sept. 14, 1529 545

872: The Elector's answer to this. Sept. 23. 1529 547

873: The instructions issued by Elector John of Saxony and Margrave George of Brandenburg at Schleiz for their envoys to the convention scheduled for October 16, 1529 in Schwabach 548.

874 The seventeen so-called Schwabach Articles, presented and adopted at the second Schwabach Convention, October 16, 1529 564

875 Instruction of the Hessian envoy, Siegmund von Boyneburg, on what he should present to the Elector of Saxony, with appendix. Oct. 29, 1529 569

876 Luther's writing of the counter-defense to the Elector of Saxony. St. Louis Edition, Vol. X, 552.

877: The decision taken at the Convention of Schmalkalden on 4. Dec. 1529 made farewell 573

878 Chursachen's and the Margrave of Brandenburg's answer, which they have given to the cities of Strasbourg and Ulm 575

  1. list of persons who were present at the convent to Nuremberg were 577

880 The city of Reutlingen sends a letter to the city of Nuremberg in which it declares its support for the 17 Schwabach Articles. Jan. 3, 1530 577

881 Letter from the City of Heilbronn to the Convent of Nuremberg. Jan. 5, 1530 578

  1. instruction for D. Christian Bayer, of Saxony, Brunswick and Anhalt, to the Nuremberg Convention 579

883: Instructions for a new legation to the emperor and his brother, King Ferdinand. 583

884 Derer von Nürnberg concerns why it would be more useful to discontinue these legations 605

885 Draft of a letter proposed by the Margrave of Brandenburg to be sent to the Emperor instead of the legation. 607

886: The protesting estates leave the action at Nuremberg. Jan. 12, 1530 610

Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings. XIII

The thirteenth chapter.

About the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530 and the Confession handed down at the same, also about Luther's stay in Coburg during the Diet.

The first section.

What was negotiated between Emperor Carl V and Pope Clement VII at Bologna, and how the former called for an Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530 and was crowned Emperor by the Pope soon after.

has been. Columne

887 Speech by the Imperial Grand Chancellor Mercurinus Gattinara, delivered in the presence of the Emperor at the meeting of the Pope and the Cardinals, in which he requests the Pope to declare a concilium in the name of the Emperor. End of February or beginning of March 1530 612

888 Pope Clement's answer, in which he seeks to reject the announcement of a concilium 617

889 Emperor Carl V's rejoinder that a concilium is highly necessary. 620

890: Emperor Carl V's invitation to the Reich's days to Augsburg. Jan. 21, 1530 622

891 Letter from Elector John to the Emperor, in which he promises to appear in person at the Imperial Diet. March 23, 1530 628

892 The oath that Carl V took to Pope Clement VII. performed before the coronation 629

833 Bull of Pope Clement VII, concerning the coronation of Carl V and the imperial insignia given to him. March 1, 1530 629

The second section of the thirteenth chapter.

Of the preparations for this Reichstag.

From the deliberation of the protesting estates as to whether or not to appear at this Imperial Diet.

894 Chancellor Brück's concerns about the personal visit of the Elector at this Imperial Diet, also with regard to the arrangements to be made in the event of burdensome cases and the procurement of money. About March 12, 1530 632

895 Letter from Landgrave Philip of Hesse to Chursachsen as to why it was questionable to attend the Diet in person. March 20, 1530 634

896 Luther's letter to the Elector of Saxony, in which he resisted all violent resistance. March 6, 1530, St. Louis edition, vol. X, 532 ff.

B. What the Elector of Saxony has decreed for the provisional drafting of a Protestant confession of faith. Columne

897: Electoral order to Luther, Jonas, Pomeranus and Melanchthon to draw up a list of the disputed articles in the doctrine and ceremonies. March 14, 1530 635

  1. Luther's letter to Jonas, who was at the Visitation was. March 14, 1530 637

899 The so-called Torgau Articles on Disputed Doctrines and Ceremonies, drawn up after the above Electoral Order, which became the basis for the second part of the Augsburg Confession. Between March 14 and 20, 1530 638

900 Wimpina, Mensing, Redörfer and Elgersma's Brief and Christian Instruction against the Confession of D. M. Luther. M. Luther, newly presented at the present Diet of Augsburg and written in 17 articles. 1530 638

901 Luther's response to the cries of several Papists about the 17 articles 648

902 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he informs him that he is working on the production of the Augsburg Confession. May 4, 1530 650

903 An extract from the copy of the Confession that Spalatin wrote in his own hand at Augsburg. 653

904 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, sending him the Confession for revision. May 11, 1530 654

905 The Elector John writes to Luther that he should express his reservations about the Confession revised by Melanchthon. May 11 1530 656

906 Luther's reply to the Elector on account of

of the Confession. May 15, 1530 657

C. What the Elector of Saxony did for godly arrangements and decrees before his departure for Augsburg, and of the start of the journey itself.

907 Letter of safe conduct from the city of Augsburg to the Elector. April 30, 1530 658

908: List of the princely persons, counts, lords, noble and learned councillors and others whom the Elector took with him to Augsburg. 659

909 Letter from Duke Ernst of Lüneburg to the Elector, in which he offers to attend the Imperial Diet with him as a servant. March 20, 1530 660

  1. letter from Prince Wolf von Anhalt to the same content. March 18, 1530 661

911: Rescript of the Elector of Saxony to some of the noblemen accompanying him in the countryside on how they should dress and equip themselves. March 14, 1530 661

912 Common Announcement of the Elector at his Court in Torgau 662

913 Luther's letter to Hausmann, in which he informs him of the journey to Coburg. April 2 1530 664

XIV Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings.

Columne

914 Luther's letter to Cordatus advising him not to go to the Diet. April 2, 1530 665

915 Letter from the Emperor to the Elector of Saxony to speed up his journey to Augsburg. April 8, 1530 666

916 Luther's letter to Hausmann from Coburg. April 18 1530 667

917 Luther's letter to Wenceslaus Link that he had orders from the Elector to stay in Coburg. April 22 1530 669

D. Verathschlagungen der evangelischen Stände, was zu thun zu, wenn der Kaiser die Predigten und das Fleischessen verbieten, aber das Halten des Fronleichnamsfestes gebieten sollte.

918 Three concerns of the Wittenberg theologians about the cessation of sermons 670

919 The Elector's letter to Luther, in which he demands his expert opinion on this matter 676.

920 Luther's Answer to the Elector 676

921 Concerns of Chancellor Brück that since preaching is not to be refrained from. (May 10 or 11, 1530.) 676

922 Melanchthon's concerns about omission of meat eating 679

923 Concerns of the Saxon theologians as to whether the Elector of Saxony and other protesting estates can participate in the Corpus Christi procession. On the evening of June 15, 1530 680

E. Two petitions of the Estates to the Emperor and his answer.

924 Petition of the Estates to the Emperor to come to Augsburg soon 681

925: Petition of the Estates to the Emperor to raise the rank of

of the princes at his entry to determine ... 682

926: Emperor's declaration sent to Augsburg concerning the collection 684

The third section of the thirteenth chapter.

About the Emperor's rather long stay in Insbruck and the real cause of it.

927 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he reports that the emperor will hardly come to Augsburg before Pentecost. May 22, 1530 688

928 Letter from Elector John to Luther from Augsburg. May 4, 1530 690

  1. Luther's response to the preceding Letter. May 20, 1530 690

930: Instruction of the Emperor, with which the Counts of Nassau and Neuenar have been sent to Augsburg to the Elector John, in which he expresses the wish that either the Elector or his son should come to him. 2c. May 24, 1530 695

931: The Elector's negative reply. May 31, 1530 . 698

Columne

932: The Elector's letter to Luther about this. June 1 1530 707

933 Luther's letter to Jakob Probst that there is good hope for the emperor 707

934 Luther's letter to Melanchthon that there was talk that the Diet would not take place; the papists tried to prevent the emperor from traveling to Augsburg 709

The fourth section of the thirteenth chapter.

The Emperor's entry into Augsburg and what happened afterwards during the sermons and the Corpus Christi procession.

935 The old and first report of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, from the arrival of the Emperor to the handing over of the Augsburg Confession. Dated June 22, 1530 708

936 The answer given by Count Palatine Frederick on behalf of the Emperor to the speech delivered by the Archbishop of Mainz on behalf of the Estates 730

  1. another description of the imperial entry into Augsburg 732.

938 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he reports that the emperor has forbidden all preaching until further notice. About the 18th or June 19 1530 734

939: Tale of the emperor's grace that Protestants should stop preaching and participate in the Corpus Christi celebration. June 18 1530 735

940: Margrave George of Brandenburg explains to the Emperor why the Protestant princes cannot take part in the Corpus Christi procession, nor can they abolish the sermons 738.

941 Speech of Margrave George to the Emperor on his own behalf 741

942: The Protestant princes reply to the emperor that they cannot stop preaching. June 17, 1530 742

943 Two concerns regarding the requested omission of the sermons.

I. Whether preaching may be stopped? (Concept to No. 918, III.) About > June 16, 1530 748 > > II. Melanchthon's concern that the could stop preaching. June 18, > 1530 749

  1. the prohibition to preach proclaimed by the Herald. June 18, 1530 749
  2. Luther's letter to M. Johann Agricola. June 30, 1530 750

946 Letter from Elector John to Luther about the abolition of sermons and other matters. June 25, 1530 752

947 The Articles or the Brief Concept of the Protestant and the Opposite Doctrine, which the Emperor demanded of Melanchthon and which Melanchthon handed over to the imperial secretary Valdesius 754

  1. report of a gift offered to the emperor and of the plot of Valdesius with Melanchthon 768.

Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings. XV

The fifth section of the thirteenth chapter. > > From the opening of the Imperial Diet and the handing over of the > Augsburg Confession.

Column

949: Papal Nuncio Pimpinellus' speech to the Emperor and the Estates. June 20, 1530. 770

  1. Narrative of the previously held mass and the subsequent opening of the Imperial Diet 788.

951 Lecture of Count Palatine Frederick in the name and presence of the Emperor to the Estates of the Empire. June 20, 1530 789

952: Concerns of some scholars for a papist prince that it was necessary to first address the issue of religion at the Imperial Diet 799

953 Speech of the Papal Legate Campegius to the imperial estates. June 24, 1530 801

  1. of the Elector of Mainz on behalf of the Estates from this speech given answer 813 955. The Elector John report to Luther about the approval of the reading of the Confession 814.

956 Luther's answer to the Elector, in which he testifies to his great joy about it. July 9 1530 814

957 Letter from Justus Jonas to Luther. June 25, 1530 816

958 Luther's Reply to Jonas. June 30, 1530... 820

  1. Excerpt from a manuscript by Brück, which has the title: Handlung der Religionssache zu Augsburg 1530 822
  2. The Augsburg Confession. 1530. (Read June 25, 1530.) 831
  3. the emperor's order to the protesting estates. gracious answer 875

962 Spalatin's Narrative of the Reading of the Augsburg Confession Together with a List of the Most Important Points of the Confession 875

The sixth section of the thirteenth chapter.

How the Augsburg Confession was handed over to some papist theologians > for examination and was immediately refuted by them, but Melanchthon > wrote the so-called Apology. > > A. What unequal judgments about the read confession have fallen among > the Catholic estates, and what treacheries have been made on both > sides.

963 Spalatin's brief account of it 878

964 Luther's letter to Hausmann on the reading and signing of the Confession. July 6, 1530 881

965 A letter from D. Jonas to Luther. About the June 27 1530 883

966 Melanchthon's letter to Luther about the attacks of the opposing party after the handover of the Confession. July 8, 1530 886

Column

967 Directory of the papal theologians who were present at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg 887

968 Spalatin's report on how the emperor had asked the Protestants whether they wanted to leave it with the articles handed over or whether they were willing to hand over several more. 888

969 Jonas, Joh. Rurk, Erhard Schnepf and Heinrich Bock write to their masters, in which they advise the princes to consult with their scholars about which things can be conceded. June 28, 1530 888

970: Luther's Answer to the Saxons on the Question: Whether and to What Extent the Elector can Subject the Emperor's Religious Matters to His Judgment 890.

971 Letter from Elector John to Luther to Coburg. July 15, 1530 890

972 Causes indicated to the theologians why it would not be advisable to hand over more articles 891

973 The protesting Estates declare that they do not want to hand over more articles, but leave it at the Confession. July 10 1530 892

B. What letters Luther exchanged around this time with Melanchthon, who almost wanted to lose his courage, and others.

974 Luther's comfort letter to Melanchthon. June 27, 1530 894

975 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. June 26, 1530 896

976 Melanchthon's letter to Camerarius. June 26 1530 897

977 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. June 27 898

978 Luther's letter of consolation to Melanchthon. July 31 1530 899

979 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. June 27, 1530 900

  1. Luther's letter to Melanchthon. June 29, 1530 901

981 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. June 30, 1530 905

982 Luther's letter to Spalatin. June 30, 1530 908

983 Luther's letter to Brenz. June 30, 1530 910

984 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 3 1530 913

985 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 5, 1530 914

986 Luther's letter to Cordatus. July 6, 1530 914

987 Luther's letter to Cardinal Albrecht, Archbishop of Mainz, with an interpretation of the second Psalm. July 6, 1530 916

988 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 19, 1530 924

989 Luther's letter to Link. July 13, 1530 926

990 Luther's letter to D. Rühel. July 13, 1530 926

991 Luther's letter to Jonas. July 9, 1530 927

  1. Luther's letter to Jonas. July 13, 1530.... 929

993 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 13 1530 931

XVI Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings.

C. How the Elector of Saxony was denied the imperial feud out of hatred for the Lutheran religion. Columne

994 The Emperor notifies the Elector of Saxony that he has reservations about granting him the fiefs. July 16, 1530 932

995: The Elector of Saxony's answer to this. July 21 1530 934

996 Letter from the Elector of Saxony to Nicolaus von Ende, Amtmann in Georgenthal, concerning this matter. July 28, 1530 943

D. How the papists, before they had finished refuting the Augsburg Confession, handed over various writings against Luther and his followers to the emperor.

997 List of the writings that some Papist doctors at Augsburg have handed over to the Emperor 944

998 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, with which he sends him this directory. July 15, 1530 944

999 Luther's reply to the previous 945

Luther's "Admonition to the Clergy, Assembled at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg". Issued in early June 1530.... 945

  1. Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he commemorates this admonition. July 30, 1530 992

E. What misgivings the Protestants had about the Mass and the traditions, and what Melanchthon did with Luther for the sake of the traditions.

1002 Concerns of Joh. Brenz as to whether the private mass could not be restored because of the Eucharist 993

1003 Melanchthon's Verdict on the Mass. July 1530 995

1004 Melanchthon's concern from the private mass for Margrave George of Brandenburg that it was not permissible. 14 Sept. 1531 1002

  1. Luther's two concerns sent from Coburg by the Mass.

a. The first concern. July 1530 1004 > > b. The second concern. July 27, 1530 ... 1006

  1. the reasons why the mass should not be Melanchthon handed it over to the Elector John on Sept. 7, 1530 1007

1007 Two treatises on the liturgy 1009

1008 Melanchthon's letter to Luther about Questions from the Traditions. July 14, 1530 1010

  1. Luther's response to this. July 21, 1530 ... 1013
  2. Melanchthon's renewed inquiry to Luther about human statutes. July 27, 1530 1018 1011 Luther's reply to this. August 3, 1530 1019 1012. Luther's letter to elanchthon. Aug. 4. .1530 1022

1013 Postscript to a letter from Luther to Melanchthon 1021

F. Of the Papal Confutation of the Augsburg Confession, which was read out on August 3, but the copy of which was cut off from the Protestants. Columne

1014 Confutatio or Refutation of the Articles of the Augsburg Confession, posed by the papist theologians; read to the

August 3 1530 1026

  1. some pieces of the confutation caught under the reading 1063.

1016 Contents of the Confutation as printed by Cochläus 1069

1017 Melanchthon's letter to Camerarius about the confutation before it was read 1073

1018 Melanchthon's News about the Confutation before its Reading, and Conjectures about the Papists' Plots 1074

The Emperor's speech to the protesting estates before the reading of the Confutation, delivered by Count Palatine Frederick. August 3, 1530 1075

1020 The Emperor's Notice to the Protesting Estates after the reading of the Confutation 1076

1021 The protesting Estates' lecture by Chancellor Brück, in which they request a copy of the Confutation 1076

1022.the emperor's answer to it 1077

  1. Spalatin's message about this 1078

1024 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. Aug. 6, 1530 1079

1025 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. 8 Aug. 1530 1080

1026 Melanchthon's letter (to Luther ?). Aug. 6, 1530 1081

1027 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. Aug. 15, 1530 1082

1028 Luther's letter to his wife. August 14, 1530 1084

G. From the Apology of the Augsburg Confession.

  1. the first still imperfect apology. First draft. Sept. 22, 1530 1084

1030 The other and more complete Apology. Mid-April 1531 1118

Section Seven of Chapter Thirteen.

Of the further committee ordered for the amicable settlement of the religious disputes, and of the Landgrave Philip's deductions from the Imperial Diet.

1031 List of persons who belonged to the other committee 1348

1032 Speech of the Elector of Brandenburg on behalf of the Committee to the Protestant Estates. August 7, 1530 1348

1033 Response to the lecture given by Churbrandenburg to the Protestant Estates on August 9, 1530 1349

1034 The further committee's reply, August 11, 1530 1352

Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings. XVII

Columne

1035 The Response of the Protestant Estates to the Counter-Reply 1355,

1036 Letter left behind by Landgrave Philip to the Elector of Saxony, in which he states the reasons for his departure. Aug. 6, 1530 1366

1037 Response of the protesting estates to the emperor's inquiry about the landgrave's departure, and about the gate guard ordered by the emperor for this reason 1366

1038 Spalatin's news about a dispute between Bishop Stadion of Augsburg on the one hand and Elector Joachim of Brandenburg and the Bishop of Salzburg on the other. Also about the Landgrave's departure in 1367.

Section Eight of Chapter Thirteen.

Of the committee of the fourteen, which was disorganized with the emperor's approval, and its actions.

A. From the first longer conversation from August 16 to 21, 1530.

1039 D. Eck's Concerns about the Articles of the Augsburg Confession 1368

1040 Melanchthon's and the other theologians' concerns. Aug. 15, 1530 1373

1041 List of persons appointed by both sides to the Select Committee of the Fourteen. 1376

1042 Spalatin's recorded proto, who attended this act as notary public.

coll about the first session of the committee. .. 1377

1043 Spalatin's message about what was discussed at the first meeting 1378

1044, Declaration of the Protestants in which articles they had united. Aug. 18.

1530 1383

  1. proposal, which the Protestants made at the request of the papists because of some external

ceremonies done 1385

  1. the so-called indiscriminate, intangible, Christian means proposed by the papist side and handed over on August 19 1385.

1047 The Protestants thereupon the 20th of August brought in an unconditional and inapplicable answer to the means proposed yesterday 1389

1048 The papists' request to the Protestants about their proposed means.

to explain more clearly in some points 1394

1049th Declaration of the Evangelicals. 1395

1050: The Papal Part's Further Complaints 1395

1051 The Lutheran Part's Answer to this 1396

1052 The Protestants' Written Opinion on the Use of the Lord's Supper

under One Figure. August 21, 1530 . 1396

  1. Other attempt by the papists at the Lord's Supper. Aug. 21, 1530 1397

Columne

1054 Melanchthon's first essay on the means of composition, in which it is stated that the Protestants can go no further. 1397

1055 Melanchthon's other essay on the fourteen articles left uncompared in the committee. Approximately Sept. 20, 1530 1399

Luther's letter to Lazarus Spengler, in which he mentions the Landgrave's departure. August 24 1530 1400

1057 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he reports what has happened so far in the actions of the committee. August 22 1530 1401

  1. Luther's response to this. August 26, 1530 1402

1059 Luther's letter to Justus Jonas. August 26 1530 1405

1060 Luther's letter to Spalatin.... August 26, 1530 1406

1061 Luther's concerns about some disputed articles. End of August 1530 1407

1062 Luther's Letter to the Elector John. August 26, 1530 1414

B. Of the report made to the Emperor by the Roman magistrates on this action on the following day, August 22, 1530, and what has been recalled against it by the opposing party.

1063 Report of the papists of the amicable action between their and the protesting estates committee 1418

  1. recollection and r port on the preceding Papist Relation, as this one was

the committee of protesters is corrigirt 1431

C. From the conversation that was held in the geengerten Committee of Six from August 24 to the end of the month by both parties.

1065 Presentation of the Papal Part at the General Assembly 1434

1066 The Protestants' Oral Declaration at the Papists' Request 1437

1067 The Papists' Other Cunning Talk 1445

  1. the evangelicals preliminary oral response thereto 1446

1069 Lutheran Part's Final Answer in the Committee of Six. August 28 1530 handed over. 1447

1070 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. Aug. 25. 1530 1451

1071 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. 26 Aug. 1530 1452

1072 Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. Aug. 29, 1530 1453

1073 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 27, 1530 1454

1074 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. September 15, 1530. annex, no. 12 1455

1075: Luther's letter to Melanchthon. Aug. 28.

1076: Luther's letter to Spalatin. 28 Aug. 1530 1457

XVIII Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings.

D. Of Duke Henry of Brunswick's dealings with the Protestant estates over the

Religion. Columne

1077 Duke Henry of Brunswick's lecture to the Lutherans in 1458

  1. the Lutheran answer to it 1460

E. On the dissatisfaction of the Nuremberg Council with the religious negotiations so far, in which he does not speak well of Melanchthon in particular.

1079 Nuremberg's concerns about the Protestants' answer (No. 1047), in which they complain that too much has been granted to the opposing party 1462

1080 Osiander's defense against the articles presented by the Popes 1469

1081 Luther's letter to Lazarus Spengler. Aug. 28, 1530. 1478

1082 Luther's letter to Jonas. 20 Sept. 1530 1479

1083: Hieronymus Baumgärtner's letter to Lazarus Spengler. 13 Sept. 1530 1482

1084 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. Sept. 1. 1530 1484

Chapter thirteen, section nine.

Of the Emperor's action with the Protestant estates and further attempt at a settlement by various deputies sent to them.

A. How the emperor personally summoned all princes, princes and estates on Sept. 7, 1530, and what happened there.

1085' Lecture to the Protestants by Count Palatine Frederick, in the presence of the Emperor. September 7, 1530' 1484

1086 Response of the Protesting Estates. September 7, 1530 1486

1087 Imperial replica by Georg von Truchsess. Sept. 7, 1530 1487

1088 Protestant response by chancellor Brück to the Emperor. Sept. 9, 1530 1489

B. Of Melanchthon's correspondence with a friend of the Chancellor of the Bishop of Liège.

  1. Two letters from a certain friend of the Chancellor of the Bishop of Liège to Melanchthon. Sept. 4 and 5, 1530 1493

1090th Article, which Melanchthon sent to the above friend of the Chancellor of Liège. Sept. 5, 1530 1497

  1. thirteen other articles about which it is not possible to compare with the antithesis 1499

C. Duke Henry of Brunswick's conversation with the Elector Prince of > Saxony, John Frederick, and Chancellor Brück concerning the monastery > estates. Columne

1092: Request of Duke Heinrich zu Braunschweig to the Churprinzen Johann Friedrich and the Chancellor Brück concerning the monastery properties. 1501

1093 Chursächsisches Erbieten gegen Herzog Heinrich zu Braunschweig wegen der erledigen Klöster. Sept. 11, 1530 1501

1094: Duke Heinrich of Brunswick's counter-notification to Chancellor Brück after the departure of the Churprinzen in 1502.

D. From the Chancellor of Baden, Hieronymus Vehus, conversation with D. Brück and Melanchthon.

Sept. 10, 1530.

1095th lecture of the chancellor of Baden against Brück and Melanchthon 1503

1096 Brück's and Melanchthon's answer from it 1504

1097: The Baden Chancellor's counter-answer 1507

1098 Brück's and Melanchthon's distant conception 1508

E. Of the new treaty means brought forward by Baron von Truchsess and D. Vehus, the new means of contracting.

  1. new means of settlement proposed by Herr von Truchsess. Sept. 10, 1530 1509
  2. Luther's comments on the means of settlement proposed by Truchsess and Vehus. Mid-September 1530 1512

1101: The Margravial Brandenburg Councillors and Theologians Six Articles against the Proposal of the Lord of Truchsess. About the 14 Sept. 1530. 1512

1102 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. 8 Sept. 1530 1513

1103 Luther's reply to Melanchthon. Sept. 11, 1530 1514

1104 Spalatin's insistence that the Elector should not become involved in any further religious proceedings. Shall. 14 Sept. 1530 1516

1105: All Protestant theologians discuss the means proposed by Truchsess and Vehus. Sept. 17, 1530 1518

1106 The fourteen articles handed over by the Protestants, in which they want to prove it den. 21 Sept. 1530 1522

1107 Luther's letter to Hausmann about the fruitless negotiations at Augsburg and the Elector's departure. Sept. 23, 1530 1522

F. How Melanchthon was again made suspicious and hated by the Nurembergers because of the new means of comparison.

1108: Hieronymus Baumgärtner's second letter to Lazarus Spengler. 15 Sept. 1530 1523

1109 Luther's letter to Wenceslaus Link, in which he absolves Melanchthon of the accusation that he had given in too much. 20 Sept. 1530 1525

Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings. XIX

The tenth section of the thirteenth chapter.

From the first parting of the Reichstag at Augsburg and the actions that took place there.

A. About the intention of the Elector of Saxony to leave Augsburg. Columne 1110. Presentation, why the Elector of Saxony could no longer stay in Augsburg 1526

1111 Repeated presentation of him to the emperor, and request that he stay three more days 1528

B. The publication of the first Reichstag treaty and what happened between the emperor and the Protestant estates.

  1. note issued secretly to the protesting princes on how they could behave after the publication of the farewell.... 1530

1113: First decree of the emperor concerning the article of religion. Sept. 22, 1530 1531

1114 Response given to the Protestants by Chancellor Brück. Sept. 22, 1530 1534

  1. apology of the Augsburg Confession presented at the same time (Sept. 22) but not accepted 1535

1116 Continuation of the answer (No. 1114) by D. Bridge. 1535

1117 Luther's verdict on the above imperial treaty 1536

C. Of the harsh and threatening lectures, which were held the next day > by the Elector Joachim of Brandenburg, and the response of the > Protestants.

1118: The Elector Joachim of Brandenburg's sharp speech to the protesting estates. Sept. 23, 1530... 1545

1119 Response of the protesting estates by D. Brück. 23 Sept. 1530 1546

1120: The emperor's more distant and even more severe announcement by Churbrandenbura. Sept. 23. 1530 1550

1121: Declaration of the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen. Sept. 23, 1530 1551

1122, The Emperor's Final Conclusion. Sept. 23 1530 ... 1554

1123: The Augsburg Confession's Repeated Request and Erbieten. Sept. 23. 1530 1555

D. On the departure of the Elector of Saxony from the Diet (Sept. 23), > and what was subsequently done with his envoys concerning the > departure.

1124 Luther's letter to Lazarus Spengler. 28 Sept. 1530 1555

1125 Luther's letter to Lazarus Spengler. Oct. 1, 1530 1556

1126: Luther's congratulations to the Elector on his departure. Oct. 3, 1530 1557

Columne

1127 Report of the Saxon envoys to the Elector on the Palatine apology for the harsh speech of Elector Joachim. Sept. 24, 1530 1559

1128 The Elector of Saxony's answer to this. 28 Sept. 1530 1560

E. How the Diet's decision was also made known to the cities and how they explained themselves in relation to it.

  1. declaration of the cities that have accepted the parting, but only conditionally 1562.

1130 Declaration of the cities of Frankfurt, Ulm and Schwäbisch-Hall that they cannot accept the farewell without an order from their own 1563

1131: The Emperor's reply to the cities' statement on the question of whether or not they wanted to accept the treaty. 29 Sept. 1530 1564

1132: Imperial lecture to the city of Augsburg, in which it is harshly ordered to accept the departure for the sake of religion. Nov. 13, 1530 1564

F. A new peace treaty between the papal and Protestant envoys, but again no settlement was reached.

  1. means of settlement, which Margrave Ernst of Baden proposed. 3 Oct. 1530 1566

1134 The Protestant Response to it. 1569

1135: Excerpt from a letter from the Elector of Saxony to his councilors at Augsburg. Oct. 15, 1530 1570

1136 Another excerpt from the same letter, concerning the Turkish aid 1574

1137 Article of the peace read to the Augsburg Confession Is. 22 Oct. 1530 1575

1138 Response of the Protestants to the Article of Peace. 22 Oct. 1530 1577

1139 Response of the Estates by the Elector of Brandenburg. Oct. 22, 1530 1578

1140: The Protestants' Rebuttal. Oct. 22, 1522 1579

1141: The Estates' Rebuttal. Oct. 22, 1530. 1580

1142: The Saxon and its Relatives' Rebuttal. Oct. 22, 1530 1580

1143 The Augsburg Confession's Reply to the Conclusion of the Article of Peace (No. 1037). Oct. 30, 1530 1581

  1. imperial reply to the previous writing. 30 Oct. 1530 1584

1145 The Augsburg Confession's reply to the imperial letter. 30 Oct. 1530 1586

  1. declaration of the imperial estates by Churbrandenburg. Oct. 30, 1530 1588

1147: The Augsburg Confession relatives' further request. Oct. 30, 1530 1589

1148: Further declaration by the imperial estates. Oct. 30. 1530 1589

1149: Declaration of the Confession's Affiliates on the Parting. Oct. 30, 1530 1589

  1. the imperial estates' reply. Oct. 30, 1530 1591

XXContents of the Sixteenth Part of Luther's Complete Writings.

Column

1151: The Consession's Counter-Response. Oct. 30, 1530- 1591

1152 Letter to the Emperor from the Consession Relatives. Nov. 2, 1530 1591

1153: The Emperor's reply to the previous letter. 11 Nov. 1530 ... 1593

1154: The Consession Relatives' Final Declaration. Nov. 12, 1530 1594

Section eleven of Chapter thirteen.

From the other parting of the Augsburg Diet and Luther's writings published against it, also some historical news from this Diet.

1155: The imperial edict or farewell of the Diet of Augsburg. Nov. 19, 1530. 1596

  1. D. Martin Luther's warning to his dear Germans. In the first months of the year 1531 1616
  2. D. Martin Luther's gloss on the supposed imperial edict. In the first months of the year 1531 1665

1158 Luther's writing "Against the Assassin at Dresden" in defense of his wars. (No. 1156). Towards the end of April 1531 1701

1159 Report (by a papist) on what was done for the good of the Christian faith at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530 1719

  1. beginning of the work which D. Brück has set against the above report under the title: "Handlung der Religions sache zu Augsburg." 1734

1161 Aurifaber's report on the Diet of Augsburg 1736

1162: Luther's letter to the Elector John of Saxony concerning his vehement letter. April 16 1531 1745

1163 Luther's letter to D. Brück concerning the publication of the book "wider den Meuchler zu Dresden. May 8, 1531 1749

The twelfth section of the thirteenth chapter.

About Luther's stay in Coburg during the Diet of Augsburg.

A. How Luther gives news of his arrival in Coburg to his good friends, and describes the area there in a lovely way.

1164 Luther's report to Jakob Probst about his stay in Coburg 1750

1165 Luther's joke letter to Jonas about the assembly of jackdaws. April 23, 1530 1750

1166: Luther's joke letter to his table companions. April 28, 1530 1752

Luther's joking letter to Spalatin.

April 23, 1530. 1754

B. Of Luther's work at Coburg.

Column

1168 Luther's report to Melanchthon that he intended to publish the Psalms, Prophets, and Aesopus 1756

1169 Luther's report to Melanchthon that he was still working on his admonition to the clergy 1757

1170 Luther's letter to Link commemorating the publication of the Psalms, Prophets and Aesopus. 1757

1171 Luther's Repeated Report to Melanchthon on His Work, Some of Which Has Been Completed and Some of Which is Still Intended 1757

1172 Luther's report to Cordatus that he had finished the translation of Jeremiah and would now take Ezekiel in hand 1757

C. Von Luthers Anfechtungen und Krankheiten zu Coburg.

1173 Luther's report to Melanchthon of his foot, which had not yet healed, 1757

1174 Luther's letter to Melanchthon in which he complains about his head ailment and temptations of Satan 1757

  1. Luther's report of it to Cordatus and Gemini.... 1757

1176 Luther's report to Melanchthon of his indisposition in 1757

1177 Luther's report to Jonas and Cordatus about the same 1757

D. Of Luther's prayer and joy of faith, so that he raised himself and others up, even though he was tired of the Reichstag, indeed, of his life.

1178 Beautiful sayings of the Holy Scriptures, with which Luther comforted himself during the Imperial Diet. St. Louis edition, vol. X, 1712.

1179 Luther's hymn "Ein feste Burg," written around this time. St. Louis edition, vol. X, 1460.

1180: Luther's letter to Duke John Frederick. June 30, 1530 1758

1181 Luther's letter to Spalatin. July 13, 1530 1759

1182 Luther's letter to Spalatin. July 20, 1530 1761

1183 Luther's letter to Justus Jonas that he was tired of the Diet and wished to be offered up in this Concilium, like John Hus. July 21, 1530 1762

1184 Veit Dietrich's letter to Melanchthon praising Luther's faithful trust and zeal in prayer. July 30, 1530 1762

1185: Luther's letter to Chancellor Brück. August 5 1530 1764

1186 Luther's letter to Melanchthon, according to which he looks forward to the outcome of the Diet with great desire 1767

Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings. XXI

The fourteenth chapter.

About the meetings of the Protestants at Schmalkalden and the so-called Schmalkaldic League, also about the very first religious peace concluded thereafter.

The first section.

Of two meetings of the Protestants at Schmalkalden and the covenant established there, and what has happened in the meantime because of Ferdinand's election as Roman king. Columne

  1. farewell of the first convent at Schmalkalden. Dec. 31, 1530 1766

1188: Prince John writes to von der Planitz that he should be excluded from the election of the Roman king because of his religion. Nov. 15, 1530 1773

  1. Excerpt from a letter of the Protestant Estates to Emperor Carl V, in which they object to the election of Ferdinand as Roman king. 24 Dec. 1530 1775

1190: Excerpt from a letter from Elector John of Saxony to the other Electors, in which he asks them to refrain from electing a Roman king ... 1776

1191: Luther's letter to the Elector concerning the election of a Roman king. Dec. 12, 1530 . 1777

1192 Melanchthon's misgivings about the election of a Roman king 1779

1193 History of the Election of the Roman King at Cologne, Jan. 5, 1531 1781

1194 The Schmalkaldic League for the Protection of the True Religion, Made for Six Years, February 7, 1531 1788

1195 Luther's, Melanchthon's and Bugenhagen's concerns about the plot at Schmalkalden. In August 1531 1792

The second section of the fourteenth chapter.

Of the first religious peace concluded after the peace treaty at Nuremberg and confirmed by the emperor at Regensburg.

1196 Luther's response to the Elector of Saxony's admonition to him to refrain from harsh writing, especially against Duke George, so that peace would not be prevented. July 29, 1531 1798

1197th Act of Peace of the Electors of Mainz and Palatinate, between the protesting estates and the Catholic ones, at Schweinfurt, April 2-5, 1532 1799

1198 Luther's letter to Duke John Frederick, asking him not to refuse the peace offered. 12 Feb. 1532 1807

Columne

1199: Two letters from Luther to the Elector John concerning the peace negotiations.

a. First letter concerning the plot at Schweinfurt. February 1532 > 1810 > > b. Second letter concerning the peace negotiations at Nuremberg. June > 29 1532 1812

1200: The peace proposals finally made by the Protestants to the papal and princely negotiators. June 10, 1532 1814

1201 Luther's concerns, together with Bugenhagen, about the peace treaty at Schweinfurt. May 1532 1819

1202 First Nuremberg Religious Peace. July 23 1532 1821

1203 Luther's concerns to Prince John regarding the peace treaty at Nuremberg. Beginning of May 1532 1826

1204 Luther's Concerns of Spiritual Goods. Perhaps April 1532 1829

1205 Luther's Concerns about Sequestration. Perhaps in October 1532 1833

  1. farewell of the Diet of Regensburg. 1532 1835

1207 The Emperor's approval and assurance of the religious peace established at Nuremberg. Aug. 2, 1532 1842

1208 The Emperor's mandate concerning the Nuremberg Religious Peace. Aug. 3, 1532. 1844

1209 The so-called Cadauian Kaadenian Contract. June 29 1534 1846

The fifteenth chapter.

The first part of the book is an account of the negotiations between the imperial and papal envoys on the one hand, and the Protestant estates on the other, concerning a council to be convened.

The first section.

About the imperial and papal call for a council, and about the audience of the ambassadors of both sides with the Elector of Saxony.

1210: Carl V's letter of invitation to a general concilium. 8 Jan. 1533 1856

1211 Pope Pabst's letter to the Swabian circle concerning the future concilium, which he approves. Jan. 10, 1533 1860

1212: Advertisement which Pope Clement VII had made by Bishop Hugo of Rango, Bishop of Reggio, and the Emperor's Orator to the Elector John Frederick for the sake of a concilii. June 3, 1533 1862

XXII Contents of the sixteenth part of Luther's complete writings.

Columne

1213: The Elector's dilatory reply to the envoys. June 4, 1533 1870

1214 Four concerns of Luther and his colleagues about the above advertisement.

a,. First concern. Between the 4th and 1V. June 1533 1872 > > b. Second Concern. Between the 4th and June 10 1533 1874 > > c. Third Concern. Between the 25th and June 30 1533 1876 > > d. Fourth Concern. Between the 25th and June 30 1533 1878

1215 Luther's letter to Nicolaus Hausmann. June 16 1533 1878

1216 The joint reply of the protesting estates to the imperial and papal envoys to their advertisements. June 30, 1533 1879

The second section of the fifteenth chapter. > > Of Vergerius' courtship of the Schmalkaldic allies, and of Pope > Pabst's proposed but again postponed concilium at Mantua; also of the > Protestants' convention at Schmalkalden. > > 1217 Luther's misgivings about the Elector's question as to whether > it should be left at the answer given two years ago about the > Concilium. Aug. 20, 1535 1888

1218: The Papal Orator Peter Paul Vergerius' request for escort through the Elector's lands. November 4, 1535 1889

1219 Report on the arrival of Vergerius in Wittenberg, Nov. 6, 1535, where he was well kept and had a conversation with Luther the next day. 1890

1220: Vergerius writes to the Elector John Frederick, thanking him for his kind reception in Wittenberg. Nov 6 1535 1892

1221 Report on what happened at Prague on Nov. 30.

1535 between the Elector and Vergerius on the Concilium was negotiated. den is 1892

1222 Vergerius' opinion, which he sent to the Elector in writing at his request. Has. 1. Dec. 1535 1899

1223 Response of the Protesting Estates, Given at chmalkalden. Dec. 21, 1535. 1904

1224 Pope Paul III's bull by which he announced a concilium and scheduled it for Mantua. June 2, 1536 ... 1907

1225 Paul III's bull on the reformation of the court and the city of Rome, the execution of which he entrusted to a committee of Cardinals and Bishops orders. Sept. 23, 1536.. 1913

1226 The Schmalkaldic Articles, written by Luther in December 1536; printed 1538 1916

Columne

  1. writing "von der Gewalt und Obrigkeit des Pabsts," compiled by scholars at Schmalkalden before March 1, 1537; printed 1538 1950

1228: The preachers' petition to the Protestant estates assembled in Schmalkalden. Feb. 24, 1537 1968

1229: Aurifaber's news from the Schmalkalden convent. 1970

1230 "Rathschlag von der Kirche, eines Ausschuss etlicher Cardinäle" 2c., with Luther's preface and glosses. 1538 1971

1231: Roman King Ferdinand's (alleged) letter to Luther. Feb. 1, 1537 1995

  1. Luther's Concerns about the Concilium. February 1537 . 1997

1233 The first request of the orator and vice-chancellor of the emperor concerning the concilium appointed by the pope. Feb. 15, 1537. ... 2000

1234 The answer of the Confession relatives is as follows on. 24 feb. 1537. 2003

1235: The imperial orator's rebuttal and further announcement 2011

1236 The Augsburg Confession's rebuttal of the imperial orator's reply. 28 Feb. 1537 2014

1237 Melanchthon's letter to Camerarius. 1. March 1537 2023

1238 Causes, which the Protestant estates indicate to all kings, sovereigns and potentates, why the Concilium announced in Mantua is suspicious and not conducive to Christian unity. March 5 1537 2026

1239 A question of the whole order of the card players of the Karnöffel to the Concilium at Mantua. 1537 2042

1240: Luther's "Articles of the Most Holy Papal Faith from the Donatio Constantini to the Conciliar of Mantua". 1537 ... 2045

1241 Luther's writing: "The Lying of St. Chrysostom, to the Fathers of the Concilium at Mantua." Before May 20, 1537 2068

1242 Luther's preface to the text: "An Old Christian Concilium, held at Gangra in Paphlagonia 1200 years ago. 1537 2082

1243 Luther's Preface and Postscript to Several Letters of John Hus, Written to the Bohemians from the Prison at Costnitz. Beginning of 1537.

Luther's preface 2084

Hussen's first letter. June26, 1415 2086

Hussen's second letter. June 24, 1415 2088

Hussen's third letter. June 10, 1415 2091

Hussen's fourth letter. June 27, 1415 2093

True description by an eyewitness of the last action taken with John > Hus. 2094 > > Public writing of some gentlemen from Bohemia and Moravia to the > Concilium at Costnitz after the death of the holy martyr John Hus. > Sept. 2, 1415 2099

List of names of these gentlemen 2103

Follow-up speech by D. Martin Luther 2104

Contents of the sixteenth part arranged in chronological order.

[XXIII]{.underline}

Column

1244 (Of Urban Rhegius) Scripture, why and how a Christian Concilium should be free, to which some oaths of the papists are attached. 1537 2109

1245 King of England Henry VIII's and his whole realm's concerns about the concilium advertised by the Roman bishop to Mantua. 1538 2124

1246 Henry VIII's letter to the Roman Emperor, all kings, princes and Christians, explaining why he would not come to the Concilium at Vicenza. April 8, 1539 2137

1247: Luther's "Conciliis and Churches". Completed in the first half of March, issued in April 1539 2144

Appendix of some briefs of Luther. Columne

  1. to Spalatin. March 27, 1526. See vol. XV, appendix, no. 128.
  2. to Jakob Probst. June 1, 1530 2302
  3. to Melanchthon. June 2, 1530 2306
  4. to Melanchthon. April 23, 1530 2307
  5. to Melanchthon. April 29, 1530 2309
  6. to Wenc. Link. 28 May 1530 2310
  7. to Melanchthon. May 12, 1530 2312
  8. to Cordatus. June 19, 1530 2314
  9. to Hausmann. A fake letter.
  10. to Gabriel Zwilling. June 19, 1530 2316
  11. to Melanchthon. Aug. 24, 1530 2317
  12. to Melanchthon. Sept. 15, 1530 2318
  13. to Jonas. Aug. 28, 1530 2321
  14. to Cordatus. Sept. 23, 1530 2322
  15. to Jonas. July 21, 1530 2323
  16. to Melanchthon (duplicate). See No. 1103.

Index of the writings contained in this volume, to which a date is appended, arranged in chronological order.

1524. No.

April 18: Carl V's mandate to the Counts of Mansfeld to appear at the Imperial Diet at Speier. Vol. X V, 2291.

July. Luther's Letter to the Princes of Saxony from the Rebellious Spirit 763

July 20: Hans Zeis, Schösser zu Allstädt, writes a letter to Spalatin in which he asks that Münzer be interrogated about his teaching 785.

August 21 Luther's letter to the council and the Mühlhausen parish 762

Without date. Some questions submitted to the coiner about faith 761

1525.

Feb. 22 and Mar. 5 Zeis reports to Spalatin about the Rottirung Münzers und der Bürger zu Mühlhausen 786

Before April. Der Bauerschast Beschwerung in zwölf Artikeln ' 764

April 14 Letter from Elector Frederick to Duke John 773

April 22 Treaty between the League of Swabia and the peasants of Lake Constance, with Luther's preface and exhortation 772

May 4 Luther's letter to Rühel 783

May 4 Letter from Elector Frederick to Duke John 774

May 5 Spalatin's consolation to the Elector at his end.... 795

May 7: Hans Zei's letter to Spalatin about the peasants' revolt 787

May 10: Letter from the Council of Erfurt to Melanchthon 775

1525Nv .

May 11 The peasants' escort letter for Count Albrecht zu Mansfeld 776

Before May 12, Münzer's letter to those at Frankenhausen 779

May 12 Münzer's letter to Count Ernst zu Mansfeld 780

May 12 Münzer's letter to Count Albrecht zu Mansfeld 777

Before the middle of May. Luther's writing "Wider die räuberischen und mörderischen Rotten der Bauern. 769

May 16 Münzers Bekenntniß, da er in der Güte und peinlich befragt wurde 781

May 17 Münzer's letter to those at Mulhouse after his conviction 782

May 23 Luther's letter to Rühel 783

/ 28. of the Elector Ludwig of the Palatinate Letter to Melanchthon 765

May 30 Luther to Amsdorf 784

May 30. Luther to Rühel 783

May. Luther's exhortation to peace on the twelve articles 2c. 767, 768

End of May or beginning of June. Melanchthon's Writing against the articles of Bauerschaft 766

June 2. of the knight Rud. von der Planitz 2c. Report on the peasant revolt 788

June 12 newspaper on how to deal with agitating peasants 790

June 12 Luther to Amsdorf 784

June 18 New Newspaper of the Revolting Peasants 789

June or July. Luther's epistle from the hard Booklet against the peasants 770

End of the year. Farewell of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 801

XXIVContents of the sixteenth part arranged in chronological order.

1526. No.

Feb. 15 Apology of the city of Nuremberg why it could not engage in a decisive action because of the alliance for the protection of religion 843

May 2 Alliance between Chursachsen and Hessen at Torgau - 844

June 12 Repetition and extension of the Torgau Covenant 845

June 14 Exception of Magdeburg to the Torgau Alliance 846

June 25 Execution of Magdeburg exception 847

Aug. 4 Presentation by the imperial governor at the Diet of Speier 804

Aug. 27 Farewell of the Diet of Speier 809

Aug. 29. News of a Turkish battle on Aug. 29. Written 22 Sept. 811

Sept. 29 Covenant of Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg with Chursachsen 848

Nov. 29 Carl V's letter to the Electors concerning the Battle of the Turks in 812.

Dec. 21 Imperial Diet at Esslingen 813

1527.

May 15 Formula of the so-called Pack Alliance 829

May 28. farewell of the Diet of Regensburg.... 814

Aug. 20 King Ferdinand's Mandate against the Lutherans 828

1528.

Middle of April. Luther's and Melanchthon's Concerns about Pack's Alliance 834

May 17 Philip of Hesse's letter to Duke George concerning Pack's alliance 831

May 21 Duke George to Philip of Hesse 832 May 22 Manifesto of the Landgrave of Hesse 833

May 23 Apology of the Elector Joachim because of Pack's alliance 836

May 27 Apology of the Elector of Mainz for Pack's alliance 835

May 28 Apology of the Bishop of Würzburg because of Pack's alliance 837

May 28: The Duke of Bavaria's letter to the Imperial Regiment 840

May 28: The Landgrave's letter to the Dukes of Bavaria . 840

June 1 Apology of King Ferdinand because of Pack's alliance 839

June 3 Apology of the Archbishop of Salzburg because of Pack's alliance 838

June 3 Duke Wilhelm of Bavaria's answer to the landgrave 840

June 5 Apology of the Dukes of Bavaria. ... 840

June 14 Luther to W. Link 841

Aug. 1 Carl V's power of attorney for his commissars at the Diet of Speier 815

Oct. 28 Duke George to Luther 841

Oct. 31 Luther to Duke George 841

Dec. 19 Duke George's responsibility for Pack's alliance 841

1529.

Jan. 23 Otto von Pack to Luther 842

Before April 10. Concerns of the Electors about the Imperial Diet Proposition at Speier 817

15S9 No.

April 22 Farewell of the Diet of Speier 818

April 25 Appeal of the protesting estates at the Diet of Speier 820

May 9: The Elector of Saxony announces the protestation in his lands 822.

May 26. commitment of the Protestant Envoys to be sent to the emperor by the princes 849

May 27. three letters of credence for the Protestant envoys to the emperor 854

May 27 Instruction for the Protestant envoys to the emperor 850

May. Supplementary Instruction for the Protestant Envoys to the Emperor 851

May. Power of attorney for the Protestant envoys to the emperor 852

End of May. Luther's and his Colleagues' Concerns about the Inclusion of Those Who Dissent in the Doctrine of the Lord's Supper in the Covenant 864

June 7 Consöderationsartikel der evangelischen Stände zu Rodach 866

July 12 Carl V's letter of warning to the Estates, which refuse to accept the Diet of Speier 823

July 18 Landgrave Philip to the Elector John 867

July 26 Answer of the Elector to the Landgrave 868

Aug. 1 Replica of the Landgrave to the Elector 869

Aug. 9 The Elector's reply thereto 870

Sept. 14 Landgrave's own handwritten letter to the Elector 871

Sept. 23 The Elector's Answer 872

Oct. 7 Exoneration of the envoy Frauentraut, in order to be able to use him as notarius 855

Oct. 12 Carl V's farewell to the envoys 856

Oct. 13 Insinuation of the Speier appeal to the emperor 857

Oct. 13 Report of the envoy Kaden to the council at Nuremberg on the arrest imposed by the emperor on the envoys 858

Oct. 14 Appeal of the Protestant Estates to a Christian Concil 859

Oct. 16: Instruction for the envoys of Elector John and Margrave George to the convention in Schwabach 873.

Oct. 16 The Schwabach Articles 874

Before and on Oct. 21 Petitions of the envoys to the emperor for the release of their arrest 860

Oct. 29 Instruction for the Hessian envoy to Chursachsen 875

Oct. 30 Response of the imperial ministers to the

Promotorial letter of the envoys 861

Dec. 4. farewell of the convent at Schmalkalden 877

1530.

Jan. 3 Letter from the city of Reutlingen to the city of Nuremberg, in which it confesses to the 17 Schwabach Articles 880

Jan. 5 Letter from the City of Heilbronn to the Convention at Nuremberg 881

Jan. 12 Farewell of the Convention at Nuremberg 886

Jan. 21 Carl V's invitation to the Imperial Diet in Augsburg 890

End of Feb. or Ans. March. Speech of the Imperial Grand Chancellor Gattinara, in which he asks the pope for a concil 887

Contents of the sixteenth part arranged in chronological order. XXV

1530 No.

March 1 Bull of Clement VII on the coronation of Carl V 893

March 6: Luther to Prince John. St. Louiser

Ed. vol. X, 532.

About March 12. concerns of Brück about the visit of the Reichstag 894.

March 14 Luther to Jonas 898

March 14: The Elector's order to Luther to issue a

To draw up a list of the articles in dispute 897

March 14 Rescript of the Elector to the nobles accompanying him 911

March 18 Prince Wolf of Anhalt to the Elector John 910

Between March 14 and 20. The Torgau Article 899

March 20 Landgrave Philip to Elector John 895

March 20 Duke Ernst of Lüneburg to Elector John 909

March 23 Prince John to Emperor Carl V. 891

April 2 Luther to Hausmann 913

April2 .Luther to Cordatus 914

April 8 . Carl V to Elector John 915

April 18. Luther to Hausmann 916

April22. Luther to Link 917

April 23 Luther to Jonas 1165

Apri l23. Luther to his table companions 1166

April 23 Luther to Spalatin 1167

April 23. Luther to Melanchthon Annex No. 4.

April 29. Luther to Melanchthon Annex No. 5.

April 30. the city of Augsburg escort letter for Elector Johann 907

May 4 Melanchthon to Luther 902

May 4 Elector John to Luther 928

May 10 or II concerns of Chancellor Brück 921

May 11. Melanchthon to Luther 904

May 11. The Elector to Luther 905

May 12. Luther to Melanchthon Annex No. 7.

May 15 Luther to Prince John 906

May 20: Luther to Prince John 929

May 24: Emperor's instructions to his envoys.to the Elector Johann 930

May 22 Melanchthon to Luther 927

May 28. Luther to Link. Annex No. 6.

May 31 Answer of the Elector Johann to the Emperor deputies 931

Beginning of June. Luther's "Admonition to the Clergy" 2c 1000

June 1. Luther to Probst Annex No. 2.

June 2. Luther to Melanchthon Annex No. 3.

June 15 Concerns of the Saxon theologians 923

June 16 Concerns of the Saxon theologians about Setting the sermons 943

June 17 Response of the Protestant princes because of Setting the sermons 942

June 18 Melanchthon's concerns about cessation of sermons 943

June 18. prohibition of the emperor to preach 944

June 18. narrative of the cessation of sermons . 939

About June 18 or 19, Melanchthon to Luther.... 938

June 19. Luther to Cordatus Annex No. 8.

June 19. Luther to Zwilling Annex., No. 10.

June 19 Luther to Melanchthon 988

June 20 Imperial lecture to the estates of the Empire 951

1530 No.

June 20: The papal nuncio's address to the Estates of the empire 949

June 22 First Relation of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 935

June 24. of the papal legate Campegius Speech 953

June 25 The Augsburg Confession read out 960

June 25: Elector John to Luther.. . 946

June 25 Justus Jonas to Luther 957

June 26. Melanchthonan to Luther 975

June 26.Melanchthonan to Camerarius 976

About June 27 Jonas to Luther 965

June 27. Melanchthon to Luther 979

June 27 Luther to Melanchthon 974

June 28. of the Protestant theologians in Augsburg letter to their masters 969

June 29 Luther to Melanchthon 980

June 30 Luther to Melanchthon 981

June 30 Luther to Spalatin 982

June 30 Luther to Brenz 983

June 30 Luther to Agricola 945

June 30 Luther to Jonas 958

June 30 Luther to Duke John Frederick.... 1180

July 3 Luther to Melanchthon 984

July 5 Luther to Melanchthon 985

July 6 Luther to Cordatus 986

July 6 Luther to Albrecht, Archbishop of Mainz987

July 6 Luther to Hausmann 964

July 8. Melanchthon to Luther 966

July 9. Luther to Elector John 956

July 9. Luther to Jonas 991

July 10: The Protestant Estates declare that to leave it at the articles stated in the Confession 973

July13. Luther to Spalatin II8I

July 13 Luther to Link 989

July 13 Luther to Rühel 990

July 13 Luther to Jonas 992

July 13 Luther to Melanchthon 993

July 13. Veit Dietrich to Melanchthon 1184

July 14. Melanchthon to Luther 1008

July 15. Melanchthon to Luther 998

July 15. Elector John to Luther 971

July 16: The emperor's notification to Elector Johann der Lehen half 994

July 20 Luther to Spalatin 1182

July 21 Luther to Melanchthon 1009

July 21. Luther to Jonas Annex No. 15.

July 21 Elector John to Carl V 995

July. Melanchthon's Concerns from the 1003

July. Luther's Concerns about Mass 1005

July 27 Luther's second concern from the 1005 Mass.

July 27 Melanchthon to Luther 1010

July 27 Luther to Melanchthon 1073

July 28 Elector John to Nicolaus of Ende 996

July 30 Melanchthon to Luther 1001

Aug. 3 Imperial speech that the papal confutation should be read 1019

Aug. 3 The papal confutation is read 1014 Aug. 3 Luther to Melanchthon 1011

Aug. 4 Luther to Melanchthon 1012

Aug. 5 Luther to Brück 1185

Aug. 6 Melanchthon to Luther 1024

Aug. 6 Melanchthon's letter (to Luther?) .... 1026

Aug. 6. Philip of Hesse to Elector John because of his deduction 1036

XXVI Contents of the sixteenth part arranged in chronological order.

1530No .

Aug. 7 Speech of Elector Joachim of Brandenburg to the Protestant Estates 1032

Aug. 8 Melanchthon to Luther 1025

Aug. 9 The Protestant Estates' Response to

of the Elector Joachim Speech 1033

Aug. 11. further committee counter reply 1034

Aug. 13 The Protestant Estates' Reply Therefrom 1035

Aug. 14 Luther to his wife 1028

Aug. 15 Luther to Melanchthon 1027

Aug. 18 Declaration of the Protestants in which Articles you have united 1044

Aug. 19. proposed by the papists unbefinal funds 1046

Aug. 20 The Protestant's response to this 1047

Aug. 21 The Protestant's written submission over both shape 1052

Aug. 21 The Papists' Attempt at the Lord's Supper 1053

Aug. 22. Melanchthonan to Luther 1057

Aug. 24. Luther to Melanchthon. ...Anh., No. 11.

Aug. 24. Luther to Laz. Spengler 1056

Aug. 25. Melanchthon to Luther 1070

Aug. 26. Melanchthon to Luther 1071

Aug. 26 Luther to Melanchthon 1058

Aug. 26 Luther to Jonas 1059

Aug. 26 Luther to Spalatin 1060

Aug. 26 Luther to Prince John 1062

Aug. 28. Luther to Jonas ... Anh., No. 13.

Aug. 28 Luther to Melanchthon 1075

Aug. 28 Luther to Spalatin 1076

Aug. 28 Luther to Spengler 1081

Aug. 28. of the Lutheran part in the committee of the Six final answer 1069

Aug. 29 Melanchthon to Luther 1072

End of August. Luther's concerns about some of the tige article 1061

Sept. 1 Melanchthon to Luther 1084

Sept. 4 and 5. Two letters of a certain friend of the 2c. to Melanchthon 1089

Sept. 5. articles sent to it by Melanchthon 1090

Sept. 7 Melanchthon's misgivings about the Mass 1006

Sept. 7 Imperial lecture to the Protestants 1085

Sept. 7 The Protestants' reply to it 1086

Sept. 7 Imperial replica 1087

Sept. 7 Protestants' reply to the replica 1088

Sept. 8 Melanchthon to Luther 1102

Sept. 10 Des von Truchsess new means of settlement 1099

Sept. 11 Luther to Melanchthon 1103

Sept. 11 Chursachen's hereditary offer concerning the monasteries 1093

Sept. 13 Hieronymus Baumgärtner to Spengler 1083

About Sept. 14 The Margravial Brandenburg Councils and Theologians Six Articles Against the von Truchsess Settlement Means 1101

Sept. 14 Spalatin's concern that the Elector not engage in further religious action 1104

Sept. 15 Baumgärtner to Spengler. . 1108

Sept. 15. Luther to Melanchthon Anh., No. 12.

Mid Sept. Luther's comments on the new means of comparison 1100

Sept. 17 Protestant theologians discuss settlement funds 1105

1530No .

About Sept. 20, Melanchthon's essay on the uncompared articles 1055.

Sept. 20 Luther to Jonas 1082

Sept. 20 Luther to Link 1109

Sept. 21: The fourteen articles in which the Protestants want to leave it 1106

Sept. 22 Draft Apology 1029

Sept. 22 First imperial decree, religion be apt . 1113

Sept. 23. Luther to Cordatus Annex No. 14.

Sept. 23 Luther to Hausmann. 1107

Sept. 23: Prince Joachim's sharp speech against the Protestants 1118

Sept. 23. the protesting estates' reply. ... 1119

Sept. 23 The emperor's even harsher announcement by Elector Joachim 1120

Sept. 23: The Elector John of Saxony Declaration 1121

Sept. 23 Emperor's final conclusion 1122

Sept. 23 Protestants' Repeated Request and Erbieten 1123

Sept. 24: Report of the envoys to the church to the Elector 1127

Sept. 28 The Elector's reply thereto 1128

Sept. 28 Luther to Laz. Spengler 1124

Sept. 29 The emperor's reply to the declaration of several cities that they could not take leave without orders from their own 1131 Oct. 1 Luther to Spengler 1125

Oct. 3 Luther to Prince John 1126

Oct. 3. settlement funds of Margrave Ernst of Baden 1133

Oct. 15. excerpt from a letter from Elector John to his councilors 1135

Oct. 15. excerpt from the same letter, concerning the Turkish aid 1136

Oct. 22 article of peace read to Protestants 1137

Oct. 22 Protestant response to this 1138

Oct. 22. Response of the Estates by Elector Joachim of Brandenburg 1139

Oct. 22 Protestant rebuttal 1140

Oct. 22: The Estates' Rebuttal 1141

Oct. 22. The Protestants' rebuttal 1142

Oct. 30 Protestants' response to the conclusion of the peace article 1143

Oct. 30: The emperor's reply to this write 1144

Oct. 30 Protestants' response to this 1145

Oct. 30 Imperial Estates' declaration by Churbrandenburg 1146

Oct. 30: The Protestants' further request 1147

Oct. 30: The Imperial Estates' further declaration 1148

Oct. 30. the protestants declaration on the parting 1149

Oct. 30 The Imperial Estates Answer 1150

Oct. 30. the Protestants' reply 1151

Nov. 2. the Protestants' letter to the Emperor 1152

Oct. 11 The emperor's response to this 1153

Oct. 12: The Confessionals' final declaration 1154

Nov. 13 Imperial order to the city of Augsburg to accept the farewell.... 1132

Nov. 15 Elector Johann to the Knight von der Planitz 1188

Contents of the sixteenth part arranged in chronological order. XXVII

1530No .

Nov. 19. farewell of the Diet of Augsburg.... 1155

Dec. 12 Luther to Elector John concerning the Election of a Roman king 119

Dec. 24. the Protestant Estates to Carl V; they contradict the choice 1189

Dec. 31: Farewell of the Schmalkalden Convention 1187

1531.

Jan. 5. Election of the Roman king at Cologne.... 1193

Feb. 7. establishment of the Schmalkaldic League 1194

In the early months. Luther's warning to his dear Germans 1156

In the first months. Luther's gloss on the supposed imperial edict in 1157

Mid-April. The complete apologia 1030 April 16. Elector John to Luther because of of his fierce letter 1162

Towards the end of April. Luther's writing against the assassin in Dresden 1158

May 8. Luther to Brück about the publication of this writing 1163

July 29. Luther to Elector John 1196

August. Luther's 2c. Concerns on the plot to Schmalkalden 1195

Sept. 14 Melanchthon's concerns about the private mass to Margrave George of Brandenburg 1004.

1532.

Feb. 12 Luther to Duke John Frederick. 1198

February. Luther to Churfürst Johann 1199

April 2 to 5. Peace treaty at Schweinfurt 1197

Perhaps April. Luther's concerns of spiritual Goods 1204

May. Luther's and Bugenhagen's Concerns about the Act of Peace at Schweinfurt 1201

Beginning of May. Luther's Meaning of the Nuremberg Peace Conference 1203

June 10 The peace proposals made to the papal negotiators by the Protestants... 1200

June 29. luther to Churst Johann 1199

July 23 Nuremberg Religious Peace 1202

Aug. 2 The emperor's approval of the religious peace of 1207

Aug. 3 Emperor's mandate concerning the religious peace of 1208

Perhaps October. Luther's Concerns about the Sequestration 1205

1533.

Jan. 8. Carl V's tender for a concilium 1210

Jan. 10: Pope's letter concerning a concilium 1211

June 3: Papal and imperial advertising to the Elector John rederick of a council half 1212

June 4 The Elector's Answer 1213

Between June 4 and 10. Two of Luther's concerns about the above advertisement 1214.

June 16 Luther to Hausmann 1215

1533No .

Between June 25 and 30. Two of Luther's concerns and his colleagues on the way to the council in 1214.

June 30 Response of the Protestant Estates on above advertising 1216

1534.

June 29 The Treaty of Kaaden (Cadau) 1209

1535.

Aug. 20 Luther's Concerns about the Question of a Concilium 1217

Nov. 4 Vergerius asks the Elector Joh. Frederick for escort 1218

Nov. 6 Vergerius arrives in Wittenberg 1219

Nov. 6 Vergerius to Elector John Frederick 1220

Nov. 30 Vergerius' negotiation with the Electors 1221

Dec. 1: Vergerius's written statement on the ning 1222

Dec. 21 The Protestant Estates' Reply.... 1223

1536.

June 2 Bull of Pope Paul III on the Conciliar of Mantua 1224

Sept. 23. bull of pope Paul 111 because of reformation of the roman court 1225

December. The Schmalkaldic Articles 1226

1537.

Beginning of the year. Luther's Preface and Postscript to Several Letters of John Hus 1243

No date. Luther's writing of the donation Constanini 1240

Undated. Luther's preface to the text "Ein Concilium at Gangra" 1242

Without date. (Des Rhegius) writing, why and how a concil should be free 1244

Feb. Luther's Concerns about the Concilium 1232 Feb. 1 King Ferdinand to Luther (?) 1231

Feb. 15 Request of the imperial orator because of of the Concilium 1233

Feb. 24 Response of the Protestant Estates to the Orator 1234

Feb. 24 The Protestant Preachers' Petition to the Estates of Schmalkalden 1228

Feb. 28 The Protestant Estates' Rebuttal the orator's rejoinder 1236

Before March 1, Melanchthon's writing of the Gewalt und Obrigkeit des Pabstes 1227

March 1 Melanchthon to Camerarius 1237

March 5 Tender of the Protestant Estates to all kings 2c. because of the Concilium 1238

Before May 20. Luther's writing, the Lying from St. Chrysostom 1241

1538.

No date. King Henry's Concerns about the Concilium at Mantua 1245

1539.

April 8 Henry VIII's letter to the Emperor, Kings 2c. about the Concil 1246.

April. Luther's Writing of the Conciliis and Churches 1247

XXVIII Luther's Letters arranged according to the time sequence.

A list of Luther's letters contained in this volume, arranged in chronological order.

1524. No.

July. To Elector Frederick and Duke John 763

Aug. 21 To the town council and community of Mulhouse 762

May 4. to D. Rühel 783

May 23 To D. Rühel 783

May 30. to D. Rühel 783

May 30. To Amsdorf 784

June 12. To Amsdorf 784

1526 or later.

Luther's concerns 827

Mid-April. Concerns of Luther and Melanchthon 834

June 14 To W. Link 841

Oct. 28 Duke George to Luther 841

Oct. 31 Luther to Duke George 841

Jan. 23 Otto von Pack to Luther 842

End of May. Luther's concerns 864

March 14 To Jonas 898

April 2 To Hausmann 913

April 2 To Cordatus 914

April 18 To Hausmann 916

April 22 To Link 917

April 23 To Jonas 1165

April 23 To his table companions 1166

April 23 To Spalatin 1167

April 23. to Melanchthon Annex No. 4.

April 29 To Melanchthon Annex No. 5.

May 12. to Melanchthon Annex No. 7.

May 15 To Elector John 906

May 20 To Elector John 929

May 28. to Link Annex No. 6.

June 1. to Probst Annex No. 2.

May 2. to Melanchthon Annex, No. 3.

May 19. to Cordatus Annex No. 8.

May 19. to Zwilling Annex No. 10.

May 27 To Melanchthon 974

May 29 To Melanchthon 980

May 30 To Agricola 945

May 30 To Jonas 958

May 30 To Melanchthon 981

May 30 To Spalatin W2

May 30. to Brenz 983

May 30 To Duke Johann Friedrich 1180

July 3 To Melanchthon 984

July 5 To Melanchthon 985

July 6. to houseman 964

July 6 To Cordatus 986

July 6 To Cardinal Albrecht 987

July 9 To Elector John 956

July 9 To Jonas 991

July 13 To Link 989

July 13 To Rühel 990

July 13 To Jonas 992

  1. No.

July 13. To Melanchthon 993

July 13 To Spalatin 1181

July 19 To Melanchthon 988

July 20 To Spalatin 1182

July 21 To Melanchthon 1009

July 21. to Jonas Annex, No. 15.

July 27 To Spalatin 1005b

July 27 To Melanchthon 1073

July 31 To Melanchthon 978

July. Concerns on the Mass 1005a

Aug. 3.to Melanchthon 1011

July 4 To Melanchthon 1012

July 5. to Brueck 1185

July 14 To his wife 1028

July 15 To Melanchthon 1027

July 24. to Melanchthon. Annex No. 11.

July 24. to Laz. Spengler 1056

July 26 To Melanchthon 1058

July 26 To Jonas 1059

July 26 To Spalatin 1060

Towards the end of August. Concerns 1061

Aug. 26 To Elector John 1062

Aug. 28 To Jonas Annex., No. 13.

Aug. 28 To Melanchthon 1075

Aug. 28 To Spalatin 1076

Aug. 28 To Spengler 1081

Sept. 11 To Melanchthon 1103

Sept. 15. To Melanchthon Annex., No. 12.

Mid-September. Concerns 1100

Sept. 20. To Jonas 1082

Sept. 20. to Link 1109

Sept. 23. to Cordatus. Annex., No. 14.

Sept. 23 To Hausmann 1107

Sept. 28 To Spengler 1124

Oct. 1. To Spengler. 1125

Oct. 3 To Elector John 1126

Dec. 12 To Elector John 1191

April 16. To Elector John 1162

May 8. to Brueck 1163

August. Luther's and Melanchthon's Concerns 1195

Feb. 12 To Duke Johann Friedrich 1198 In February. To Elector John 1199a

Maybe April. Concerns 1204

Beginning of May. Concerns to the Elector 1203

In May. Concerns with Bugenhagen 1201

June 29 To Elector John 1199b

Maybe October. Concern 1205

June. Four concerns 1214

June 16 To Hausmann 1215

Aug. 20 Concerns 1217

February. Concerns 1232

[Reformation Writings]{.underline}.

First part: Historical documents.

A. Against the Papists.

Continued.

The tenth chapter.

From the peasants' uprisings that occurred in 1525 almost throughout Germany, mainly at the instigation of Thomas Münzer, especially in Swabia and Thuringia, as well as from the death of Elector Frederick of Saxony.

First section.

About Münzer's trouble at Allstädt, and how Luther warned the castle owner there as well as, after Münzer's escape from this place, the council of Mühlhausen and the princes of Saxony about him.

760 Luther's report to Spalatin that he had admonished the Allstädt castle for keeping the spirit of the prophet Thomas away from him when he was with him, and asked him to urge Thomas to discuss his teachings with the Wittenbergers. Aug. 3, 1523.

See Vol. XV, Appendix, No. 125.

761: Some questions sent to Thomas Muenzer in 1524, about which he should give the reason and cause for his faith.

Latin in Kapp's Nachlese nützlicher ReformationUrkunden, Th. 2, p. 630. - These questions may perhaps refer to the interrogation of Münzer in Weimar on Aug. 1, 1524.

Germanized.

  1. what the true Christian faith is.
  2. how faith comes into being.
  3. from where it can be obtained.
  4. how to obtain it.
  5. how we are to be taught the faith usefully and salutary.

How to be sure of our faith.

  1. how everyone can prove his faith

and must.

  1. which are the true believers in Christ.
  2. under which temptations the faith comes into being, is maintained and grows.
  1. How faith abides and overcomes in the midst of temptation.
  1. what faith makes blessed and how the

happen.

[2]{.underline} Erl. 53.253-255. Cap. 10 Of the peasant revolt. W. XVI. 5-8. Z

762: Luther's warning to the council and congregation of the city of Mulhouse about Muenzer, who sneaked in there without being called.

Dat. Weimar, August 21, 1524.

The original, whose variants are given in the Erlanger Briefwechsel, IV, 377, is in the city archives of Mulhouse, but has not yet been used to correct this letter. First printed under the title: "Ein Sendbrieff an die ersamen vnd weysen Herrn Burgermeyster, Rhatt vnd gantze Gemeyn der stadt Mülhausen. M. Luther. M.D.ZMiij." 2 leaves in 4. Further printed in 1533 by Hans Lufft in Wittenberg, together with Luther's letter to those at Frankfurt am Main. A reprint of the latter was published by Friedr. Peypus in Nuremberg. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1551), vol. II, p. 10; in the Jena (1585) vol. II, p. 440; in the Altenburg, vol. II, p. 789; in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 235; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 536 and in the Erlangen, vol. 53, p. 253. For the chronology, see the last note to this text.

To the honorable and wise mayor, council and whole community of the > city of Mulhouse, my dear gentlemen and good friends.

Grace and peace in Christ Jesus our Savior. Honorable, wise, dear Sirs! Good friends have asked me, after it has sounded out, how one, called Magister Thomas Münzer, is willing to go to you in your city/) to advise you faithfully in this matter and to warn you of his teaching, which he praises highly from Christ's spirit; which I, as Christian faithfulness and duty admonish me, have not wanted to refrain from doing for you; I would also have been quite willing and inclined, because I am here outside 2) in the country, to personally ask you myself. But my business, in printing at Wittenberg, does not leave me further time or space.

2 Therefore, please be very careful of this false spirit and prophet, who comes in sheep's clothing and is inwardly a ravening wolf Matth. 7:15. For he has now proven in many places, especially in Zwickau and now in Allstädt, what kind of tree he is, because he bears no other fruit than to cause murder and riots and bloodshed, for which he has come to

I) Münzer had escaped from Allstädt at night shortly after August 3 and had already taken up residence in Mulhouse when Luther wrote this letter. This warning therefore came too late.

  1. In the old print: heraußen.

Allstädt preached, wrote and sang publicly. The Holy Spirit does not do much boasting, but does great things before he boasts. But this spirit has now boasted and raised itself up for three years, and has not yet done a single thing, nor has it shown any fruit, except that it would like to murder, as you may have good news about it, both from Zwickau and Allstädt. Also, he only sends countrymen, whom God did not send (for they cannot prove it), nor are called by men, but come 3) from themselves, and do not go in at the door; therefore they also do as Christ says of them, John 10:8: "All that came before me are thieves and murderers." Above this, no one can make them come to the light and answer, except their own kind: whoever listens to them and follows them is called the chosen son of God; whoever does not listen to them must be ungodly, and they want to kill him. How great a thing their doctrine is, there is much to say, but it will soon come to light.

(3) But if my words will not move you, do so, and delay the matter until you know for certain what manner of children they are. For it is begun, it will not remain long in darkness. I am faithful to you, God knows that, and I will gladly avoid your journey and harm, if God wills it; I hope you will bear me good witness. For I can boast in Christ that I have never harmed anyone with my teaching and counsel, nor have I ever wanted to, as this spirit intends, but have been comforting and helpful to everyone, so that you have no just cause to despise this counsel of mine.

4 But if you despise these things and accept the prophet, and if you suffer misfortune as a result, I am innocent of your harm, because I have warned you in a Christian and friendly way. Let an honorable councilor take him before him, even before the whole congregation (it can happen), and ask him who sent him here or called him to preach? The honorable council did not do it.

  1. In the old print: to boast.

[4]{.underline} Erl. 53,255-257, Sect. 1, Von Münzers Unruhen. No. 762f. W. XVI, 8 f. 5

(5) If then he says that God and His Spirit sent him like the apostles, let him prove it with signs and wonders, or forbid him to preach; for where God wants to change the ordinary way, He always performs miraculous signs. I have never preached nor wanted to preach where I have not been asked and called by men; for I cannot boast that God has sent me from heaven without means, as they do, and run themselves, when no one sends them nor calls them 1) (as Jeremiah writes (Cap. 23,21.)); therefore they also do no good.

May God grant you His grace to faithfully recognize and carry out His divine will, Amen. At Weimar, on Sunday (after) Assumptionis Mariae (August 21),?) ^.nno 1524.

763 V. Mart. Luther's letter of July 1524 to the princes of Saxony concerning the spirit of sedition, in which he admonishes them to prevent it according to the power granted to them by God, otherwise they would not be excusable before God and the world.

This writing was published by Lucas Cranach in Wittenberg under the title: "Eyn briesf an die Fürsten zu Sachsen von dem auffrurischen gehst. Martin Luther. Wittemberg. 1524." In addition, several more individual editions; the Erlangen correspondence lists a total of five. In the collections: in the Wittenberg (1551), vol. II, p. 6; in the Jena (1585), vol. II, p. 441; in the Eisleben, vol. II, p. 223; in the Altenburg, vol. II, p. 790; in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 236; in the Erlanger, vol. 53, p. 255; and in De Wette, vol. II, p. 538. Vincentius Obsopöus translated this letter into Latin and included it in his larra^o spistolarum. Reprinted from it in the Wittenberg (1558), tom.VII, toi. 506 and in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 223. - Obsopöus and both the Latin and German Wittenberg editions do not give a date; all other editions have the wrong date: August 21, 1524. As early as August 3, Münzer, in a letter to Churfürst Friedrich (Förstemann, Neues Urkundenbuch,

  1. In the old print: "loads".
  2. The letter is written from Weimar, because Luther was on the journey there, prompted by the letter of the council and the congregation in Orlamünde of August 16, 1524 (St. Louis Edition, Vol. XV, No. 683). In the editions this letter has the wrong date: "on Sunday Assumptionis Dlarias, Vnno 1524", because in 1524 Assumptionis, August 15, was a Monday. This error has already been recognized several times - so by Grotefend, Chronologie, p. 39 and by Lingke, Reisegesch. It is to be read: post Assumptionis 2c.

p. 248 a) of our writing as a mention already made against him, therefore it will have to be placed in July. Seidemann-De Wette, Vol.VI, p.580, datirt: "Last half of July."

To the most illustrious, highborn princes and lords, Herr Friederich, > Elector of the Roman Empire, and Johann, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of > Thuringia, and Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious lords.

Grace and peace in Christ Jesus our Savior! The holy Word of God is always fortunate, when it comes to pass, that Satan opposes it with all his power: first, with his fist and with outrageous violence; where this does not help, he attacks it with a false tongue, with false spirits and teachers, so that, where he cannot suppress it by force, he may suppress it with elevation and lies. So he did in the beginning; when the gospel first came into the world, he attacked it mightily through the Jews and the Gentiles, shedding much blood and making Christendom full of martyrs. Since this did not help, he raised up false prophets and false spirits, and made the world full of heretics and sects, except for the pope, who even brought it to the ground with vain sects and heresy, as befits the last and most powerful Antichrist.

(2) So it must be done now, that it may be seen how the righteous word of God is, because it is done as it has always been done. The pope, emperor, kings and princes attack it with their fists and want to suppress it by force; they condemn, blaspheme and persecute it unheard and unrecognized, as the nonsensical. But the verdict and our defiance have long since been pronounced, Ps. 2:1, 2, 4, 5: "Why do the nations rage, and the peoples write so uselessly? The kings of the earth rebel, and the princes contend with one another against the Lord and his anointed. But he that dwelleth in heaven mocketh them, and the LORD laugheth at them: then shall he speak unto them in wrath, and they shall be afraid in fury." This is certainly how it will be with our raging princes. And they will have it so, for they will neither see nor hear. God has blinded them and hardened them, so that they will run and fail. They have been warned enough.

6 Erl. SS, 2S7-2SS. Cap. 10 Of the peasant revolt. W. XVI, S-I2. 7

Satan sees all this and realizes that such raging will not penetrate; yes, he senses and feels that (as God's word is) the more one presses it, the further it runs and increases; therefore he now also starts it with false spirits and sects. And we must consider this, and not be deceived; for it must be, as Paul says to the Corinthians 1 Cor. 11:19: "There must be sects, that they which are approved may be made manifest."

4 So, after the exorcised Satan has now wandered for a year or three through arid places, seeking rest and not finding it Luc. 11:24, he has settled in E. F. G. Fürstenthum and made a nest in Allstädt and thinks to fight under our peace, shield and protection. F. G. principality, and made a nest at Allstädt, and thinks to fight against us under our peace, shield and protection. For Duke Georgen's principality, although it lies nearby, is all too kind and gentle to such an intrepid, unconquerable spirit (as they boast) that they may not show such bold courage and defiance there; therefore he also cries out horribly and complains that he must suffer much, yet so far no one has touched them with fist, mouth, or pen, and they themselves dream of a great cross that they are suffering. Satan must lie so frivolously and without cause, for he cannot hide himself.

Now this is a special joy to me, that our people do not approach such a being, and they themselves want to be praised that they are not of our part, that they have neither learned nor received anything from us; but they come from heaven, and hear God Himself speaking with them as with the angels; and it is a bad thing that one teaches the faith and love and cross of Christ at Wittenberg. God's voice (they say) you must hear yourself, and God's work in you suffer and feel how heavy your pound is; it is nothing with the Scriptures; yes Bible, Bubel, Babel 2c.

If we spoke such words of them, their cross and suffering (I think) would be more precious than Christ's suffering, and would also praise it higher and more. So gladly would the poor spirit have the suffering and cross of him praised, and yet may not suffer one to doubt or consider a little their heavenly voice and God's work.

but want to have believed it by force, without hesitation; that I have neither read nor heard of a haughty, proud holy spirit (if it were). But now there is neither time nor space to judge their doctrine, which I have twice before well recognized and judged, and where it will be necessary, still well can and will judge by God's grace.

I have given this letter to E. F. G. solely for the reason that I have heard, and also understood from her writing, as if the same spirit did not want to leave the matter in the word, but intended to enter into it with his fist, and wanted to set himself against the authorities by force, and therefore immediately cause a physical uproar. Here Satan lets the mischief kick in; that is given too much in the day. What would the spirit do if it gained the followers of the mob? I heard it earlier from the same spirit here in Wittenberg that he thinks this thing should be done with the sword. Then I thought that they wanted to overthrow worldly authorities and be lords in the world themselves, when Christ denies this before Pilate and says John 18:36: His kingdom is not of this world; and also teaches the disciples Luc. 22:25, 26: they should not be like worldly princes.

8 Although I now assure myself that E. F. G. will know how to behave in this matter better than I can advise, I am nevertheless obligated to do my part and to humbly ask and exhort E. F. G. to have a serious understanding in this matter and, out of duty, to use proper force to ward off such mischief and to put an end to the riot. F. G. to have a serious understanding in this matter, and out of guilt and duty to use proper force to ward off such mischief and to put an end to the uproar. For the authorities are well aware that their authority and temporal rule is given and commanded by God for the purpose of keeping the peace and punishing the unruly, as St. Paul teaches in Romans 13:4. Therefore, the authorities are not to sleep or delay here, for God will demand it and want an answer for such negligent use and seriousness of the commanded sword. Thus it would not be excusable before the people and the world that the F.F.G. should tolerate and suffer rebellious and free fists.

8 Erl. S3, SS2-261. section 1. of Münzers Unruhen. No. 763, W. LVI, 12-15. 9

(9) But whether they would pretend (as they do with splendid words) that they are driven by the spirit, that one must bring it to work, and grasp it with the fist: I answer thus: First of all, it must certainly be a bad spirit, which cannot prove its fruit in any other way than by breaking churches and monasteries and burning saints. Which the very worst boys on earth could do, especially where they are safe and without resistance. But I would think more of it if the spirit of Allstädt led to Dresden, or Berlin, or Ingolstadt, and stormed and broke monasteries there and burned saints.

(10) Secondly, that they praise the spirit does not apply, for here we have St. John's saying 1 Ep. 4:1: one should test the spirits first, whether they are of God. Now this spirit has not yet been tested, but proceeds with impetuosity, and rumbles according to its will. If it were good, it would let itself be tested first and judged humbly, as Christ's spirit does.

This would be a fine fruit of the spirit, by which he could be tested, if he did not crouch at angles and shun the light, but had to stand publicly before the enemies and adversaries, confess and answer. But the spirit of Allstädt avoids such things like the devil avoids the cross, and in the meantime he utters the most fearless words in his nest, as if he were full of three holy spirits, so that even such clumsy fame may finely indicate who the spirit is. For so he claims in his writing that he wants to stand and answer publicly before a harmless congregation, but not in the corner before two or three, and to have offered body and soul in the most free way 2c.

12 Dear, tell me, who is the courageous and defiant Holy Spirit, who tightens himself so tightly, and will not but stand before a safe congregation? Item, he will not answer in the corner before two or three? What kind of spirit is this that is afraid of two or three and cannot stand a dangerous congregation? I will tell you: He is afraid of the roast; he was once or twice beaten out of his nose in front of me in Wittenberg in my monastery, therefore he is afraid of the soup, and he does not want to

For there are those who are his, who say yes to his excellent words. If I (who am so completely without spirit, and hears no heavenly voice) would have let myself hear such words against my papists, how they should shout won, and shut me up!

(13) I cannot boast or defy with such high words; I am a poor, miserable man, and did not begin my cause so well, but with great trembling and fear (as St. Paul also confesses about himself 1 Cor. 2, 3./) who would also have known how to boast about heavenly voices). How humbly I first attacked the pope, how I pleaded, how I sought, as my first writings show. Nevertheless, I have done in such a poor spirit that which this world-eating spirit has not yet attempted, but has so far shunned and fled in a chivalrous and manly manner, and also honestly boasts of such shunning, as a chivalrous and high-minded deed.

For I stood in Leipzig 1519 to debate before the most dangerous congregation. I appeared at Augsburg 1518 without escort before my highest enemies. At Worms 1521 I stood before the emperor and the entire empire, although I knew beforehand that my escort had been broken and that wild, strange treachery and cunning were directed at me.

(15) Though I was weak and poor, yet my heart stood at the time thus: If I had known that so many devils had aimed at me as there were tiles on the roofs of Worms, I would still have ridden in, and had not yet heard anything of heavenly voice and God's pounds and works, nor of the universal spirit. Item, I had to stand in angles one, two, three, who, where and how one wanted. My stupid and poor spirit must stand free as a field flower, and no time, person, place, way or measure must be right; must be ready and willing to answer everyone, as St. Peter teaches 1 Ep. 3, 15.

  1. and this spirit, which is as high above us as the sun above the earth, which hardly regards us as little worms, agrees vainly with itself.
  1. In the editions: "1 Cor. 3, (6.)".

10 Erl. 5S, p6I-263. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI. 15-17. 11

He is a harmless, friendly and safe 1) healer and listener, and does not want to answer two or three in but places. He feels something that he does not like to feel, and means to frighten us with pompous words. Well, we are not able to do anything, because Christ gives us; if he wants to leave us, then a rustling leaf will scare us, but if he wants to keep us, then the spirit of his high fame should well become aware of it.

17 And I hereby request E. F. G., if it is necessary, I will state how it happened between me and this spirit in my room, so that E. F. G. and all the world will feel and grasp that this spirit is certainly a lying devil, and yet a bad devil. I have had one against me, and still have one every day. For the spirits that throb and rumble so proudly do not do it, but creep secretly and do harm before they are heard.

18 I have therefore had to tell them that the F. F. G. should not shy away from this spirit, nor fail to do so, and that they should keep their fists inside, and leave their monastery and church-breaking and saint-burning in place, but, if they want to prove their spirit, they should do it as it is due, and let themselves be tried first, whether before us or before the papists. For they (praise God) consider us to be worse enemies than the papists. Although they use and enjoy our victory, they take wives and obey papal laws, which they did not win, and their blood did not stand in danger for it, but I had to obtain it with my life and limb, so far ventured. I must boast, just as St. Paul had to, 2 Cor. 11:16, even though it is foolishness, and I would rather leave it alone if I could before the lying spirits.

19th But if they say, as they do, that their spirit is too high, and ours too low, and that their thing may not be known by us, I answer, St. Peter also knew well that his spirit, and that of all Christians, was higher than

  1. In the first printing and in the Wittenberg: "uncertain". Obsopöus: tavsutes.

of the Gentiles and the Jews; nor does he command 1 Ep. 3, 16: We are to answer everyone meekly and be ready.

  1. Christ also knew that his spirit was higher than that of the Jews, nor did he let himself down, and justified himself, saying Joh. 8, 46.: "Who accuses me of sin among you?" and before Annas Joh. 18, 24.: "If I have spoken evil, bear witness to it" 2c. I also know and am certain by the grace of God that I am more learned in the Scriptures than all the Sophists and Papists; but from arrogance God has yet graciously protected me, and will also protect me, that I should refuse to answer and let myself be heard before the very least Jew or Gentile, or whoever it might be.

(21) Also why do they themselves let their thing go forth in writing, if they will not stand before two or three, nor in a dangerous congregation? Or do they think that their writing comes before a harmless congregation, and not before two or three in particular? Yes, it amazes me how they forget their spirit and want to teach people orally and in writing, when they boast that everyone must hear God's voice for himself, and mock us for speaking God's word orally and in writing, as if it were of no value or use, and have a much higher, more exalted office than the apostles and prophets and Christ Himself, all of whom have spoken God's word orally or in writing, and have never said anything about the heavenly, divine voice that we need to hear. Thus, this spirit of the heavens pretends that he himself does not see what he is saying.

22 But I know that we who have and know the gospel, though we be poor sinners, have the right spirit, or as St. Paul says Rom. 8:23, primitias spiritus, the firstfruits of the spirit, though we have not the fullness of the spirit. There is no other than the same Spirit, who distributes his gifts miraculously. We know what faith and love and the cross are, and there is no higher thing on earth to know than faith and love. From this we can also know and judge which doctrine is right or wrong, according to faith or not. As we also know this spirit of lies

12 Erl. ö3, 263-265, Sect. 1: Von Münzers Unruhen. No. 763, W. XVI, 17-20. 13.

and judge that this is what he has in mind: he wants to abolish the Scriptures and the oral word of God, and abolish the sacraments of baptism and altar, and lead us into the spirit, where we are to tempt God with our own works and free will and wait for his work, and set God time, place and measure, if he wants to work with us.

(23) For their writing shows such an abominable presumption, that they write against the gospel of St. Marci, even with expressed words, namely: Contra Marcum ultimo cap, as if St. Marcus had written wrongly about baptism. And since they are not allowed to slap St. John in the mouth as St. Marcum did: "Who is not otherwise born of the Spirit and water", Joh. 3, 5. 2c., they interpret the word "water" does not know where, and badly reject the bodily baptism in water.

(24) But I would gladly know, because the Spirit is not without fruit, and their Spirit is so much higher than ours, whether it also bears higher fruit than ours; indeed, it must bear other and better fruit than ours, because it is better and higher. So we teach and confess that our spirit, which we preach and teach, brings forth the fruits of which St. Paul tells Gal. 5, 22. 23. as love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, faithfulness, gentleness and moderation; and as he tells Rom. 8, 13, that he put to death the works of the flesh, and crucified with Christ the old Adam with his lusts, Gal. 5. And summa, the fruit of our spirit is the fulfillment of the ten commandments of God.

25 Therefore, the universal spirit, which does not want our spirit to be anything, must certainly bear something higher than love and faith, peace, patience, 2c., since St. Paul describes love as the highest fruit, 1 Cor. 13, 13, and must do much better than God has commanded. I would like to know what that would be, since we know that the Spirit, acquired through Christ, is only given to us to fulfill God's commandment, as Paul says Rom. 8, 3. 4.

026 But if they will say, We live not as we teach, neither have we such a spirit.

  1. In the old editions: "Traw" - faithfulness and faith.

I would well suffer them to say such things, for in doing so one can tangibly feel that there is not a good spirit speaking from them. We confess this ourselves, and it is not necessary to get this through heavenly voice and higher spirit, that we unfortunately do not do everything we should do. Indeed, St. Paul, Gal. 5:17, says that all things never come to pass, because the spirit and the flesh are with and against one another on earth.

So I do not yet feel any special fruit of the all-city spirit, without it wanting to strike with its fist and break wood and stones. Love, peace, patience, kindness and gentleness have so far been spared to prove, so that the fruits of the spirit do not become too mean. By the grace of God, however, I can show many fruits of the spirit among our people, and I would like to contrast my person alone, which is the least and most sinful, with all the fruits of the whole spirit of the city, if it is to be praised, no matter how highly it reproaches my life.

(28) But to reprove any man's doctrine for the infirmity of his life is not the Holy Spirit. For the Holy Spirit rebukes false doctrine and tolerates the weak in faith and life, as Romans 14:1 and 15:1 teaches St. Paul and in all places. It does not bother me that the universal spirit is so unfruitful, but that it teaches and wants to establish other doctrines. I would also have little to do with the papists, if they only taught correctly, their evil life would not do great harm. Because this spirit wants to go out and take offense at our sick life, and so insolently judges the doctrine for the sake of life, he has sufficiently proved who he is; for the Spirit of Christ judges no one who teaches rightly, and endures and bears, and helps those who do not yet live rightly, and does not so despise poor sinners as this Pharisaic spirit does.

Well, this affects the teaching, which will probably be found in time. Now let this be the summa, most gracious lords, that E. F. G. should not resist the office of the word. Let them only preach confidently and freshly, what they can and against whom they will: for, as I have said, there must be sects 1 Cor. 11:19, and the word of God must be in the field.

14 Erl. 53,285-287. cap. 10. vondem peasant revolt. W. XVI, 20-22. 15

Therefore also the evangelists are called hosts, Ps. 68, 12, and Christ a host king in the prophets. If their spirit is right, it will not be afraid of us and will remain well. If ours is right, neither will he fear them, nor anyone. Let the spirits burst upon each other and meet. But if some are deceived, let it be according to the course of the war: where there is strife and battle, some must fall and be wounded; but he that fighteth honestly shall be crowned.

(30) But where they would do more than fight with the word, and break and smite with the fist, let the F.G. take hold, whether it be we or they, and straightway forbid the land, saying, We will gladly suffer and see that ye fight with the word, that the right doctrine may be established; but hold your fist still, for that is our office, or lift you up unto the land. For we who guide the word of God are not to fight with our fists. It is a spiritual warfare that wins hearts and souls from the devil, and it is also written by Daniel Cap.8, 25. that the Antichrist shall be destroyed without hand. So also Isaiah Cap. 11,4. says that Christ will fight in his kingdom with the spirit of his mouth and with the rod of his lips. Preaching and suffering is our ministry, but not beating with fists and fighting back. So Christ and his apostles did not break churches or smash images, but won hearts with the Word of God, after which churches and images themselves fell.

We should do the same. First, tear the hearts away from the monasteries and spirits. If the churches and monasteries are desolate, let the lords of the land do with them what they will. What is wood and stone to us, if we have the hearts away? Behold, as I do; I have never touched a stone, nor broken nor burned anything in monasteries: nor by my word are the monasteries now made vacant in many places, even among the princes who are opposed to the Gospel. If I had attacked with the storm, as these prophets did, the hearts would have remained captive in all the world, and I would have broken down stone and wood in some place; who would have been the one to be saved?

that would have been useful? One may seek glory and honor with it, but one certainly does not seek the salvation of souls with it. Some think that I have done more harm to the pope without any fist than a powerful king would do. But because these prophets would like to do something special and better, and yet they cannot, they leave the souls to be saved, and attack wood and stone; this is supposed to be the new miraculous work of the high spirit.

  1. If they want to argue that in the law of Moses the Jews were commanded to break all idols and to destroy the altars of the idols ^1)^ Deut. 7, 5. 12,2. 3., answer: they themselves know that God has done many works from the beginning through one word and faith, through many saints. And the Epistle to the Hebrews, Cap. 6, 12, also interprets this and says: "We should follow the faith of such saints, for we cannot follow the work of all saints. Now that the Jews broke altars and idols, they had at that time a sure commandment from God for the same work, which we do not have at this time. For when Abraham sacrificed his son, he certainly had God's commandment to do so; and yet afterwards all did wrong who sacrificed their children according to the work. It does not apply to imitate 2) in the works, otherwise we would also have to let ourselves be circumcised and do all Jewish works.

(33) Yes, if it were right for us Christians to break churches and storm like the Jews, then it would follow that we would have to physically kill all unbelievers, just as the Jews were commanded to kill the Canaanites and Amorites Deut. 7:1, as hard as they break images. With this the Spirit of God would gain nothing more to do than to shed blood; and "those who did not hear his heavenly voice" would all have to be strangled by him, so that the offenses would not remain among the people of God, which are much greater in the living unbelievers than in the images of wood and stone.

  1. for this purpose such a commandment was given to the Jews.
  1. In De Wette, in the Erlanger, and in Walch, here is still inappropriate: "!Mos^l1,2."
  2. In the first edition and the Jena: "nachomen"; Wittenberg: "nachkamen", so also De Wette and the Erlanger.

[16]{.underline} Erl. SS, SS7 f. Section 1: Münzer's unrest. No. 763 f. W. XVI. 22-24. 17

as the people who were proven by God's miracles, who were certainly God's people, and yet did so with proper authority and sovereignty, and did not separate themselves into a group. But this spirit has not yet proven that it is God's people, with some miracle; in addition, it is dividing itself as if it were God's people alone, and feeds on it, without proper authority from God, and without God's commandment, and wants to have its spirit believed.

  1. To remove sorrow must be done through the word of God. For even if all outward vexations were broken and removed, it is of no help if the hearts are not brought from unbelief to the right faith. For an unbelieving heart always finds new trouble, just as it happened among the Jews that they set up ten idols when they had broken one before. Therefore, in the New Testament, the right way must be used to drive out the devil and the evil, namely, the word of God, and with it the hearts of the faithful.

If he turns away from the devil, the devil himself and all his splendor and power 1) will fall.

36 I will leave it at that this time, and I have humbly asked E. F. G. to be serious about such storming and raving. F. G. that they do with seriousness to such storms and swarms, so that only the word of God is dealt with in these matters, as befits Christians, and the cause of sedition, to which He Omnes is otherwise more than too much inclined, is prevented. For it is not Christians who are willing to fight over the word, even with fists, and who are not rather willing to suffer everything, if they are fully and completely famous, like ten holy spirits. May God's mercy strengthen and protect E. F. G. forever, amen.

E. F. G. subservient

Mart. Luther.

  1. In the first edition: "and all of his"; in the other editions: "and all of his"; in Obsopoeus una eurri tota xomxa ste.

- The second section of the tenth chapter.

Of the peasants' outrage in Swabia that broke out in 1525.

From the demands of duration".

764: The farmers' complaints and requests, written in 12 articles. Before April 1525.

Complaints and friendly requests, with attached Christian prayers of the whole community, now assembled, in twelve main articles in the shortest possible way.

This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1551), vol. Il, p. 75; in the Jena edition (1553), vol. Ill, p. 115; in the Altenburg edition, vol. Ill, p. Ill and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XIX, p. 250. Sleidanus considers the author in his eommout. d6 "tat" rslix., x. 118, Christoph Schapler, preacher in Memmingen, a follower of Zwingli, whereas Elias Frick in the German Seckendorf, p. 681, considers Joh. Heuglin, whom the Bishop of Constance had burned at Mersburg on May 10, 1527. Luther says in his admonition to the peasants (No. 767 in this volume, K35): "The one who has written your articles is not a pious man. - It should also be noted that a large number of scriptural passages are cited in the margin, which do not serve any purpose at all (in the Gan

33), in order to give the impression that the articles are proven from the Scriptures". Luther 1. e. also speaks about this. - Luther began the "Exhortation to Peace on the Twelve Articles of the Fellowship" 2c. on April 19 in Eisleben. After that our time determination. When Luther began this writing, the articles of the Bauerschaft would have already gone out in print, as he says right at the beginning. Köstlin, M. Luther (3), Vol. I, p. 734 states that these articles had been distributed since the month of March.

To the Christian reader peace and grace of God through Christ.

I. There are many unbelievers who now cause the gathered community to revile the gospel, saying that these are the fruits of the new gospel, that they will not obey anyone, that they will rise up in rebellion in all places, that they will run in great numbers with great violence, and that they will gather together to reform and destroy spiritual and temporal authorities, and perhaps even to slay them.

(2) To all these ungodly, sacrilegious judgments these articles described below reply. First of all, that they will not tolerate this disgrace of the word of God.

18 Cap. 10: About the peasants' revolt. W.xvi,24-27. 19

annul. On the other hand, the disobedience, yes, the indignation of all peasants, Christian excuse.

(3) First, the gospel is not a cause of rebellion or sedition, because it speaks of Christ, the promised Messiah, whose word and life teach nothing but love, peace, patience, and unity, so that all who believe in this Christ may become sweet, peaceful, patient, and united. If then the reason of all the articles of the peasants (as is clearly seen) is to hear the gospel and to live according to it, how can the antichrists call the gospel a cause of indignation and disobedience?

(4) But that some unbelievers and enemies of the gospel should rebel and rise up against such affection and desire is not caused by the gospel, but by the devil, the most harmful enemy of the gospel, who awakens it in his own through unbelief, so that the word of God (which teaches love, peace and unity) is suppressed and taken away.

5 Secondly. For it follows clearly that the peasants, desiring in their articles such a gospel for doctrine and life, may not be called disobedient, rebellious. But whether God wants to hear the peasants (anxiously calling for his word to live): who wants to rebuke the will of God, who wants to reach into his judgment, yes, who wants to resist his majesty? If he heard the children of Israel crying out to him, and delivered them out of the hand of Pharaoh Ex. 3, 7. f., may he not still save his own today? Yes, he will save, and in a short time Luc. 18, 8. Therefore, Christian reader, read such subsequent articles with diligence, and judge later.

Follow the 12 articles of the building community:

I. First, it is our humble request and desire, as well as the will and opinion of all of us, that we now want to have the authority and power for a whole congregation to choose and elect a pastor themselves, and also to have the authority to remove him again if he behaves improperly. The same elected pastor shall preach the holy gospel to us loudly and clearly, without any human addition, doctrine or commandment; for 1) always proclaiming the true faith to us gives us a reason to ask God for His grace, and to imagine the same true faith and confirm it in us. For if His grace is not imagined in us, then we always remain flesh and blood, which is of no use; as it is clearly stated in the Scriptures that we can only be saved through the true faith.

  1. So the Jenaer. Wittenbergers: then.

faith to God, and must be saved by His mercy alone. Therefore, we need such a forerunner and pastor, and this is founded in Scripture.

II. Secondly, after the right tithe has been established in the Old Testament, and fulfilled in the New, nevertheless we will gladly give the right grain tithe 2) as it is due. Accordingly, it should be given to God and shared with his people; if it is due to a pastor who clearly proclaims the word of God, we are willing from now on to collect and collect this tithe from our church priests, if a congregation is established, and to give a pastor, who is chosen by a whole congregation, his fairly sufficient stay, to him and his people, according to the knowledge of a whole congregation; And what is left over shall be given to the poor (who are present in the same village), according to the form of the things and the judgment of a community.

What is left over shall be kept, if one has to travel because of land need; so that one may not apply a land tax on the poor, it shall be paid from this surplus 3). Even if it were the case that one or more villages had sold the tithe themselves, out of some necessity, the same, therefore to show 4 in the form of a whole village, he shall not pay it, but we will compare ourselves with him in a fair way according to form and matter, and redeem him such again with a fair aim and time. But whoever has not bought such from any village, and their ancestors have given them such themselves, we do not want to, shall not and are not obliged to give them anything else, only as stated above, to maintain our chosen priest with it, to pay it off afterwards, or to give it to the poor, as the holy scripture states, be they spiritual or secular. We do not want to give the small tithe at all, because God the Lord created cattle free of man, which we consider an unseemly tithe, 5) which men have invented, therefore we do not want to give it further.

III Thirdly, the custom has been so far that we have been taken for their own people;

  1. "gern" is missing in the Wittenberger.
  2. Thus the Jenaer. Wittenbergers: Ueberflusse.
  3. This is the reading of the Jena edition. Wittenberger: "dieselbigen so der, um zu zeige" 2c. The meaning of this somewhat obscure passage will be: The one who can show documents that he has bought the tithe of a whole village shall not pay for it 2c.
  4. So the Wittenbergers. Jenaer: "set".

20 Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 764. W.xvi, 27-29. 21

which is to be pitied, that Christ hath redeemed and bought us all with his precious shedding of blood, even as the shepherd, and as the most high, no man excepted. Therefore it is in accordance with the Scriptures that we are and want to be free. God does not teach us to be free or to have no authority. We are to live in commandments, not in free carnal will, but to love God as our Lord, to recognize in Him our neighbor, and to show Him everything 1) that we would also like, which God commanded us at the Last Supper; therefore we are to live according to His commandment. [This commandment does not indicate and instruct us that we are not obedient to authority; not only to authority, but we are to humble ourselves against everyone, so that we also gladly obey our chosen and appointed authority (appointed to us by God) in all proper and Christian matters. 2) There is no doubt that you will gladly relinquish our status as true and right Christians, or tell us in the Gospel that we are. 3)

IV. Fourthly, it has been customary up to now that no poor man has had the power to catch game, birds or fish in flowing water, which seems to us to be quite unseemly and unbrotherly, but selfish and not in accordance with the word of God. In some places, too, the authorities want the game to be defiant and to cause great harm, so that the unreasonable animals (which God has made grow for man's benefit) must eat uselessly, suffer wantonly, and keep silent about it, which is against God and our neighbor. When God the Lord created man, He gave him power over all animals, over the bird in the air and over the fish in the water Gen. 1:28, 30. Therefore our desire is, if one had water, that he may prove with sufficient writing that the water was knowingly bought in this way, we do not desire to take it by force, but one must have a Christian understanding in it because of brotherly love. But whoever cannot give sufficient notice of this, should communicate it to a congregation in a proper manner.

V. Fifth, we are also burdened with the logging. For our lordship has provided them with all the timber they need, and if the poor man needs any, he has to buy it for two dollars. It is our opinion what kind of woods they are,

  1. Inserted by us,
  2. In the Jena: be obedient; in the Wittenberg: be obedient, be 2c. - Property - serfdom.
  3. "That we may be," namely, serfs.

If the clergy or seculars who did not buy it have it, it shall be returned to the whole community, and the community shall be quite free to let anyone take his need into the house, to burn, free of charge. Also, if it would be necessary to carpenter, also take for free; but with the knowledge of those who have been chosen by the community to do so. But if there is none, but that which has been honestly purchased, one shall compare himself with them brotherly and Christianly. If, however, the property had been taken from among them at the beginning, and was sold later, they shall compare themselves according to the condition of the property and the knowledge of brotherly love and holy scripture.

VI. sixthly, because of our hard burden of service, which is increased day by day, and daily increases: we desire that there may be some understanding in this, that we may not be hard burdened, but that we may be graciously regarded in this, as our parents served, according to the word of God alone.

VII Seventhly, that we shall henceforth not allow ourselves to complain any further about a manor, but as a manor is granted to one by right, so he shall possess it, according to the union of this lord and peasant. The lord shall not press him further nor force him, nor demand more service nor anything else from him for nothing, so that the peasant may use and eat such property without complaint 4). However, if the master requires services, the farmer shall be willing and obedient to him before others, but at hour and time, so that the farmer is not disadvantaged, and shall do so for quite a penny.

VIII. Eighthly, we are burdened, and many of those who have estates in their possession, that these estates cannot bear the 5) validity, and the peasants forfeit and spoil theirs on it: that the lordship have these estates inspected by honorable people, and create an 6) interest money according to equity, so that the peasant does not do his work in vain. For every day laborer is worthy of his wages.

IX. Ninthly, we are accused of great crimes, so that new statutes are always made; not that we are punished according to the form of the thing, but at times out of great envy, and at times out of

  1. Walch: "measure". - Immediately following should probably be read "dem Herrn" instead of: "des Herrn" in the editions.

5s "Gült" - levy, tax, land rent.

ß) By us "am" l-ein) is put instead of: "am"; because this is a South German document.

[22]{.underline} Cap. 10 Of the building riot. W.xvi, 29-31. 23

great favor; is our opinion to punish us by old written punishment, according to which the matter is acted, and not according to favor.

X. For the tenth time, we have been complained that some have appropriated to them meadows, such fields, which belong to a community; we will take them back to our common hands, unless they have been purchased honestly. But if it has been bought unfairly, we shall settle amicably, brotherly with each other, according to the form of the matter.

XI. Eleventhly, we want to completely abolish the custom called death, which is not to be suffered, nor to allow widows and orphans to be deprived of their property against God and honor in such a disgraceful way, as has happened in many places (in various forms), and of those who were supposed to protect them 1) and guard them, 2) they have harmed us and harmed us, and if they had had little reason, they would have even taken this; that God no longer wants to have, but shall be completely off, no man shall owe anything for it, neither little nor much.

XII. Twelfth, it is our decision and final opinion that if one or more articles, as stated here, were not in accordance with the word of God (as we do not think they are), we would refrain from these articles, if they were explained to us on the basis of Scripture, if some articles were permitted to us now, and were subsequently found to be unlawful, they would be dead and gone from that time on, and would no longer be valid. If there are more articles in the Scriptures that are contrary to God and detrimental to our neighbor, we also want to reserve and decide this, and practice and use all Christian doctrine. Therefore we want to ask God the Lord, who can give us these things, and no one else. The peace of Christ be with us all, amen.

B. How Prince Ludwig of the Palatinate consults Melanchthon about the demands of the walls, and of Luther's and Melanchthon's writings published in this matter.

765 Letter from Elector Ludwig of the Palatinate to Melanchthon, in which he asks him for

  1. Wittenberger: own.
  2. Jenaer: to handle; this comes from the fact that in the original script it says "hand" instead of "have".

his expert opinion on the twelve articles of the peasants, if he could not come to Heidelberg in person. Dat. Heidelberg, May 18, 1525.

From Cyprian's "Useful Documents," vol. II, p. 345.

Von Gottes Gnaden Ludwig pfaltzgraff bey Rhein Ertztruchsses vnd > Churfürst 2c.

Our greetings to you, dear friend, We do not doubt that you have heard and know well the extent to which the uprising and elevation of the common man against all authority is also taking place around and in our principality in a noticeable way, and is making it difficult to handle the gospel, but in addition to this, there is a lot of unscrupulousness with robbery, fire, death and other unchristian acts against us, the nen, We have ordered the churches and cloisters to be disobedient to us in all cases of disobedience, and we have asked them, if they have any problems, to help us, although we have had good reason to act against these disobedient, insubordinate and insubordinate assemblies. Thus we, as the sovereign prince, have borne the burden of our own people and Christian blood to soak up 3) and spill, and thereby to prevent the spreading of 4) the inheritance and bequeathing of land and people to us in the way of goodness, We have ridden with these two persons to two assembled houses, and have agreed to deal with them in good faith, and have done so much with them, that we have not been able to find out about the XII. Article XII, which they have requested of us, as you will note here, we will further consider and act upon, which is to be held or not, a Diet to be held in the next week after Pentecost, in the form that we would like to compare it with them, that has its way, but which we could not tolerate, that should be up to the princes and sovereigns of the kingdom, what they would commonly agree to and do in what they consider good, that we also want to let us be sociable and comply with it. Because now not only us, but all the sovereignty and authority for the preservation of fridges and rights noticeably and much in it, also smelting further Nachteyl and damage, therefore to the Strestrewung land.

  1. durchechtern (durcbechtenj - pursue. Compare St. Louis edition, Vol. XIV, 793.
  2. "lests" will probably be as much as: Setzens, Schädigens.

[24]{.underline} Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 765 f. W. xvi, 31-33. 25

We have shed our blood and Christian blood, which we have ever taken the greatest pains to do, and also that we do not want to establish justice and righteousness with God, and that you, as a born and bred man, have experienced and practiced the care of others in the Holy Scriptures, and are undoubtedly inclined to peace and righteousness, to which you are named in such articles as a juror. Therefore, we kindly ask and request you to take good care of the matter, and to appear before us here in Heydelberg at the next Pentecost in one of our persons, or, if it should not be possible, at least to give us your counsel and good advice from the divine law of the Gospel Scriptures, with indication of the end and place where it is written, which we, as a secular authority, find to keep the same XII. Article XII, which we, as a secular authority of this XIIth Article, have found to be true, the like of which the opponents of us in this same rejoinder are obliged to perform, and to send to us in writing at the above-mentioned time 1) In which we graciously acknowledge a good work also acceptable to us, D. Heydelberg, Thursday after Cantate May 18 Anno MVXXV.

The first name of our dear faithful Philippo Melanchthon, now at > Wittenberg.

766 Philipp Melanchthon's writing against the articles of the Bauerschast. Late May or early June 1525.

This writing appeared in a single edition in quarto; then in the Wittenberg edition (1551), Pd. Since the Elector of the Palatinate informs Melanchthon in his previous letter that "in the next week after Pentecost (Pentecost fell on June 4) a Diet is to be held" for the discussion of this matter, our writing must be set at the end of May or beginning of June. But the "Appendix" shows that the same was printed only after the victory over the peasants.

(1) Because the community appeals to the holy gospel and uses it as a pretense, it is necessary at first to know what the holy gospel requires of us, or does not require, that one may judge the articles of the community, which they all seem to enforce under the appearance and name of God, and let it be heard that all their articles are a reason to hear the gospel and to live in accordance with it, but they are not.

  1. Melanchthon will have fulfilled this by the next writing.

the peasantry covets much that it does not have fug, that it also does not call the gospel. To this end, they use violence and want to carry out their intentions with riots and uprisings, and with murder.

(2) But now they have offered themselves to be instructed with the gospel. Therefore it is right that the gospel and true Christian doctrine be presented to them, for there are undoubtedly many among the common multitude who sin out of ignorance, who, if they were properly instructed, it is to be hoped would refrain from such wicked deeds, and consider God's judgment, their souls, and their poor wives and children.

(3) But many are so wilful and so blinded by the devil that they neither want nor like peace. And these in many places, though they are warned and exhorted to peace by godly scripture and preaching, it is of no avail; and because they anger God more, they only become more wicked and stiff-necked from such exhortation. We will talk about them later. But now we want to understand recently what the Gospel demands, and how a Christian heart is to be wise towards God, his neighbor and the authorities.

4 St. Paul speaks 1 Tim. I, 5, that this is the content of the law, recently formulated: "Love from a pure heart, with a good conscience, and true faith. With faith one acts against God, with love against one's neighbor and authorities. Now what is faith? This is faith when God shows sin to the conscience and truly frightens it, so that it begins to heartily fear God's judgment. For God has commanded to punish sin and to preach repentance. When the heart hears from Christ that through him, without our merit, grace and forgiveness of sins have been granted, and thus feels comfort and joy that it stands at rest before God, and is certain that God has been reconciled again, and therefore in tribulation, as in death or other distresses, relies on God, and knows that God has an eye on us and will help us, and can thus be satisfied, because it is certain of such comfort. This is called faith, which the gospel preaches.

005 When the king of Assyria was before Jerusalem, and Ezekiel was too weak to strike him down, a heart without right faith would either have despaired and surrendered to the enemy, or else fled, or else killed itself, or else in desperation would have dared to do something, and would have fought with the enemy, thinking, If it succeeds, it is gained; but if it does not, it is not gained.

26Cap . 10 Of the peasant revolt. W.xvi, 33-36. 27

we must perish. But what does Ezekiel do? Because his heart knows God, believes in God, and seeks help from God, he asks God to advise him. God helped him, as it is written in Isa. 37.

6 St. Paul says that it should be a faith without hypocrisy. For there are many people on earth who call themselves Christians, and boast of faith, but they realize when it comes to the meeting that they do not believe. For as soon as misfortune comes, they despair of God, thinking that He does not respect us, and does not care for us as much as is preached, and seek help as long as they can from their own power, wisdom or strength, even from the devil, as Saul did; when he was worried and the enemies had approached, he sought help and counsel from the sorceress.

(7) Thus, many boast of faith and say they are Christians, just as the community wants to be called Christians. But let every man know, if his heart does not sincerely fear God's judgment and trust in God in all offences, but his heart throbs for good, for power, for heaps, that he is not a Christian. For Isaiah 66:2 says that God dwells with those who are of a fearful and lowly heart; and John 3:14: "As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of man be lifted up, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life."

  1. such a right faith cannot be imagined by human reason or will by its own power, but the Holy Spirit works and creates it in many hearts; as John 6:45 is written: "they must all be taught by God", and Romans 8:14: "they are God's children whom the Spirit of God impels".

9 Thus, the main part of a Christian life is such faith, by which he becomes one with God and reconciled, and comes to rest in all cases. And as your faith is inward in the heart, so Christian being is primarily an inward being. And one must strive for the main part and the seal, as it is called Joh. 6, 27, of Christian being. For this is where glitter separates itself from true piety, which God works.

10 God also orders this faith everywhere in Scripture, and especially in the first commandment, and Jer. 9:23, 24: "Let not the wise man glory in his wisdom, nor the mighty man in his power, nor the rich man in his wealth; but let every man glory in this, that he knoweth me, that I am a God who hath mercy on earth.

to do judgment and to help the righteous; this pleases me," that is, to keep and believe in God and to provide oneself to God in this way, that is right worship and piety.

From love.

The other piece is: love from a pure heart and a good conscience. For when the heart thus recognizes how great a mercy God has shown us, it knows that it should in turn show gratitude to those whom God has commanded us to love and serve. Now God has said: "You shall love your neighbor as yourself, you shall not kill, you shall not commit unchastity, you shall not steal" 2c. Thus, a Christian heart desires to please God in these things; it serves its neighbor, it is kind to him, it demonstrates discipline and chastity in him, it helps him to preserve his goods. These things are required by Christ Matth. 5, 20. ff. and Paul Rom. 12, 8. ff.

From the supremacy.

  1. and especially the gospel demands obedience to authority. And because this article is so despised by those who call themselves evangelicals, we want to hold the gospel and God's word against them, in which they see how hard they fight against God under the appearance of the gospel. Paul to the Romans on the 13th, v. 1 ff., speaks thus: "Let every man be subject to the authority that rules over him; for there is no authority but from God alone, and all authority is ordered by God. Whoever resists the authority resists God's order, and whoever resists will be punished. And righteousness is not a fright of good works, but of evil. But if you do not fear authority, do good, and you will receive praise from it. For she is a servant of God, for your good. But if you do evil, fear her; for she does not bear the sword in vain, but is a servant of God, for vengeance and punishment to him who does evil. Therefore it is necessary to be her subject, not only for the sake of punishment, but also for the sake of conscience. Therefore give to the womb, for they are servants of God, and have work to do. Therefore give to all what you owe: to whom the bosom belongs, give the bosom; to whom the toll belongs, give the toll; to whom fear belongs, give fear; to whom honor belongs, give honor."

Here St. Paul teaches three things. First, from whence authority is instituted; and says that God has ordained authority. For because not

28 Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 766. W.xvi,36-3s. ZA

Since everyone is a Christian and willingly abstains from harming others, but there are also many wanton people who commit sacrilege against other people's bodies, property, wives or children, God has, in addition to the Gospel, instituted such secular regiment and discipline to protect the honorable and to create peace for them, and to punish sacrilege. For this purpose, the authorities make court and law so that people may divide, possess and use physical goods in peace, and order judges, warriors and the like to protect peace and prevent murder. Luc. 3:14: "Let yourselves be content with your wages."

14 A Christian may make use of such worldly ordinances, even if it is not in one place as in another. For, as has been said above, Christianity is primarily an inward life and being, and is not bound to such order, but should use it according to love and peace. Goods are divided differently in Saxony than on the Rhine, and it may be that one is more miserable than the other; nevertheless, for the sake of peace, a Christian should remain within the rights of his country, and this does him no harm to his soul; indeed, if he does not want to be content, then he does harm to his soul.

15 Thus in some places there is servitude, which he must bear for the sake of peace, even though it does not exist in other dominions. The gospel does not demand that such land ordinances be changed, but demands obedience, without doing anything contrary to God that is commanded by authority. For there one should keep the rule Apost. 5, 29: "One must be obedient to God more than to men."

16 And this is to be noted, that God has appointed the rulers, that they, the rulers, may know that they are in a state that is pleasing to God. For one cannot serve God in works or positions that He has not ordained or instituted. It is also comforting to the authorities that they may have confidence and reason to believe that God will preserve them against the will of the rebellious, as God has often indicated. As with David, even though his own son expelled him from the land, and the whole country had fallen from him, yet God reinstated him and suppressed the rebels. For Solomon says Proverbs 21:30: "No wisdom, no understanding, no art can help against the Lord," and Paul says here that all who resist rulership will be punished. And David asks God to

  1. Wittenberger: "Christians" - a Christian.

and reinstate him, because he has ordered it, Ps. 7, 7: "Judge the office that you have appointed.

(17) It is also comforting to the subjects that they know that God is pleased with their obedience to the authorities, and what they do for the good of the authorities, that they do this for God, and thus truly serve God in the burdens they bear from the authorities, be it traveling, giving appraisals or otherwise. And it is just as holy a work to do so as if God were to bless one especially from heaven. Raising the dead, or whatever you want to call it.

This is also frightening to the rebels, because they have a great and powerful Lord as their enemy, against whom they fight. One may stand before guns and other weapons, but to stand against God is impossible. Now God's command is as good as if he had commanded everyone in particular by an angel from heaven not to resist the supremacy. How hard the devil must have possessed the hearts that do not respect such words of God, and yet boast of the Gospel.

19 Secondly, Paul binds the conference and teaches that one should not be obedient to the authorities only because they have imposed punishment, as I must be obedient to a robber, but for the sake of conscience, that is, God demands such obedience and wants to condemn those who are disobedient. And even if the world would be too weak to punish such an outrage, God will not let it go unpunished. God is not pleased with such disobedience to authority, unless He specifically commands one to act against authority, as He commanded Mosiah or Jesus; then He gave signs and testimonies so that one would be certain whom to obey and whom He had made Lord.

20 Thirdly, St. Paul teaches here, in which one should show obedience to the rulers, and says, one should give womb and customs, that is, in order to keep peace, confess it much; to reward people, to build, 2c. one should give such money. If the princes invest it badly, they shall answer for it; we owe it to them to advance ours, for the sake of peace.

(21) Secondly, one should show fear, of which it has been said enough above that one should fear authority, because it has command from God. Therefore, one should fear the commandment of authority as if it had been commanded by God, and in service look to God's will, not only to the eyes of the ruler, as St. Paul commanded the servants, not only to the eyes of the masters.

30Cap . 10 Of the peasants' revolt. W. xvi,3s-4i. 31

but to serve from the heart 2c. because one serves God -aran Eph. 6, 5. 6. Col. 3, 22. 23..

22 Solomon teaches such serious fear, Proverbs 16:14: "The king's displeasure is a messenger of death, but a wise man propitiates him"; and Cap. 20:2: "The king's anger is like a lion's roar; he who enrages him denounces his life." This is a terrifying judgment, which God accuses of sin and wants to punish those who anger the rulers. Therefore beware of the disobedient. For even if the world were too weak to punish disobedience, God would not let it go unpunished; as is also said above by the saying of Paul, Rom. 13, 5: Propter conscientiam etc..

(23) Fourthly, they shall be honored. To offer honor is not only to make outward gestures, to bow and take off one's hat; it is to consider them, the rulers, wise and just, and therefore to be grateful to them. Now it happens, as in the game, that he who is entitled thinks he wants to do better. So the subjects often think, when they govern, that it would behoove them to prevent much harm, and to administer justice more efficiently and diligently. Some also often cry out that injustice is done to them or to others; and do not think that they should bear God's will on the sovereignty, and that there has never been a sovereignty on earth that would have been without blame; one cannot dispute it all. There is no doubt that the two best rulers on earth were David and Solomon; nor did David have to hear from his own son, he did not hear the people, he did not straighten things out. So Israel also complained to carry Solomon's essays longer.

There is no reason on earth so great that can suffice the regiment. Yes, where God does not give happiness, it is not possible to maintain a regiment for three days with human wisdom. That is why St. Paul demands that one should give honor to the leadership, that is, that one should consider it wise and just. And if in time other things please us, that we yield to their wisdom and righteousness for the sake of peace, and be thankful for other benefits, which we receive much by their toil, care, and labor. For even if someone is wronged, they still help us to peace, so that we may train our children in discipline and piety, and seek nourishment for them. Is not this worthy of thanksgiving?

(25) Now it would be a great ingratitude if a friend had given me a hundred florins, and I found among them a florin or two that were too light; for this cause I grumbled, and

I pounded with him, and did not thank him for the others. So do the peasants in many articles. They want to hunt and fish, which is not very necessary for them, and therefore they insist with their sovereignty, and do not consider how great goods they would otherwise receive from them. As that the princes must prevent that each knave fall today to one, tomorrow to the other in his own, disgrace him wife and children, deprive them of their food 2c. Item, create peace, so that the children may be educated to godliness and respectability. Thus the gospel demands not only obedience to authority, but also reverence.

26 Therefore God also commanded in Exodus 22:28: "You shall not curse your ruler," that is, you shall show him honor, praise him, and consider what he decrees and establishes to be wise and right. For as one says: God is with in the ship, so God is truly with in the rule, and gives fortune and misfortune according to his will. Therefore Solomon says Proverbs 29:26: "Many seek the face of a prince, but every man's judgment comes from the Lord," that is, many take comfort in the grace and power of princes, but as God wills, so it comes to pass; Cap. 21, 1: "The king's heart is in the hand of the Lord, like streams of water, and he inclines it wherever he wills"; and Cap. 16, 10: "Divination is in the mouth of the king, his mouth does not fail in judgment", that is, the regiment is God's order, and God stands with the princes, and gives them wisdom to rule and maintains their regiment. For where God does not keep it, and where God does not give grace and wisdom, it may not be maintained by human skill.

27 You say: But how if they reproach me too harshly or unreasonably? Answer: Even though a ruler does wrong, and scourges and scrapes you, it is not right to cause a riot, just as it is not right, if someone has killed a brother, to avenge it with his own violence. God does not want any outrages to be committed against authority, or anyone to presume to rule without orderly officials. For Christ says Matth. 26, 52: "Whoever takes the sword shall perish with the sword", that is, no one shall avenge himself with his own power, or be subject to the sword and rule, without orderly officials. St. Peter had a right cause, because he wanted to defend Christ, because Christ was wronged. Nevertheless, St. Peter did wrong, because he wanted to fight against ordered officials, and he was not commanded to use the sword. It did not help, and Christ pronounced judgment on him.

Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 766. w. xvi, 41-44. zz

terrifying verdict that he was guilty of death: "He who takes the sword shall perish by the sword."

  1. also rebellion is forbidden, Rom. 13, 2. since St. Paul says: "Whoever rebels against authority will be punished. God is hard on those who rebel against authority. Also the histories show that rebels have always been punished at the end; as 4Mos. 16 Dathan and Abiram devoured the earth, and Judges. 9,53. a woman threw Abimelech to death. So also Absalom, Siba perished. Zambri Zimri, 1 Kings 16:18, burned himself. God also punished Baasha for stirring up a rebellion against Nadab, even though the same king was not pleasing to God, 1 Kings 16:11. God has judged many such things among the heathen Apium Decemvirum, Catilinam and others, at Rome and in other countries. For God wants all the world to be obedient to the authorities, and punishes disobedience among all peoples, whether they are called Jews, Gentiles or Christians. Solomon also says Proverbs 24:21 ff: "My child, fear the LORD and the king, and do not mix with the rebellious, for their calamity will come suddenly."
  2. above this the gospel demands that one suffer injustice not only from authority but from everyone, as it is written Match. 5:39: "I tell you not to resist evil, but if anyone strikes you on the right cheek, offer him the other also"; and Rom. 12:19: "Do not avenge yourselves, my beloved, but give place to wrath. For it is written: Vengeance is mine, I will repay." This is what Christians do; they do not take up the sword, and do not fall upon the goods of others; they do not, like these peasants who call themselves a Christian community, storm to the shame of Christ, because they not only intend disobedience, which God also punishes in the Gentiles and Turks, but also commit robbery.

30 From all this we conclude that, because the gospel demands obedience to authority and rebellion, even if princes do evil, and also otherwise demands that one suffer injustice, they act against the gospel in that they rebel against their authority, and commit and use violence and iniquity against it. And they make themselves liars by writing that they desire to live according to the gospel, and yet they act so publicly against God that it may be assumed that the devil is driving them and intends to destroy them, body and soul. For be it as it may, this sacrilege will be punished in the end, just as

St. Paul says Rom. 13, 2: "Whoever rebels against authority will be punished", and as it can be seen that no murder remains unpunished; for God, because of His order that He has made, keeps Gen. 9, 6: "Whoever spills the blood of man, his blood shall also be spilled by man", so also this outrage will not remain unpunished, because a riot is manifold murder.

(31) Therefore, even if all the articles of the church were commanded in the Gospel, they would still do against God to enforce it by force and rebellion. They are still so wicked, and do such willfulness under the appearance of God's name. But God says: "Whoever misuses His name will not go unpunished. Whoever then fears God, and out of foolishness would have consented to go with the mob, let him desist from it, and consider soul and body, wife and child; for it will not go unpunished.

This is what is said in general about the farmer's action. Now let us talk about the articles.

First of all, I would have liked that the one who wrote the articles, and put on so much writing by mistake, would have added his name. This would be done in the light. It has a very evil appearance to make use of such blind tricks; to make the poor simple-minded people believe that such articles are founded in the Scriptures, but in many places the Scriptures are forged. But whether such lies are from God or from the devil is well to be judged, for they are horrible lies that thus falsely attract the Scriptures.

To the I. Article

From parishes.

34 The authorities are responsible to let the gospel be preached. For Christ says in Matt. 10:15 that the city that will not hear the gospel will be punished more severely than Sodoma and Gomorrah; and Proverbs 25:4, 5: "If you separate the foam from the silver, it becomes a pure vessel. So also, if one takes away God's contempt from the king, righteousness will bring happiness to his throne." God also set Pharaoh as an example, so that the authorities would learn not to despise God's word, but to give it room.

(35) But where ever a ruler, possessed by the devel, would not suffer the gospel to be preached purely, yet let no sedition be stirred up, for God has forbidden sedition; but let every one that believeth aright keep his faith for himself.

34 Cap. 10 Of the peasant revolt. W.xvi, 44-46. 35

He shall confess and teach his household and anyone else who desires to learn. If an authority wants to harm him, he should suffer this and not seek revenge or help from the mob. Yes, this is not a Christian who seeks help from the mob, for Paul says Rom. 12:19: "Do not avenge yourselves, my beloved, but give place to wrath. So Christ punished Peter when he wanted to fight; yes, he also asked that the disciples not be harmed. He wanted to serve himself. It is not valid to want to be a Christian and lay the cross on the backs of others; you must carry it yourself.

(36) The same shall be done with pastors. Where a tyrant does not want to suffer right preachers, you should not do violence to false teachers, but, as Christ is called, avoid them. For Christ did not command that the goods of the Pharisees should be taken away, that they should be put to death, but that their teaching should be shunned.

If you want to have one who teaches right, keep him at your expense, if the authorities do not want to let him follow the parish goods. For even if a pastor is received from a parish, that parish does not have the power to withdraw the use of the property from the one to whom it is given by the authority, but to change the order of such use is solely up to the authority that has had such property in its power up to now. Where the authority has placed a priest in such property, it is robbery if you want to expel him without the authority's will. The goods or use which you are accustomed to give to the authority are no longer yours, but the authority's; to break off something from them is violence and sacrilege.

38 Therefore, if you want to have a better preacher, it is fair that you pay him from yours without robbery, Gal. 6:6: "He who is taught shall share with him who teaches him. For even in St. Paul's day the authorities had not ordained anything for this; the Gentiles had all the use.

  1. even if an authority does not permit this, you must not cause a riot, but go to the places where you can hear the right teaching. If an accident happens to you, you shall suffer it and not cause a riot. I also speak of right doctrine, not of seditious doctrine. The gospel does not teach sedition, but peace, discipline and patience.

40 But where a God-fearing authority wants to have the gospel preached, it would be good for the churches everywhere to have the power to elect and call pastors themselves, as Apostles 6 did with the election of deacons. 6 the election of deacons. For even a whole

And Paul does not want to banish Corinthians alone 1 Cor. 5, 1. ff. but with the whole church. That therefore to appoint and to depose was the power of the church.

41 But with such an election there must also be a prince who is entitled to see that nothing rebellious is preached. For a prince is set for the protection of the pious and the punishment of the wicked, Romans 13:3, 4. Now it has happened in many places in the German lands that the peasants themselves have taken on preachers who have pretended to the mob, have taught that one should not give decimas, should not give interest, and the like much more, which has grown into a miserable outrage. Yes, where someone taught obedience or that one should give interest and decimas, they wanted to stone him, although the gospel teaches not only to give what proper authority has instituted, but also means to let go of the cloak, where someone takes your skirt unjustly Matth. 5, 40.

For this reason St. Paul commands Tito to ordain priests, and to Timothy he says that no one should be chosen unless he has been proven beforehand. Therefore, sovereigns and churches should find out beforehand, so that they know what they are up to. So far, the bishops have accepted ordination, but no one has tried, but like Jeroboam, they have made priests loose, careless, inexperienced people. What good will come of this is now being determined.

To the II. Article

From the tithe.

Tithes are not given by virtue of the Old Testament. For the Old Testament does not bind us, especially in matters of worldly order and government, how goods are to be divided, as St. Paul teaches in Col. 2 and Gal. 5. But one is obligated to give what a worldly authority has appointed, and where it has created it, it is called Decimä or Octavä. For Paul says in Romans 13:7, "To whomsoever the bosom belongs, give the bosom; to whomsoever the toll belongs, give the toll." For a ruler must have a great cost for the common need of the land. The Romans undoubtedly took much property that God had assigned to the priests or to the temple; the Jews also disputed whether they owed it to give differently than God had ordained. Yes, if the peasants now had such a bill, how they would rage! Nevertheless, they have been guilty,

36 Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 766. W. xvi, 46-49. Z7

to let them go to the dominion, because they were no longer masters of their goods, but God gave them to other dominions. On this Christ says of the Didrachmo sLinsgroschen^: "Lest we offend them," 2c., Matth. 17, 27. John Baptist" Luc. 3, 14. also approved of such an order that one gives a dominion its pay, as he says to the Roman officials: "Be content with your pay."

44 For this reason, one is obligated to tithe, because the authorities have made such an order with the goods. But whoever rebels against such an order wants to take away the authority's right. In Egypt they gave the fifth part, and all the king's goods were his own, and Joseph, who had the Holy Spirit, made such an order, and thus burdened the mob; yet they were obliged to give it.

45 But thou sayest, The lordship hath no need of it; the monks and priests have it, and do nothing for it. Answer: What is that to you? Nevertheless you should not take anything from the authorities, and give what is given to you where they have ordered it, until they do it differently; in this you do right, for to take something from someone by your own authority is sacrilege. However, I would like the authorities to have an understanding with the foundations and monasteries; we will talk about this later.

46 But in sum, the peasants have neither the right nor the justification to break off the tithes of the authorities, and to deal with them as they wish. For to break such land ordinances is to break the common peace, which is against love.

(47) In many places the tithe is of the temporal government; in many places it is bought by the temporal government. To seize it by force and take what does not belong to you is robbery.

They write of the small tithe that they do not want to give it at all, because God created the animals freely. Yes, God created them, but in addition, he decreed that each one should use his own. Otherwise, you may go into my stable and take from it according to your sense 2c. Free means that one may eat it without conscience complaint, which is not forbidden, as the Jews were forbidden the swine; does not mean free, that one may take from another what is his. Therefore, the author of the article here has used the Scriptures badly, and the peasants are doing wrong that they want to break off such a thing from a ruler with their own iniquity.

On the III article

From serfdom.

(49) It is also a sacrilege and violence that they will not be bondmen. But that they put on scripture, that Christ has made us free, is speaking of spiritual freedom, that we are sure that through him our sin is taken away, without our satisfaction, and that we may recently provide, ask and hope for good things to God; and that Christ gives the Holy Spirit to his own, so that they resist the devil, that the devil may not cast them into sin, as the wicked, whose hearts he has in his power, drive them to murder, adultery, blasphemy 2c.

50 Therefore Christian liberty is in the heart, and cannot be seen with carnal eyes. Outwardly a Christian patiently and cheerfully bears all worldly and civil ordinances, and needs them as food and clothing; he may be a serf and a subject; he may also be noble and a ruler; he may hold to Saxon rights or Roman rights in custom and the division of property. Such things do not mislead the faith; indeed, the gospel demands that such worldly orders be kept for the sake of peace. Paul to Eph. 6, v. 5-7: "Ye bondmen, be obedient to your fleshly masters with fear and trembling, with a willing heart, as to Christ, not with service only in view, as to please men, but as servants of Christ; and do such wills of God kindly from the heart" 2c., and to Colossians 3, 22: "Ye bondmen, be obedient in all things to your fleshly masters" 2c. V. 25.: "He who does wrong will receive what he has wronged." So Joseph himself was a bondman in Egypt for a long time, and other saints much.

Therefore, the imposition of the peasants has no appearance; indeed, it would be necessary that such a wild, naughty people, as the Germans are, should have even less freedom than they have. Joseph complained severely to Egypt that the people should not be allowed to go too far. But our rulers allow the people all courage, take only money from them, and keep them in no restraint; from this follows great mischief.

To the IV. Article

From hunting.

It is wrong to hunt in the forests of princes. For Roman law also teaches that a man may forbid anyone to enter his own territory.

38 Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 49-51. 39

But that the peasants say that God has created it freely, shall stand by it, that everyone may use his own, without harm to others.

(53) Neither shall the princes harm any man with the wild, as it may be ordered, or suffer any to fall upon his own.

The peasants themselves want to judge here and demand that everyone prove where he has his water or the like. Such is violence, for they are not judges. If a village has a complaint against the one who has taken a possession from a community, it may petition him legally. For thus saith God, Deut. 25:1, If there be a quarrel between men, let them be brought before the courts, and let them be judged: and Christ, Luc. 12:14, would not judge, saying, Who hath made me a judge, or a hereditary judge over you, but direct them to the proper officers.

On the V. Article

From forests

55 This is also my opinion, that they should not drive by force. If, however, someone has seized common forests, he is justified in requesting it. Also, often a ruler may have cause to take common property, to cultivate it, or otherwise; and even if it were force, it is unjust to demand it with riots.

To the VI article

From services.

(56) Let the ministries also act legally, for this is why there is judgment and authority in the world, as Paul says in Romans 13:3, for the fear of the wicked and for the protection of the righteous, so that no one is harmed contrary to the law. Also, for the sake of peace, the authorities should give in, as the ancients advised Roboam to give in, 1 Kings 12:7. This also answers the seventh article.

To the VIII. Article

From interest.

(57) This is a wide matter, of interest, to speak of it shortly. First of all, it is not wrong for one to buy a servitude in another's property; for God allows one to give away his body; should he not also allow that in the property? Where the property does not bear the interest, one may rightly decide for anyone. It often happens that the peasants themselves buy the estates.

and take up; is there fair that they kick^) of goods? It does not apply so that if they have made debts, that they wanted to call it others pay. Paul 1 Thess. 4, 6. says: "Let no one reach too far, nor overcharge his brother in action! For the Lord is the avenger of all these things."

To the IX article

From punishment.

(58) A government may impose punishment according to the need of the land, for God has ordained it to ward off evil and to punish it. And are not the peasants right to want to make a rule, a law in it. They are such a naughty, wanton, bloodthirsty people, Germans, that they should be held much more harshly. For Solomon says, Proverbs 26:3: "A scourge belongs to the horse, and a bridle to the ass, and a rod to the fool's back"; and Sir 33:25: "A donkey's fodder, scourge and burden. Thus to the servant his bread, punishment and work.

(59) God also calls the temporal government a sword. But a sword that shall cut, whether it be punishment of goods, of life or limb, as the iniquity requires. It is all-merciful, if one cuts another, and damages him in the body, paralyzes him, so that one can pay with money. One can see how seriously God punished in the wilderness. He also said in the Law, Deut. 19:13, 21: "You shall not show mercy." In this way he indicated that he wanted the regiment to be serious, but so that no one would be wronged, and so that no one would be wronged by authority, as Ahab did and others whom God punished severely. Now there is much beating without measure in Germany, also feasting and fornication, which sins God punished with death in the Old Testament. Deut. 21, 18. ff.

Before the tenth article is spoken above in the sixth.

To the XI article.

60 The fall of death is a servitude. Now we have said above that servitude is to be suffered, and also that it is not contrary to the gospel. But here in this piece the lordship should give way, and look upon the poor orphans, whom they help.

  1. This "they" will refer to those who bought the interest; the next "they" to the farmers.

40 Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 766. w. xvi.si-si. 41

guilty before God. For so plead court. 14, 4. 5.: If you have mercy on the fatherless, I will heal the wounds 2c. God also commanded, Deut. 24, 17: "You shall not take the widow's garment as a pledge." In this way God indicates that He wants the poor, abandoned orphans to be spared.

Decision.

First, the community is wrong and acts against God by rebelling and using force against the authorities, if all articles were very Christian, because God demands obedience to the authorities, as St. Paul says in Romans 13:2.He who resists authority will be punished"; and Proverbs 24:21 f.: "My child, fear the Lord and the King, and do not mix with the rebellious, for their disaster will come suddenly; and who knows when the rebellious' misfortune will come?

62 Secondly, the gospel gives the right to suffer injustice; therefore the peasants act unchristianly, covering themselves with the name of the gospel. And consider that the devil incites the peasants to this, only that the holy gospel is reviled and blasphemed, and thus false delusion is introduced from the faith, that the gospel again, as before, is obscured.

Thirdly, it is wrong to cause a riot, if the articles were all right, but one should yield to the authorities. Now the several articles are also unjust, as is indicated above; that it is to be pitied that the blind people put their poor wife and child, their body and soul, in danger, because of such wicked things. Yes, by this one may feel that the devil is revengeful; he takes pleasure in killing, as Christ says Joh. 8, 44: "The devil has been a murderer from the beginning.

A prince deserves honor and all good things when he has created peace in a country, so that we may train the poor children to discipline and godliness. How blind we are that we ourselves break the peace, and deal dishonestly with those who have nevertheless obtained peace, to whom we owe great gratitude. Consider this, every honorable heart, and think of God's will, which demands heartfelt gratitude toward the rulers, and refrain from iniquity and wantonness. God will show one day what displeasure he bears from such iniquity. For he says, Proverbs 24:22, "Their accident will come suddenly.

  1. In Luther: "operation" - driving, instigating.

Do not be mistaken, dear friend, that you are called a hypocrite or otherwise; God will judge the matter well, and has already judged it in many places. The rebels are still so possessed by the devil that they will not be satisfied; they despise their oaths; what they grant they do not keep, and cry out that it is evangelical. But it is written in the other commandment that no unfaithful person shall prosper, for the text thus says: "God will not let him go unpunished who takes His name in vain.

  1. Fourthly, I ask that the princes take amicable action at the first, and leave something that would be fair, according to the advice of the ancients, 1 Kings 12:7, who advised King Roboam that he had imposed the burdens of Solomon, who had undoubtedly ruled very well and had not burdened anyone unfairly.

67 Even though they have sinned in many ways, who knows what God will do to them if they do not humble themselves? For God has kept it this way, that He has cast down all dominion from the beginning, when the will to reign has become too great. The Assyrians, the Syrians, the Greeks, the Romans, Carthage, have all been destroyed; the Jewish kingdom, which God Himself had ordered and instituted, has also disintegrated, which, after all, had such great promises from God that the Jews always thought that it would remain standing until the end of the world. But because one forgets God in the great happiness, punishment always follows; as God especially showed in the king Nabuchodonosor. Dan. 4, 30.

68 It is also necessary that the princes take action with the monasteries and foundations, so that the great abuse that is in the mass is stopped. For it is evident how frivolously the mass is treated, and how a great fair is made of it, when St. Paul says: "He that eateth and drinketh unworthily eateth and drinketh judgment to himself, lest he should distinguish the body of the Lord" 1 Cor. 11:27. Now it is known how it happens in the churches everywhere, how loose people let themselves be driven to mass for the sake of their bellies. Therefore, God truly punishes the land and the people, as St. Paul also says that many weak and sick people were among the Corinthians because of the abuse of the mass 1 Cor. 11, 30.

The princes should also allow spiritual persons to marry. For St. Paul says that they are devilish spirits who forbid marriage; and they should deal with the estates of monasteries and convents in such a way that the poor people who are in foundations or convents are primarily provided for from them.

42Cap . 10 Of the peasant revolt. W. xvi.s4-s6. 43

and not cast out naked as they are now and chased away by the murderous peasants.

70 After that, such goods should be used for the benefit of the poor, especially for schools, so that the Christian doctrine could be learned in earnest, and other things that serve to maintain worldly rule. For everything that was given to the old monasteries by kings and princes was given so that they could receive Christian teaching, which the bishops did not consider for a long time. Where schools are not set up properly, unlearned preachers will have to be set up everywhere, who will cause discord and destruction of all things, as has already happened a lot. In the same way, there will not be people in the secular government who are fit to rule.

(71) If the princes were thus kind to their own, and helped to put an end to some abuses, it was to be hoped that a good word would find a good place, as Solomon says: Responsio mollis mitigat iram. If there are some who do not want to accept such a good opinion of the rulers, but continue to exercise their will, take what is theirs from the rich, disgrace their wives and children, push the rulers to the ground, then the rulers should try everything in their power to punish them as murderers; and they should know that they serve God in this, because God has appointed them to prevent murder, Rom. 13, 4: "The rulers are God's servants and avengers, for the punishment of the wicked.

022 So David fought against his own son, and slew twenty thousand rebels one day. He also waged war against the rebellious Sibah.

73 And let the princes pray to God that, since he has established authority and they are his servants, he will also preserve, protect and shield them for the sake of the poor people, of whom there are still many in all countries, who do not delight in rebellion, but would like to be at rest and have peace. If one knows what one is doing right and has a good conscience, one should flee to God, who calls Himself a helper in trouble, Ps. 9, 10. But rebels cannot have a good conscience, who have nothing else in mind but robbery and murder. God grant mercy and peace. For where God does not protect the city, our watch is in vain, Ps. 127, 1.

(74) Now that God has given victory, and the murderous mob that did not want peace has been punished according to God's order, let them be punished.

The rulers must exercise moderation so that the innocent do not suffer injustice, and they must show mercy to the poor, some of whom have sinned out of fear and some out of foolishness. But it is difficult to keep moderation when things are going well. But the lords, as the sensible ones, should leave the best in them. 1)

Christ says Matth. 5, 5: "Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth," that is, the world thinks it wants to gain and keep power and wealth with revenge and defiance, but God refuses such pokes and gives happiness to the meek, and Solomon says Proverbs 20, 28: "Kindness and faithfulness protect the king, and mercy fortifies his kingdom. For God wants people to show love and to forgive one another, especially the powerful and wise to the weak and foolish, who are in need of love. Therefore he wants to forgive us again, to give happiness and salvation; and as Paul says, to the members whom we consider dishonest we put the greatest honor, and the members who are evil to us we adorn the most. In the same way, the mighty and wise should deal with the poor, foolish, erring people, and show mercy to those who can be hoped to improve, help them up again, and wait for thanksgiving and reward from God.

76 So David, after he had driven out of the land, and had slain his son that stirred up the rebellion, and was restored, said to Jordan, Let no man perish any more, and let live Shimei, which before had cast stones at him in flight, and cursed him: but David slew no man more than they that perish in battle, whom he should not or could not spare.

This is how David, who had the Holy Spirit, acted. When it was necessary, he punished severely, but also showed mercy where he could. The Gentiles also behaved honorably in such a case. For God has set many examples to the rulers, not only by holy and Jewish princes, but also by pagan ones.

It happened in Athens that many honest and wealthy citizens were chased away by thirty men who were in the regiment and had a lot of courage. But the game was turned around, as God does not allow any crime to last, and the citizens who had been chased away returned by God's help and slew the thirty men. Now

  1. So the Wittenbergers. It would like to read perhaps "see" far.

[44]{.underline} **Erl.(2.)**S4,271 f. Sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasants' revolt. No. 766ff. W. XVI, S6-S9. 45

In the meantime, the property of the expelled citizens had fallen into foreign hands, many had committed other crimes, and during the Thirties they had committed outrages against the oppressed citizens. However, so that there would be no cause for further bloodshed and desolation of the city, it was decided that everyone should forget his damage, and no one would be expelled from the estates or otherwise accused of such an act, which had taken place before the Thirty. This resulted in unity and peace in the city, since they forgave each other, and for the sake of common peace, many forgave their hereditary estates.

  1. So may God have mercy that the lords also forget their harm, and forgive the poor, and not demand retribution with vehemence.

80 In Sicyon, there was even more commendable action. There was a rebel who was powerful and drove out Aratum, whose parents had ruled before, and thus chased away many other honest citizens. God helped Arato after many years and punished the rebel, who until then had been very brave and had committed many murders, and had taken the goods of the expelled citizens to his companions. Now that Aetrarch had returned to power and the banished citizens were to be given back their property, there had been a great change in the meantime in the estates through marriages, inheritances, etc., so that it was very difficult to expel all those who were sitting in other people's estates. So he helped to make peace:

He borrowed a large sum of money from his friend King Ptolemao in Egypt and appointed people to act between the rightful lords of the estates and the others, so that whoever wanted to give up estates should be given as much money as they were worth. If one did not want to give way, the other should be reimbursed for the money. So everyone had enough, and there was joy, and the city prospered again.

This is called acting kindly and princely with the people; for it is the duty of princes not only to punish the wicked, but also to help the innocent, so that they may live in peace and quiet, as St. Paul says. For this reason they should also help to ensure that what is conducive to peace and tranquility is carried out; that the courts are properly appointed, and that the youth is properly educated. The schools should also be well organized, so that Christian and other doctrines are taught, thereby educating the people to peace and respectability.

Also, the authorities should be concerned that God's word be preached rightly, and that the order of the people be kept.

If the churches, which are against God, were changed, God would give them peace and happiness in their reign, as he gave Ezekiel and other pious kings, who changed old abuses in the worship of God. For he saith 1 Sam. 2:30: "Him that honoureth me I will honor again; him that despiseth me I will put to shame again."

767 and 768. D. M. Luther's "Exhortation to Peace on the Twelve Articles of the Bauerschaft in Swabia". May 1525.

This writing, which Luther had begun in Eisleben on April 19 in the garden of Mansfeld's chancellor Thür, was published in May by Joseph Klug in Wittenberg under the title: "Crmanunge auff die zwelff artikel der Bawrfchafft ynn Schwaben. Mart. Luther Wittemberg. In the same year, a large number of individual editions came out (the Erlangen edition (2) gives a total of 19 printings), partly in Wittenberg, partly in southern Germany, Nuremberg, Strasbourg, and Tübingen, including one in Low German. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1551), vol. II, p. 77; in the Jena (1556), vol. Ill, p. 118; in the Altenburg, vol. Ill, p. 114; in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 253; in the Erlanger (I), vol. 24, p. 259 and in the second edition of the same, vol. 24, p. 271. We have followed the text of the latter, comparing the Wittenberg and the Jena. Namely, we have quoted the scriptural passages, like these, according to the Bible. The refutation of the twelve articles, which Walch had separated from this writing as No. 768, we have reunited with it.

(1) The peasants, who have now gathered in Swabia, have written twelve articles of their unmistakable complaints against the authorities, and have undertaken to establish them with several sayings of the Scriptures, and to have them printed. In the twelfth article, they offer to gladly and willingly accept better instruction where it is lacking and necessary, and to allow themselves to be instructed, insofar as this is done by clear, public, undeniable sayings of Scripture; as it is right and just that no one's conscience be instructed and instructed further or differently than with divine Scripture.

If this is their earnestness and simple-minded opinion, which I have no other right to interpret, because they want to freely present themselves with the same articles and do not want to shy away from the light, then there is still good hope that it will be good. And I, as one who is also

46 Erl. (2.) 24,272-274. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI. P9-6I. 47

is counted among those who act the divine Scriptures now on earth, but especially, if they call me by name in the other note and appoint me, it gives all the greater courage and confidence to give my teaching, friendly Christian opinion, according to brotherly love duty, also to the day publicly, 'lest by my silence I also be assigned and laid open before God and the world, if something mischievous and accidental should arise from it.

  1. but if this is only offered by them for color and appearance, as there are undoubtedly some of this kind among them; for it is not possible that such a large number should all be true Christians and have a good opinion, but a large part of the others need good opinion for their will to be strong, and seek their own under it; such will undoubtedly not succeed much, or ever succeed to their great harm and eternal ruin.
  2. Because this matter is great and annual, as it concerns both God's kingdom and the world's kingdom; for if this rebellion should continue and gain the upper hand, both kingdoms would perish, that neither worldly rule nor divine word, but an eternal disturbance of the whole German land would follow: So it is necessary that we speak and counsel freely about it, no one regarded; again, that we also listen willingly, and let ourselves be told once, so that our hearts are not hardened and ears blocked, as has happened so far, God's wrath gains its full course and momentum. For as many cruel signs as have hitherto occurred in heaven and on earth, a great calamity exists and indicates a great change in German lands, although we unfortunately turn little to it, but God nevertheless continues and will one day soften our hard heads.

To the princes and lords.

First of all, we may thank no one on earth for such mischief and sedition, but you princes and lords, especially you blind bishops and mad priests and monks, who, still obstinate today, do not cease to rage and rage against the holy gospel, even though you know that it is right, and that it is not right.

You do not do more in the worldly regiment than that you flay and cherish, to lead your splendor and arrogance, until the poor common man cannot bear it any longer. The sword is on your neck; you still think that you sit so firmly in the saddle that you will not be lifted out. Such certainty and stubborn presumption will break your neck; you will see that. I have told you many times before that you should beware of the saying, Ps. 107:40: Effundit contemptum super Principes, "he pours contempt on 2) princes. ! You struggle for it and want to be hit on the head, no warning nor admonition helps.

2 Because you are the cause of God's wrath, it will undoubtedly come upon you if you do not mend your ways in time. The signs in the heavens and the wonders on earth are for you, dear lords; no good will come to you, no good will happen to you. There is already a great part of wrath that God sends so many false teachers and prophets among us, so that we may first richly deserve hell and eternal damnation with error and blasphemy. The other part is also present, that the peasants rot, from which, where God does not resist, moved by our repentance, must follow destruction, disturbance and devastation of the German land by gruesome murder and bloodshed.

For you should know, dear sirs, that God creates it so that you cannot, nor will you, nor should you tolerate the length of your madness. You must become different and yield to God's word. If you do not do it in a friendly, willing way, you will have to do it in a powerful and pernicious way. If these peasants do not do it, others must do it. Even if you beat them all, they are still undefeated; God will raise up others. For He wants to beat you, and He will beat you. It is not peasants, dear lords, who set themselves against you; it is God Himself who sets Himself against you, to afflict your desolation. There are some un-

  1. In the old editions: "announces".
  2. The Erlanger Vorlage offers: "over", but the first Psalter translation of 1524, the Wittenberg and the Jena editions read: "from", like our Bible.

48 Erl. (2.) 24,274-27K. Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 767 f. W. XVI, 61-64. 49

Among you, they have said that they will set about eradicating the Lutheran doctrine from the land and people. What do you think if you had been your own prophets, and had already set the country and the people against it? Do not joke with God, dear sirs. The Jews also said, >"we have no king" John 19:15, and it has become such a serious matter that they must be eternally without a king.

(4) But that ye might still further sin, and perish without all mercy, some have looked, and blamed the gospel, saying, This is the fruit of my doctrine. Now, now, blaspheme quickly, dear sirs, you do not want to know what I have taught and what the gospel is. But he is at the door, who will teach you very soon, if you do not mend your ways. You and everyone must bear witness to me that I have taught with all silence, have fought fiercely against rebellion, and have kept and admonished the subjects with the greatest diligence for obedience and honor, even to your tyrannical and praising superiors, since this rebellion cannot come from me, but the prophets of murder, who are as hostile to me as they are to you, have come among this rabble, so that they have now passed longer than three years, and no one has so nearly flourished and resisted as I alone.

If God now intends to punish you, and lets the devil stir up the mad mob against you through his false prophets, and perhaps wants me to resist no longer, what can I or my gospel do about it? Which hitherto, and still, hath not only suffered your persecutions, and murders, and ravings, but hath also pleaded for you, that your sovereignty should help to protect and administer it among the common man.

And if I had a desire to take revenge on you, I would now laugh in my fist and watch the peasants, or even strike at them and make things worse, but my God shall protect me as before. Therefore, my dear gentlemen, whether you are enemies or friends, I humbly ask you not to despise my loyalty, even though I am a poor man. Do not despise this rebellion either, that is what I ask. Not that I respect or fear that they should be too powerful for you, nor do I want you to be afraid of them for that reason.

If he punishes you as you deserve, he will punish you, even if the peasants are a hundred times less; he can turn stones into peasants, and again, and by one peasant slay a hundred of yours, so that all your armor and strength will be too little for you.

7 If you still need advice, my dear sirs, give way a little to anger for God's sake. Let a cartload of hay give way to a drunken man; how much more should you cease from raving and disruptive tyranny, and act with reason toward the peasants than toward the drunken or the insane. Do not pick a quarrel with them, for you do not know where the end will be. Seek amicably beforehand, because you do not know what God wants to do, lest a spark be lit and set all of Germany on fire, so that no one can extinguish it. Our sins are there before God, because of which we have to fear His wrath, even if only one leaf rustles, let alone if such a crowd stirs. You lose nothing with goodness, and even if you lose something in it, it can be restored to you tenfold in peace, since you may lose body and goods with strife. Why do you want to give yourselves up to the chase, if you could create more benefit with another good way?

(8) They have set forth twelve articles, among which some are so just and right that they take away your glory before God and the world, and make the Psalms (107:40) true, that they pour contempt on princes. But almost all of them are set for their benefit and for their good, and not set for their good. I would have had to write other articles against you, which concern Germany and the regiment in general, as I did in the book to the German nobility, which would have been more appropriate. But because you have thrown them to the wind, you now have to listen to and suffer such self-serving articles, and it serves you just as well as it should not be said to them.

(9) The first article, where they desire to hear the gospel and the right to choose a pastor, you cannot refuse with some pretense. Although they pretend to receive such a priest with the tithe, who does not receive the tithe, for their own benefit.

50 Erl. (p.) 24.278-278. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 64-66. 51

But if it is theirs, this is the summa, let them preach the gospel. No authority can or should oppose this. Yes, authority should not prevent what everyone wants to teach and believe, be it the gospel or lies; it is enough that it prevents sedition and discord.

(10) The other articles, which refer to physical burdens, such as the fall of the body, taxes, and the like, are also just and right. For the supreme authority is not instituted to seek its benefit and goodwill in the subjects, but to provide benefit and the best for the subjects. Now it is not a long time to appreciate and toil in this way. What good would it do if a farmer's field yielded as many guilders as stalks and grains, so that the lordship would only take more and more, and thus make his splendor greater and greater, and the manor would be so lavished with clothing, food, drink, building and the like, as if it were chaff? One would have to take in the splendor and stop the spending, so that a poor man could also keep something. You have heard further instruction from their notes, since they offer their complaints sufficiently.

To the building community.

You have heard, dear friends, nothing else than that I confess that it is unfortunately all too true and certain that the princes and lords who forbid the preaching of the gospel, and who so blatantly complain about the people, are worthy and well deserving of being thrown off the throne by God, as those who greatly sin against God and men; they also have no excuse. Nothing less is to be provided for you, that you do your things with a good conscience and right. For if you have a good conscience, you have the comforting benefit that God will stand by you and help you through it. And even if you fail for a while, or even if you die because of it, you will still be forgiven in the end, and the soul will be preserved eternally with all its saints. But if you do not have the right nor a good conscience, then you must succumb; and even if you conquer for a time, and slay all princes, yet in the end you will be lost eternally in body and soul. Therefore you are

Do not joke here; body and soul are eternally on your side. And the most important thing is to be aware of this, and to look at it with all seriousness, not only how powerful you are, and how great a wrong those are, but how good a right and conscience you have.

Therefore, my friendly, brotherly request, dear lords and brothers, watch diligently what you do and do not believe all kinds of spirits and preachers, now that the wicked Satan has awakened many savage spirits and murderous spirits under the name of the gospel and is filling the world with them. Hear and be told, as you then offer yourselves manifoldly. I will not spare my faithful warning to you, as I owe. Whether some, poisoned by the spirits of murder, will hate me for it and call me a hypocrite, I will not inquire; it is enough for me whether I save some of your good-hearted, righteous ones from the journey of divine wrath. I will fear the others as little as they despise me; neither shall they harm me; I know one who is greater and mightier than they are, who teaches me thus Ps. 3:17: "I am not afraid of many hundred thousand who set themselves against me." My defiance shall endure their defiance, that verily I know.

First of all, brethren, you bear the name of God, and call yourselves a Christian group or association, and pretend that you want to drive and act according to divine law. Well then, you also know that God's name, word and title should not be used in vain or uselessly, as He says in the other commandment Ex. 20:7: "You shall not use the name of God your Lord uselessly," and adds v. 8: "For God will not let him be innocent who uses His name uselessly." Here the text stands brightly and clearly, which concerns you as well as all men, and regardless of your great multitude, right and terror, it threatens you with his wrath, as well as us and all others.

4 He is also, as you know, powerful and strong enough to punish you, as he does here, where you take his name in vain and uselessly, so that no happiness but all misfortune is waiting for you where you are.

52 Erl. (2 ) 24,278-281. sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasant revolt. No. 767 f. W. XVI, "6-69. 53

If he falsely bears his name, know how to correct yourselves, and be kindly warned. It is a bad thing for him to choke or hinder so many peasants, who drowns the whole world with the flood of sin and sinks Sodoma with fire. He is an almighty, terrible God.

(5) Secondly, that you are those who uselessly use and profane the name of God is easy to prove; and that therefore in the end all misfortune will befall you, there is also no doubt, unless God is not true. For here is the word of God speaking through the mouth of Christ Matt. 26:52: "He who takes the sword shall perish by the sword." This is nothing else than that no one should submit to violence by his own iniquity, but as Paul says Rom. 13:1: "Let every soul be subject to authority with fear and honor".

(6) How could you, before these sayings and laws of God, who pride yourselves on following divine law, and yet take the sword yourselves, and rebel against the authority ordained by God. Do you not think that the judgment of St. Paul, Rom. 13:2, will affect you: "Whoever resists God's order will be condemned"? That is to use God's name uselessly, to pretend that God is right, and yet to strive against God's right under the same name. Oh, beware, dear sirs, it will not come to this in the end.

(7) Thirdly, ye say, the authorities are too wicked and unjust, because they will not let us have the gospel, and press us too hard into temporal goods, and so destroy us in body and soul. I answer: That the authorities are wicked and unjust does not excuse either rioting or rebellion. For the punishment of wickedness does not belong to anyone, but to the temporal authorities who wield the sword, as Paul Rom. 13:4 and Peter 1 Ep. 2:14 say that they are ordained by God to punish the wicked. So there is also the natural law and the law of all the world, that no one should be his own judge or avenge himself. For true is the saying: He who strikes back is unjust. Item, who like

The one who beats him causes strife. Divine right agrees with this and says Deut. 32, 35: "Vengeance is mine, I will repay, says the Lord. Now you may not deny that your rebellion is such that you make yourselves judges, and avenge yourselves, and do not want to suffer injustice. This is not only against Christian law and the gospel, but also against natural law and all equity.

(8) If you are to stand firm in your undertaking, and yet you have both divine and Christian law in the New and Old Testaments, as well as natural law against you, you must bring a new, special command from God, confirmed with signs and wonders, which will give you the power to do this. Otherwise, God will not let His word and order be broken by your own iniquity, but because you praise divine right and yet go against it, He will let you, as those who bring His name to shame, fall and be punished most horribly, and also condemn you eternally, as was said above.

(9) For here also it is according to the saying of Christ, Matt. 7:3, that ye see the mote that is in the eye of the rulers, and see not the beam that is in your own eye: according to the saying of St. Paul, Rom. 3:8, Let us do evil, that good may follow; which condemnation is just and right. For the authorities do wrong, it is true, that they hinder the gospel, and weigh you down in temporal goods. But much more do ye wrong, that ye not only reject the word of God, but also trample it under foot, and encroach upon its power and right, and also pass over God, and take from the authorities their power and right also, yea, all that they have; for what keep they when they have lost their power?

(10) I will make you judges of yourselves, and put it to your judgment which robber is the worst: whether it be he that taketh away a great piece of another's goods, and yet leaveth him something; or he that taketh away all that he hath, and the body with it? The rulers take from you your goods, that is, a piece. Again, you take from them their power, in which all their goods, body and life stand. Therefore you are much greater robbers than they.

54 Erl. (p.) 24,281-283. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI, LS-72. 55

and intend to do more harm than they have done. Yes, you say, we want to leave them enough body and goods. I do not believe that, whoever wants to. He who dares to do so much wrong as to take away a man's power, the greatest and most important thing, will not leave it alone; he will also take away the other and least thing that is attached to it. If the wolf eats a whole sheep, then he eats certainly also an ear of it. And even if you would be so pious that you would leave them body and goods enough, nevertheless this is all too much robbery and injustice, that you take the best, namely the power, and make yourselves masters over them. God will judge you to be the greatest robbers.

(11) Can you not think or reckon, dear friends, that if your conduct were right, each one would be a judge against the other, and there would be no power, nor authority, nor order, nor justice in the world, but only murder and bloodshed? For as soon as he saw that any man did him wrong, he would come and judge and punish him himself. Now if this is unjust and not to be suffered by a single person, it is also not to be suffered by any mob or group. But if it is to be suffered by a mob or a group, then it cannot be denied to the individual person with any justification or right. For it is the same cause on both sides, namely injustice.

012 And how would ye do, if such iniquity were begun in your company, that every one sat down against another, and took vengeance on his offender? Would you also suffer it? Would you not say that he should judge and avenge others who were set by you? How then will you stand before God and the world, judging and avenging yourselves against your offenders, even against your sovereignty, ordained by God?

13 Now, all this has been said about common divine and natural law, which even pagans, Turks and Jews must keep, if peace and order are to remain in the world. And if ye keep all these things, yet do ye no better than the heathen and the Turk. For not judging or avenging oneself, but leaving it to the power and authority, does not make one a Christian; one must do it in the end, one must do it.

gladly or unwillingly. But because ye go against such law, ye are manifestly worse than the heathen and the Turk, let alone that ye should be Christians. But what do you think that Christ will say to you that you bear his name, and call yourselves a Christian congregation, when you are so far from it, and do and live so abominably against his law, that you are not yet worthy to be called Gentiles or Turks, but are much worse than those who, against divine and natural law, are common to all the Gentiles, rage and strive?

(14) Behold, dear friends, what preachers ye have, how they mean your souls. I fear that there have come among you some prophets of murder, who would gladly become lords of the world through you; for which they have long since contended, and ask not that they may lead you in body, estate, honor, and soul, both temporally and eternally. If you now want to keep divine justice, as you boast, then do it, for God says Deut. 32:35: "Vengeance is mine, I will repay"; item 1 Pet. 2:18: "Be subject not only to good lords, but also to evil ones." If you do so, well, if you do not, you may well cause misfortune, but it will come upon you at last, but no one doubts it, for God is just and will not suffer it. Therefore beware of your freedom, lest you run away from the rain and fall into the water; and if you think you will become free in body, then you will lose your body, your goods and your soul forever. God's wrath is here, be afraid, I advise you; the devil has sent false prophets among you, beware of them.

(15) Now let us also speak of the Christian and evangelical law, which does not bind the Gentiles as the former law does. For if you boast and gladly hear that you are called Christians and want to be held to that, you will also suffer that your right is reproached to you. Listen now, dear Christians, to your Christian right. Thus saith your most high Lord, Christ, whose name ye bear, Matt. 5:39-41, Ye shall not resist evil: but whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with him two miles. And whosoever taketh away thy coat, let him have it also.

56 Erl. (2.) 24,283-285. sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasant revolt. No. 767 f. W. XVI, 72-74. 57

Skirt. And whoever slaps you on one cheek, slap him on the other.

16 Do you hear it, you Christian collection? How does your nobility rhyme with this right? Ye will not suffer evil and wrong to be done unto you, but be free, and suffer only good and right; and Christ saith, Resist neither evil nor wrong, but always yield, suffer, and be taken. If ye will not bear this right, rather, put away the Christian name also from you, and boast of another that is according to your doings, or Christ himself will take away his name from you, which shall be too hard for you.

17 St. Paul also says Rom. 12, 19: "Do not avenge yourselves, my beloved, but give place to the wrath of God"; item, he praises the Corinthians, 2 Cor. 11, 19. 20. that they gladly suffer if someone beats them or robs them; item, 1 Cor. 6, 7. he punishes them that they fought for good and did not suffer injustice. Yes, our Duke Jesus Christ says Matth. 5, 44, "we should wish good to those who offend us, and pray for our persecutors, and love our enemies, and do good to our wrongdoers. These are our Christian rights, dear friends.

(18) Now see how far the false prophets have led you away, and call you Christians, when they have made you worse than the heathen. For by these sayings a child grasps that Christian right is: not to resist injustice, not to take up the sword, not to defend oneself, not to avenge oneself, but to go forth, body and soul, that he who robs may rob; for we have enough in our Lord, who will not leave us as he has promised. Suffering, suffering, cross, cross, is the right of Christians, and no other.

019 But now therefore ye fight for temporal goods, and will not leave the garment for the mantle, but repeat the mantle: when then will ye die, and leave the body, or love your enemies, or do good? O of loose Christians! Dear friends, Christians are not so mean that so many should gather in one heap; it is a strange bird about a Christian; would to God we were the more part good,

pious pagans who held the natural law, I am silent of the Christian.

020 I will also tell you some examples of the Christian law, that ye may see whither the foolish prophets have led you. Look at St. Peter in the garden, who wanted to defend his Lord Christ with the sword, and cut off the ear of Malcho. Tell me, who can, was Peter not right in this case? Was it not a grave injustice that they should take from Christ not only his goods but also his life? Yes, they not only took away his body and goods, but also completely suppressed the gospel, by which they were to be saved, and thus deprived them of the kingdom of heaven. You have not yet suffered all such injustice, dear friends.

21 Now behold what Christ does and teaches here. How great such an injustice was, yet he defends St. Petro, and calls him to take the sword, and will not suffer him to avenge or defend such an injustice. In addition, he passes a fatal sentence on him, as on a murderer, and says: "Whoever takes the sword shall perish by the sword. Then we must realize that it is not enough if someone does us wrong, and we have good cause and right, but we must also have the right and power of the sword, commanded by God, to punish such. In order that a Christian may also suffer this, if one wants to deny him the gospel, it is otherwise possible to deny the gospel to someone; as we shall hear.

Another example: Christ Himself, what does He do, when His life is taken from Him on the cross, and thus His preaching ministry is laid down, for which He was sent by God Himself, to do good to souls? [That is what he does, as St. Peter says: "He brought it home to the one who judges rightly", and he suffered such unfortunate injustice. Above this he prayed for his persecutors, saying Luc. 23:34, "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do." Now that you are true Christians, you must truly do the same and follow this example. If you do not, you must soon abandon the Christian name and the glory of Christian law. For then you are certainly not Christians, but-

  1. "he" is missing in the Erlanger.

58 Erl. (2.) 24, 285-287. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 74-77. 5A

They are against Christ and his law, against doctrine and example.

But if you do, you will soon see God's miracles, so that he will help you as he did Christ, whom he smelled after the completion of his suffering, so that his gospel and kingdom penetrated and prevailed with power, in defiance of all his enemies. So he would also help you, so that his gospel would rise up with power among you, if you would first go out and give him back his cause, and stand up to his vengeance. But if you fall into it yourselves and do not want to conquer and preserve it with suffering but with your fist, you will hinder his vengeance and will make it so that you will keep neither the gospel nor the fist.

(24) I must also count myself as a present example of this time. Pope and emperor have set against me and raged. Now, how have I come to this, that the more the pope and emperor have raged, the more my gospel has passed away? I have never drawn a sword nor sought revenge, I have not started a riot, but have helped the secular authorities, even those who persecuted the gospel and me, to defend their power and honor as much as I could. But in this way I have remained completely secret from God and have always relied on his hand. Therefore, in defiance of both the pope and all tyrants, he has not only kept me alive (which many, and rightly so, consider a great miracle, and I myself must also confess), but has allowed my gospel to increase more and more. Now you fall into it, want to help the gospel, and do not see that you hinder and suppress it in the highest way.

(25) I say all this, my dear friends, to warn you faithfully to speak out in this matter of the Christian name and glory of Christian right. For, be ye right as ye will, it behooveth no Christian to be right nor to fight, but to suffer injustice and to endure evil; for there is no other way out, 1 Cor. 6:7. As ye yourselves confess in the preface, that all they which believe in Christ become lovely, peaceable, patient, and of one mind. But in fact you prove vain.

Impatience, strife, and iniquity against your own word. You want to call those patient who do not want to suffer injustice or evil, but only right and good. But that would be a fine patience, which even a knave can suffer, let alone a man of faith.

26 Therefore I say again, I will let your cause be as good and right as it can be; but because you will defend it yourselves, and suffer neither violence nor injustice, you may do and leave what God does not prevent you from doing. But the Christian name, the Christian name, I say, let it stand, and do not make it the cover of shame of your impatient, unpeaceful, unchristian conduct; I will not let you have it nor grant it to you, but tear both off from you with writings and words according to my ability, as long as a vein stirs in my body. For you will not succeed, or will succeed to the destruction of body and soul.

  1. Not that I want to justify or defend the authorities in their unmistakable injustice, which you are suffering (they are and are doing terrible injustice, I confess), but that is what I want: If you will not let yourselves be rebuked on both sides, and (since God is for you) sit down together and meet, that on neither side shall you be called Christians, but, as otherwise in the course of the world, one people contends with another, and (as it is said) that God punishes one wicked man with another. Of this kind and name I will count you, if it comes to a dispute (which God graciously turns around), so that the authorities know how they do not dispute against Christians, but against pagans, and you in turn also know that you do not dispute as Christians, but as pagans against the authorities. For Christians do not fight for themselves with the sword, nor with guns, but with the cross and suffering, just as their duke, Christ, does not wield the sword, but hangs on the coffin. Therefore their victory is not in obedience and dominion or force, but in defeat and powerlessness; as St. Paul says in 2 Cor. 10:4: "The weapons of our knighthood are not bodily, but mighty in God," and again: "Strength is made perfect through powerlessness.

028 Therefore your title and name shall be, and must be, that ye are the people which

60 Erl. (2.) 24, 287-2S0. Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 767 f. W. XVI, 77-79. 61

Strive so that they will not suffer injustice or evil, as nature gives; keep the name, and leave Christ's name in peace. For this also is your work, and so do ye. If you do not want to keep the name, but keep the Christian name, then I must understand the matter in no other way than that it applies to me, and count and consider you as enemies who want to dampen or hinder my gospel, more than the pope and emperor have done so far, because under the name of the gospel you go against the gospel and do so.

(29) Again, I will not save you from what I will do. I will place the matter in God's hands, dare to take it on by the grace of God, and rely on him in defiance, as I have done so far against the pope and emperor, and pray for you that he will enlighten you and stand against your presumption, so that he will not let it happen. For I see that the devil, if he has not yet been able to kill me through the pope, is trying to destroy and devour me through the bloodthirsty prophets of murder and the spirits of the mob that are among you. Well, he eats me, his belly shall be tight enough from it, that I know. And even if you win, you shall not enjoy it much. But I ask you humbly and kindly to think carefully and keep it that way, so that I do not need such defiance and prayer to God against you.

(30) For even though I am a poor, sinful man, I know and am certain that in this case I have a right cause when I fight for the Christian name and ask that it not be profaned. So I am also certain that my prayer is pleasing before God and will be heard. For He Himself taught us to pray in this way in the Lord's Prayer, where we say, "Let your name be hallowed" Matt. 6:9, and forbade to desecrate it in the other commandment Ex. 20:7. Therefore I pray that you will not despise such a prayer of mine and of all who pray with me. For it will be too powerful for you, and God will awaken against you, as St. Jacob says Cap. 5, 16: "The righteous prayer is able to do much where it lasts," as Elijah's prayer did. And we also have the comforting promise of God, that he will save us from

John 14:14: "Whatsoever ye shall ask in my name, that will I do"; and 1 John 5:14: "If we shall ask anything according to his will, he will hear us."

You cannot have such comfort and confidence to ask, because your conscience and the Scriptures convince you that your conduct is pagan and not Christian, and acts under the name of the Gospel against the Gospel and to the shame of the Christian name. I also know that none of you has ever asked or appealed to God in this matter, nor can you yet. For you must not lift up your eyes against Him in the matter, but only defy Him with your fist, which you have gathered out of impatience and ill will, which will not go well with you.

If you were Christians, you would leave off fist and sword, defiance and anger, and turn to Our Father, and with prayer further your cause with God, 1) and say Match. 6, 10: "Thy will be done"; item, v. 13: "Deliver us from evil, amen." As you see, in the Psalter the true saints bear and lament their distress before God and seek help from Him, not defending themselves nor resisting evil. Such prayer would have helped you more in all your troubles than if the world were full of you. You should also have a good conscience and comforting confidence that you will be heard, as his promises are 1 Tim. 4:10: "He is the helper of all men, especially of the faithful"; and Ps. 50:15: "Call upon me in trouble, and I will help you"; and Ps. 91:15: "He hath called upon me, and I will hear him; I am with him in trouble, and I will pluck him out."

Behold, this is the right Christian way to get rid of misfortune and evil, namely, to endure and to call upon God. But since you do none of these things, neither calling nor tolerating, but helping yourselves with your own power, and making yourselves your God and Savior, God must not and cannot be your God or Savior.

  1. In the Wittenberg: "federn", which, as Dietz 8. v. indicates, can mean both "fordern" and "fördern"; we have preferred the latter meaning because of the preposition "bei". Jenaer: "fordern"; Erlanger: "fodern"; a codex: "fürdern".

ß2 Erl. (2.) S4, sso-sss. Cap. 10, On the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 79-82. 63

be. So you may also, as pagans and blasphemers, achieve something, if God decrees it, for which we ask, but not that, because to your eternal and temporal ruin. But as Christians or evangelicals you will gain nothing, I would bet a thousand necks on it.

(34) From this it is easy to answer all your articles. For even if they were all naturally right and just, you have forgotten the Christian right, in that you have not conquered and executed them with patience and prayer to God, as befits Christian people, 1) but have undertaken with your own impatience and iniquity to dissuade the authorities and to force them by force; which is also against the law of the land and natural justice.

35 And he that wrote your articles is not a pious and upright man. For he has drawn many chapters from the Scriptures in the margin, as if the articles were founded, and yet he keeps the pulp in his mouth, and leaves the sayings outside, that he may make a pretense of his wickedness and of your pretensions, to deceive you, and to stir you up, and to make you go astray. For such chapters as these, when they are read, do not speak much of your wickedness, but rather of the contradiction that one should live and drive in a Christian way. There will be a red prophet, for example, who will seek his courage through you in the gospel; let God ward him off and protect you from him.

36 First of all, that you come forward in the preface and boast how you do not want to be rebellious, but excuse yourselves that you desire to teach and live according to the gospel, 2c. your own mouth and work punish you. For you confess that you roll and revolt, and want to gloss over this with the gospel. You have heard above that the gospel teaches Christians to suffer and tolerate injustice, and to pray to God in all kinds of distress. But you do not want to suffer, but, like the pagans, force the authorities according to your will and impatience.

  1. you also bring the children of Israel as an example, that god hears their cry, and

I) "have" is missing in the Erlanger.

I have redeemed them. Why do you not keep the same example that you boast of? Cry out to God in this way and wait until he sends you a Moses who proves with signs and wonders that he was sent by God. The children of Israel did not redouble themselves against Pharaoh, nor did they help themselves, as you suppose. Therefore, such an example is a reproach to you and a condemnation to you who boast about it and yet do the opposite.

38 Neither is it true that ye boast that ye teach and live according to the gospel. There is not one article that teaches a single piece of the gospel, but everything is directed to you having your body and goods free. And summa, they all presuppose worldly, temporal things, that you should have power and good, not to suffer any wrong, when the gospel takes no notice of worldly things at all, and sets the outward life only in suffering, wrong, cross, patience, and contempt of temporal goods and life.

39 How then does the gospel rhyme with you? without seeking the appearance of your unevangelical and unchristian conduct, and do not see how you thereby disgrace the holy gospel of Christ and make it a cover of shame. Therefore you must change your position here, either drop this matter altogether and commit yourselves to suffer such injustice, if you want to be and be called Christians; or, if you want to carry out the matter, put forward another name and not be called and respected as Christians; there is no remedy, and it will not turn out differently.

40 It is true that ye are right in that ye desire the gospel, if ye be otherwise earnest. Yes, I will sharpen this article more than you do, and thus say: It is ever unpleasant to shut someone out of heaven and forcibly send him to hell; no one should suffer such a thing before a hundred necks are cut. But he who denies me the gospel locks me into heaven and forcibly drives me into hell; because there is no other way or means to salvation than the gospel, I shall not suffer this for the loss of my soul.

Behold, is not the right proven strongly enough? It does not yet follow that I am

64 Erl. (2.) 24,2S2-2S4. Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 767 f. W. XVI, 82-84. 65

I should make a fist at the authorities who do such injustice to me. So you say: How then shall I suffer and not suffer at the same time? Here it is easy to answer, "It is impossible that anyone should be denied the gospel. Nor is there any power in heaven or earth that can do this. For it is a public doctrine that goes freely under heaven, bound to no place, as the star that showed Christ's birth to the wise men from the east, walking in the air.

(42) It is true that cities, towns, and places where the gospel or preachers are may well resist the lords there. But thou mayest leave the same city or place, and run after the gospel into another place; and it is not necessary that thou shouldest take or keep the city or place for the gospel's sake; but let the Lord have his city, and follow the gospel: so suffer thou that they may wrong thee, and chase thee away, and at the same time suffer not that they may take or hinder the gospel from thee. Behold, the two things come to pass, suffering and not suffering. Otherwise, even if you want to keep the city with the gospel, you rob the Lord of the city of what is his, and pretend that you do it for the gospel. Dear, the gospel does not teach you to steal or take, although the lord of the manor does it against God and unjustly, and misuses it to your detriment. The gospel must not remain in a physical place or city; it must and will remain in the heart.

43 Christ taught this in Matt. 10:23: "If they drive you out of one city, flee to another. He does not say, "If they drive you out of one city, stay in it and take the city for the praise of the gospel, and make yourselves red against the rulers of the city, as is now done and taught. "For I tell you, ye shall not align the cities all, till the Son of man come."

44 Thus he also says Matth. 23, 34, that the wicked will drive out his evangelists from one city to another. St. Paul also says 1 Cor. 4, 11: "We are not interested in any of them.

certain place." If, then, a Christian must always move from one place to another for the sake of the gospel, leaving everything where he is and what he has, or ever sits uncertain, and waits all hours for such things, then it is right for him, as it should be for a Christian. For because he will not suffer the gospel to be taken from him or to be withheld, he suffers cities, places, goods, and all that he is and has to be taken from him and withheld. Where then rhymes your nobility, who take and keep cities and places that are not yours, and will not suffer them to be taken from you, but take them from their natural masters and defend them? What kind of Christians are these who become robbers, thieves and scoundrels for the sake of the gospel, and then claim to be evangelical?

^Relocation of the twelve articles of the permanent chest.^

On the first article.

A whole congregation shall have power to elect and remove a pastor. This article is right, if only it were applied in a Christian manner, so that the chapters, as indicated in the margin, do not serve any purpose. If the goods of the parish come from the authorities and not from the congregation, the congregation may not give the same goods to the one it chooses, for that would be robbed and taken; but, if it wants to have a parish priest, it must first humbly request such from the authorities. If the superior does not want one, then he shall choose one of his own, and feed him from his own goods, and leave the superior his goods, or obtain them from them by right. But if the authorities do not want to suffer their chosen and fed pastor, let him flee to another city, and let whoever wants to flee with him, as Christ teaches. This means to choose and have a Christian and Protestant pastor of one's own. Anyone who does otherwise is acting unchristian, as a robber and sacrilegious person.

  1. This heading is found in the Jena edition. In the table of contents, Walch recognizes it as a mistake that the following is made into a special number, since it belongs to the preceding number.

66 Erl. (2.) 24, S94-2S". Cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W.XVI.W-S7. 67

On the other article.

The tithes are to be distributed to the parish priest and poor people, the rest is to be kept for the country's needs 2c. This article is vain robbery and public thievery. For they want to seize the tithe, which is not theirs but the authority's, and do what they want with it. Not so, dear friends, that is to say, the authority is completely deposed, since you stipulate in the preface that you will take from no one what is theirs. If you want to give and do good, do it out of your good, as the wise man says; for God through Isaiah says: "I hate the sacrifice that comes from robbery" Is. 61, 8.

You speak in this article as if you were already lords of the land and had taken all the goods of the sovereignty to yourselves and did not want to be subject to anyone or give anything. By this you can grasp what you have in mind. Dear lords, let go, let go, you will not end it. The chapters of Scripture, which your false preacher and false prophet has smeared in the margin, do not help you, but are against you.

To the third article.

There shall be no serf, because Christ has set us all free. What is this? That is to make Christian freedom completely carnal. Did not Abraham and other patriarchs and prophets also have serfs? Read St. Paul, what he teaches about the servants, who were all serfs at that time. Therefore this article is contrary to the gospel, and is robbery, that every man should take his own body, which is his own, from his lord. For a bondman may well be a Christian and have Christian freedom, just as a prisoner or a sick person is a Christian and yet is not free. This article wants to make all men equal, and to turn the spiritual kingdom of Christ into a worldly, external kingdom, which is impossible. For a worldly kingdom cannot stand unless there is inequality in persons, that some are free, some are captives, some are masters, some are subjects 2c. As St. Paul says in Galatians 3:28, that in Christ master and servant are one thing. My lord and friend, Urban Rhegius, has written enough about this, so you can read on.

On the audern acht) Article.*

The other articles, about the free property of game, birds, fish, wood, forests, about services, interest, taxes, fees/) death case 2c., I command the legal experts. For it is not for me, as an evangelist, to judge and pass judgment in this matter. I am to instruct and teach the consciences concerning divine and Christian matters; there are enough books of this in imperial law. So I have said above that such things do not concern a Christian; he does not ask for them, he lets rob, take, press, torture, scrape, eat and rage, whoever he wants, because he is a martyr on earth. For this reason, the community here should leave the Christian name in peace, and act under the name of those who would like to have human and natural justice, not as those who sought Christian justice, which means that they stand still in all these matters, suffer, and complain to God alone.

Behold, dear lords and friends, this is my instruction, which you have desired from me in another note, and I beg you to remember your offering, that you may gladly be instructed with Scripture. Now when this comes to you, do not cry out so soon: Luther hypocrites the prince, he speaks against the gospel. Read first, and see my reason from the Scriptures, for it is for you. I am excused before God and the world. I know well the false prophets among you; do not obey them, they truly deceive you. They do not mean your conscience, but would like to make Galatians out of you, so that they would get good and honor through you, and after that they would have to be damned eternally in hell together with you.

Admonition both to the supremacy and

Bauerschaft.

Since there is nothing Christian on either side, nor is there any Christian matter between you, but both lords and peasants have to deal with pagan or worldly right and wrong, and with temporal good, both sides are acting against God.

  1. Not "nine", because in the 12th article the peasants do not demand anything, but offer to be instructed.
  2. "Zeise" is as much as Accise, vketiZal, tridutuin.

68 Erl. (2.) 24, SSS-SS8. Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 767 f. W. XVI. 87-90. 69

and are under his wrath, as you have heard: then let yourselves be told and advised for God's sake, and attack the things as such things are to be attacked, that is, with justice, and not with violence nor with strife, so that you do not cause endless bloodshed in German lands. For because you are both partly wrong, and in addition you want to avenge and protect yourselves, you will ruin yourselves on both sides, and God will push one knave with the other.

You lords have against you the Scriptures and history, as the tyrants are punished, that even the heathen poets write, as the tyrants seldom die a dry death, but are commonly strangled, and perish in blood. Because it is certain that you rule in a tyrannical and furious way, forbidding the gospel and thus oppressing and oppressing the poor man, you have no consolation or hope, except that you perish as your equals have perished. Look at all kingdoms, how they have come to an end by the sword, as Assyria, Persia, Greece/) Romans and so on, which are all at last destroyed, as they destroyed others before. So that God proves that he is judge on earth and leaves no injustice unpunished. For this reason, nothing more certain than judgment lies on your neck, whether now or hereafter, if you do not mend your ways.

You peasants also have scripture and experience against you, that no rebellion has ever come to a good end; and God has always kept this word strictly: "He who takes the sword shall perish by the sword" Matth. 26, 52. Because you do wrong by judging and avenging yourselves, and because you use the Christian name unworthily, you are certainly under God's wrath. And even if you win and destroy all dominion, you will still have to tear yourselves apart like raging beasts. For since no spirit but flesh and blood reigns among you, God will soon send an evil spirit among you, as He did with those of Assurance and Abimelech Judges 9:49, 53. Behold how all ruthlessness has finally come to an end, as Korah, Deut. 16,

  1. Erlanger: "Jews" instead of: Greeks.
    1. Item, Absalom, Sheba, Zimri, and the like 2 Sam. 18, 9. 14. Judg. 8, 21. 1 Kings 1b, 9. 18.. In short, both tyrants and mobs are hostile to God. Therefore he incites them against each other, so that they both perish shamefully, and thus his wrath and judgment is executed against the wicked.

(4) I am most sorry and highly to be pitied, and would gladly buy it with my life and death, that on both sides two insurmountable damages follow. For since neither side contends with a good conscience, but both sides look to preserve the injustice, it must first follow that those who would be slain are eternally lost, body and soul, as those who die in their sins without repentance and grace, in the wrath of God; there is no help nor counsel for them. For the lords would contend that they should confirm and maintain their tyranny and persecution of the gospel, and unjust afflictions of the poor, or ever help and handle those who are such; this is ever abominably unjust and contrary to God; whoever is found therein must be eternally lost. Again, the peasants would fight to defend their ruthlessness and abuse of the Christian name, which is also both highly against God, and whoever dies in it and over it must also be eternally lost, there is also no help for it.

The other pity is that Germany will be devastated, and once such bloodshed begins, it will hardly stop unless everything is destroyed. For the conflict is about to begin, but it is not in our power to stop it if we want to. What have you done to so many innocent children, women and old people, who you fools take with you on such a journey, to make the land full of blood, robbery, widows and orphans?

O, the devil has a wicked mind! God is very angry and urges us to let him go and to cool his troubles in our blood and souls. Take heed, dear sirs, and be wise; it is for both of you. What good does it do you to condemn yourselves eternally and wilfully, and to have a desolate and bloody land behind you and your descendants?

[70]{.underline} Erl. (s.) 24, 298-303. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 90-92. 71

You may well be better able to counsel things in time by repentance toward God, and kindly contract or willingly suffer before men. With defiance and strife you will accomplish nothing.

Therefore, it would be my faithful advice that some counts and lords from the nobility and some councilors from the cities be appointed, and that the matters be dealt with and settled in a friendly manner, so that you lords would let down your stiff courage, which you must leave at last, whether you want to or not; and give way a little from your tyranny and oppression, so that the poor man might also gain air and space to live. Again, the peasants also let themselves be instructed, and surrendered and let go of some articles that are too much and too high, so that the matter, even if it cannot be dealt with in a Christian way, may nevertheless be settled according to human rights and contracts.

If you will not follow such advice, since God is for you, I must leave you together; but I am innocent of your soul, blood and goods, and you will bear it yourselves. I have told you that you are wrong on both sides and are fighting for injustice. You lords do not fight against Christians. For Christians do nothing to you, but suffer everything; but you fight against public robbers and desecrators of the Christian name; those who die among them are already eternally damned. Again, you peasants do not fight against Christians, but against tyrants and persecutors of God and men, and against murderers of the saints of Christ; those who die are also eternally damned. There you all have your share of God's judgment, I know that for sure! Do now what you will, if you do not want to preserve your body and soul.

(9) But I will pray with mine own God, that he may either tolerate and unite you in both, or graciously prevent you from going out according to your will; although the terrible signs and wonders that have happened at this time give me a heavy heart, and I worry that God's wrath is too strong, as he says in Ezekiel chapter 14:14: "If Noah, Job and Daniel were before me, I would not have a will for the people. 14:14]: "If Noah, Job and Daniel were standing before me, I would not have any will for the people. Would God that you feared

I will protect you from his wrath, and I will help you so that the plague may be delayed and prolonged. Well then, as my conscience testifies, I have advised you all faithfully enough in a Christian and brotherly way. God grant that it may help, amen?)

769. 9. Martin Luther's writing against the predatory and murderous mobs of peasants.

Boron mid-May 1525.

Luther wrote this soon after the previous one, before the middle of May (Köstlin, M. Luther (3), Vol. I, p. 746), which went out under the following title: "WJder die mördischen und reubischen Rotten der Paurenn. Martinus Luther Wittemberg. Psalm vij. Seine tück werden in selbs treffen, Vnd sein mutwill Wirt über jn außgeen." Without place and year. 1 quarto sheet. Also together with the preceding writing with the superscription: "Widder die stürmenden bawren Martinus Luther." The Erlangen edition (2) lists a total of twenty individual editions. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1551), vol. II, p. 87; in the Jena (1556), vol. Ill, p. 129; in the Altenburg, vol. Ill, p. 124; in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 264; in the first edition of the Erlanger, vol. 24, p. 287 and in the second edition, p. 299. We have followed the latter, comparing the Wittenberg and the Jena.

Psalm 7:17.

"His calamity shall come upon his head, and his iniquity shall fall upon his crown."

In the previous booklet I was not allowed to judge the peasants, because they offered themselves for right and better instruction, as Christ says that one should not judge, Matth. 7, 1. But before I look around, they continue to attack with their fist, forgetting their offer; they rob and rage and act like mad dogs. Now they see what they have had in their wrong mind, and that what they have said under the name of the gospel in the twelve articles was a vain lie. In short, they are doing the devil's work, and it is especially the archdevil who rules at Mulhouse,

  1. The Erlanger has here the words, which Walch prefixed in German language of the scripture [Ps. 7,17.s: Oonvertetur äolor sjus, in ouput 6jus, et in vsrtiosni ipsins iniynits" one dssosn^at. In one edition they are written from the title page in Latin, in the original of the Erlanger in German. The latter also contains the next edition, to which the psalm words undoubtedly belong, but not to our "Exhortation".

72 Erl. (2.) 24, 303^-305. sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasant revolt. No.769. w. xvl."-94. 73

and does nothing but rob, murder, and shed blood, as Christ says of him, John 8:44, that he is a murderer from the beginning. Now that such peasants and wretched people let themselves be deceived and do differently than they have spoken, I must also write differently about them; and first put their sin before their eyes, as God commands Isaiah Cap. 58,1. and Ezekiel Cap. 2, 7, if some would recognize themselves, and then instruct the consciences of the worldly rulers as to how they should conduct themselves in this matter.

(2) These peasants are charged with three grievous sins against God and man, by which they have deserved death in body and soul manifoldly. Firstly, that they swore allegiance and oath to their superiors to be submissive and obedient, as God commanded when He said Matth. 22, 21: "Pray to Caesar what is Caesar's"; and Rom. 13,1: "Let every man be subject to his superiors" 2c. But because they break this obedience wilfully and sacrilegiously, and set themselves in opposition to their masters, they have thereby forfeited body and soul, as the unfaithful, perjured, lying, disobedient knaves and wicked men are wont to do. Therefore St. Paul Rom. 13, 2. passes such a judgment on them: "Those who resist authority will be judged. Whatever sentence will finally befall the peasants, it will be sooner or later. For God wants to keep faith and duty.

  1. secondly, that they cause riots, rob and plunder monasteries and castles that are not theirs, so that they alone, as public highwaymen and murderers, may be guilty of death to body and soul; also a rebellious person, whom one can testify, is already in God's and the emperor's custody, so that whoever can and may kill him first, does right and well. For over a public rebel every man is both chief judge and executioner. Just as when a fire starts, he who can put it out first is the best. For sedition is not a bad murder, but as a great fire that kindles and devastates a land; so sedition brings with it a land full of murder, bloodshed, and makes widows and orphans, and

Therefore, let anyone who can, secretly or publicly, throw, choke and stab, and remember that there can be nothing more poisonous, more harmful, more devilish than a rebellious man. It's like beating a mad dog to death; if you don't beat it, it will beat you and the whole country with you.

Thirdly, that they cover such horrible, abominable sin with the gospel, call themselves Christian brothers, take oaths and oaths, and force the people to keep to such abominations with them. So that they become the greatest blasphemers and desecrators of his holy name, and honor and serve the devil under the appearance of the gospel, so that they deserve death ten times over in body and soul, that I have never heard of such uglier sin. And beware also that the devil may feel the latter day, that he should do such outrageous things. As if he should say: It is the last, therefore it should be the worst, and wants to stir the basic soup and push out the bottom. He even wants to expel the bottom. May God resist him. Then see what a mighty prince the devil is, how he has the world in his hands and can mix it up, who can so soon catch, seduce, blind, harden and outrage so many thousands of peasants, and do with them what his most ferocious fury intends.

(5) Nor does it help the peasants to pretend that Genesis 1:28 and 2:15 say that all things are created free and common, and that we are all baptized the same. For in the new testament Moses does not hold and is not valid, but there our Master Christ stands, and casts us with body and goods under emperor and worldly law, saying Matth. 22, 2.: "Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's." So also Paul saith Rom. 13, 1. to all baptized Christians, "Let every man be subject unto authority"; and Peter 1 Ep. 2, 13., "Be subject unto all human order." To this doctrine of Christ we owe to live, 1) as the Father gives from heaven, saying, "This is my beloved Son, whom he heareth" Matth. 17, 5. Marc. 9, 7. Luc. 9, 35..

(6) For baptism does not set free body and goods, but souls. Also makes the Evan-

  1. Wittenberger and Jenaer: "gleuben".

74 "rl. (r.) 24, 305-307. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. xvr. 94-97. 75

The apostles and disciples Apost. 4, 32, who did not demand that the goods of Pilate and Herod be common, as our nonsensical peasants do, but their own goods. 4, 32. who did not demand that Pilate's and Herod's foreign goods be common, as our nonsensical farmers rage, but their own goods. But our peasants want to have other people's goods in common and keep their own for themselves; these are fine Christians to me. I think that there is no devil left in hell, but all the peasants have been driven into it; the raging is excessive and beyond all measure.

(7) Because the peasants are charging both God and man, and are so often already guilty of death in body and soul, and neither confess nor wait for justice, but are always raging, I must instruct the secular authorities how they should proceed in this with a clear conscience. First of all, I will not refuse the authorities, if they can and want to beat and punish such peasants without first asking for justice and equity, even if they the authorities do not suffer the gospel; For it is well justified, since the peasants are no longer fighting for the gospel, but have publicly become faithless, perjured, disobedient, rebellious murderers, robbers, blasphemers, whom even pagan authorities have the right and power to punish, and are even obliged to punish such boys. For this reason she carries the sword and is God's servant over the one who does evil, Rom. 13, 4.

(8) But the authorities, who are Christian and suffer the gospel, because even the peasants have no pretense against them, should act here with fear. And first of all, give the things back to God, and confess that we have well deserved it, since we fear that God may thus arouse the devil to the common punishment of the German land. Then we humbly ask for help against the devil. For here we do not only fight against blood and flesh, but against the spiritual evil-doers in the air, who must be attacked with prayer Eph. 6:12, 18. If then the heart is so turned against God that one lets his divine will prevail, whether he wants us or not to be princes and lords, one should defend oneself against the mad peasants for the sake of abundance (even if they are not worthy of it) rightly and

Offer to do the same. After that, if that doesn't help, quickly reach for the sword.

(9) For a ruler and lord must think here, as he is God's officer and servant of His wrath, Rom. 13:4, to whom the sword is commanded over such wretches, and sins as highly before God, if he does not punish and defend, and does not execute his office, as if one murders, to whom the sword is not commanded. For if he can, and does not punish, whether by murder or bloodshed, he is guilty of all the murder and evil that such wicked men commit, as he who willfully, by neglecting his divine command, permits such wicked men to practice their wickedness, if he can and is guilty of it. Therefore, there is no sleeping here. Nor is patience or mercy valid here; it is the time of the sword and wrath here, and not the time of grace.

(10) So let the authorities go on with confidence and strike with a clear conscience, because they can stir up a vein. For here the advantage is that the peasants have evil consciences and unrighteous things; and whichever peasant is slain thereby is lost body and soul and is eternally of the devil. But the rulers have a good conscience and right things, and can thus say to God with all certainty of heart: "Behold, my God, you have made me ruler or lord, which I cannot doubt, and have commanded me the sword over the evildoers, Rom. 13:4. It is your word, and may not lie; so I must execute such office, at the loss of your grace; so it is also public that these peasants deserve death in many ways before you and before the world, and have commanded me to punish them. If then thou wilt cause me to be put to death by them, and take away my sovereignty again, and cause it to perish: well then, let thy will be done, yet I die and perish in thy divine command and word, and am found in obedience to thy command and my office. Therefore I will punish and smite as long as I can stir a vein; thou wilt judge and do it well.

(11) Therefore it may happen that he who is slain on the ropes of the rulers is a true martyr before God, if he contends with such a conscience as has been said. For he walks in the divine word and obedience.

[76]{.underline} Erl. (s.) 84, 307-S11. Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 769 f. W. XVI. S7-SS. 77

Again, what perishes on the peasants' side is an eternal hellfire. For he wields the sword against God's word and obedience, and is a devil's member.

  1. even if the peasants were to fall (since God is for them), for all things are possible to God, and we do not know whether he might want to destroy all order and supremacy through the devil, and throw the world into a desolate house, in the run-up to the last day, which will not be far off, those who are found in their sword office will surely die and go to ruin with a good conscience, and leave the worldly kingdom to the devil, and take the eternal kingdom in exchange. Such strange times are now, that a prince can earn heaven by shedding blood more than others can earn it by praying.

In the end, there is one more thing that should move the authorities. For the peasants do not let them be satisfied that they are of the devil, but force and coerce many pious people, who do it unwillingly, into their devilish alliance, and thus make the same ones partakers of all their wickedness and damnation. For he who consents with them goes with them to the devil, and is guilty of all the evil they do, and yet must do it, because they are so weak in faith that they cannot resist. For a pious Christian shall suffer a hundred deaths before he allows a hair's breadth in the peasant's matter. Oh, many martyrs could now become through the bloodthirsty peasants and murder prophets.

Now, the authorities should have mercy on such prisoners among the peasants; and if they otherwise had no cause to confidently let the sword go against the peasants, and even to risk life and property, this would still be great enough to save and help such souls, who are forced by the peasants into such a diabolical alliance, and without their will have to sin and be condemned with them so horribly. For such souls are rightly in purgatory, yes, in hell and devil's bonds.

Therefore, dear sirs, redeem here, ride here, help here, have mercy on the poor people, stab, beat, strangle here, whoever can. If you remain dead over it, good for you, you can never get a more blessed death. For you die

in obedience to divine word and command, Rom. 13:4, and in the service of love to save your neighbor from hell and the devil's chains.

(16) I ask you, then, to flee from the peasants, whoever you can, as from the devil himself. But those who do not flee, I pray that God would enlighten and convert them. But those who cannot be converted, God grant that they may not have happiness or success. Let every devout Christian say: Amen. For prayer is right and good, and pleases God well, I know. If anyone thinks this is too hard, let him think that there is no doubt that there is turmoil, and that all the hours of the world are to be waited for.

770. Luthers Sendbrief von dem hatte" Büchlein wider die Bauern. June or

July 1525.

This writing appeared under the title: "Eyn Sendebrieff von dem harten buchlin Widder die bauren. Martin Luther. Wittemberg. MDXX V." 4 quarto sheets. The Erlangen edition (2) lists six individual editions. In the collective editions: m the Wittenberg (1551), vol. II, p. 89b; in the Jena (1556), vol. ill, p. 149b; in the Altenburg, Bö. Ill, p. 141; in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 267; in the Erlangen (I), vol. 24, p. 295 and in its second edition, vol. 24, p. 310. We give the text according to the latter, comparing the Wittenberg and the Jena.

To the honorable and prudent Caspar Müller, Chancellor of Mansfeld, my > good friend.

  1. grace and peace in Christ. Honorable and prudent one! I have had to answer your writing by printing it, because the complaining and questioning about my booklet, against the rebellious peasants, is so much, as if it should be unchristian and too hard. Although I had resolved to plug my ears and to let the blind, ungrateful hearts, which only seek cause to be angry with me, get stuck in such annoyance that they would have to rot inside, since they have not improved so much from other little books of mine that they would also want to recognize such a coarse, bad, earthly judgment as right. For I thought of the word of Christ, John 3:12: "If you do not believe when I speak of earthly things, how will you believe when I speak of heavenly things?

78 Erl. (2.) L4,311-313. cap. 10. of the peasant uprising. W. XVI, 9S-IV2. 79

things spake?" And when the disciples said Matth. 15, 12.: "Do you also know that the Pharisees were offended at the word?" he said, v. 14.: Let them be offended, "they are blind and leaders of the blind".

They cry out and boast: There, one sees Luther's spirit, that he sheds blood without all mercy, the devil must speak out of him. Well, if I were not used to being judged and condemned, this might move me. But I know no greater hope in me than that my doings and teachings must first stand and be crucified. It would not be valid for anyone to judge Luther; Luther is the mark and goal of contradiction, and everyone must try him out to see if he might become a knight and win the jewel. In such a case, everyone has a higher spirit than I; but I must be completely carnal. And if God wanted them to have only a higher spirit, I would rather 1) be carnal, and as St. Paul also says to his Corinthians 1 Ep. 4, 8: "You have already been filled, you have already become rich, you reign without us." But I fear they have too truly a high spirit. For I do not yet see anything special that they accomplish, unless they finally become sins and disgraces. 3)

  1. but they do not see how they start by such judgment, and expose their heart's thoughts by such contradiction, as Luc. 2:34. says of Christ Simeon 2c. They realize, they say, what kind of spirit I have. So I notice how finely they have grasped and learned the gospel. Yes, they do not know a single thing about it 3) and yet they talk a lot about it. For how should they know what heavenly righteousness is in Christ according to the gospel, who do not yet know what earthly righteousness is in worldly authority, according to the law?

(4) Such people are worthy that they hear no word, and see no work, in which they may

  1. In the editions: "I wanted to wait gladly carnal". It will be "zewarten" (zwarten) - indeed, freely, to be read. Compare No. 1000, ß 4 in this volume.
  2. Erlanger: makes. Should this reading be correct, "that" is to be read shortly before.
  3. "they" is missing in the Erlanger.

But they should have vain vexation, as happened to the Jews in Christ, because their heart is so full of evil that they desire nothing better than to have vexation, so that it may happen to them according to the saying Ps. 18:27: "With the wicked thou art wicked"; and Deut. 32:21: "I will provoke them against that which is not a nation, against a foolish people will I provoke them to anger.

  1. These were my reasons why I wanted to keep quiet and let them confidently run and get angry, so that they would have to perish according to their merit, hardened in vain anger 4) and blinded, who with such ingratitude have so richly resounded everywhere by such a great and bright light of the gospel, have learned nothing at all, and have put the fear of God so much in the background that they no longer regard anything as evangelical, but judge and despise others, and allow themselves to think that they are of great spirit and high understanding, and through the teaching of humility only grasp vain hope, as a spider sucks vain poison from a rose.

(6) But because you desire instruction, not for yourselves, but to shut up such useless people; although I consider that you are doing a vain, impossible work, for who can shut up a fool, because the heart is full of foolishness, and the mouth must overflow, because the heart is full? [But in this I will also do you another lost service.

(7) And first of all, warn those who reproach my booklet to keep their mouths shut and beware, for surely they are also rebellious in heart; lest they be unwise, and once go behind their heads, as Solomon says, "My child, fear the Lord and the king, and do not mix with the rebellious. For their calamity will come suddenly, and who knows when both calamities will come?" Proverbs 24:21, 22, where we see that both the rebellious and those who mingle with them are condemned, and God does not want to make a joke out of it, but the king and the ruler are to be feared. But those who mingle

  1. Erlanger: hidden.

80 ed. (p.) 24,313-315. sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasant revolt. No. 770, W. XVI, I0S-I04. 81

Among the rebels, who take care of them, complain, justify and have mercy, whom God does not have mercy on, but wants to punish and destroy. For he who takes care of the rebels in this way gives enough to understand that, where he had space and time, he would also bring disaster, as he had decided in his heart. Therefore, the authorities should take hold of such people's hoods so that they shut their mouths and realize that they are serious.

(8) If they think such an answer is too harsh, and say that it is spoken by force and that their mouths are shut, I say, "That is right. For a rebel is not worthy to be answered with reason, for he will not accept it; one must answer such mouths with the fist, so that the sweat runs out of the nose. The peasants did not want to listen either, they did not even let them say anything; then you have to poke their ears open with cans so that their heads jumped up in the air. To such disciples belongs such a rod. He who will not hear the word of God with kindness must hear the executioner with sharpness. If it is said that I am unkind and unmerciful in this, I answer: "Merciful here, merciful there, we are now talking about the word of God, he wants to honor the king and destroy the rebels, and yet he is as merciful as we are.

(9) I do not want to hear or know about mercy here, but to pay attention to what God's word wants. Therefore my booklet shall be right and remain right, even if all the world is angry with it. Why do I ask that you dislike it, if it pleases God? If he will have wrath, and not mercy, what dealest thou with mercy? Did not Saul sin against Amalek with mercy, that he did not execute God's wrath, as he was commanded? [Did not Ahab sin in being merciful to the king of Syria, and let him live contrary to the word of God? [If thou wilt have mercy, mingle not with the rebellious, but fear the rulers, and do good. If you do evil, fear (says Paul Rom. 13:3, 4), it does not bear the sword in vain.

(10) Such an answer would be enough for all those who are annoyed with my booklet and who are useless.

make. Is it not fair to shut one's mouth when one hears that God says and wants it that way? Or is God guilty of giving such useless mouths cause and account for why he wants it that way? I cried, it would be enough to silence all creatures, if he only waved one eye, let alone if he spoke. There is his word Proverbs 24:22: "My child, fear the Lord and the King; if not, your calamity will come suddenly" 2c. Item, Rom. 13, 2.: "Whoever resists God's order will receive judgment against himself." Why is St. Paul not merciful here either? If we are to preach God's word, we must also preach that which proclaims wrath, as well as that which proclaims mercy. One must also preach about hell as well as heaven, and on both sides, about the pious and the wicked, God's word, judgment and work must help to punish the wicked and protect the pious.

(11) But so that the pious God may remain before such judges, and His judgment be found right and pure, let us represent His word against such free mouths, and show the cause of His divine will, that we may also put two candles to the devil. They reproach me that Christ teaches Luc. 6, 36: "Be merciful, as your Father is merciful"; item Matth. 12, 7: "I want mercy and not sacrifice"; item Luc. 9, 56: "The Son of Man did not come to destroy souls, but to save them", and the like.

Here they think they have failed; if Luther taught that the peasants were to be pitied, he teaches that they should be killed quickly. What do you think? Let us see if Luther will jump over the little piece; I think he is caught. Well, I thank my dear masters. For if these high spirits had not taught me this, how would I have known or experienced it? How would I know that God promotes mercy, when I have taught and written about mercy more than anyone else in a thousand years?

There is a devil in the skin who would gladly do evil if he could. Therefore, he stirs and fights even the good and pious hearts.

82 Erl. (2.) 24,315-317. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W, XVI, 104-107. 83

with such pieces that they should not see how black he is, and wants to make himself beautiful under the glory of mercy, but it will not help him. Dear, you who praise mercy so well because the peasants are beaten, why do you not praise it when the peasants raged, beat, robbed, burned and plundered, so that it was terrible to see and hear? Why were they not merciful to the princes and lords who wanted to destroy them completely? There was no one who said of mercy, all must be right, there was mercy silent and nothing; right, right, right, that applied and went up. But now they are beaten, and the stone falls on their head, which they cast toward heaven, let no one speak of justice, but only of mercy.

14 And yet they are so coarse, and think that one should not notice the mischief. No, one sees you well, you black, ugly devil. You do not praise mercy, that you are serious, and love mercy, otherwise you would have praised it against the peasants; you fear the skin, and would gladly escape the rod and punishment of God with the appearance and name of mercy. Not so, dear fellow, you have to stand here and die without any mercy. St. Paul says Rom. 13, 4: "If you do evil, fear. For the power of the sword is not in vain, but for the punishment of him that doeth evil." Thou wilt do evil, yet not suffer wrath, but with boasting mercy cover thee. Yes, come back tomorrow, we will bake you a little cake. Who could not do that?

(15) I would also run into a man's house, ravish his wife and daughters, break open his caskets, take his money and goods, and put a sword to his breast, saying, If thou wilt not suffer this, I will stab thee, for thou art an ungodly man. But if the servants came and strangled me, or the judge beheaded me, I would cry out: Christ teaches you to be merciful and not to strangle me; what can you say to that? My peasants and defenders of the peasants are doing the same now. Now they have exercised all courage against the masters, like the robbers, murderers, thieves, and

Peel, first sing a little song of mercy, and say, Be ye merciful, as Christ teacheth, and let us rage, as the devil teacheth us; do ye good to us, and let us do the worst to you; be well pleased and be right in what we have done, and be wrong in what ye do.

(16) Dear one, who would not like this? If this is called mercy, then we want to do a fine thing, that is, that there be no sword, authority, court, punishment, executioner, or prison, but let every boy do what he wants; and if he is to be punished, we want to sing: Be merciful, as Christ teaches. O, that should be a fine order! There you see what those have in mind who judge my booklet as lacking all mercy. They are certainly good rascals, rebellious, and real bloodhounds, or are seduced by such people. For they would like to have all evil unpunished, and under the name of mercy they are the most ruthless and cruel corrupters of the whole world, as much as it would depend on them.

(17) Yes, they say, we do not justify the peasants, nor do we resist punishment; but it seems unjust to us that you teach that you have no mercy on the poor peasants, for you say that they should be killed without any mercy. I answer: If you mean that right, then I am golden; it is all the cover of your bloodthirsty will, that the peasants' nature pleases you secretly. Where have I ever taught that one should not practice mercy at all? Is it not also written in the same booklet that I ask the authorities to accept those who surrender to mercy? Why do you not open your eyes and read it? Then you would not have had to condemn my booklet and get angry.

(18) But because you are so poisonous that you take the one piece alone, when I write that those who will not surrender nor listen should be swiftly put to death without all mercy, and leave the other, when I write that those who surrender should be received with mercy, it is evident that you are a spider sucking poison from the rose, and it is not true that you do wrong to the peasants or love mercy, but would have

84 Erl. (s.) 2t, 317-319. sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasant revolt. No. 770, W. XVI, I07-II0. 85

like to have a freely unpunished wickedness, and that the worldly sword would come to nothing. But you will not end it.

(19) Let this be said to the unchristian, unmerciful bloodhounds, who praise the sayings of mercy to the effect that unrighteousness and unmercifulness shall reign in the world according to their will.

  1. To the others who are deceived by these, or are otherwise so weak that they do not like to compare my booklet with the sayings of Christ, let this be said. There are two kingdoms: one is God's kingdom, the other is the kingdom of the world, as I have written so often that I am surprised how people do not yet know or realize this. For whoever knows how to separate the two kingdoms from each other properly, will certainly not be annoyed by my little book, and will also hear the sayings about mercy well. God's kingdom is a kingdom of grace and mercy, and not a kingdom of wrath or punishment. For there is only forgiveness, sparing, loving, serving, doing good, having peace and joy 2c. But the worldly kingdom is a kingdom of wrath and severity. For there it is all punishment, defense, judgment and sentencing, to compel the wicked and protect the pious. Therefore it also has and wields the sword, and a ruler or lord is called God's wrath or God's rod in the Scriptures, Isa. 14, 5.

21 The sayings that speak of mercy belong to God's kingdom and to Christians, not to the worldly kingdom. For a Christian shall not only be merciful, but shall also suffer all manner of things, robbery, fire, murder, the devil, and hell, except he should smite, slay, or requite any man. But the temporal kingdom, which is nothing but the servant of divine wrath upon the wicked, and a veritable forerunner of hell and eternal death, shall not be merciful, but stern, earnest, and wrathful in his office and work. For his armor is not a rosary or a flower of love, but a mere sword; but a sword is a sign of wrath, severity and punishment, and is directed nowhere but at the poseurs; on these it looks to punish and keep them in check and peace, for the protection and salvation of the pious.

22 Therefore God, in the Law of Moses, and in Exodus 21:14, when He uses the sword, says, "Thou shalt also take away the murderer from My altar, and shalt not have mercy on him. And the epistle to the Hebrews confesses that he who did contrary to the law must die without all mercy. This indicates that the temporal authorities cannot be merciful in their own office, nor should they be, even though they may celebrate the office by grace.

(23) Whoever would mix these two kingdoms together, as our false spirits do, would put wrath in the kingdom of God and mercy in the kingdom of the world; that would be putting the devil in heaven and God in hell. These Burmese also wanted to do both of these things. Before, they wanted to ride with the sword, and as Christian brothers fight for the gospel, and kill others, because they were supposed to be merciful and patient. Now, when the worldly kingdom passes over them, they want to have mercy within, that is, they do not want to suffer a worldly kingdom, and yet they themselves do not want to grant God's kingdom to anyone; what would be devised for intercourse? Not so, dear friends; if one has earned wrath in the worldly realm, then one surrenders and suffers the punishment, or humbly remits it. But those who are in God's kingdom should have mercy on everyone and pray for them, but not hinder the worldly kingdom in its right and work, but help to promote it.

(24) But though such severity and wrath of the worldly kingdom seem a ruthless thing, yet, when rightly considered, it is not the least bit of divine mercy. For let every man take himself, and tell me hereupon a judgment: If I have wife and child, house and servants, and goods, and a thief or murderer assaults me, strangles me in my house, violates my wife and child, takes what I have, and he should remain unpunished for it, that he does it more where he wants: tell me, which would be the most worthy and necessary of mercy here? I, or the thief and murderer? Without a doubt, it would be most necessary for me to be shown mercy. But where will such mercy be shown to me and my poor, miserable wife and children, so that such booing may be resisted and I and my children protected?

86 Erl. (2.) 24,319-322. Cap. 10. voü dem Bauetnausruht. W. XVI, 110-112. 87

keep me in the right; or, if he does not let him defend himself and continues to do him his right, punish him so that he has to let it go? What a fine mercy it would be to me, that one would be merciful to the thief and murderer, and let me remain murdered, violated and robbed by him?

  1. Such peasant defenders do not look at such mercy, which rules and acts in the secular sword, but only open their eyes and mouths at the wrath and seriousness; We pretend to the furious princes and lords that we teach them to punish the wicked, when they are ten times worse hypocrites of the murderous boys and wicked peasants, and are themselves also bloodthirsty murderers with rebellious hearts, that they have no mercy at all on those who are overpowered by the peasants, robbed, violated, and forced to do all kinds of injustice. For where the peasants had been going about their business, no honest man could have remained safe from them, but whoever had more than a penny would have had to take the blame, as they had already begun to do. And if that had not been enough, they would have had to put their wives and children to shame and strangle each other, so that peace and safety would never have remained.

26 What is ever heard more wicked than the mad mob and peasant, when he is full and full and gets violence? as Solomon says, Proverbs 30:21, 22, that such people the earth cannot bear. And should we first have mercy on such people and let them rage as they wish with everyone's life, limb, wife, child, honor and property, without any punishment, and let the innocent perish so shamefully before us without all mercy, help and comfort?

27 I constantly hear that the Bamberg peasants were offered to be let off more, because they asked that they should only sit quietly; they still did not want to. And Margrave Casimir vowed to his own that what others had acquired by strife and rebellion, he would otherwise let them have, with mercy; that did not help either. Thus it is well known that the Frankish peasants hold nothing against them but robbery, burning, breaking and destruction, out of sheer will of courage. The Thuringian peasants

I have experienced myself that the more they were admonished and taught, the more stubborn, proud, and foolish they became, and they have stood up everywhere so wilfully and defiantly, as if they wanted to be strangled without all grace and mercy, and have immediately offered God's wrath the most magnificent defiance. And so it is with them, as the 109th Psalm, v. 17, says: "They did not want grace, so it is now far enough from them.

Therefore the Scripture has fine, pure eyes, and sees the secular sword rightly, as that out of great mercy must be merciless, and for vain goodness exercise wrath and severity, as Paul Rom. 13:4 and Peter 1 Pet. 2:14 say, that it is God's servant for vengeance, wrath and punishment over the wicked, and for the protection, praise and honor of the pious. It looks at the pious and has mercy on them, and so that no harm comes to them, it fights, bites, stabs, cuts, cuts, murders, as God has commanded it, whose servant is recognized in this.

  1. That the wicked are punished in this way without mercy is not because the punishment of the wicked alone is sought, and lust is atoned for in their blood, but so that the pious are protected, peace and security are preserved. Which are undoubtedly the most precious works of great mercy, love and kindness (for there is nothing more wretched on earth than strife, insecurity, oppression, violence, injustice, etc.). For who could or would want to stay alive, where it should be like this? Therefore, the sword's anger and seriousness is so necessary among the people, as eating and drinking, even as life itself.

(30) Yes, they say, we are not talking about the stiff-necked peasants who do not want to surrender, but about those who have overcome or surrendered; one should show mercy to such people and not deal with them in such an abominable way. I answer, "You must not be pious to blaspheme my booklet as if I were speaking of such overcome, devoted peasants, when I speak so plainly in it of those whom one first asks kindly, but they do not want. All my words go against the stiff-necked, stubborn, blinded peasants, who

88 Erl. (2.) 2t, 322-321.. Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 770**, W. XVI, H2-IIS.** 89

neither want to see nor hear, how one may grasp it. And you say, I teach the wretched captive peasants to strangle without all mercy. If you want to read books and interpret them according to your will, what book will remain before you?

Therefore, as I wrote then, so I write now. Let no one have mercy on the stiff-necked, obstinate, blinded peasants who do not let them be told, but let them cut, stab, choke, and strike as if they were mad dogs, whoever they can and however they can; and all this so that one may have mercy on those who are corrupted, chased away, and seduced by such peasants, that one may have peace and safety. It is better to cut off a limb without all mercy than for the whole body to perish by fire or some such pestilence. How do you like that? Am I also an evangelical preacher who teaches grace and mercy? If I am not, there is no power in it. For you are a bloodhound and seditious murderer and corrupter of the land with your mad peasants. For thou art hypocritical in their sedition.

They go on to say: The peasants have not strangled anyone yet, as they are strangled. Dear, what can one say? What a beautiful answer is this, they have not strangled anyone; that made it necessary to do what they wanted; but they nevertheless threatened to kill whoever did not want to go along with them, and took the sword in their fist that was not theirs, attacked the goods, houses and possessions. So a thief and a murderer would not be a murderer, who would do to me with death what he wanted. But if they had done what was kindly desired of them, they would not have been killed. But since they would not, it was right to do to them as they would have done, and to do to those who would not do as they would.

Moreover, they are publicly unfaithful, perjured, disobedient, rebellious thieves, robbers, murderers and blasphemers, so that none of them deserves death tenfold without all mercy. One ever wants to look with the shrew's eye only at the punishment, how painful it is, and not also at the guilt and merit, and unspeakable damage and destruction, which there is.

should have followed. If the punishment hurts you, then leave the wickedness; as Paul also answers such, Rom. 13, 3. 4.: "If you do not fear the sword, then do good; but if you do evil, then fear" 2c.

Thirdly, they say: The lords abuse their sword, and strangle too horribly 2c. I answer: What is that to do with my book? Why do you lay foreign guilt on me? If they abuse their power, they have not learned it from me, they will find their share. For the supreme judge, who punishes the wanton peasants through them, has not forgotten them, nor will they escape him. My booklet does not say what the lords deserve, but what the peasants deserve and how they should be punished; I have not hypocritized anyone with this. If it is the time and the matter that I should do it, I will certainly attack the princes and lords. For as far as my office of teaching is concerned, a prince is just as important to me as a peasant. I have already earned them in such a way that they are not too dear to me; I do not care much about them either. I have one who is greater than them all, as St. John says Cap. 10, 29.

If, however, my advice had been followed at first, when the riot began, and one peasant or a hundred had dared to do it, and had been beaten on the heads, so that the others would have bumped into them, and had not let them get so out of hand, many thousands would have been preserved, who now had to die, and would probably have remained at home. That would have been a necessary mercy with little anger, since one now had to take so much seriousness to control so many.

But it has been God's will to joke with us on both sides. First of all, the peasants, that they might learn how to be at ease, and not suffer good days in peace, that they might learn to thank God for it, if they had to give one cow, so that they might enjoy the other with peace. For it is always better to have half of the estate in peace and safety, than to have the whole estate in danger all the time among thieves and murderers, and yet not have it. The peasants did not know how precious it was for peace and security that one might have

90 Erl. (2.) 24,324-326. cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI, IIS-118. 91

enjoy his morsel and drink cheerfully and safely, and did not thank God for it; that he now had to teach them in this way, that they 1) forgot the tickle.

It was also useful for the lords to learn what was behind the mob and how to trust it, so that they could learn to govern properly and to cultivate land and roads. There was no longer any regiment or order; everything stood open and idle. There was no longer any fear or timidity among the people; everyone did what he wanted. No one wanted to give anything, and yet they splurged, drank, dressed and walked idly, as if they were all masters. The donkey wants to be beaten, and the mob wants to be ruled by force; God knew that well. That is why he did not give the authorities a fox's tail, but a sword in their hands.

(38) Nor is this one of the least pieces they put on: there were many pious people among the peasants who came to this innocently, and had to do it, who were wronged before God by being executed in this way. I answer, "People talk about such things as if they had never heard a word from God. Therefore I must also answer here, as to those who are still young children or pagans. So nothing is directed among the people with so many books and sermons.

39 First of all, I say that there is no injustice done to those who are forced by the peasants; nor is there any Christian man left among them, nor do they come to it innocently, as they pretend. It may well be seen as if they were wronged, but it is not so. Tell me, dear friend, what excuse is there if someone strangles your father and mother, violates your wife and child, burns your house, and takes your money and possessions, and then says that he had to do it, that he was forced to do it?

  1. Who has ever heard of anyone being forced to do good or evil? Who can force a man's will? O, it does not exist, nor is it, that one says, I must do wrong, and I will do wrong.
  1. Erlanger: they.

forced to do so. To deny Christ and the Word of God is a great sin and wrong, and many are forced to do so; but do you think that they are excused by this? So, "to make a riot, to disobey the authorities, to be unfaithful and perjurious, to rob and burn" is great wrong, and some peasants are forced to do it; what does it help them? Why do they let themselves be forced?

(41) Yes, they say, I am threatened to take my body and my goods. O my beloved, that thou mightest keep my body and my goods, wilt thou transgress the commandment of God, and slay me, and ravish my wife and my child; how would God and I do it? Would you also suffer it so from me? If you were forced, then, that the peasants had bound you hand and foot and brought you under them by force, and you had resisted with your mouth and punished them for it, and thus your heart had confessed and testified that it did not like to do it, nor did it consent to it, then you would stand with honor, and would indeed be forced with your body, but yet unconstrained with your will. But if you keep silent, do not punish them, and still follow with the crowd, and do not confess your displeasure, it does not help you; and you have been waiting too long to confess your displeasure at first. For you should fear and respect God's commandment more than men, even if you had to ride and risk death over it; he would not let you go, but would have faithfully stood by you, saved you and helped you. Therefore, just as those who deny God are condemned, even if they are forced to do so, so the peasants are not excused for allowing themselves to be forced.

(42) If the excuse were valid, there would be no need to punish sin or vice. For where is there a sin that the devil and the flesh and the world do not drive and force alike? Do you not think that at times an evil desire drives to adultery with such fervor and rage that it might be called a greater urge and compulsion than to urge a peasant to riot? For who is mighty of heart? Who can resist the devil and the flesh? Is it not possible for us to resist the slightest sin, since Scripture says that we are to resist the devil and the flesh?

92 Erl. (2.) 24,826-328. sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasant revolt. No. 770, W. XVI, 118-120. 93

We are prisoners of the devil 2 Tim. 2, 26, as of our Prince and God, that we must do what he wills and gives us to do; as is sometimes proved by some horrible stories; should it therefore be unpunished and right?

(43) Not so, it is to call upon God for help, and to resist sin and wrongdoing. If you die or suffer for it, good for you, and blessed is your soul before God and the world in the highest honor. But if you give in and follow, you will die ashamed before God and the world, because you have allowed yourself to be forced into wrongdoing. It would be better for you to die with honor and bliss, praising God, than to die in disgrace, as a punishment and torment to you.

  1. Yes, say you, O LORD God, who would have known such things! So I also say: Lord God, what can I do about it? Ignorance will not excuse either. Should a Christian not know what he needs to know? Why don't they learn it? Why don't they have good preachers? One wants to be ignorant with will. The "gospel has come to Germany, many pursue it, few desire it, far fewer accept it, and those who accept it, stand by it so lazily and lazily, let schools perish, parishes and preaching stands fall, no one thinks to preserve it and raise up people; and let us be seen everywhere as if we were sorry that we were learning something, and would gladly know nothing. What wonder, then, if God will also visit us, and let us again see a piece, to punish his gospel contempt, in which we are all guilty, though we are innocent of some of the rebellion, which we have well deserved; that he may admonish us and send us to school, that we may one day also become witty and knowledgeable?

(45) How must one do in wars, since even the innocent must go away with the guilty, even more than the innocent, as it seems to us, since widows and orphans also become. These are plagues, sent to us by God, and otherwise well deserved, which one must truly suffer with the other, if we want to live differently with one another. For as it is said, one neighbor owes another a fire.

  1. whoever wants to be in the community must

He will also help to bear and suffer the burden, journey and damage of the community, even though he has not forfeited it, but his neighbor, just like him, is entitled to peace, benefit, protection, property, freedom and the community's home, even though he has not acquired or brought about the same, and will learn to sing and comfort himself with Job: "If we have received good things from the Lord, why should we not also bear evil things? So many good days are worth an evil hour, and so many good years are worth an evil day or year. We have had peace and good days for a long time, until we became too horny and unhappy, did not know what peace and good days were, and did not even thank God for them; this we must now learn.

(47) Yes, we may well refrain from such complaining and grumbling, I advise, and thank God that through His grace and mercy no greater calamity has come upon us than the devil intended to inflict through the peasants, just as Jeremiah did: when the Jews were driven out, captured and murdered, he consoled himself and said: "It is God's grace and goodness that we have not been completely destroyed" Klagl. 3, 22. And we Germans, who are much worse than the Jews, and yet not so driven out and strangled, want first of all to grumble and be impatient/) and justify ourselves, and not let a part of us be strangled, so that God may be enraged even more, and let us go to the ground, take off our hand, and give us completely to the devil. We do as the foolish Germans do, who know nothing of God, and speak of such things as if there were no God who does such things and wants to have them, and think that we suffer nothing at all, but are vain noblemen who sit on cushions, and want to do according to all their will.

48 For you should have seen that if the devil's thing had gone on in the peasants, and God had not fed them with the sword through the prayers of devout Christians, then it would have happened throughout the whole of the German lands as it happens now to those who are stabbed and killed, and much worse. There would be no one before the other

  1. "his" is missing in the Erlanger.

94 Erl. (2.) 24, 32S-33Ü. Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 120-123. 95

Each would have strangled the other, burned house and yard, and desecrated wife and child. For God had not begun and there was no order, and there was already such a situation among them that no one trusted or believed the others; they deposed one captain after the other and had to leave, not as honest people did, but as the most ruthless boys said and wanted. For the devil had it in mind, he wanted to devastate Germany completely, because otherwise he could not defend the Gospel.

  1. And who knows what else will happen if we want to grumble and be ungrateful like this? God may well let the peasants become mad once again, or let another one start, so that it will be worse afterwards than now. Methinks it was a good strong admonition and warning. If we take care of it and do not turn away from it and do not fear God, then we may see what happens to us, so that this is not a joke and seriousness follows.

50 Finally, one would like to say: You yourself teach sedition, because you say that one should quickly strike and stab the seditious, whoever can, each one being the supreme judge and executioner in this case. Here I answer: My booklet is not written against bad offenders, but against the seditious; but you must distinguish a seditious far, far from a murderer or robber, or any other offender. For a murderer or other malefactor leaves the head and the authority, and attacks only his members or goods; indeed, he is afraid of the authority. Because the head remains, no one should attack such a murderer, because the head can punish him, but wait for the judgment and command of the head, to whom God has commanded the sword and office to punish.

(51) But a rebel attacks the head himself, and falls on his sword and office, so that his offense has no equal with the murderer. Here it is not necessary to wait for the head to command and judge. For it cannot, and is imprisoned and beaten, but shall run to whoever can, uncalled and uncommanded, and as a faithful member help save its head with stabbing, cutting, choking, and put body and goods to the head.

(52) I must imagine this with a rough similitude. If I were a master's servant and saw that his enemy was running at him with a bare sword, and I could ward it off, but stood still and let my master be so shamefully slain: tell me, what would both God and the world say of me? would they not justly say that I was a desperate villain and traitor, and must certainly have head and tail with the enemy? But if I were to go to the enemy and intervene between the enemy and the master, and put my body on the line for my master, and stab the enemy to death, would that not be an honorable and honest deed, which would be praised and glorified before God and the world? Or, if I were stabbed to death over it, how could I die more Christianly? because I would die in right worship, as much as it is in the work itself; and if faith were involved, I would be a right holy martyr of God.

(53) But if I should excuse myself, saying, I will therefore hold my peace until my lord shall call me; what would that excuse do, but to accuse me two times more, and to make me worthy to be cursed of all men, as one that jesteth in such wickedness? Did not Christ himself vow all these things in the Gospel, and declare it to be right, that servants should fight for their masters, when he stood before Pilate and said John 18:36, "If my kingdom were of this world, my servants would fight for me, that I should not be delivered to the Jews." There you see that it is right in the sight of God and the world for servants to fight for their masters; otherwise what would the worldly government be?

54 Now behold, such a man is the agitator, that he runneth upon the head and the lord with the naked sword: there shall no man tarry till the lord be called to resist, but shall go and stab the wicked, unnamed, he that is able first, and shall not take care that he commit murder, but he shall resist an arch-murderer, which seeketh to murder the whole land. Yes, where he does not stab and murder, but lets the lord stab, he is also an arch-murderer. For he must and should then think, because his lord suffers and lies, that he is lord, judge and executioner in the case. For sedition is not a joke, and

96 ed. (2.) 24, 330-332. sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasant revolt. No. 770, W. XVI, 123-126. 97

No evil on earth is equal to it. Other vices are individual pieces; sedition is a deluge of all vices.

(55) I am called a spiritual man, and I hold the office of the word. But yet, if I were a servant of a Turkish lord, and saw my lord on the road, I would forget my spiritual office, and stab and slash freshly, because I could stir a vein; if I were stabbed over it, I would go up to heaven in the work of the mouth. For rebellion is not worthy of any judgment or mercy, whether it be among Gentiles, Jews, Turks, Christians, or wherever it may be, but it has already been interrogated, judged, and condemned, and delivered to death in every man's hand. Therefore, there is nothing more to be done here than to quickly strangle the rebel and do him justice.

(56) No murderer does or deserves such evil. For a murderer does a criminal wickedness and lets the punishment remain. A rebel wants to have a free, unpunishable wickedness and attacks the punishment himself. Moreover, at this time they make an evil cry to the gospel among the gospel's enemies, who blame such sedition on the gospel, and open their mouths wide enough to blaspheme, though they are not excused by it, and know it well otherwise; Christ will also strike them well in his time.

(57) See now whether I have rightly and justly written in my booklet that one should stab the rebellious without all mercy. But I did not teach that one should not show mercy to the captives and the devoted, as I am blamed, and my booklet shows otherwise.

(58) I do not want to strengthen the angry tyrants, nor do I want to praise their raging. For I hear that some of my disciples are cruel beyond measure to the poor people, and are almost bold and defiant, as if they had won and were firmly established. Well, they do not seek punishment and correction of the rebellion, but atone for their fierce will and cool their troubles, which they may have borne for a long time; they think that they have now gained space and reason to do so.

  1. But especially 'they now confidently oppose the gospel, want to rebuild monasteries and convents, and to give the pope the

Crown, mix our cause among the rebellious. But they will soon reap what they are sowing. For he that sitteth above seeth them, and will come before they look. They shall lack what they intend, that I know, as they have lacked hitherto.

I have also written in the same booklet that now is such a strange time that one may earn heaven with murder and bloodshed. Help God, how has Luther forgotten himself, who until now has taught that one must attain grace and be saved without works, by faith alone. But here he does not give salvation to works alone, but also to the horrible work of shedding blood. There, the Rhine has broken out.

61 Dear God, how closely I am sought, how they lie in wait for me, and yet they do not help me. For I hope that they will let me keep the custom of words and the manner of speech, which not only the common man has, but also the Scriptures keep. Does not Christ say Matth. 5, 3. 10. 12.: "Blessed are the poor, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven; and blessed are you when you suffer persecution. For your reward is great in heaven"; and Matth. 25, 34. where he rewards the works of mercy 2c., and the like much more. And yet it remains true that works do nothing in the sight of God, but faith alone. But how this happens I have written so many times, and especially in the sermon on unjust mammon. Whoever does not want to be satisfied by this, let him always go and be angry all his life long.

  1. But that I have made the work of bloodshed so dear, my booklet in the same place will abundantly testify that I have spoken of temporal rulers who are Christian, and who conduct their office in a Christian way, especially when they fight against the rebellious mobs. If they do not do well by shedding blood and carrying out their office, Samson, Samuel and David should not have done well either, since they punished the evildoers and shed blood. If it is not good nor right to shed blood like this, then let the sword stand, and let us be free brothers and do what we want.

63 For this I beseech you, and every man with diligence, that they will yet read my booklet.

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and do not go so far beyond, they will see that I, as befits a Christian preacher, have instructed only the Christian, pious authorities. I say again, and for the third time, that I alone have written to the authorities who want to go Christian or otherwise honestly, so that they may instruct their consciences in such a case, namely, that they should immediately strike into the pile of the rebels, regardless of whether they hit the guilty or the innocent. And even if they strike the innocent, they are not to make a conscience of it, but to confess to God that they are guilty of his service. Afterwards, when they have won, they shall show mercy, not only to the innocent (as they think), but also to the guilty.

But I did not intend to teach the furious, raging and senseless tyrants, who even after the battle are not satisfied with blood, and in their whole life do not ask much about Christ. For to such bloodhounds it counts the same, they strangle guilty or innocent, it pleases God or the devil, they have the sword, only their lust and will to atone; I let their master, the devil, lead them as he leads them.

When I heard that at Mulhouse, among some great merchants, one of them brought the poor wife of Thomas Muenzer, who is now a widow and pregnant, to him, fell on his knees before her and said: Dear wife, let me take you to N. O, a chivalrous, noble deed, committed on a miserable, abandoned, pregnant woman; that is a bold hero, who would be worth three knights. 1) What should I write to such rangers and sows? The Scriptures call such people beasts, that is, wild animals, as there are wolves, sows, bears and lions, so I do not want to make them human either; but one must still suffer them, if God wants to plague us through them.

I have taken care of both: if the peasants would become lords, the devil would become abbot; but if such tyrants would become lords, his mother would become abbess. Therefore, I would have gladly satisfied both, the peasants.

  1. "would be" only in the Jena.

and pious superiority taught. But since the peasants did not want to listen, they have received their wages. But these also do not want to listen; well, they will also have their wages. Without pity they should be murdered by the peasants, that would be a fox's tail. Hellish fire, trembling and gnashing of teeth in hell will be their reward forever if they do not repent.

(67) These things, my lord and friend, I have answered your writing; I hope I have done more than enough. But if anyone has not done enough, let him be wise and prudent, pious and holy in God's name, and let me remain a fool and a sinner. Although I would like to be left in peace, nothing will be said against me, and what I teach and write should remain right, even if the whole world should burst at it. If one wants to be strange, then I will also be strange, and see who will be right in the end. Hereby God commands, and tells Conrad to watch, hit it and lie down in the right bed. The printer shall also avoid it henceforth, and no longer call you Chancellor, amen.

771 Spalatin's concerns about old and new levies, addressed to a friend who was presumably a nobleman and who wanted to act in conscience against his subjects.

From Cyprian's "Useful Documents," vol. II, p. 348.

After diligent consideration and contemplation of the facts, I believe that the previous comforting report should be taken into account. Considering that it is not only clothed in God's Word, but also originates not only from me, but also from the venerable, highly respected Doctor Martin Luther. And one cannot do better than to follow the report that comes from others rather than one's own thoughts. Therefore I base, as before, on the previous report, both my own, and highly esteemed Doctor Martin Luther's opinion. If there are old debts, about people's memory, and have arisen before your arrival and housekeeping, then I want to let them go, in God's name, and otherwise show my subjects honest and favorable will, in which I always want. But if there were of you, in and by

100 Section 2: Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 771**, W. XVI, 128-IM.** 101

of your household, the old levies, also interest of woods, more hunting service 2c., and how it would have more and more names, from new over the old levies, burden and burden raised, set and imposed on the people, then it would be called fair, as God in Isaiah 58, 6. says: Solve colligationes iniquitatis etc.. Likewise with the feudal

The fiefs of some feudal lords are now so high that they are lamented in heaven, and God will surely hear such prayers and hurt many feudal lords, pressing them very hard. For it is ever too much to drive the fief so high that many widows and orphans must be left heirless. Some are so clever that they put the fine only on the money, and do not want a farmer to come to food or to stay with it. Some force the subjects, as often as they want, to hunt over the old custom that was brought here, although it should have been done only rarely in the past. Some of them take timber and chicken rents from the subjects, because they have been allowed to graze in the woods. But now they get ready, give the interest another name, do not let the people graze in the woods, but still take the interest most strictly 2c. Who will and can tell all about such new burdens, levies and burdens? Where such new burdens were recently imposed on the people, a relief was made before the conscience would not let up with its bite. In the old ones, however, and in the ones imposed by others, I satisfied my heart with God's help. In addition, I am moved by the divine scripture mentioned above, the example of the great archfather Joseph, who, as it is written in the first book of Moses, v. 24, 26, 47, decreed to give the fifth part of the Egyptian field to Pharaoh, except for the priestly field, which was not Pharaoh's own. On the other hand, such ordinances are police ordinances that God allows to pass at any time. So also St. Peter says in his first epistle in the other chapter v. 13: "Be subject to all human orders." Thirdly, the common rabble is bridleless, insolent, and rough, and must be kept hard; otherwise it shall well do all mischief. For thus says King Solomon in the 26th chapter of his Proverbs v. 3., that a whip belongs to the horse, a bridle to the ass, a rod to the fool's back, otherwise none of you will do well. Fourth, even if you were to do away with the old customs, it would not help the cause, but would cause more disruption, suspicion and disobedience, as well as a burdensome introduction for others.

For not everyone would follow this example. If only God wanted that the new taxes could be alleviated and solved smoothly and unnoticeably. I would also not object to you bequeathing something to the poor people every year in your will and last will, which would be to their benefit for the payment of the tax due; but in all cases now unannounced. For it might make the people wanton and you suspicious. Secondly, if such thoughts occur to you, take the Holy Scriptures before you and compose a psalm or something else. For this is the only true book of comfort, as Paul indicates in Romans 15:4. Thirdly, God's mercy is greater than the life of all men, as it is written in the 63rd Psalm, v. 4. And as St. John says in his first epistle in the third chapter, v. 20: "If our heart punishes us, God is much greater than our heart. Fourthly, in such afflictions of conscience, you have recourse to God, to dear prayer, and to the reception of the holy Sacrament and the absolution of your pastor, as well as to the diligent hearing of God's Word, without doubt, God will, through these Christian divine means, give your conscience and heart, if not complete peace and tranquility, then at least good, blessed relief. For it is true, as it is written in Job, chapter 7, v. 1, that man must always be in conflict. That is why God is also called the Lord of hosts, that he and his poor little band must always be in the field. But praise God! and as Paul says in 1 Cor. 15, 57, that God has given us the victory through Christ. Above this, as St. Paul says in 2 Cor. 2, 14, we thank God that He always gives us victory in Christ. Finally, you should also be with your sons about this, and faithfully instruct them to be content with the old traditional taxes, and not to burden the subjects with some innovation, but to follow the laudable and praiseworthy example of the Roman emperor Tiberii, of whom Suetonius writes that, since some of his councilors would have him lay and enforce taxes and duties on the people, he gave them this answer: He will not do it. For it behooves a faithful, pious shepherd not to shear the sheep, but to shear them.

That would be just enough. God grant you blessed relief in your conscience. For Satan will never let us come to complete rest in this restless world, even in our restless blood and flesh.

[102]{.underline} Erl- 65.2-4. Cap. 10. of the peasants' revolt. W. XVI, I3I-I33. 103

6. how this indignation was sought to be dampened by amicable settlement.

772 The treaty made with the peasants at Lake Constance and in Algau on April 22, 1525, with Luther's preface and admonition to the peasants.

This document was published under the title: "Vertrag zwischen dem löblichen Bund zu Schwaben, vnd den zweyen Haussen vnd versamlung der Bawrn am Bodensee und Algew. M.D.XXV. Wittemberg." At the end: "Gedruckt zu Wittemberg durch Joseph Klug." 1^ Bogen in 4. In the "Gesammtausgabe": in the Wittenberger (1569), vol. IX, p. 219, in the Jenaer (1556), vol. Ill, p. 102; in the Altenburger, vol. Ill, p. 106; in the Leipziger, vol.XIX, p. 246 and in the Erlanger, vol. 65, p. 2.

Preface by Martin Luther.

I have received this treaty between the laudable union of Swabia and the communities at Lake Constance and in the Algäu with great joy, as a special grace of God in these desolate, horrible times, which the devil is wreaking through his red spirits and murderous prophets.

2 And I have again sent the same one to ask whether God would perhaps also give His grace in our lands, so that the same example of the devil's work might be countered and his bloodthirsty enterprise might be resisted, and also our peasants might want to desist from their dangerous, damned enterprise and go to peace and friendly agreement before God Himself comes, and their horrible raving, both undertaken against divine and human law, might be brought home with merciless earnestness.

For he himself said Matt. 26:52, "He that taketh the sword shall perish by the sword." And he also let St. Paul say Rom. 13, 2.: "He who resists the authorities resists God's order; but he who resists it will receive judgment." He wants such sayings and will have kept them, and will not consider whether we are peasants or lords, whether we call ourselves Christian brothers, or what we pretend to be; each one may judge himself according to them, God will not be mocked.

I. It is only to be known that the subjects of Lake Constance, also in the Algäu, swore an alliance by conspiracy over and against the golden bull of the Roman and imperial, Hispanic royal majesty, princes, rulers and other estates of the holy empire's reformation and established land peace, and thereupon threw themselves off their lords, nobles and sovereigns, in addition to which some of them violently seized their castles, villages, towns and houses, partly burned them, also plundered some of them, urged their servants and others of their own to swear and do homage to them, and thus aroused warlike indignation in the Holy Empire: Thus the Roman imperial and Hispanic royal majesty, princes, princes and other estates of the laudable confederation of Swabia, to prove due aid, protection and protection to the conquered and damaged, their confederation's relatives, also to undertake physical resistance, and deaths, fire and capture, devastation of land and people have resulted: that the benevolent Lord, Lord Hug, Count of Montfort and Rottenfels, Lord Wolf Gremlich von Jüngingen, Knight, also the prudent, honorable and wise mayors and councillors of Ravenspurg, through their appointed council friends and messengers, Gwer Schellang and Johannes. Kriegling, to put an end to such deaths, fires, seizures, devastation of land and people, and to prevent as much as possible, the well-born Lord, Mr. Georgen Truchsessen, Baron of Waltburg, the chief field commander of the reported confederation, together with Count Wilhelm von Fürstenberg, and Mr. Frowein von Hütten, 1) chief of the footmen and the men-at-arms, as well as of other princes, lords, and councillors of the confederation, requesting with the utmost diligence that they be granted amicable negotiations in this matter. And after the granted amicable discussion, of unnecessary to indicate the length, and reported war disturbance, between Roman, imperial and Hispanic royal majesty, princes, princes, also other states of the reported confederation, and predetermined subjects, be settled amicably, as follows:

2 First, the two groups of Algäu and Lake Constance shall hand over their treaty and alliance letters, which they have drawn up with each other and handed over to each other, to a common assembly.

  1. on the other hand, they shall also fulfill their duty, so
  1. This name is spelled in all editions soon "Hütten", soon "huts"; but the former is predominant.

104 Erl. 65,4-6, Sect. 2, On the Outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt. No. 772, W. XVI, 133-135. 105

They have joined together for the sake of their alliance and union, count each other finally and completely as their own, and neither continues to attract the other for this reason.

(4) Thirdly, after they have committed their insurrection and rebellion, as well as the deprivation of their sovereigns and dominions, against the Roman Emperor's Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire's peace, the Golden Bull and common law, the peasants shall vow and swear to avoid such alliances, contracts and rebellions from now on.

  1. Fourthly, they shall vow and swear that they will be faithful, obedient and faithful to their lords, sovereigns, from whom they have renounced, and that they will do their duty to them again, to pay their interest, taxes, tithes and other righteousnesses, as they gave and did them before this rebellion, until they have rightfully revoked all or part of them by one of the following resignations or by ordinary law.

(6) Fifthly, they shall also hand over and deliver all monasteries, castles, towns, villages, houses and estates, however much they have conquered and taken in this rebellion and outrage, together with the stolen 1) property, as much as may be found or reported in their possession, to the 2) deviants as soon as possible.

(7) Sixthly, whether in this outrage they would have forced anyone to duties or to vouched or unvouched estimation, 3) to give prescription for that reason, they shall be dead and gone.

  1. seventhly, if everything and anything as above has been completely done and executed: whether one or more, common or special, of the above-mentioned two groups want to think that they are burdened by their superiors and sovereigns, in whatever way that may be, so that they may therefore get due turn and settlement, as common estates are most inclined to promote.
  2. in turn, what the same sovereigns and lords may say and declare against their subjects and subjects, commonly or specially.
  1. Wittenberger: entwandten; Jenaer: entwarten; Erlanger: Entwerten. - After the immediately following: "so much" we have, just like Walch, omitted a pleonastic "they".
  2. Thus the Wittenbergers. Jenaer and Erlanger: devaluate. May the one or the other reading be correct, the meaning is not doubtful: the deprived.
  3. Thus the Erlangen. Wittenberg and Jena: Statutes.

The peasants shall have the right to take and give the settlement to each other for all and any of such matters. Namely, if a sovereignty or lordship proposes two or three respectable towns of their liking, and the subjects of the peasants also propose two or three towns of their liking, and if they do not agree amicably or legally, then they shall choose and request the F.D. to be an umpire, and it shall also remain unanswered. 4)

(10) Eighth, so that no one has to complain about the cost or inconvenience of seeking justice before the princes or judges of the confederation, which party should be more pleased, that each sovereignty or lordship and its subjects and subjects, between whom there is confusion and infirmity, give and decree two different honorable men of secular standing, who will diligently endeavor to unite and reconcile them in kindness with knowledge on account of such infirmities.

  1. The ninth, in which articles they would not find the goodness, that then the parties want to be finally satisfied about the same.
  2. For the tenth, and namely so, the parties shall agree on a chairman; and if they could not agree, then each part shall appoint one, two or three, and draw lots for it, or the common estates of the Union of Swabia shall choose and give one of them to the assembly as chairman.

(13) The eleventh, and what by the same chairman and additions all, or the more parts of all parties, orally or in writing, bring forward, is spoken in kind, or rightly recognized, that it shall remain so, finally and unrefuted, accepted and executed by each part which such touches, without objection.

  1. In the twelfth place, each of the authorities of the same subjects, backsides, and dependents shall also agree on the proposed legal or amicable resignations, and unite them with each other, or one of them with the other, within a lunar period of time, also needful Compromise and Commencement Deed therefore comprehended, and with sufficient faith, promise and sealing, as befits, erect and thereafter make, with the but clause that amicable or legal action, after date of the Commencement and Compromise, in one year and three months the next
  1. "solle" added by Walch. - "F. D." perhaps: Fürstlichen Durchlauchten?
  2. Erlanger: any.

106 Erl.65.6-9. Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 135-138. 107

unless the reasons for which the parties or the chairman are responsible, which are justified and based in law, cause a longer delay.

  1. To the thirteenth, so that peace, tranquility and unity in the holy realm may be kept the more steadfastly, and the obedient, peaceful subjects may not again be seduced by the rebellious, disobedient ones and brought to ruinous harm, the said subjects of the two tribes shall keep a faithful and diligent watch in all courts and communities, whether any or more of them do not live up to this treaty and all that is contained in it, or continue to cause rebellion and disobedience, If any or more of them do not live up to and comply with this treaty and all that is contained therein, or if they continue to stir up and disobey it, they shall report them to the authorities under whom they have been seated and help to imprison them. So that they may be punished for their disobedience and transgression as is proper.
  2. Fourteenthly, if it should happen that the above-mentioned lords, nobles and sovereigns do not live up to and comply with this 1) treaty, including the articles contained therein, as far as they are concerned, or complain to the subjects, together or separately, against the law, and urge them further than the above-mentioned treaty contains, and report the complaints of such to the federal captains and councillors, the common estates shall, as far as they are able, with the help of the complainants, bring them to obey the treaty of its contents in all respects, so that every complainant, who desires justice, may receive it and be granted it as is due.

Finally, all ill-will that has occurred between the sovereigns and the many subjects under this outrage shall be put away and be over, and neither part shall inflict anything unfriendly or harmful on the other outside of the law, and further than this treaty admits. Hereupon, the said subjects of Lake Constance and Algaeu, the appointed committee, councillors and fully authorized attorneys, have handed over to Mr. Jörgen Truchsefsen, supreme field captain, a sealed, frugal power: namely, Ditterich Hurlenwagen of Lindau, and Thomam Maierhofer of Raitnau, on account of the subjects of the place Ober-Raitnau; Eitelhans Zigelmüller of Unterthüringen, Otmar Kelk and Hans Aggenbach of Riethain, on account of Bermatinger Platz. Hans Katzmair of Lottenweiler, and Conrad Scherer of Wernsreutin, by reason of Ailinger Platz. Conrad Hablützel, by reason of Marchdorfer Platz. Hans Hagen by reason of Mörsbürger Platz. Conrad Her-

  1. Wittenberger: "this"; Jenaer and Erlanger: "these", and: "the articles".

moved from Suplingen and Jakob Harsch from Bondorf, by reason of Obniger Platz. Hans Bach of Rappersweiler, Hans Lencker of Linnau and Curlin Schmidt of Rüßried, by reason of Rappersweiler Platz. Antonius Wäger von Osterach, Jakob Wikel von Rottenbühel and Hans Schwelling von Galkreutin, by reason of Osteracher Platz. Hans Wirt von Hasenweiler, by reason of Zusdorfer Platz. Christian Rupp, Hans Gerber and Rudolph Scherer of Tetnang, by reason of Tetnanger Platz. Görg Beck, by reason of Argewer Platz. Hans Hörnstein of Nuvenhoren, Claus Eberlin of Entzisweiler and Hans Hagk of Berg, by reason of Wasserburger Platz. Thomas Biechlin and Michel Pfeifer, by reason of new Ravenspurger place. Bastian Müller von Zell, Hans Nickel von Lanckrain and Görg Schaup vom Hof, by reason of Zeller Platz. Wildbold Dürner of Riethhausen, Franz Mülner of Ebenweiler, Thomas Michelberg of Letzelbach, and Hans Moser of Furt, on account of the square in the Altdorf field. Hans Stiegklein, Conrad Meier of Althain, Görg Mülner of Langen-Eßlingen, and Görg Krauß of Tongendorf, on account of Unlenger Platz. Hans Kem and Urban Ziegelmüller, by reason of Altdorfer Platz. Martin Resch of Buchars, and Bartholmes Müller of Weitnau, on account of Truchberger Platz. Hans Schweiglein of Stifenhofen, and Hans Schaidebach of Langnau, on account of Stoffer Platz. Jörg Jöck of Schonau, by reason of Lindenberger Platz; and Caspar Küttel of Küsleg, on account of the places on Leukircherhaid, vow and swear for themselves and their above-mentioned subjects, their fellow relatives and principal souls, with open fingers and learned words, bodily to God and the saints, that they will all together and without divorce, and each of them in particular, to understand, to be able to understand, and to abide by all of the foregoing articles and this agreement from word to word, nothing excepted, true, firm, steady, and unbroken, and to faithfully perform, live, comply, and obey the same in all respects, without any excerpt or objection.

  1. And that for even greater security, they all agree, 2) also that each of them in particular is bound to the highest and commits everything, that this contract, also all and every article contained therein, binds them and is imposed upon them, nothing separate, to grant right against all their lords, nobles and sovereigns, to be guarantor and comforted one behind the other.
  2. Thus, if it should happen and come to pass, 3) that all or especially this contract in all
  3. Wittenberger: signed.
  4. Erlanger: "zutrügen".

108 Eri. es, 9-11. sect. 2. of the outbreak of the peasant revolt. No. 772. W. xvi, 138-140. 10A

also every article, such as those contained therein, not strictly lived, obeyed and complied with their content, but would in some way contravene it, 1) it would be by deed or in some other way, nothing excluded, that they then de facto fell into the Roman Imperial and Hispanic Royal Majesty's disfavor, also the Holy Empire's attention and disregard. Also the Roman imperial and Hispanic royal majesty, princes and other estates of the laudable confederation of Swabia, in addition their lords, nobles and superiors, also all and any others who want to charge and accept these matters, have full power and right, They all and everyone in particular, without any previous denunciation, declaration and further legal compliance, to attack their possessions and goods, lying, driving, borrowing and own, to take them into their hands, as their own goods to have, to use, to use, to move, to sell.

  1. Or against them and their bodies, as the openly rebellious, disobedient, denunciated, declared, prescribed eights and aberrants, with deathblows, taking, burning and other means, also ways, to use against any rebellious, disobedient and contradictory, to perform and act, always, as long and much, until they have completely satisfied, made unenforceable and compensated their lords, nobles and superiors for all their losses, deficiencies and infirmities, according to the assets and contents of this contract, together with the costs and damages incurred, and they have all, and everyone in particular, been brought to obedience. In addition, all that this contract, also all and every article, therein conceived, contained, have fully reimbursed and executed.
  2. and we Georg Truchsess, Baron of Waltburg, as supreme field captain, Wilhelm, Count of Fürstenberg 2c., and Frowein von Hütten, knight, reported covenanting foot soldiers and cavalry colonels, also the above-mentioned Unterthedinger, Hug, Count of Montfort and Rottenfels, Gwer Schellang and Johann Krieglein, both citizens and of the council of Ravenspurg, as mayors and councilors there, plus a predetermined two-man committee, Councillors and authorized attorneys, for ourselves, also reported subjects, our fellow relatives and principals, all confess everything that is conceived in this letter and contract, acted upon, finally accepted and decided with the will, knowledge, understanding and permission of all of us, and especially of the often reported subjects of the two groups.
  3. and we Georg Truchsess 2c., Wilhelm, Count
  1. In the issues: would.

zu Fürstenberg, and Frowein von Hütten, knight, instead of and in the name of the common confederates, with our honors, dignities and highest faith. And we the Committees, Councils and fully authorized attorneys of the aforementioned two tribunals, on behalf of ourselves and our many subjects, our principals as well as our relatives, together and especially by the aforementioned oaths we have sworn, and by the penitence herein contained, promising, that everything, as far as such touches each one, shall be kept true, steady and unbroken, to live most faithfully, to comply, and by ourselves or anyone else for our sake, not to do nor create anything contrary thereto, all faithfully and safely.

  1. In witness whereof we Georg Truchsess, Baron of Waltburg, Wilhelm, Count of Fürstenberg, Frowein of Hütten, Knight, Hug, Count of Montfort, Mayor and Council of the City of Ravenspurg, and we the Amman, Mayors, and Councillors of the Cities and Towns of Totnang, Marchdorf, Mörsburg, and Altdorf for ourselves, as co-relatives of certain alliances of the two groups of Lake Constance and Algäu, also at the earnest request of the aforementioned same Committee, Councillors and authorized attorneys, that we, the committee councillors and attorneys, confess, have thus asked and requested them, all our and the mentioned cities' seals, but to us the subjects and common city of Ravenspurg in all ways without harm, publicly attached to this letter, which is given on the second and twentieth day of the moon Aprilis, after the birth of Christ fifteen hundred twenty and five years.

Martin Luther's admonition.

  1. No one can deny that our community has no right cause at all, but is burdened with grievous, grave sins and arouses God's terrible and unmistakable wrath against them, so that they break the loyalty, oaths and duties they have sworn to their rulers and fall into disobedience, to go against the authority ordered and commanded by God, to avenge themselves, and to take the sword with their own iniquity and thirst, even though God wants to fear and honor the authority, even if it were pagan and did vile wrong, as Christ himself honored it in Pilate, his unjust judge and crucifier. But the peasants do not have it enough that they rage so faithlessly, perjuredly, disobediently and sacrilegiously against God's order, but they also plunder

[110]{.underline} Erl. "5.11s. Cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 140-143. 111

rob, take, wherever they like, as the public highwaymen and murderers, who disturb the peace of the land and the households. And, worst of all, they carry out such raging and atrocious vices under the Christian name and pretense of the Gospel, so that they profane and blaspheme God's name to the highest degree, just as if God had pleasure and favor in the faithless and perjured (who are otherwise also called traitors and evil-doers) and in public robbers and murderers and blasphemers.

O woe and woe to you damned false prophets, who deceive the poor simple-minded people to such ruin of their souls and perhaps also loss of body and good! For whichever peasant in such presumption shall be made whole, or be destroyed, he shall

as a faithless man, a perjurer, a robber, a murderer, a blasphemer and an enemy of Christ. Where he will go, the children may well tell you. They are Christian brothers. Yes, as Judas kisses and greets Christ, the devils reign there.

Therefore, dear peasants, desist, listen, and let it be said to you: You are already condemned before God according to your soul, who knows how your body and your goods will fare? Finally, if you win or lose, it must be over you, for your injustice is too great and too high, God cannot suffer it for long. Give yourselves to peace and agreement, even if it must happen with bodily harm, so that the sin and destruction of souls may cease, where one no longer wants to obtain; then God will grant His grace, amen.

The third section of the tenth chapter.

About the peasants' revolt in Thuringia, of which Münzer was the author.

773 Letter from the Elector of Saxony to Duke John, advising him to settle the peasants' trade amicably. Char Friday, April 14, 1525.

This and the next letter are found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 216; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 510 f.; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 876 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XIX, p. 241. Incomplete in all these editions. From the original written by the Elector Frederick himself, printed in Förstemann's "Neues Urkundenbuch", p. 259. We have subsequently corrected and supplemented this document.

1st Highborn Prince, friendly dear brother and godfather! Today and yesterday I received two letters from E. L., which I read and understood in a friendly way, and I am sending the paintings back to E. L. and thanking him kindly, I did not want to have them taken down, so that it would not come from me to the people. It is God's sending and work, God grant, for a blessed outcome. With my weakness it is in the old essence, it cannot go at all. On the next Wednesday, such a day of pain came to my right knee that I had neither day nor night to rest.

Praise be to God, the day of sorrow has been partially alleviated. For God's sake I deserve this and other things with my sins. May He grant me to bear such His gracious visitation with patience.

2 I would have liked to tell my heartily about my concern, what should be given to the princes for an answer, but my weakness is known to them. So this is a great bargain, that one should act by force. Perhaps the poor people have been given cause for such an uproar, and especially by forbidding the word of God; thus the poor are burdened in many ways by us temporal and spiritual rulers. God turn his wrath away from us. If God wills it so, it will go out so that the common man shall rule; but if it is not His divine will, and if it is not done for His praise, it will soon be otherwise. Let us ask God for forgiveness of our sins, and let him take it home; he will make everything fine according to his will and praise. I take care that E. L. and I, as much as possible, remain idle and do not mix with the clergy, who, as I am concerned, grant E. L. and me little good 2c.

  1. "not" is missing in the original, but is rightly added in all editions.

[112]{.underline} Section 3: The Revolt in Thuringia. No.773ff. W. xvi,i43f. 113

For God's sake, I ask E. L. to be kind to my thoughtless writing; God knows that I mean it faithfully. The Union of Swabia will probably bring the peasants to obedience. Otherwise, they want to force the whole world. God send them to create, so that they will also see that God is the right covenant prince, and nothing else is constant. For God is opposed to all hope.

Where the falconer E. L. made a lot of Lusts, I liked to hear.

Today I received a letter from the Netherlands, in which it is written to me that the Vice-Reyhe King of Naples is supposed to have captured the King of France, and the King is supposed to have said that he would rather be captured honestly than to have fled disgracefully. But whether it is true, I do not know.

4 I did not want to restrain all this in E. L.'s friendly opinion, because I am quite willing to serve E. L. with divine bestowal. Almost hurrying to the Lochau on Char Friday April 14. In 1525.

Friedrich m. pp. > > Is delivered on Easter Monday in Weimar. Anno Domini 1525?)

774 Another letter of the Elector, written to Duke John on May 4, 1525, the day before his blessed end.

See the previous number. From a simultaneous copy, the variants of which are given by Förstemann I. 6. p. 280, supplemented by us.

Highborn Prince, friendly dear brother and godfather! E. L.'s letter, which you have now sent to me with your own hand, in which you indicate to me all the opportunities, as it is at this time with the terrible 2) riots and uprisings in E. L. and my Principality of Thuringia. L. and my principality of Thuringia, and that the common peasants have subjected themselves to the monasteries, the houses of the nobility, and otherwise, by force 2c., I have read out together with a skilful copy, in which Burkhard Hund and others have had to commit themselves; and that the things in E. L. and my poverty have changed with the times. L. and my poverty are proceeding at a rapid pace, for which E. L. is undoubtedly experiencing no small amount of discomfort, for which I bear E. L., as my dear brother, heartfelt and friendly sympathy.

  1. Duke John noted this on the address.
  2. Förstemann: "indecent".

2 And because the almighty God has ordered it this way for the sake of our sin, we want to give this and other things to His divine will; He will, without a doubt, know how to do it for our good. At the present time, because I am in God's power and will, I can help E. L. little or not at all, although I would like to do so with all my will.

If the L. in Franconia could make a little silence and obedient will among the people with the tenth penny, it would not have done badly in this and other places. Our Lord God will undoubtedly repay E. L. and me again abundantly and graciously in other ways. And as your beloved ask that I have this market with your beloved patience, and that your beloved can give me nothing in the tithe, I will gladly do so, although it is somewhat inconvenient for me, because I am to give money to Hansen von Berlebsch, Ern Hansen von Minkwitz 3) and others in the present market. But I will do as I can, and thus tie one to the other, so that I may please your love in this.

I will well believe that E. L. could easily be led into a game by the advisors' statements and suggestions, which would be noticeably disadvantageous and insurmountable for E. L.. Let E. L. put her trust in God, as I will do, if God wills, as much as I am granted grace, who will not leave E. L. and me here temporally and there eternally. With the Turkish money deposited at Nuremberg, your beloved knows on what condition it was deposited; since it has not been used so far to resist the Turk, I take it for granted that if your beloved applies to those of Nuremberg for it, they will not hold it against your beloved. I hope that you will kindly excuse me for not writing to you with my own hand, for it remains solely due to my weakness. I did not want to behave this way in E. L.'s friendly opinion, and I am grateful to E. L. as my friendly dear friend. L., as my friendly dear brother, willing to serve him. Date Lochau, Thursday after Misericordia Domini May 4 Anno 1525.

775: Letter from the council of Erfurt to Luther and Melanchthon concerning the peasants' revolt, in which they report that their citizens and country people have handed over some complaints to them;

  1. Förstemann: Winckwitz.

[114]{.underline} Erl. letter V, 171. Erl. 65,19f. Cap. 10, On the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 144-146. 115

Therefore, they ask Luther and Melanchthon to consult with them about this the sooner the better, so that sedition can be prevented.

May 10, 1525.

In Cyprian's "Nützliche Urkunden," vol. II, p. 343 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. V, p. 171.

Our kind services and what we are able to do before. Worthy, highly esteemed and respectable, favorable, dear lords! There have arisen errors and afflictions among our citizens and country people, whereupon some have handed over articles to us to grant and to establish. If we then, out of divine commandment and love of our neighbor, recognize ourselves guilty, and are also willing and inclined to do as much as possible to ensure that among our subjects and other Christian people no rebellion or disagreement arises, but to prevent it, or at least to avert and calm it, and the articles handed over are nevertheless of such propriety that they require Christian consideration and counsel, and your dignities, as highly esteemed lords, are determined by ours for this purpose: our friendly and official request is that E.W., out of Christian love and for the preservation of the divine word, peace and unity, want to join us here in Erfurt, if possible, and move and discuss such articles with us and others, so that we do not violate the commandments of God in establishing them and act to abort our authority, freedom and privileges, and do not deny us this request. We would like to provide ourselves entirely to your dignity, and kindly again to deserve it. Given under our secret, midweek after the Sunday Jubilate May 10 Anno Domini 1525. the council of Erfurt.

776 A letter of escort that Count Albrecht of Mansfeld received from the rebellious peasants on May 11, 1525, to come to them and make a settlement with them.

This number, together with the four that follow and No. 793, constitutes the writing that Luther published in 1525 under the title: "Ein Schrecklich geschicht vnnd gericht Gottes über Thomas Müntzer, darin Gott offenlich desselbigen gehst lugen strafft vnd verdammet. Martinus Luther." iz Bogen in 4. Several individual editions followed. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1551s, vol. II, p. 1061); in the Jena (1556s, vol. Ill, p. 138d; in the Altenburg, vol. Ill, p. 132; in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 287; and in the Erlangen, vol. 65,

Walch has changed the original order of the pieces. In the original and in the other editions, they follow one after the other: No. 793. 779. 780. 777. 776 and 778. Because there is no internal connection between the individual pieces, we have left them in Walch's order.

  1. grace and peace in Christ our Savior. Noble Count and Lord! We have read your letter, and thank you for the Christian assembly and faithful service you have done for us, even though in sending it we have alienated the poor people of Odersleuben from theirs. However, we order you and yours to have a Christian day with thirty horses safely, to appear tomorrow Friday at twelve o'clock at Mertens Rita before the bridge.

For this purpose, we give you our safe and harmless escort with our attached seal, and we secure you to and from your custody without any danger, also to such an extent that you will keep peacefully with your followers against poverty and Christian assembly in the meantime, and send us escort again, to such an extent as we do to you, according to which we will act. We are pleased to show you Christian loyalty and ask for a written reply. Date Thursday after Jubilate May 11 Anno 1525.

Christian Assembly at Frankenhausen.

To the noble Count and Lord, Albrecht zu Mansfeld, Christian prince, > our Lord and friendly brother in Christ.

777 A very impudent letter written by Münzer on behalf of the peasants to Count Albrecht zu Mansfeld. May 12, 1525.

See No. 776.

Fear and trembling be to everyone who does evil, Rom. 2, 9.

(1) That you misuse the epistle of Paul in this way pities me. You want to confirm the malicious rulers in all measure, as the pope made Peter and Paul masters. Do you think that God the Lord cannot stir up His foolish people to depose the tyrants in His wrath? Hosea 13, v. 11, and Cap. 8, 4. Did not the Mother of Christ speak from the Holy Spirit, of you and your like, Luc. I, 52: "He has cast down the mighty from the throne, and exalted the lowly (whom you despise)"?

[116 Erl. 65.17s. sos. Sect. 3: On the uprising in Thuringia. No. 777 f. W. XVI, I46-I4S.]{.underline} 117

  1. did you not like to find in your Lutheran Grütz and your Wittemberg soups, what Ezekiel pointed out in his 37th chapter, v. 4? Nor did you like to taste in your Martinic building dirt, as the same prophet further says at the 39th, v.4., difference, how God demands all birds of the sky, that they shall eat the flesh of the princes, and the unreasonable animals shall drink the blood of the "great" Hanses, as described in the secret revelation at the 18th and 19,18. Do you think that God does not care more about his people than about you tyrants? You want to be a heathen under the name of Christ, and cover yourself with Paulo. But you will be led astray, so know how to keep up.

If you want to recognize Daniel 7:27, how God has given authority to the church, and appear before us, and break your faith, we will gladly confess this to you, and have it for a common brother; but if not, we will not turn to your lame, stale faces, and fight against you, as against an archenemy of the Christian faith; then know how to keep you. Given at Frankenhausen, Friday after Jubilate May 12, Anno 1525.

Thomas Muenzer with the sword Gedeonis.

Brother Albrechten of Mansfeld for conversion

written.

778 Luther's epilogue to the writing: "Ein schrecklich Geschicht" (A terrible story) 2c., which primarily serves to explain the two preceding letters to Count Albrecht of Mansfeld.

See No. 776.

Martinus Luther.

These two letters to Count Albrecht, Lord of Mansfeld, come from the fact that the same Count, out of Christian goodwill, had offered in writing against the peasants of Frankenhausen to seek a friendly treaty with their overlords and to help them avoid bloodshed. Thereupon, as their letter reads, they named Friday for him, on their escort. But because there was business on the same Friday, the same count and lord again sent a letter, and agreed the next Sunday after. However, God sent Thomas Muenzer from Mulhouse to Frankenhausen; the same

perhaps thought that Count Albrecht was doing this out of fear and despondency, and managed so much that the peasants did not give the count an answer, and thus the treaty remained, but Münzer himself wrote this Brie, as you see.

The poor people have relied on these glorious words of Muenzer and thought that the Holy Spirit was speaking through Muenzer. So they were deceived, and unfortunately more than five thousand lost body and soul at once. O of the wretched misery! That's what the devil wanted, that's what he's looking for in all the other rebellious peasants. And everything could still be sued if only their souls were saved. But because they persist in public disobedience, unfaithfulness, perjury and blasphemy until the end, it is to be feared that they are eternally lost.

  1. O LORD God, you wretched brutes, where are your words now, so that you have stirred up and incited the poor people, saying that they are God's people, that God fights for them, that one would slay a hundred, that with a felt hat they would throw five to death, and that the rifle stones would return shooting and strike the enemies? Where then is Muenzer's sleeve, into which he would put all the cannon stones that would be shot against his people? Who is the God who cried out such promises through the mouth of Muenzer for almost a year?

(4) Whoever does not want to turn back on this public judgment of God, which he has proven before all the world with his act of wrath, nor learn how these evil spirits have been against God and have led vain lies, will be deliberately and knowingly deceived and condemned. What should preaching and exhortation help, if such tangible deeds and experience do not help?

(5) I write all this and let it go out, not that I rejoice in his misfortune and his own. For what good is this to me? I do not know what God has decided about me, but I would like to warn all other rebels, and prevent them from falling into the same judgment and wrath of God, and to renounce the harmful false prophets, recognized by such judgment of God, and to give themselves to peace and obedience, as God has commanded and wills.

[118]{.underline} Erl. 65,21 f. 14 f. Cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI. 149-152. 119

(6) For although I am very sorry that the poor people have been so miserably deceived and have lost body and soul, I must rejoice that God has passed judgment and judged the matter, so that we may know and confess with certainty how the spirits of the wicked have taught unjustly and falsely, that their doctrine and preaching is contrary to God and condemned by Him. This is so that one may henceforth beware of them, and better preserve body and soul by the right word of God.

In the end, I ask all devout Christians to help us pray to God with earnestness that His divine mercy will ward off the devil and turn his wrath away from us. For the peasants have become so deeply and severely hardened and senseless that they neither see nor hear, and no preaching, no writing helps, God alone must help, otherwise there will be no end to the misery through our doings and counsel. It is no longer time to preach, but time to ask, the wrath has begun; we must defend ourselves with prayer, as Aaron defended the fire with the censer. Deut. 16, 47.

8 I also ask two things of the lords and the nobility. The first, where they win and are obliged not to exalt themselves, but to fear God, before whom they are also almost criminal. For the fact that God gives them victory is not because they are so righteous and pious, but, as Moses also says to the children of Israel about his wicked, because God punishes the peasants' disobedience and blasphemy along with all their iniquities.

The other is that they would be merciful to the prisoners and those who surrender, as God is merciful to anyone who surrenders and humbles himself before Him, lest the weather turn and God again give victory to the peasants. May God help us soon to blessed peace, Amen. Anno 1525.

779 Münzer's letter to the peasants assembled at Frankenhausen and to the miners at Mansfeld, thereby preventing them from answering Count Albrecht of Mansfeld's hereditary offer. Before May 12, 1525.

See No. 776.

The pure fear of GOD before.

Dear brothers, how long do you sleep? How long have you not confessed to God His will, because He has left you according to your reputation? Oh, how much I have told you, how it must be. God can no longer reveal Himself, you must stand. If you do not, then the sacrifice, a heart-broken heartache, is in vain, you must then come again into suffering, I tell you; if you do not want to suffer for God's sake, then you must be the devil's martyrs).

Therefore beware, do not be despondent, do not be careless, do not flatter the perverse fantasists, the godless evil-doers any longer; look at and fight the Lord's battle, it is high time; keep all your brothers so that they do not mock the divine testimony, otherwise they must all perish. The whole of German, French and French-speaking countries are awake, 2) the master wants to play a game, the villains must take their turn.

In Fulda, four collegiate churches were devastated during Easter week; the peasants of Klegen in the Hegau and Black Forest are up to three times a hundred thousand strong, and the longer the accumulation, the greater it becomes. But my concern is that the foolish people are willing to enter into a false agreement, so that they do not yet recognize the damage. Where yours is only three, who left in God, seek alone his name and honor, will you not fear a hundred thousand?)

Now, now, now, it is time, the wicked are as free as dogs; stir up the brethren to come to peace, and fetch their moved testimony; it is exceeding great, exceeding needful; now, now, now! Don't let Esau suggest good words to you, Gen. 33, 4. Don't look at the mourning of the wicked, they will ask you kindly, cry, plead, like children; don't let them have mercy on you, as God commanded through Moses, Deut. 7, 16, and he has also revealed the same to us?

  1. Marginal gloss in the Wittenberg and the Jena: Notice, dear reader, how the spirit of vice and murder promises to the poor people and seduces them so miserably. Fear God and hear His word with earnestness and thanksgiving. But if you despise it, you will have to listen to such devilish prophets to your eternal damnation. Protect, dear God.
  2. Thus Walch. Erlanger: wag; Wittenberger and Jenaer: erreget.
  3. Marginal gloss in the Jena edition: What great misfortune and misery you have already caused with this false promise.
  4. Randglosse in der Jenaer: Yes, in the smoke hole.

[120]{.underline} Erl. 65,15-17, Sect. 3, On the Revolt in Thuringia. No. 779 f. W. XVI, I52-IS4. 121

Towns, and especially the miners with other good boys, which will be good for it; we do not have to sleep any longer.

Behold, as I was writing these words, a message came to me from Salza, how the people wanted to drag Duke George's bailiff from the castle, because he had secretly wanted to kill three of them. The peasants of Eisfeld have become merry over their squires; in short, they do not want to have mercy on them, it is a lot of being, in your image, you have to do it, do it, it is time! Baltzar 1) and Bartel Krump, Valten and Bishop are his followers.

Let this letter become the mountain journeyman; my printer will come in a few days, I have received the message, I cannot do otherwise now. I myself wanted to give the brothers complete instruction, so that their hearts would be much bigger than all the castles and armor of the godless wicked on earth. Go on, go on, go on, because the fire is hot!

Let not your sword grow cold with blood, forge Pinkepank on the anvil Nimrod, throw them 2) the tower to the ground: it is not possible, because they live, that you should be rid of human fear. You cannot be told about God because they rule over you. On, on, on, because you have day! God goes before you, follow. The history is described, Matth. 24 explains. Therefore, do not be deterred, God is with you, as written in 2 Chron. 20, 15: 3) "This is what God says: You shall not be afraid, you shall not shun this great multitude; it is not your battle, but the Lord's; it is not you who are fighting." Stand up manfully, for you will see the help of the Lord upon you. When Jehoshaphat heard these words, he fell down; so also do through God, who strengthens you in the right faith without fear of man, amen. Date Mulhouse, Anno 1525.

Thomas Münzer, a servant of God against the ungodly.

780. Münzer's very impertinent letter to Count Ernst von Mansfeld, a fierce Catholic. May 12, 1525.

See No. 776.

  1. That is: Balthasar Stübener, as can be seen from No. 781, § 6. - Bishop" will probably be "Bishop of Welffenröd", cf. idiä, § 21.
  2. Wittenberg and Jena: "jn", that is: "him" or "them"; we have chosen the latter. The Erlanger offers: "on the anvil; Nimrod throws in the Thorm to the ground".
  3. In all editions: "2 Para. 2."

The steadfast strength, firm fear of God and the constant reason of > His righteous will be with you, Brother Ernst.

I, Thomas Muenzer, pastor of Allstädt, admonish you for the sake of the living God's name to be idle of your tyrannical rage and to no longer incur the wrath of God upon yourself. You have begun to torture the Christians, you have accused the holy Christian faith of being an insult, you have subjected the Christians to extermination.

  1. behold, you wretched, meager maggot, who has made you the prince of the people that God has purchased with His precious blood? You must and shall prove whether you are a Christian, you shall and must calculate your faith, as commanded in 1 Petr. 3, 15; you shall have safe conduct in true truth to bring your faith to light, as a whole congregation has promised you in the ring, and you shall also excuse yourself from your apparent tyranny, also declare who made you so thirsty that you want to be such a pagan villain under a Christian name to the detriment of all Christians.

(3) If thou shalt remain without, and shalt not discharge the matter laid upon thee, I will cry out before all the world, that all the brethren may boldly venture their blood, as they did against the Turks, and thou shalt be persecuted and put to death. For everyone will be much more diligent to earn indulgences from you than the pope gave in the past. We do not know how to get anything else from you, there is no shame in you, God has hardened you like Pharaoh the king, Exodus 7:3, and like the kings God wanted to destroy, Joshua 5 and 11.

  1. be it ever more lamented to God that the world did not recognize your crude, buffalo-like tyranny beforehand; how have you done such noticeable, unrepayable damage, how can one have mercy on you other than God Himself? In short, you have been delivered to ruin by God's mighty power. If you do not humble yourself before the little ones, an eternal disgrace will fall on your neck before all of Christendom; you will become the devil's martyr.
  1. So that you also know that we have a strict command, I say) the eternal living God has commanded to push you from the chair by force, given to us. For you are of no use to Christianity, you are a harmful stumbling block. 5)
  2. Marginal gloss in the Wittenberg and the Jena: Yes, the tiresome devil in hell.
  3. Erlanger: Stäubbesem.

[122]{.underline} Erl. 65,17f. Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. XVI, IS4-IS6. 123

of the friends of GOD; GOD has said it of you and your like, Ezekielis 34, 2. ff. and 39. Danielis 7, 26. Matth. 3, 10. 12. Abdias the prophet says Obadiah, v. 4.: Your nest shall be plucked up and broken.

We want to have your answer this very day, or we want to visit you in the name of God of hosts, so know how to direct yourself; we will immediately do what God has commanded us, do you also your best? Given at Frankenhausen, Friday after Jubilate May 12 Anno 1525.

Thomas Muenzer with the sword Gedeonis.

Letter on the conversion of Brother Ernst of Heldrungen.

781 Thomas Muenzer's confession, when he was questioned in kindness, Tuesday after Cantate, May 16, 1525.

This writing is in the Wittenberg edition (1551), vol. II, p. 4796; in the Jena edition (1556), vol. Ill, p. 1426; in the Altenburg edition, vol. Ill, p. 136; and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XIX, p. 291.

  1. he does not want that one should worship the holy reverend sacrament differently than in the spirit, but it is up to each one's discretion.
  2. confesses that he gave the sacrament to the sick after noon, also at night, after each occasion, even if he ate at once, took wine and bread and consecrated.
  3. in Clegkau and Hegau near Basel, he gave several articles on how to rule from the Gospel, made other articles from it; would have gladly taken him to himself, but thanked them. Have not made indignation, but have been ready to get up before. Oecolampadius and Hugefeldus directed him to preach to the people, since he preached that where there were unbelieving rulers, there would also be unbelieving people, that there should be justification. His wife had the letters written to him in a sack.
  4. says that the castles are quite burdensome and overloaded with services and other burdens against the subjects.

(5) Say that a prince shall ride with eight horses, a count with four, a nobleman with two, and not above them. ,

  1. Randglosse in the Wittenberger and in the Jenaer: I drive therefore, yes, on a gag into the Thmrm to Heldrungen, and am a beschissen prophet become.

6th In his alliance there were Bartel Krump, a tanner from Allstadt, and Balthasar Stübener, there they started the riot. Item, the locksmith 2) is also in it, although he made himself difficult at first. The alliance was against those who persecuted the gospel, and the two had a register in which the allies were inscribed.

7 He Thilo Ganse, preacher at Sangerhausen, admonished him to write a letter to the congregation there, to stand by the gospel, and to persecute those who oppose him; this was done by him.

  1. Says that Doctor Strauss 3) has suggested to Weimar. When he disputed with the Barefooters there, he appeared at the request of Duke John, and let himself be heard by the brothers: If the Lutherans did not want to do anything else, except to vex monks and priests, they would have left it all the more alone. At that time he wrote against him in an epistle to Johann's friars at Mühlhausen: if he did not mind the way, he might well come to Mühlhausen and expel him; perhaps this was because he would have liked to be there himself.

The reason that he damaged and scolded my Lord, the Prince and Count Ernest of Mansfeld, was because the subjects complained that the Word of God was not preached to them, and he ordered them to inform his superior where it was not preached and forbade them to go to the Word of God, so that they would come to him if he wanted to preach it to them, and they should not let themselves be prevented or mistaken.

10 The people of Mühlhausen let him in, and Johann Röder, a furrier, and the wine-grower at St. Blasius accepted him.

He was in Mallerbach near Allstädt, and saw that they carried some images out of the church, and then burned the church. I preached that it was a spelunk and an idolatry with the signs that one enters from wax; it was not commanded by God. Thereupon the Kleusener there warned to go away; that happened so, afterwards the church was burned out.

12th He Apel Ellenwentz, house is plundered by the brothers at Mühlhausen and broken, that it is a burdensome house, from some arti-

  1. Hans Zeis.
  2. For D. Jakob Strauß, see St. Louis Edition, Vol. XIX, Introduction, p. 47 f. and Vol. XX, Introduction, p. 39.

124 Section 3: The Revolt in Thuringia. No. 781 f. W. xvi, i56-is9. 125

none, so the brothers moved, which him 1) not mißlich, had been the twelve articles of the Black Forest peasants and others.

The council of Mulhouse did not want to enter into the alliance, but left the alliance to the common man. Claus Storch and Marx Stübener of Zwickau had been with Luther in Wittenberg in a small room, and he had also been there. Luther let himself be heard that he had beaten the All-City Spirit over the muzzle; he had not been there personally this time.

14 He Gangloff, the preacher of the sick at Frankenhausen, has accepted an ensign, if the ones from Heringen and Greussen were among them.

Embarrassedly asked, he replied:

  1. Heinrich Gebhart at Zwickau, in the Hundsgassen, together with Hans Gebhart their appendix, are weavers, are also in his alliance.

16 He Heinrich Pfeifer has stated that it is enough that in each Pfleg there is one castle, the others are to be destroyed.

17" He pronounced the sentence on Matern von Sehofen from the mouth of the community and agreed to it. He was afraid of Count Ernsten and the community.

  1. has had his refuge and reliance on Mühlhausen, that it pleases him all there. His principals there are two, as above, Kürßner and Weinbörner.
  2. confesses, where he conquered the castle Heldrungen, that he wanted to cut off Count Ernsten's head.

20 He had made this outrage so that Christendom would become equal, and that the princes and lords who did not want to support the gospel and accept their alliance, if they were reminded of it as brothers, would be expelled or put to death.

  1. bartel Krump, bartel Zimmermann, Peter Warmut, Niclaus Rucker, Andreas Krumpe of Allstädt; Bischof zu Welffenröd, Hans Rodeman, Peter Schütte, Peter Peher in Thal Mansfeld; Thilo Fischer zu Wimelburg, Thilo Panse, Peter Rotoman of Sangerhausen have been in the Allstädt alliance.

22 Their article was: Omnia simul communia, that is, all things shall be common, and shall be distributed to each according to need as occasion requires. And which prince, earl or lord would not do this, and of that first he-

  1. "him" put by us instead of: "jnen" in the Wittenberg and in the Jena. We assume that "jme" should be read == him.

If they do not obey, their heads should be cut off or hanged.

The register has Bartel Krump at Allstädt.

In his youth, when he was a collaborator there, he also made a covenant with Aschersleben and Hall.

Inside are:

  1. Peter Blinte zu Aschersleben, Peter Engel, is a churchman, Hans Büttener, Cuntz Sander zu Halle.
  2. is against the bishop Duke Ernsten, high noble memory, gewest.
  3. if it went to him right after his sense, he wanted to have taken the country on ten mile way around Mühlhausen, and the country to Hessen, and with princes, counts and lords, who would not have gone into their alliance, continued, as heard.

The people of Mulhouse lent him eight carts of rifles.

782 Münzer's farewell letter to the von Mühlhausen, written after the verdict he had already received, in which no sign of true repentance for his terrible vices is expressed. May 17, 1525.

This Brie is found from the manuscript printed in Seidemann's "Münzer", p. 1'46. After this we have given the text. Furthermore, in the editions mentioned in the previous number, immediately thereafter, only in the Jena one separated from it, Vol. Ill, p. 145.

Salvation and bliss through fear, death and hell beforehand.

Dear Brothers! Since it pleases God that I will depart from here in true knowledge of the divine name, and that I will repay some abuses, accepted by the people, who did not understand me correctly, only in view of selfishness, which leads to the downfall of divine truth, I am also heartily satisfied that God has decreed it this way with all His accomplished works, which must not be judged according to outward appearance, but in truth, John 7:24. 7, 24. Therefore you shall not be offended at my death, which was done for the benefit of the good and the unwise.

2 Therefore my friendly request to you is that you let my wife follow the goods I had, as books and clothes, which are the same, and not let her be paid anything for God's sake.

Dear brothers, it is of great importance to you that you do not receive such slaps as those of Frankenhausen. For such is without

[126]{.underline} Erl.s3,s9i f. Cap. 10. Of the peasant revolt. W. xvi, is9-ißi. 127

Doubts have arisen that each one seeks his own benefit more than the justification of Christianity. Therefore, make a good distinction and take care of your cause so that you do not cause further harm. This is what I am writing to you about the Frankish-Husband affair, which was carried out with great bloodshed, namely over four thousand; come forward with the clear, constant justice of God, so that this will not happen to you.

I have warned you many times that the punishment of God cannot be avoided by the authorities, unless one recognizes the harm, which can always, if recognized, avoid the harm. Therefore, be friendly with everyone, and do not provoke the authorities any more, as many have done through selfishness. So that to the grace of Christ and his spirit commanded. With this manuscript, by Christoff Lauen, 1) I commit my spirit into the hands of God, and wish you the blessing of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit.

Help my wife with diligence, and finally flee the bloodshed, for which I want to warn you faithfully now. For I know that the majority of you in Mühlhausen have never been subject to this rebellious and self-serving uprising, but would gladly increase the number and occurrence of it, so that you, these same innocent people, may not also be burdened, as happened to some in Frankenhausen, so do not make yourselves subject to the assembly and uprising, and ask for mercy from the princes, whom I hope you will find of the princely mind to show you mercy.

6 I want to report this now in my farewell, so that I can remove the burden and burden from my soul, and not give any further cause for rebellion, so that the innocent blood will not be spilled any further. Given at Helderungen in my prison and farewell, Wednesday after Cantate May 17 Anno 2c. 1525 Thomas Münzer.

783. D. Martin Luther's three letters to D. Rühel, Thomas Münzer and the rebellious peasants.

First letter, May 4, 1525.

This letter is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. I, p. 215; in the Altenburger, vol. II, p. 886; in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 243; in the Erlanger vol. 53, p. 291 and in De Wette, vol. II, p. 652.

  1. This letter was dictated to Christof Lauen (Lawen).
  1. grace and peace in Christ! Respectable, dear doctor and brother-in-law! I have always thought of your new newspaper, which I received last time, so that I must also write about it from here. And first of all, I ask that you do not help my lord, Count Albrecht, to soften in this matter, but let it go as your lord has begun, even though the devil becomes angrier and angrier about it through his possessed members; for here is God's word that does not lie, which says Rom. 13:4: "He does not bear the sword in vain," 2c. so that there is never any doubt that his earldom is decreed and commanded by God. Because of this, his grace is to be used for the punishment of the wicked, as long as a vein is stirring in the body. If it is forcibly taken from the hand of his grace, it shall be suffered and given back to God, who has given it before, and may take it again when and with what he wills.

(2) That therefore with a good conscience the state may be followed and adhered to even unto death, for the sake of the word of God, which hath ordained the same so long as it endureth; even as from no other good work shall any man desist, except it be forcibly put down; and in strife no man shall depart from his advantage, or desist from contending, except he be overcome.

For although there are thousands more peasants, they are all robbers and murderers who take the sword out of their own thirst and iniquity, and want to drive out princes, lords and everything, to make new order in the world, because they have neither commandment, power, right, nor order from God, as lords now have. To this end, they are unfaithful and perjured to their lords. Above this, they bring shame and dishonor to their great sins, the name of the Divine Word and Gospel, so that if God, out of wrath, were to impose upon them to carry out their actions without all the right and command of God, they would have to suffer it, as if someone else suffered injustice or had to suffer it, and yet did not agree that they would do right.

  1. but I still firmly hope it will not continue or ever endure, even though God, through the most desperate people

128 Erl. S3, 292-294. Sect. 3: On the uprising in Thuringia. No. 783, W. LVI, 161-163. 129

sometimes plagues the world, as he did and still does with the Turks. But that they pretend not to harm anyone or to do harm is the devil's mockery. Doesn't that mean doing harm, chasing away masters and beating them to death? If they do not want to harm anyone, why do they gather together and command people to yield to their authority? To harm no one, and yet to take everything, the devil would also do well if he were allowed to do as he pleased, and would harm no one.

5 Nor is this a cause that they want to drive away masters, for pure courage. Why does one not correct what is evil about it? Look at the p. 1) regiment, which has also begun this way, and is worse than it has ever been, and still has neither fear nor discipline, but is a vain warrior. Summa, if God wants to let His wrath go upon us and devastate Germany, then the enemies of God and blasphemers, robbers and murderers, as these faithless and perjured peasants, are good for it; so we suffer it, and call them lords, as the Scriptures call the devil prince and lord, John 14, Eph. 6. 14, 30. Eph. 6, 12. But God protect all devout Christians, that they do not give in to him nor worship him, as he tempted Christ, Matth. 4,1. but resist with mouth and hands, as long as one always can, and die over it in the name of God.

(6) If they offer to harm no one, where we only yield to them, we again offer to yield to them, and if it must be, confess that they rule over us as unfaithful, perjured blasphemers and robbers, that they have no right from GOD, but vainly give in from the prince of the world, as he boasts Matth. 4, that he has all the power and honor of the world, and gives it to whom he 2) wills. This is both true, where God imposes and does not defend.

(7) And I (to whom it also applies, because the devil wants me badly dead) realize that he is angry, that he has not yet been able to do anything either by cunning or by might, and thinks that he wants to get rid of me, and that he should try his utmost and mix the whole world together; that I almost believe and think that I am the devil's cause, that I am the devil's cause.

  1. Seidemann in De Wette, Vol. VI, p. 695 conjicirt: Schweizer.
  2. In the editions: "it".

he prepares such things in the world, so that God may afflict the world.

(8) Well, when I come home, I will send myself to death with God's help, and wait for my new masters, the murderers and robbers, who tell me they will not harm anyone. Just as that highwayman did, who said to the good carter: I will not harm you, but give me what you have and drive as I wish; if not, you shall die. O a beautiful innocence, how beautifully the devil adorns himself and his murderers! But before I would approve and speak rightly of what they do, I would rather lose a hundred necks, that God would help me with grace.

9 And if I can, in spite of him, I will still take my Käthe in marriage before I die, when I hear that they are continuing. I hope they will not take away my courage and joy. But that they should not be munificent, believe their own God, and no one else. I write this to you so that you may also be comforted, and comfort others, and especially my gracious lord, Count Albrechten.

  1. Stop that God only continues fresh, 4) return the things to God, and do his divine command to wield the sword enough, as long as he always can; the conscience is safe here, even if one has to go down over it. And again, even if they punish the princes and destroy them, serving God's wrath, he will still give them the hellish fire as a reward. It is a short time before the right judge comes, who will find both them and us: us with mercy, if we suffer their violence and iniquity; them with wrath, so that they take the sword themselves, by which they will also perish, as Christ has already passed such judgment, Matth. 26,52. Their deeds and victory cannot remain for long. Give my regards to your dear Riebe?) Given at Seeburg, on Thursday after Misericordias Domini May 4 Anno 1525. D. Martinus Luther.
  2. This is Luther's first statement about his intention to marry.
  3. The very next day, Albrecht von Mansfeld delivered a meeting to the peasants near Osterhausen.
  4. Rühel's wife was a relative of Luther. At the end of the third letter he calls her his "sister-in-law". Therefore, the designation "brother-in-law" is used in Rühel in a broader sense. Seeburg is located in Mansfeld, between Eisleben and Halle.

[130]{.underline} Erl. 53, 303 f. SOS. Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 164 f. 131

Second letter, May 23, 1525.

This letter is found in the Wittenberger (1569), vol. IX, p. 218; in the Jenaer (1585), vol. II, p. 523; in the Altenburger, vol. II, p. 903; in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 245; in the Erlanger, vol. 53, p. 303 and in De Wette, vol. II, p. 666. The original of this letter is, as the Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. V, p. 178 states, in the archives of Count von Alvensleben at Erxleben Castle. We have used the variants given there.

To the respectable, highly respected Mr. Johann Rühel, the Right > Doctor, my favorable gentleman and friendly dear brother-in-law.

God's grace and peace! I thank you, respectable, dear sir and brother-in-law, for your new newspapers, which I would always have liked to know, especially how Thomas Münzer is doing. Please, let me know how he was found and caught, and how he fared; for it is useful to know how the arrogant spirit fared.

2 It is pitiful that poor people are treated so cruelly. But how should one do it? It is necessary, and God also wants it, that fear and timidity be brought into the people. If not, Satan would do much harm. One misfortune is better than another. It is God's judgment Matth. 26, 52: Qui accipit gladium, gladio peribit. It is comforting that the spirit has come to light, so that henceforth the peasants will know how wrong they are, and perhaps leave their rottenness or become few. Do not let it grieve you so hard; for it will benefit many souls, who will be deterred and preserved by it.

My most gracious lord, the Elector, passed away the day I left you May 5, 1) between five and six, almost at the time when Osterhausen 2) was destroyed, with gentle courage, fresh reason and understanding, has taken the sacrament of both forms, and no oath. Is also without masses and vigils from us, and yet finely buried gloriously. There are several stones in

  1. Luther had written the previous letter to him from Seeburg on May 4, but met with him later on the return trip. Lingke, Reisegeschichte, p. 157.
  2. In the original: Osterhüsen.

in his lungs, and especially three in the gall bladder (which is strange), almost like the quintuple of a penny, and as thick as half a little finger is thick. He also died from the stone, but none was found in the bladder.

He did not yet know much about the uprising, but wrote to his brother, 3) he should first seek all ways with kindness, before he would let it come to the battle; thus he died Christian and blessed. The sign of his death was a rainbow, which we, Philips and I, saw in the night of the next winter, over the Lochau, and a child born here in Wittenberg without a head, and another with upturned feet.

  1. Hiemit GOtt befehlt, und grüet mir eure Hausrebe sammt ihren Trauben. Also comfort Christoffel Meinhart, 4) that he may let God have His will, which cannot be so vainly good, even if we do not feel it. It has now become serious, what we have joked about before, about the disenchantment, boredom and amazement. Now it's time to keep still and let God prevail, so we will see peace, amen. To the Archbishop of Mainz 5) I am not disinclined to write, as you indicate. At Wittenberg, on the Tuesday after Vocem Jucunditatis May 23 1525.

Martinus Luther.

Third letter, May 30, 1525.

This letter is found in the Wittenberger (1569), vol. IX, p. 557; in the Jenaer (1556), vol. Ill, p. 144; in the Altenburger, vol. Ill, p. 138; in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 247; in the Erlanger, vol. 53, p. 305 and in De Wette, vol. II, p. 669.

To the honorable and highly respected Mr. Johann Rühel, Doctori, my > favorable master and friendly brother-in-law.

Grace and peace in Christ! I thank you, my dear Doctor and brother-in-law, of your service in the new newspapers, God grant the lamentation an end with grace, as

  1. No. 773 and 774 in this volume.
  2. Christoffel Meinhart, a cousin of the Schöfer zu Allstädt, Hans Zeis (Seidemann, "Münzer", p. 144); both followers of Münzer. Cf. St. Louis edition, vol. XV, appendix, no. 125, but also in this volume no. 785-787.
  3. In the original, the bracketed text has been cut out. Cf. K 4 of the next number.

[132]{.underline} Erl. 53, 305-307, Sect. 3**,** Von d. Aufruhr in Thüringen. No. 783 f. W. XVI, 165-168. 133

we should ask and hope. It is good that people call me a hypocrite, and I am glad to hear it; do not be surprised either, since you have heard for some years now how they have scolded me and talked me into many things, all of which in time have been destroyed and disgraced by yourselves. I would have to have a lot of leather if I were to shut anyone's mouth. It is enough that my conscience is safe before God; he will judge what I speak and write; it shall and will go as I have written, nothing helps.

  1. to wish mercy to the peasants: if there are innocent among them, God will save and preserve them, as He did Lot Gen. 19:15 ff and Jeremiah chap. 38,13. ff. 39,14. ff. did. If he does not, they are certainly not innocent, but have at least kept silent and consented: even if they do this out of stupidity and fear, it is still unjust and criminal before God, just as much as he who denies Christ out of fear. For I also write all the more harshly against the peasants, because they force and coerce such fearful ones to their will of courage and God's punishment, and do not stop.

The wise man says: Cibus, onus et virga asino, in a farmer belongs Haberstroh. They do not hear the word, and are senseless, so they must hear the virgam, the cans, and it serves them right. We should pray for them that they obey; if not, there is not much mercy here; just let the guns go under them, otherwise they will make it a thousand times worse.

I will write to the bishop 1) and send you a copy. Thomas Münzer was not given proper interrogation; I would have let him ask much differently. Thus his confession is nothing other than a devilish, hardened obduracy in his behavior. Yet he confesses that he has done no evil, so that I am astonished by it, and I do not mean that it should be possible for a human heart to be so deeply hardened.

(5) Well, he who has seen the coiner may say that he has seen the devil in the flesh.

  1. This that Luther in the letter of June 2, Walch, St. Louis Edition, Vol. X, 678.

seen in his highest fury. O Lord God, wherever such a spirit is in the peasants, how high time it is that they are strangled like mad dogs! For the devil perhaps feels the last day, therefore he thinks to stir the fury and to prove all infernal power at once. Haec sunt tempora, I mean. Well, God still lives and reigns, but will not leave us; his goodness is more, mightier and wiser than Satan's raging and raging.

  1. There is a rumor that the locksmith in Allstädt is to be judged by the third party, but we hope that it is a lie. The same is said of Doctor Straußen 2). Greetings to your dear vine, my sister-in-law, Hanna Rühlin, with her grapes. Hiemit GOtt commanded. The two sermons at the funeral of the Elector 3) are printed. On Tuesday after Exaudi May 30 Anno 1525.

Martinus Luther.

784 Two letters from Luther to Nicolaus Amsdorf, in which he complains about the accusations of some preachers in Thuringia and Franconia, and reports that some princes have already returned to the field against the rebellious peasants.

First letter, May 30, 1525.

This letter is found handwritten in 606th N. 24 n., k. 166; printed in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 289; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 671 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. V, p. 182.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Mr. Nicolaus Amsdorf, his beloved in the Lord.

Grace and peace! You report a new honor to me, my dear Amsdorf, that I am called a flatterer of the princes; such honorary titles Satan has brought me in great numbers in these years. But I do not have so much sympathy for our clever ones.

  1. These rumors about Zeis the locksmith and D. Strauss were unfounded. Compare numbers 785-787; likewise St. Louis edition, vol. XIX" Introduction, p. 47 f. and vol. XX, Introduction, p. 39.
  2. Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. X, 2032-2071.

[134]{.underline} Erl. Briefw. V, 182 f. Cap. 10. of the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 168-170. 135

  1. I rejoice that Satan is so indignant and blasphemous as often as he is touched by me. For what are those voices but Satan's voices, with which he endeavors to insult me and the gospel? But he that hath hitherto so often trodden him under my feet, and crushed the lion and the dragon, will not suffer the basilisk to tread upon me Ps. 91:13.; let them therefore bark. Our conscience is sure that what has gone out of my mouth in this matter is right before GOD. Therefore, let it be crucified and displeased to those who are exalted by our efforts and the name (titulo) of the gospel, so that they may disgrace us by giving us this thanks, as the adulterous generation is wont to do. But they have been exalted so that they may be cast down, and their end be shame. Perhaps the time will come when I too may say Matt. 26:31, "This night you will all be offended at me." In contrast, we soon forget the good things we have received. And how hopeful and ready are we to judge even those from whom we have learned! But Christ, who began without our counsel, will accomplish his work even against our counsel. Remind the brethren, therefore, since they have so often heard from the Gospel that we are nothing, and that the carnal mind must be put to death, that they not be hasty in their wisdom and in awakening the carnal mind. It is God who works above and against, under and apart from what we can grasp.

I cannot come to you at all, since I am so busy and called to do many things, otherwise I would like nothing better.

I am of the opinion that it is better that all peasants are slain than the princes and authorities, because the peasants, without having power from God, take the sword. On this wickedness of Satan, nothing can be done.

  1. Instead of tzuars, with which in all editions a new sentence begins here, we have taken quaru as a corretative to turn. Huars gives no right sense.

The kingdom of God will be devastated by satan, and even if the princes of the world go too far, they will still wield the sword of God. There both kingdoms can exist; therefore no mercy, no patience is due to the peasants, but the wrath and the displeasure of God and of men are due to those who do not give room to the warnings, who do not accept even the most reasonable conditions that are offered to them, but who, solely through the raging of Satan, continue to bring everything into confusion, as these Thuringians and Franks are. To justify them, to have mercy on them, to show them favor, that is, to deny God, to blaspheme and to want to expel them from heaven. Tell these preachers of yours, 2) that they should dare and try, but that I will not consent to it, but rather curse their presumption in the name of the Lord. After this the Lord will judge which of the two spirits is from the devil, mine or theirs. But I am sorry that these blasphemous people have also been given the ministry and knowledge of the Word through us. May God convert and instruct them, or again cast them from the throne, amen. Fare well in the Lord. Wittenberg, Tuesday after Exaudi May 30 1525. Martin Luther.

Second letter, June 12, 1525.

This letter is found in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 290; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 680 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. V, p. 192.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in the Lord! I believe, my dear Amsdorf, that you know everything that Satan is perpetrating through the peasants in Franconia. Then this, your Heinrich, as a living letter, will tell everything better what he has heard here. Although I wish that the peasants be given a sound mind, I fear that they will become obdurate and blinded, and that the wrath of God will bring a heavy defeat upon them. They fight with

  1. Some of the Magdeburg preachers had sided with the rebels and adhered to Muenzer.

[136]{.underline} Erl. Briefw. V, 1S2 f. Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 784ff. W. XVI. 170-172. 137

The people of the region have a very bad conscience, and many of their confederates have been forced to join them by force and against their will. Our prince has indeed gone out strongly armed, for the sake of peace and reconciliation, as they say. Margrave Casimir is laying strong siege to Neuenstadt, where six thousand peasants are said to be assembled. The Swabian alliance attacks them from one side, from the other.

  1. Neustadt an der Aisch, in Middle Franconia. The siege had already happened on May 29 and 30.
  2. everywhere an exceedingly miserable murdering begins to show itself. I hope that your preachers will either go into themselves or that they will finally be resisted). You pray for me and be well. Wittenberg, on Monday in the Whitsun Octave June 12, 1525 Martin Luther.
  3. William VI of Henneberg had been forced to accept the peasants' articles on May 3. When the peasants nevertheless devastated his villages and castles, he united with the princes.
  4. Instead of irnxsckire we have assumed imxsckiri; this was already done by the old translator.

Section Four of Chapter Ten.

Writings and news, which belong to the history of Thomas Münzer and the peasant revolt, and explain the same.

785 Letter from Hans Zeis, Schösser zu Allstädt, to Georg Spalatin concerning the examination of the teachings of Thomas Münzer. July 20, 1524.

From Kapp's Nachlese nützlicher Reformation-Urkunden, Theil II, p. 612.

Salutem, my dear sir, special friend! As I asked you next to the Lochau, as I also asked our most gracious lord in writing at that time, and reported that it was very necessary that Magister Thomas be interrogated, you promised to take care of it, and, as soon as my most gracious lord would come from the hunt this time, to bring it faithfully. Now it is very necessary that this be done quickly, as Doctor Bridges has also reported here that he complains that he is not being heard, nor is he being interrogated; and so his teaching is being spread among the common people, so that they are also reddening and pressing for it with the sermon. It is high time to undertake this matter with the interrogation; for if it is not done, then contemptus principum is present, it is to be feared that the people will throw themselves together in heaps, as he then publicly provokes; this will torment and rob, and become such a displeasure in this way, of which no one has ever heard. Therefore, be diligent to set a day for a public hearing, to know whether his doctrine is right; if it is found to be righteous, to hold it.

If not, this should be abolished, because it is not possible to make a change without being heard. The people are firmly attached to him; he recently delivered a sermon before my gracious lords, the two princes, which I am sending you here; he has promised the chancellor, by our gracious lord's order, not to have a thing printed; his princely graces or my gracious lord, Duke Hans, have then inspected it; He wants to have all kinds of people with him, as you may have heard. I have had the letter to Sittichbach delivered to Mr. Volkmarn. With this I commend you and myself to God Almighty. Date urgent, Wednesdays after Alexii s20. Julis Anno 1524. 4) I ask for your friendly answer.

Hans Zeis, Schösser zu Allstädt.

786: Hans Zei's report to Spalatin on Münzer's and the citizens of Mühlhausen's election. February 22 and March 5, 1525.

From Cyprian's Documents, vol. II, p. 339.

My undaunted kind service before. My dear Lord and friend! Because this

  1. "1524" placed by us instead of: "rel. 24." in the old edition, which probably (as in the inscription of No. 787) should mean "st". It will be necessary to resolve "rel." by rsll^ua.

138 Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. xvi, 172-174. 1Z9

forgiven message fell to me in a hurry, I have not failed to visit you with this instruction, and add you to know that ErH Jobst . . . went to Nuremberg 6 days ago, wants to fetch his wife and send himself to Allstädt. The council gives him one guilder a week, plus he has so much grain from the fief of the castle that he has enough bread for the three of him, also so much money that he can have shoes and a shirt, that I reckon he can get along well, except for his known piety and honesty. For if I see that he is in need, I will give him my help and assistance with everything I can to help him, and I hope that God will graciously preserve the man. God thanks you for your care and support for the poor people, shown here in this case. And let it be known to you that Thomas Münzer has been in Fulda, there he has lain in the tower for some time, and the Abbot has said in Arnstedt on the von Schwarzburg estate: if he had known that it was Thomas Münzer, he would not have let him go. And the rumor is that he is back in Mulhouse; I would have a whole day to tell you about the cruel disagreement and turmoil that a preacher called Pfeiffer and he are causing there; and in sum, Mr. Omnes has taken the regiment from the council, who is not allowed to punish, rule, write or act against their will. And after Pfeiffer and Münzern, as you may have heard, had been expelled by the council, and since they had been in Nuremberg and expelled, Pfeiffer returned, and applied and complained in the villages of Mühlhausen, how he had been expelled violently, just for the truth and for the sake that he had wanted to preach and make them free from the council and the authorities and from all encumbrances 2c., and the same peasants gathered with their guns and went to the suburbs of Mulhouse, stood there and preached by force. When the city council of Mulhouse became aware that Pfeiffer was intruding on them by force, they made their order in the city and gathered together to drive Pfeiffer out of the city. And when it was supposed to happen, the commoners, who were supposed to be loyal to the council, went to the council and played such an infidelity, not to speak of it. And their captain saw that the common people had fallen from the council, and with great effort and work he quieted the game and the noise, but not otherwise than that these

  1. In the old edition: "Ern."; in Cyprian: "Ern".

The preachers remain, and the council, as mentioned above, has been forced not to do anything or create anything without the knowledge and will of the community. Thus their sword is taken away from them, and things are going strangely; they are gathering together, and the same group is secretly escaping at times, subjecting themselves to storming the priests at night in the countryside of Duke George, as has now happened in Hermesleben, where Philipp Reybisch is a magistrate; and since they have been found out, Duke George has had some of them denounced in Mühlhausen. But he will not be allowed to do so. I hope it will come to pass. It will not get any better, because they will attack the people of Mulhouse, move their roads and streets, otherwise such a huge mob of boys will gather there and cause trouble for the whole country, and all the enthusiasts will perhaps get involved with Doctor Karlstat and others, where they will find a naughty, simple-minded people. I did not want to behave like that in a hurry, as my favorable lord and friend. For you have me willingly to serve you, and hereby command me into your intercession against God, who will mercifully ... and keep you always. Datum Petri Cathedra 22 Feb Anno 1525.

Your willing servant Hans Zeis, Schösser zu Allstädt.

I have also been told that Thomas Muenzer, who is coming to Mulhouse again, wants to be a preacher, and he insists that he wants to be the town clerk and a member of the town council. The devil is doing all this because he wants to help cause an outrage. I wrote this first letter on the day of Cathedra Petri, but the messenger did not take it with him and it has been lost until now. But today, Invocavit March 5, I sent this messenger. I read your letter the next day, I will do my utmost, also to please you, to contact the Domina of Nauendorf 2) with her pensions, and to be helpful, constant and helpful to them, where they desire it, but there is unpleasantness at times; I really wanted them to follow your gentle instruction. If they will, it shall not be lacking in me; they have brought in the greater part of this year's interest. Mr. Jobst has not yet arrived from Nuremberg. With this I entrust myself to your intercession against God 2c. Date 2c.

To the respectable and honorable Magister Georgio Spalatin, my > favorable dear master and friend.

  1. In his introduction to this writing, Cyprian writes: "Newendorff."

[140]{.underline} Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 787 f. W. xvi, 174-177. 141

787 Hans Zei's letter to Spalatin about the peasants' revolt in Thuringia. May 7, 1525.

From Kapp's Nachlese, Part II, p. 664.

My willing service always before, my dear lord and friend! I have read your letter, but I would like you to know that things are bad and miserable here; all the monasteries around here have been devastated. The Domina of Naucndors is in Halle. No dominion is respected here any longer, but a great contempt is poured out. Münzer and Pfeiffer of Mühlhausen are in their army themselves Rottmeister and captains, storming and plundering everywhere they can; they hold 15,000 strong, some say more than 50,000. The legend does not come to the same. But it is a pitiful thing that there should be so many princes in this country, and no one dares to draw his sword against them; they have plundered and burned Mr. Apel's castle of Ebleben, called Ebleben, one of them called Schlothein; a castle on the Eyffelt, called Harenburg, is that of Boltzungsleben. But he had to withdraw from Rosenberg. Thus 6000 men lie here two miles from Allstädt, also belong to him, they increase every day, move out every day, tear down the noble farms, because they have no more monasteries. They take cows and feed themselves. But they are much more honest than Münzer's bunch, they are not as bloodthirsty as Münzer. With this, God is always at your command, I will do to you what is dear to you. Datum Jubilate May 7 Anno 1525.

Hans Zeis, Schösser zu Allstädt. > > To my favorable dear lord and friend, Georgen Spalatin 2c. 1) For my > own hands.

788 Rudolph von der Planitz and Hans von Weißenbach, knight, report from Mühlhausen on the bloody outcome of the Peasants' War in Thuringia, submitted to the council of Altenburg in 1525. June 2, 1525.

From Cyprian's Documents, vol. II, p. 354.

Our very kind and willing service before. Strict and honorable, especially dear friends! Your letter is received by us at noon at Mühlhaufen in the city.

  1. In the old edition: "rel." probably for: etc.

have been answered, and give you in haste to know that M. G. Lord, Duke George 2c., Duke Henry of Brunswick, and the Landgrave with their warband, on Monday after Cantate [May 15^, before and in Frankenhausen, have slain up to 7000 citizens and peasants, at the same time our most gracious Lord Elector of the Unfern also had a part. On Tuesday after Vocem Jucunditatis May 23, the princes all moved into the field before Schlatheim, up to 5000 well-equipped horses and about 7000 on foot, with a considerable number of guns. The princes who lay in the field are our most gracious Lord, the Elector, together with his son, Duke George of Saxony, the Landgrave, Duke Henry of Brunswick, as the highest field commander, Duke Philip, Duke Otto of Brunswick and Lüneburg, that of Anhalt, and many other counts and lords, also honest people. On Wednesday after the Sunday Vocem Jucunditatis, up to 1200 virgins and women came into the camp to the warlords, fell on their knees, with open hands, with pathetic display, begged for mercy for the sake of Christ's suffering; but they did not receive a final answer. The following Thursday we advanced with the whole army before Mulhouse; there the people of Mulhouse together with their villages came into the field to the warlords, begged for mercy on their knees for the sake of God, handed over the keys of all the fortresses, and surrendered to mercy and disgrace. Then our 300 men took the city, and the princes camped half a mile away.

Thomas Muenzer and Pfeiffer, as seducers of Christian people, were captured and beheaded May 30; but subsequently put on the spit. Many of Frankenhausen's and Mühlhausen's heads were cut off. They are deprived of all their weapons.

This day are over 3000 men who drag the rampart on the city and fill the ditches.

It is said that the von Mühlhaufen have to give good money to the warlords. They have practiced unchristian works and will be punished severely.

One makes up one's mind to set out tomorrow; but where one will turn one's head out is not yet actually in the day.

New newspapers have come that the Confederation has again slain 4000 peasants before Tübingen; and the Duke of Lorraine has slain 18,000 peasants in the city of Olsthabern, which he won by storm.

The Confederation moves to Witzberg with 3000 horses-.

[142]{.underline} Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. xvi, 177-179. 143

10,000 good servants, thinking to beat the peasants there as well.

It is said that the peasants there broke, burned and devastated up to 60 castles and monasteries, and committed many miserable wrongs against those of Abel and clergy.

May the merciful God grant grace that the divine will may be done everywhere.

This is what we wanted to tell you in response to your letter, because we recognize that we owe it to you, as our dear friends, to serve you with faithful diligence. Date in haste, Friday after Exaudi June 2 Anno 1525.

789 New newspaper from the rebellious peasants back and forth. June 18, 1525.

From Cyprian's Documents, vol. II, p. 357. The superscription is by Spalatin.

My gracious lord has moved on Wednesday in Whitsun June 7 with the camp before Meiningen and arrived on Friday at Coburg, and has remained allda until Wednesday after Trinity June 14. Where his C. G. did not come over the forest, the place would also have fallen down.

The city of Meiningen has granted my most gracious lord the honor.

Assured the peasants at 3000 before Mellerstadt, 16 pieces of rifles, and handed over the nobility horses. They gave his C. G. duke Philippo and count Albrecht.

112 castles were broken into, plundered and burned by the peasants of Bamberg and Würzburg Abbey.

The Swabian League reinstated the bishop of Wuerzburg, and stabbed many peasants; but many were lost.

The Confederation burns almost all rebellious villages.

They also want to reinstate the bishop of Bamberg. His towns and peasants surrender in grace and in disgrace.

Both bishops of Bressanone and Trento have even been expelled from their territories.

The Tyrolean and Austrian regions did not want to suffer Salamanka any longer with the archduke. Then he fled to the Fugger in Augsburg. They did not want to tolerate him there either. So he must be hidden.

The bishop of Salzburg had a Protestant preacher seen; two of the burghers had him released. He had their heads cut off. Because of this, the city and the entire countryside rose up against him and paid him 20,000 euros.

The castle is strongly besieged and the hopeful priest is to be brought out. He should offer to resign his clerical status and become secular, and to do everything the countryside wants. But they do not want. They say they want to cut him into pieces, cook him and eat him, so that it can be said of them that they have eaten their unfaithful master, who acted against the word of God.

The Duke of Lorraine stabbed the peasants in Alsace in 30,000, also plundered Zabern, the bishop of Strasbourg, completely.

It is said that the duke has since suffered damage from the peasants on the Rhine.

Strasbourg and Constance are said to have fallen to Switzerland.

The peasants have taken Freiburg im Breisgau; and advanced before Breisach, are said to be in 30,000 strong.

The people of Erfurt are very afraid of the confederation because the bishop of Mainz has been plundered by the peasants in Erfurt.

The covenant shall have in 1800 horses, some want 1200 horses, and 6000 servants.

Today, my most gracious lord has come to Weimar, not to stay there for more than three or four days, and then to turn to the Vogtland.

Duke Ott will retire.

His C. G. want 3 or 400 righteous horses.

The abbot of Salfeld has been deprived of everything he had. And Mr. Friedrich Thunn feeds him.

Date Sunday after Corporis Christi [18 June Anno Domini 1525.

790th Newspaper on how to deal with the rebellious peasants. July 12, 1525.

From Cyprian's Documents, Vol. II, p. 360. The superscription is in Spalatin's hand.

The cutting off of heads has not yet stopped in these lands.

Doctor Teutsche, 1) the blind monk, and a nobleman, Stephan Mentzinger, were beheaded in Rothenburg on selb 25.

In these lands, many poor people, widows and orphans are made out of the measure.

The Franconian princes have made a day performance to Forchheim, there those of Nuremberg have also dispatched theirs.

  1. Turning, turner. See No. 791.

[144]{.underline} Section 4: Writings on the Building Riots. No. 790 f. W. xvi, i79-i8i. 145

Marx Sitich von Embs has the farmers in Hegau

beat.

The Bündische seem to make peace in the same places in a short time, and then rescue the Cardinal of Salzburg, who has lost the whole monastery and is besieged in his castle above the city.

A few days ago, the peasants of the same place, twelve miles from Salzburg, at a place called Rastadt, laid down an excellent summa of warriors, Bohemians and Steyrians, on horseback and on foot, and wounded and captured Herr Siegmund von Dittrichstein, Landshauptmann.

The princes urge the imperial cities to restore the old customs and to put an end to what they have done in accordance with the Gospel.

The King of France has been led to Barcelona in Hispania.

791 The beginning and end of the pernicious Peasants' War, as it happened in Rothenburg an der Tauber in 1525.

From Kapp's Nachlese, Theil IV, p. 561. Kapp took this from a manuscript in the Kraft Library in Ulm.

After the preachers of Rothenburg, Mr. Caspar Christian, Commenthur and priest here at the German House, also brothers Melchior, both of the German Order, who took the blind monk's sister in marriage (has wedding in Leonhard Schmerzens house), especially by Johann Drechsler, preacher, Mr. Hansen Rothfux, blind monk of the Order of the Barefoot, together with one who pretended to be a farmer, who also preached here, outside the city on the Pruel and in Kupferzell, and some citizens here in Rothenburg, the Jewish and Carolstadt sect took over, by special permission of the authorities; and D. Andreas Carolstad went to Rothenburg in his own person to preach here, and also desired to become a citizen here: it happened on a Tuesday after Oculi 21. March, that 30 or 40 farmers gathered in the town of Rothenburg, and bought a kettledrum in the Prueglin house, proudly, wantonly and wantonly went back and forth with it in the town, over and above all the prohibitions of the judge and an honorable council; then they left the town, partly to Pretta in the village, partly to Ohrenbach, and gathered there on Wednesday and Thursday.

On the 24th of March the inner and outer council met and the 5 guards were present, all citizens were asked to come to the town hall; whoever wanted to stand with an honorable council should now stand openly; out of the whole community no more than 26 remained with an honorable council; the rest have from that time on the several part of the town hall against a council; Stephan Metzger 2) has jumped with Lorenz .... jumped on the bench, let themselves be heard against the municipality, with a wrong shape and opinion, they want to take it under their hands, where they surrender with a vow, want to perform their duties for them and request 36 men to the committee; which then soon took a course, with obligation in the place of an oath. In this way, the congregation approached the gates, slammed them shut, and demanded the keys from the gatekeepers by force, to prevent disloyalty and malice according to the council and the community. Knowing that Contz Eberhard and Georg Bremter from the inner council, Gabriel Langenberger and Benedict Malsch from the outer council were sent to the peasants to inquire about their intentions, they could not get an answer from the peasants, because they let themselves be heard that they were not all together yet; In the meantime, letters have also arrived from Margrave Casimir, which have been read out by a whole community, which wants to indicate to an honorable council and common city help and assistance, and, where necessary, to appear in person, to make peace and unity, with other friendly offers. However, some of the congregation and the committee wilfully despised it and did not want to accept it at all. And this evening between 5 and 6 o'clock, the Lord God was beheaded on the cross and his arms were cut off in the churchyard. On the day of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the inner and outer councils remained together in great danger, fear and anxiety, and the congregation and 36 members of the committee demanded the inner and outer councils, which they found very difficult to do; 3)

  1. The indication: "on Friday thereafter was the Annunciation of Mary" is erroneous; in 1525, March 25 was on a Saturday. We have corrected the error by changing the punctuation.
  2. This is called Stephan Mensinger in Vol. II, p. 361 in Cyprian's Reformation documents, also further on in this document; in the previous number: Mentzinger.
  3. The meaning should be: the members of the inner and outer council have answered that it is difficult for them to do so.

146 Cap. 10: The peasants' revolt. W. xvi, i8i-i84. 147

but with such a condition the inner council has counted them free of their duty and oath, they have become quite common; Stephan Metzger has requested the oath from them, to which Jeremias Ofmer replied: Not to you, Metzger, do we pledge, but to a whole community; So one after the other took the oath, and just as the outer council was counted by the inner council, so also the inner council was counted by the outer council free of their oath and vow, and on Monday after that they also had to owe the community, in such fears and worries that they would have lost part of their lives, for one after the other they were demanded out of the council chamber, each thinking that he would have to die, which two of the committee went before and two after. After the oath and duty were done, each one was taken home, unaware of the other. On Sunday Lätare March 26 Christianus the Beck threw the missal from the altar to the priest in the old chapel, and thus chased the priest from the altar. On this day the peasants let themselves be seen in order, in the field before the gallows gate. On the following Monday, Ehrenfried Knuff told the priest in the parish church, while he was singing, that if he wanted to be safe, he should leave the altar; he threw down the missal and the masses were suspended. This night, some people from Swabian Hall were let in, namely Herman Buschlein and Dietrich Blanckenfried, to make time for things; however, nothing was done. On Tuesday, 700 peasants were assembled, and those who did not want to join their army were taken away from them and forced to do so, as happened to a peasant in Wetterich. On Wednesday, Christoph von Rosenberg, a farmer, and many from Schipfergrund joined them. On Friday March 31, the peasants in the army all came together, joined them at 2000, and went to Neuseß the same day; Lorenz Knobloch went out to them and promised to become their captain. On the same day, some of the peasants were sent to the city to report their request. In the meantime, the imperial and confederate councilors came to make peace and rode off again without being taken away, as did those from Nuremberg. On this day, all craftsmen are to present their complaints and concerns to a committee.

  1. "they also the" put by us instead of: "themselves also the" in the old edition.

Umgeld. At night the peasants went to the sand yard. On Friday after Ambrosii April 7, the Knieberlein threw the lamps from the Sacramenthäuslein with light and oil into the church during the sermon, in the presence of some of the council. On the same day, the peasants departed, and Fritz Wölckner, their ensign, came with some peasants to Rothenburg; the rest redoubled and went before Stetten, from there to Margenthal and Bischofsheim, and stormed the cellars and cellars everywhere. On Char Friday April 14, all services in the church at Rothenburg were suspended, so that neither singing nor reading took place, only D. Johann 2) Drechsel was preached, emperor, king, princes and lords, ecclesiastical and secular, reviled; spoken, they want to hinder the word of God. On Sunday in vigilia Rogate 3) the blind monk, Mr. Hans Rothfuchs, called the sacrament idolatry. On the holy day of Easter there was neither singing nor reading. On Monday after April 17 D. Andreas Carlstadt preached against the Sacrament. And in this night Kupferzell was stormed by some millers, who threw the boards and pictures into the Tauber. On Tuesday after Easter, the articles of the exodus were announced and proclaimed, that the young priests should and may take wives, and that they should be allowed to continue their benefices for 11 years, after which they should be deprived of them, but that the old ones should be allowed to remain for the rest of their lives. While this was being proclaimed, the servants 5) and the dipendiaries approached our women's altar and wanted to throw the images out; the others refused, and several bare knives were pulled out. On this day it was also decided that the inner council should be changed. On Wednesday, the boards in Kupferzell were broken; some millers carried some of the paintings home with them and caused a great commotion. On this day Carolstad again preached against the sacrament and other ceremonies; the priest of Scheckenbach was drunk 4 buckets of wine by farmers. On that day, the women took 11 mills of grain from Mr. Conrad Volckhamer in front of his house, and once again they took

  1. This is called l. c. of the Cyprianic documents D. Teutschel (Walch).
  2. This time determination is in any case erroneous, because a Sunday cannot be the vigil of the Sunday Rogate. In addition, the reporter would reach here into the second half of May.
  3. In the old edition: "friends". - Immediately following: "Verliebten" instead of: "Verlebten".
  4. Probably the same as the one called "Knieberlein" above.

148 Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 791. w. xvi, i8i-i86. 149

Michael Eisenhart together with the sisters 1) house. On that date Georg Berneder was elected mayor; and from the council old Hans Zagsthammer, Lorenz Eberhard, Enders Stellwag, Seisried Schmid were appointed; and Stephan Mensinger and Hieronymus Hassel were placed in the tax offices; 12 of them were also appointed from the committee, to whom all the interrogation matters shall be addressed. On Thursday after Easter April 20 the women with halberds, forks, and sticks went around in the Hafengasse and made a great ruckus, saying that they wanted to storm and plunder all the priests' houses. On Friday, all priests had to become citizens for safety's sake, otherwise everything would have been taken from them, as they were then all ready to submit; they gave their belongings to the town hall and had to swear to Stephan Mensinger, together with the committee, as follows. . . Article that they have neither forced nor urged to do so; each citizen has to give 1 guilder to watch over the gate and work on the moat. On Monday after 2) Georgii at the first hour the council together with the committee appeared in the parish church, there announced to the congregation how the peasants wanted 200 men with 100 long spears, a snake, a main gun and 2 tents; the quartermasters answered not to give anything to the peasants, neither vowed nor swore to give or send anything to them; Pfaf Holenbach, their envoy, has said how some of them, while they were in the sand yard, let themselves be heard in the presence of Leonhard Dener, their chancellor, and many others from the city, that they want to be helpful and constant in their undertaking, to leave life and limb with them; therefore they are now desiring the same, but have neither named nor indicated anyone. On the 5th after St. George's Day, Hans Balbierer had the small one enveloped and proclaimed to give the unpaid wages; while Holenbach and his family left the city again, they were told to answer the peasants to their request in writing. On this day the Margravial 15 came and promised help and assistance. On the day of Vitualis April 28 grain was distributed, but not everyone took it. On Wednesday 3) Lorenz Knobloch of Oeten was killed by peasants.

  1. "Sisters" put by us instead of: "Sister". From the following it is clear that the "sister house" is meant.
  2. "after" put by us, because Georgius (the 23rd of April) was a Sunday in 1525.
  3. Here the report probably reaches back again, because Vitalis was a Friday.

They were cut into pieces and threw the pieces at each other. Finally, they cut off his head and split it in two. On the day of Vitalis, the peasants marched before Jpphofen, then before Meinbruch, and let themselves be heard that they wanted to see what the Rothenburgers were doing. On the day of Philippi Jacobi May 1 during the night, the monastery of Eichenhausen was burned; the same night, the peasants of Dünkelspiel plundered Münchsroth, and the peasants also plundered the monastery of Schwartzach. The castle at Clevensperg was burned; wine and grain were plundered by the von Ayb. On Thursday after Crucis May 4 the peasants, called Schwaetzhauf, went from Heibronn to Bischesheim, desired the bullet that was in Boxberg. The night before they lay in Bütenheim. On the day of St. John ante portam latinam May 6, early in the morning, they rang the great bell of the community in the parish church, was held up to them by Mr. Carlen von Hobsperg, Friedrich von Toedwang, Count Manderscheid, the margrave's friendly request, as his grace with his wife, also all his jewels to Rothenburg to go, body and goods with them leave, sed major pars. 5). . . Also, the question is whether to send the peasants or not? therefore, in the afternoon, the community is required to go to the town hall. On the day of Epimach May 10, news was received through writings that 3 cities, namely Heilbrunnen, Dünckelspiel, Wimpfen, have joined forces with the peasants and stood by them, and how no less Rothenburg would be required more and higher: the people of Rothenburg should leave their wives and children and join them, for the sake of the word of God. After such, at 6 o'clock, all citizens are again called to give their vote, whether one should send men or bullets to the farmers? has been the council of the several parts, one should send them bullets and spears, has been sent to them before night, and the night one wanted to raid the Heisterhof, Deutschhof and Frauenkloster; on the day Nerei and Pancratii [12. May^ at 8 o'clock they made a noise, and demanded and summoned all jurors and pledges to the market in front of the town hall, where they were proclaimed by Erasmum Nißle that all priests who have property should hand it over to the committee.

  1. Crucis is Cross's invention.
  2. In the copy from which this copy has been made, the copyist has noted of the following words: in auto^raxtio, a (zuo liase

ässcripta, tarn vitiosa, ut.Oeäipo opus sit.

150 Cap. 10: The peasants' revolt. W. xvi, iss-iss. 151

Town hall, at penance and loss of their property; it has also been shouted out in some alleys. Afterwards, clergy and seculars entered the order, stepped in front of the Henserhof at first, some of the council and committee went in, and took the house. Mr. Caspar von Stein was told not to drink anything, except for a while, after which the monastery, sister house, women's monastery, German house, were accepted in the same way with vows. After that they came before Master Augustin Gumppelein's house, at the pure Mary's, took the same, and with 12 buckets of wine at the Gemein verbeut and drank up. On Monday the envoys came to the farmers, Eberhard and Kretzer were killed. On Sunday Cantate May 14 some of the peasants appeared at the town hall, some articles were held up to them, they were ordered to accompany the cannon. After that, on Monday, May 15, early after the striking, the bells were rung in a common way, and everyone ran to them. In the parish church, Florian Geyer held up a number of articles to the congregation concerning the peasants' brotherhood, which was to last a hundred and one years, and that nothing else was to be done, except what was Protestant, for the special salvation of God's word, and that neither rent nor validity was to be given until the matter was settled, except what old debts were known. And thereupon requested a council, committee and community to commit themselves to the peasants with an oath and vow and to bind themselves that it be done immediately; although many of them did not like it, they still had to obey in part. So also on this day Rothenburg passed from the kingdom to the peasants. In the meantime, a gallows was erected on the market to punish the evil in the opinion and according to their brotherhood. After that, at 5 o'clock, 2 tents, 3 wagons with powder and stone 1) were led to the pile, Ehrenfried Kunst, Georg Spelter the Younger, together with several others, went out through the city in great pomp and splendor, accompanied the bullet together with the peasants into the camp, in the opinion of conquering the castle of Würzburg, and Hans Böstlein, a bowler, was accepted by the peasants as a gun master. On Monday after Cantate, more than 300 peasants ran up the mountain to storm the castle of Wuerzburg, all of whom perished: some were thrown, some shot, some slain, caught like birds. In the meantime the

  1. "Stone" - balls.

Peasants, who in the city and also by heart made a plot to take the city by embezzlement, demanded that they be slept in at the hospital gate, and those in the city wanted to run down the gate and take possession of it. When they became aware of this, they prepared to defend themselves. So they let them in at the Kupferzellerthor, and the assumption was that they wanted to beat them all to death; but they were resisted by the old lords. On May 12, the Hohenlohe peasants, Entrieb Wütig von Adelshofen, Hans Biebra von Dierbach, their own lord, ravaged the castle of Schillingsfürst through Heinrich Zeitgrafen. On Monday after that Margrave Casimir went out with power to castigate his peasants by burning. On Friday after that burned Sundheim, Westheim, Wundelspach, Hegen. Cat. Exaudi May 28 Mr. Hans Kolein, the nobleman, priest at Werinch, was beheaded with 4 peasants at Lentershausen, and 7 had their fingers cut off; at Neustadt an der Aisch 18 citizens and peasants were beheaded. On the Friday before Pentecost June 2, 4000 peasants were slain by the Bündische at Königshöfen in the Tauber Valley, including 22 from Mergentheim, among them also 7 priests, 42 from Weickersheim, where they were burned down for 800 fl. and 7 beheaded. On Pentecost, more peasants were slain by the Bündische at Bithard and Sulzdorf, namely 8000; 300 escaped to a castle called Ingolstadt, located near Gieberlstadt, before which the Bund suffered the greatest damage; for in such battles more than 200 Bündische on horseback and on foot did not perish. On the day of Pentecost, Conrad Eberhard, Erasmus von Mihle, and Thomä Zweifel were sent to Margrave Casimir in Rothenburg. They led red crosses and tried hard to obtain pardon; they were told that they would not be accepted in any other way than by grace and disgrace. for blood and fire, or banned from the city 30 miles behind; in addition, the city had to give several tons of powder. On Thursday June 8, when the Confederation retook the city of Wuerzburg, 26 men were beheaded there, namely captains, Fähndrich, Waibel and 6 of the council. On Friday after Corporis Christi June 16, Mass was held again here in Rothenburg at the Holy Blood. On Friday after Pentecost June 9 Florian Geyer is on

  1. Mutiny?

152 Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 791. W. xvi, 189-191. 153

Afterwards the alliance moved to Bamberg, where 21 were beheaded, and 58 had their eyes gouged out at Kitzing. On the day of Corporis Christi June 15, they began to give the 7 fl. On Tuesday, Spielbach and Schwarzenbronn were burned. At the Rothenburg Kirchweih, they started singing Vespers again. On the day of the church consecration, Stephan Mensingen, as he was leaving the church after the sermon, was caught in a black lot, and when he was led across the market, he shouted: Help, dear Christians, help, but no help was forthcoming. On the evening of St. John the Baptist June 23, D. Johann Drechsel was caught and imprisoned together with the blind monk. Caspar Commenthör and the priest escaped secretly with D. Andreas Carolstad, brother Melchior, who had the blind monk's sister.

On the day of St. John the Baptist, the German gentlemen again began to sing our Lady's Mass and the Daily Mass; it has not been sung for 13 weeks. On the days of Petri and Pauli 29. June, Margrave Casimir rode into Rothenburg with 800 on horseback, 1000 on foot, 200 wagons, well equipped with his best bullets, which were led to the market, and 500 Margravial and canine footmen arrived in Rothenburg on that day, divided into 2 groups: the first on Ahrenbach, thatelbige plundered, afterwards together with the church in reason burned; the second bunch to Breda moved, a beautiful village, have it also plundered, some stabbed, namely Regryß behind the table, Brandhans in the stable, and Hans Schmid on the lane, Hans Element and Marx Hans were stabbed from the Holzzlein; The 12 of them were bound together, and thus imprisoned until Bühn, where they were released, after the church and the village had been burned down, and 600 head of cattle and 30 wagons of plunder had been taken. On Friday after Petri and Pauli 30. June was in the city of Rothenburg by the herald with the Drommete blown up, and all citizens and residents required on the market in a circle, which the Landsknechte with spikes had decided and made together with the Reisigen; Hans von Seckendorf, the burghers of Rothenburg, was reported to have resigned from the kingdom and fallen to the peasants, as well as the great and severe misfortune into which they had fallen and forfeited life, honor and property; in addition, the entire city was closed, with many other frightening words, which frightened the men; however, in view of some honorable and respectable people, they graciously wanted to forgive this, but

The measure and form that they should all now owe to the empire, and swear to the covenant, with many other words; this was done immediately with raised fingers. In attendance was Margrave Casimir of Pappenheim by virtue of the covenant, and many nobles. Afterwards, several citizens were read out, who had been beheaded from the beginning, namely Peter Reichel, furrier, Engelhard Goppel, Georg Stull, Georg Pflüger, Hans Conrad, der Prüglin Mann, Thome Heichtel, Burkhart Weidner, Hans Böhm, Wilhelm Besamair, M. Hans Rumpf, Vicarius in the parish church; the bodies were left lying on the market all day. Some of the ring, Lorenz the furrier, Job Schat, Fritz Dalck, Melchior Mader, Hans Marck, would otherwise also have been judged. On Saturday July 1 they beheaded at night on the market: as Junker Stephan Mensing, D. Johann Preding, 1) the landlord of Ohrenbach, Kilian Schmid of Spielbach, Leonhard Leuter of Ohrenbach, Hans Kretzer, landlord, Burkhart Müller, the shoemaker. The blind monk was executed standing up, but failed. Sebald, butcher, piece, Peter Lenck of Detewang, the peasant of Enzerweil. Otherwise two farmers, a lansquenet, lay the whole day on the market, later buried on the churchyard to the pure Margareth. On the following Sunday July 2, Margrave Casimir went away with all the people to Blofelden, where he captured several peasants, namely 10, then came to Hildesheim, and had 4 of the peasants beheaded. On Sunday, Catharina Greuser and Regina Schusterin were put in the stocks, and the town was subsequently banned because they had taken grain from Volkheim. On the following Saturday, Mr. Stöcklen, pastor, was imprisoned in Neuseß.

On Monday after that, all the women of Detwang were put into the jester's house, there were 10 of them, because they mowed down the German lord's meadows and burned the hay 2c. On Wednesday after that, Mr. Hans Hertzog, pastor of Steinsfeld, was caught and released. On Friday after Ascension Day August 18, Georg Renich, vicar of the hospital, was captured; in the evening of Bartholomew August 23, he was banned from the city.

On Tuesday after Nativitatis Mariae September 12, Mr. Hans Stücklein, pastor of Neuseß, was put in the stocks, a cross was burned on his forehead, and then he and a farmer from

  1. "Preding" - the preacher, that is D. Johann Drechsler.
  2. "Ascension" here is Assumption Day, August 15.

454Cap . 10: The peasants' revolt. W. xvi, isi-is4. 455

Ohrenbach was struck out with rods, because he said he knew how to bring 300 peasants into the city, and also how to make a fog. On the same day, the funeral was held for Margrave Hansen of Brandenburg, who was in Hispania; and here Fritz Mölckner von Warthenberg, Kilian Tückischerer, Michel Leinweber, Kilian Weitner were beheaded. On Wednesday after that Adam von Düngen with 80 on horseback and some on foot burned down Schweinsdorf together with the church, also Nerthenberg, Weiler, Harterzhofen, Gottenhofen, Reutsagen, Adelshofen, die Hart, Hückelhausen, Steinsfeld; partly Grumpelshofen, Helmelshofen; And while doing so, he wrote an enemy letter to the city, complaining how his mother and also his housewife in his dwelling at Würzburg had been robbed of some jewels, household goods and other things by the peasants of Rothenburg and also by some citizens, and how in other weaknesses it had been proven that he had often been required to give in, and that no sacrifice had been made to him. Therefore, he and his helper wanted to be their enemy, and thus wanted to preserve his honor; they took more than 2000 head of cattle, also plundered several wagons full, later he took 100 lansquenets, the previous ones bravely besieged.

On Tuesday before Michaelmas Sept. 26, Hans Lachinger, a nobleman of Welkershofen, was captured and delivered here to Rothenburg, put in a tower, and later released. On Burckardi Oct. 14, Leonhard von Schwarzbrunn, the peasant captain, was stabbed to death by one of our mercenaries in the inn behind the table in Teidsiedel. [Adam von Düngen with his helpers also laid down 8 wagons with wine, between Neubrunnen and Kerndorf, more 3 unloaded wagons, some of the carters were stabbed, 4 loaded wagons were Georgen Bremeders, 2 of Hieronymus Hesels, and over 800 fl. were struck. Thereupon the market or fair was suspended and canceled, and on St. Andrew's Eve Nov. 29 not rung, as before, nor any stuff not knocked out, to prevent other infidelities. Also on Sundays the house, called Catharina, went on fire, and the women's house immediately by the guards, one has put the woman in tower, and expelled the city. On Sunday after St. Andrew's Day (Dec. 3), in the evening after Vespers, Cressanii, the German lord, provided Adam Hübner's wife with the sacrament, six boys ran to meet him, spat on him, and beat him with sticks, along with many other mocking words. While walking back and forth they shouted: "Will you carry the idol again?

home! In the morning, they were grabbed and put in the tower, painted with whips, and left out again the next day. On Niclaus evening Dec. 5 Paulus Wacker's house was set on fire. The same day Peter Keßler of Kelberbach had his eyes gouged out at the market because he had betrayed the wine. Anno 26 on Wednesday after Judica s^21. Marches 2 Scheuren burned down to the Lindla, thereafter on Thursday to Herbach the land tower, and in the village 10 Scheuren burned down. On Monday after the Palm Day ^26. Marches one has cut off the Wegerer of Breda the fingers on the market, from the country offered, has been the farmer Fähndrich. On the same day letters came from Speyer, from the Minster and Chapter, St?) Johann Ordens, to a council, have requested that one should restitute to them again what one has taken from them to the rich red and yard here in the city. After that the Commenthur, Caspar von Stein, was given 60 Fl. and was counted again free of his oath and duty. But after Adam von Düngen, with the responsibility of an honorable councilor, could neither be quieted nor calmed, but rather provoked and moved to tyranny out of anger fund) reluctance, he dared to enter the city before Exaudi, which was the day of John ante portam latinam, 2) ... assembled with his assistants and helpers, Wölfen von Velberg and Georg von Reich", Dieterich and Georg von Düngen, Philippus von Berling, Hans von Berling, Valtin von Grumbach, Wilhelm von Crailsheim, Eberhard von Stetten, Georg Fuchs, Philipp von Rosenberg, Caspar von Landstorf, Hans von Cubspach, Count of Hesse, and others of the Fellers in the city and castle, about 500 on horseback and 500 on foot, in size and shape, as if they were dogs, and wanted to join the covenant, with red raised crosses. On Monday after Exaudi May 14 they were located in Blabach and moved across the hunt. At night they came before Oberstetten. They captured, plundered and burned it for 2000 fl. and 100; they captured some peasants, they also undertook to capture Thierbach, although it could not have been the same day, but on Tuesday they captured it, plundered it, and burned out more parts. On Wednesday they plundered Hemberg, there-

  1. "St." placed by us instead of: "5,".
  2. Added by us to make some sense, instead of: "provoked and moved to tyranny out of anger against will, may be hard, before Exaudi, which was his day Johannis ... versammlet" 2c.

156 Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 791. w. xvi, is4-iss. 157

even the Landthurm, 1) Schönhof and Oberfigenroth, Spindelbach, Lentzendorf, zum Hegelin. In the same night they burned out Buch near Hausen. On Thursday the Landthurm near Funckstadt. On Friday morning they burned and plundered Reubach, Wetterich together with the churchyard, Ober- and Unter-Gallau, Gamsfeld, the castle Dippach, etman bought from Georgen von Rein for 3000 fl, and to Burkstall the sheep yard empty burned treasured around 42 Fl.; are the Sandhof on the mountain moved, afterwards on Toberzell; on the Crützenbruner height they let their gun against the city go off, in a Hochmuth, with 12 or 14 shot; one is harmless with the drinking house on the market Niedergängen, the other in the Barfüßerkloster, the third with St. Johanniswerth, by grace. Johanniswerth, by the grace of God no one was damaged; while clergy and seculars ran to the market, walls and tower, with armor and defense, ours together with the Nuremberg gunsmiths bravely shot out with our bullets on the old castle and elsewhere. In the meantime, our mercenaries plundered and burned Georg von Rein's Weden Geilingdorf, located near Ohrbach, and captured several peasants. On the same evening 200 soldiers from Nuremberg came here, on Saturday before Pentecost in the morning our enemies started again and burned Vorbach, Düenhof, Weder, Leutzenbrunn, Halkenbrunn, Heuendorf, Behmweiler, Schmerbach together with the church, Reinbach together with the tower; and so they left the army and returned home with great plunder and looting. On the day of Pentecost, D. Georg von N. was sent here from Anspach with a credentials, excusing the Margrave and his own. On the same day 60 lansquenets came from Frankfurt, were on pay, although some of them were on leave again. In the evening of Praxedis July 20 Georg vom Rein with 45 on horseback fell into the army, estimated the host at Ellmerzhofen, burned Northenberg. The noise was raised, in the city everyone, clergy and secular, ran to the market with armor and weapons, and stood there until vespers. The servants and some of the townspeople went out with five rifles, and captured the market, but did not burn it. They came back around the time of the beating. Later, at the Diet of Speyer, all wars and hostilities were judged, agreed upon, and resolved, so that all prisoners on both sides were left alone without money, and whoever lost was forfeited.

  1. "Landthurm" put by us instead of: "Landthllren".

loren. At this Diet, Conrad Eberhard fell into a fatal illness and soon died; he has Bonifacius Wernitzer with him. On St. Andrew's Day Nov. 30 Lutz Kutraff of Dierbach, one 2) of the most prominent from the peasants' revolt, was captured. In the same week Martin Beck of Bloweil was captured, he was also fined 100 fl. On Saturday after St. Thomas Dec. 22 Michael Scherer was beheaded in Pfeffleinsbad, because he had taken two wives. The following have been fled from Rothenburg: Ehrenfried Kumpf, Georg Kumpf, Christian der Beck, Georg Spelter der Junge, Niclaus Freikürschner, Kargbarthel, Metzger Kilian, Lutz Schuster, Leonhard Großmann, Kürschner, Bernhard...Peter Melchior, Hans Begen, shoemaker, Philipp Tuchscherer, Valtin Zagsthamer, Melchior Mader, shoemaker, Schilling, the carter, Jakob Kreutzer, Hans Mark, vine dresser, Bernhard Schmid, Hieronymus Hertlein, Martin Blank, clothier, Georg Hermann, shoemaker, Christoph Seler, Hans Metzler, Martin Mörlein, white tanner, Johann Dipendann, Asmus Bremer, Mr. Leonhard Dener, Mr. Hans Helenbach, Jost Öffner in the Judengasse, Leonhard Kern, book printer, Michael Heberling, grocer, Balthasar Leibbeuer, Niclaus Pfeiffer, Sebald Retlein. . ., Stellwagen, shoemaker, Michael Köhler, summa 35. Anno 27, Friday after Kunigunda March 8, here in Rothenburg in the inner council of the local and fugitive citizens acted, and shall Lorenz the furrier give 100 fl. and come in again; Hieronymus Hertlein 10 fl. and shall come in; Hans Oswald, locksmith, 10 fl. and come in again; Ehrenfried Kumpf, 400 fl, shall remain outside; Georg Hermann, shoemaker, shall remain outside; Christian, the beck, 300 fl., shall remain outside. On this day Andreas Apfelbach's wife has her arm cut off because of theft. Tuesday before Jacobi July 23 Hans Hörlein of Oßheim was beheaded for theft. On St. Anne's Day July 26 the fingers of 4 of them were cut off, namely Peter Dörer of Gütelhausen, Simon Muser, Hans Reuter, Barthel Schmid, all 3 from Ohrenbach, because of the peasant war. Anno 1527 on the Sunday before Laurentii Aug. 4 a Jew was baptized here in Rothenburg in the parish church, with the name Esaias, and Georg Marschall von Pappenheim, Commenthur im Deutschen Haus, Caspar von Stein, Commenthur zu St. Johann allhie, were the godparents, and was called Georg Caspar.

  1. Here we have deleted "off" because it is too much.

[158]{.underline} Erl. 65.13 f. Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. XVI, 196-199. 159

For the resolution, each citizen had to give 7 guilders, rich or poor, or he would be expelled from the city. Many honest citizens also left the town themselves.

The first part of the book is an account of the peasants' wars and their highly unfortunate outcome for the peasants, in which he also recalls Luther's and Melanchthon's zealous efforts to control this evil.

This document is found in the Eisleben Collection, vol. I, p. 277; in the Altenburger, vol. Ill, p. 303 ' and in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 302.

In this twenty-fifth year, a new fire has been lit and a great noise has arisen, which the devil has aroused against the teachings of the Lord, namely, the peasants' revolt. For in Alsace and Swabia, also in Franconia and Thuringia, the peasants rose up, stormed the monasteries, burned and destroyed the castles and residences of many noblemen, wanted to withdraw obedience from princes, counts and other authorities, and even pretended to abolish them and put them to death. And especially in Thuringia was such a riot and game beginner and Rädleinsführer Thomas Münzer, pastor of Allstädt, who camped with the peasants to Frankenhausen.

Against this murderous spirit, Doctor Martin Luther wrote earnestly, and warned the city of Mulhouse against the Muenzer, and also wrote to other estates to beware of outrages and riots. In the same way, Philippus Melanchthon had several splendid writings printed to extinguish this fire. But God, as a founder and protector of the sovereignty, soon controlled this murderous spirit. For on the Rhine River, many thousands of the rebellious peasants were slain by Duke Anthoni of Lorraine at Alsace-Zabern; but the Swabian peasants were put down by the Swabian League. Thus, Prince John, Duke George of Saxony, Landgrave Philip of Hesse, and Duke Henry of Brunswick also defeated the rebellious peasants at Frankenhausen, and had Thomas Muenzer captured and beheaded in front of Mulhouse, along with one of his companions, called Pfeiffer.

On Easter Day April 16, when Luther had preached in Wittenberg early in the morning, he left after noon for Mansfeld and visited Eisleben, Stollberg, Nordhausen, Erfurt, Weimar, Orlamünde, Kahla and Jena, there to control the uprising with sermons and exhortations;

But in his absence Duke Frederick, Elector, departed with death to Lochau, Wednesday after Jubilate May 10 buried at Wittenberg, therefore M. Luther hurriedly arrived again the Saturday after Misericordias Domini May 6 at Wittenberg, and preached the Sunday Jubilate there.

  1. D. Martin Luther's Preface to the Scripture: "Terrible History and Judgment of God on Thomas Muenzer."

See No. 776.

To all dear Germans Martinus Luther.

Grace and peace! This manifest judgment of the eternal God, and terrible history, which he has let pass over and against the doctrine and scripture and mobs of Thomas Muenzer, the murderous and bloodthirsty prophet, I have let go forth to warn, to frighten, to admonish all those who are now engaged in sedition and discord, and for the comfort and strength of all those who see and have to suffer such misery, so that they may understand and feel how God condemns the spirits of the mob and the seditionists, and is willing to punish them with wrath.

For here you see how this murderous spirit boasts that God speaks and works through him, and is his divine will, and does as if everything had been won with him; and before he looks around, he lies in the dirt with several thousand. But if God had spoken through him, this would not have happened. For God does not lie, but holds fast to His word Deut. 23:19, Heb. 6:18. But now Thomas Muenzer is missing, it is on the day that he spoke and drove under God's name through the devil.

(3) But that it may be seen the more clearly how he has become a liar by the judgment of God, I will let some of his letters go beforehand, wherein he thus defies God and blasphemes His name, so that it must be counted as God could no longer tolerate it. May the grace of God be with us, amen.

The first part of the book is the first part of the book.

This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1881), vol.II, p.473d; in the Jena edition (1686), vol.III, p.131 b; in the Altenburg, vol. Ill, p. 126 and in the

160 Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 794. W. xvi, 199-201. 161

Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 293. Von der Hardt, nntogr. I^ntti., tom. I, p. 210, gives the following title: "Die Historia Thomä Müntzers, des Anfängers der Thüringischen Aufruhr, sehr nützlich zu lesen"; this title is also in the old collective editions. We give the text after the Wittenberg.

After Martin Luther had preached for several years and taught the gospel purely and clearly, the devil sowed his seed and raised up many false and harmful preachers, which again blinded and suppressed the gospel and caused much bloodshed. For Christ has given the devil the title, and has thus contrafited him, that he has been a slayer from the beginning, and until the end of the world he commits murder John 8:44.

2 Therefore he possessed one, whose name was Thomas Muenzer, who was well learned in the holy Scriptures, but did not stay on track with the holy Scriptures, but the devil deceived him and drove him away from the Scriptures, so that he began no longer to preach the Gospel and how the people should become devout, but from a false understanding of the holy Scriptures he invented false and seditious doctrine, that all authority should be put to death, and that henceforth all goods should be common, that there should no longer be a prince or a king.

This he drove into the foolish mob very violently, reviled and scolded the princes, how they oppressed the poor man, weighed him down, scolded and scraped him, so that they might maintain their useless splendor and expense. Item, they pelted the poor man with harm, when Christian love demands that no one set himself above the other, that everyone be free, and be the community of all goods.

4 He also made a pretense of such devilish teachings, pretending that he had revelation from heaven, and did not teach otherwise, nor did he offer anything, because God had told him so. It is not to be measured how hard the devil possessed man, that he was allowed to boast of heavenly revelation, and to attract God's name so brazenly with lies. Yes, it will also not be believable among the descendants that a man could fall into such presumption, that he may boast of such great things, where there is not 2) to it.

(5) But there were more such things before. For there was one called Manes, who pretended to be the true Christ and Son of God, and made disciples of him, and

  1. Thus the Jena; Wittenberg: den.
  2. Wittenberg and Jena: not.

He had many people attached to him, whom the devil thus drove into error, that he might destroy them of body and soul.

This is what has happened now, and the devil has used such cunning, which cannot be understood by reason and cannot be believed by inexperienced people. But one has driven so with this Thomae that one has recognized him well. I will also recite the histories most diligently and tell how he behaved.

7 There is a place called Allstädt in Thuringia on the Harz Mountains near Saxony, which belongs to the Elector of Saxony, and Thomas went there. For although he boasted that he had the Holy Spirit, and was not afraid, and had a divine command to preach in all the world, he nevertheless sought a nest there, so that he would be safe under the protection of the pious prince, Duke Frederick, the Elector of Saxony, under whom the priests, who preached against old inept customs, were safer than otherwise.

8th Now that he was in residence at Allstädt, he first preached that he had made a great rumor against the pope and Luther alike, how the papal and Lutheran doctrine was incompetent. The pope had bound the consciences too hard with unreasonable burdens and ceremonies, but Luther made the consciences free from papal burdens, but let them remain in carnal freedom, did not lead them further in spirit and to God. With such chatter he opened the mouths of the simple-minded rabble, and they ran to hear something new, as Homerus says that the new song is the best for the rabble.

(9) What the pope and Luther teach is too long to recount here. But what Muenzer taught, and how he fell from one error into another, is useful to know and to remember, so that we may take an example from such history, and watch, and pray to God to protect us, so that we do not fall into error, and become blinded, so that we get out of the Christian way altogether. For as when a man travels overland, if he misses the way once, it often happens that the further he gets from the right way, so it is also in these matters: as soon as one misses the truth once, and one has allowed oneself to be deceived by the devil, one goes astray the longer the further, and the devil leads the wretched people by the nose, as one leads a buffalo.

10 Now let us recently summarize what Thomas preached. He taught: it is true that piety is not in papal orders, therefore it should be left alone. And he taught that one must come to right and Christian piety. Initially, one had to refrain from public

162 Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. xvi, 201-203. 163

The body should be chastised and tortured with fasting and bad clothing. Thereby one would have to mortify and torture the body with fasting, with bad clothing, speaking little, seeing sourly, not cutting the beard. He calls such childish discipline the death of the flesh and the cross, which is written in the Gospel. All his sermons were based on this.

(11) Further, when one had thus adorned himself and colored himself, he taught that one should go to secret places and often think of God, what he is, and whether he also takes care of us, then the heart would find that it doubts it, does not know whether God greatly inquires after us, also whether it is true that Christ suffered for our sake and redeemed us, because we are still in such great need and misery; it would also want to know whether our faith or that of the Turks is right. Until now, such a sermon would have been sufferable, but he has taught great blasphemy.

(12) Then one should demand a sign from God, so that God will testify how He cares for us and that our faith is right and true. If God does not give such signs soon, one should not desist, but continue to boldly demand them with great earnestness, to be angry with God, to curse him, and to reproach him for his righteousness, that if it is written of him that he wants to make everyone blessed 1 Tim. 2:4 and to teach the truth, and to give why one asks him, he is doing wrong if he does not show a sign to such a heart that desires from him true knowledge of God.

(13) In such wrath, says Thomas, God would be very pleased. For from this he would feel how much they desired him, and would act like a father, and give signs, and quench this thirst of souls, because it is written of him that he will water the thirsty Is. 55,1. Revelation 21, 6. and says that God would then come and speak verbally with them, as with Abraham, Jacob and others.

14 Yes, he says publicly, which is frightening to hear, that he wanted to shit on God if he did not talk to him, as he did with Abraham and other patriarchs. This he called the certain way to heaven, and drew on the fable much scripture falsified, cried and scolded horribly. He called those who spoke against it Pharisees, who did not know God rightly and truly, but looked into the Scriptures like blind men, and yet did not find God there.

  1. all this pleased the people well, that
  1. Wittenberger: "not alone". The Jenaer has erased "alone".

they should talk with God, see signs. For human nature is inquisitive and desires to know great and secret things. It would also do the rude people good to think that they were more holy and learned than all the students.

16 But it is useful to say what signs Thomas dealt with. He says that God reveals His will through dreams, and bases the whole construction on dreams. Whoever had dreamed something of God, considered himself pious, or whoever had a dream that could be interpreted as a story, considered them Christians and prophets, praised them in open sermons, so that he would draw them to himself, and with such praise also ignited them to defend him more fiercely.

17 Thus he made him a coincidence with the mad mob, and for the sake of it he also changed the church ceremonies, singing, clothing and the like. For such novelty was well loved by the frivolous rabble.

18 Since he thought that he had enough reputation and that the common man would follow him, he broke out further and planned to make a noise under the pretense of the Gospel, so that he would overthrow the rulers and he would sit in the nest, become powerful and rich; he started in Allstädt and made a register, wrote down all those who joined him and committed themselves to punish the unchristian princes and to establish Christian rule. For he pretended that God had commanded him to change the secular regime.

19 Until now he had not yet spoken publicly against the authorities, but only the dream that we have told, how the people should become devout and know God, was driven into the people and preached against Luther and the pope at the same time.

20 Because he did not teach rebellion, Duke Frederick, Elector of Saxony, tolerated him and did not chase him away. Luther also wrote to Duke Frederick that he should not be chased away.

21 But when he began, thinking he had help enough to make a noise, he began, and taught sedition, that one should not be obedient to worldly authority, and should cast them out of the regiment; to such (he said) God had chosen him, by whom the whole world would be helped.

22 Thus Thomas taught two errors in sum. One of spiritual things, that one should demand signs from God, not take comfort in the Scriptures, even that dreams were a sure sign that one had received the Holy Spirit. The other error has been of worldly rule, that one should not follow the same

164 Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 794, W. xvi, 203-206. 165

The Scriptures very earnestly command such obedience.

Then Duke Frederick expelled him from the country. Thomas then forgot his great spirit, and made off and hid himself for half a year. After that he emerged. For the devil did not let him rest, and went to Nuremberg. But God took special care of that city so that Thomas would not be imprisoned there. For if Thomas had succeeded there, it is to be feared that a much more terrible noise would have arisen than in Thuringia.

The Nuremberg council chased him out of the city. Then he turned around and went back to Thuringia to Mulhouse. While he had been in Allstädt, he had attracted a number of naughty boys from Mühlhausen, and they made room for him in the city and made him a customer, so that the congregation accepted him as a preacher.

But the council opposed this. But in order to continue his enterprise, he, Thomas, encouraged the mob to dismiss the council as unchristian and to elect a new Christian council that would allow him to preach. This happened, and the honorable people were deposed from the council, and some were even driven out of the city.

This was the beginning of the new Christian regime. After that, they expelled the monks, took the monasteries and monastery estates; there the Knights of St. John had a farm, and great rent, the same farm took Thomas.

27 And that he might be in all the games, he also went along to counsel, and pretended: To speak rightly must be done by revelation from God and by the Bible. So what pleased him was judged, and it was considered to be especially God's command.

28 He also taught that all GMr should be common, as it is written in Actis Apostolorum Cap. 4, 32 that they have the goods together. With this, he made the rabble so unwilling that they no longer wanted to work, but where a grain or cloth was needed, he went to a rich man, where he wanted, he demanded it out of Christian right, because Christ wanted one to share with the poor Matth. 19, 21. Where a rich man did not willingly give what was demanded, it was taken from him by force. This happened to many, including those who lived with Thomas in the court of St. John. Thomas was driven by such courage, and he repeated it every day, threatening all the princes in the neighborhood that he would humiliate them.

He did this for almost a year, until he was in the

  1. year, when the peasantry in Swabia and Franconia aroused, because Thomas was not so bold that he would have started a racket, although he said, God had commanded him, until he hoped, he would have a back at the foreign peasantry. For in Franconia more than 40,000 men lay in the field in three heaps, had chased away the nobles, burned and plundered almost all castles.

Then Thomas thought he wanted to meet the hour, the princes would be frightened, the nobility would be chased away, the peasants would keep the field, and he also wanted to be in the game and start his reformation; and he let himself be heard in sermons, the time would come, he wanted to go to the field, he poured rifles in the Barfüßer choir, the peasants also ran to Mühlhausen in droves, they all wanted to become rich.

He had a preacher with him, whose name was Pfeiffer, a monk who had run away, very good at games, wicked and wanton, who wanted to make the first attack, and pretended that he had had a vision from which he realized that God was asking him to continue. He had a dream that he had been in a stable and had seen many mice, all of which he had chased away; thus, he thought, God had indicated to him that he should go out and chase away all nobility.

32 And since Thomas, out of fear, did not want to go, he became very angry with Thoma and threatened him fiercely, wanting to expel him if he did not let him go and scare off the people. For Thomas did not want to attack, because he would be strong enough and would not come out of the city, because the peasants had stirred up all over the neighborhood. Thereupon he wrote to the mountain people of Mansfeld 1) a very diabolical letter that they should strike at the princes as at the anvil Nimrod pinkepank; 2) he also hoped that the Frankish peasants would move closer against Thuringia.

33 Pfeiffer went out into the ice field, plundered castles and churches, chased away and caught the nobles, came home, brought much robbery. The common rabble became angry because he had succeeded. The peasants of Frankenhausen, not far from Mulhouse, were aroused. They also invaded the counties of Mansfeld and Stollberg, broke and looted the castles.

34 Then Thomas went out. For he thought that the whole land of the princes had fallen away, and he went to Frankenhausen with three hundred boys.

  1. No. 779 in this volume. '

L), In the old editions: "Bmck Banck".

166 Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. xvi, 206-209. 167

of Mulhouse, and the rabble was dispersed in all the cities. And although the Saxon princes prepared themselves to defend the peasants, and the Landgrave of Hesse and the Dukes of Brunswick were on their way to quiet the noise, they would have missed the game if the peasants had not soon been frightened into defaulting and not leaving to take the cities.

35 But the peasants were terrified because the county of Mansfeld had revolted, and therefore all the counties that bordered it, and Albrecht set out with sixty horses and stabbed two hundred; and the peasants were frightened and did not go away, but all ran to Frankenhausen to wait until the mob grew larger, and there they moved until the princes also came together.

So the princes, Duke John of Saxony, Duke George of Saxony, Landgrave Philip of Hesse and Duke Henry of Brunswick marched against the peasants with fifteen hundred horses and not many foot soldiers. The peasants had built their fortress on a mountain near Frankenhausen, so that it was not easy to get to them with the soldiers; however, they did not have much artillery and armor, and were completely clumsy and unarmed.

37 The princes saw this, and took pity on the foolish, wretched people, and took action to admonish them, and sent to them to depart, and delivered up the captains and beginners of the noise. The poor people were frightened, and would have been well advised; but the devil willed his courage through Thomae, who drove Thomae to admonish them to stay and resist. Therefore he stood up and spoke thus:

(38) Dear brothers, you see that the tyrants, our enemies, are there, and they dare to strangle us, and yet they are so fearful that they may not attack us, and they demand that you leave, that you hand over the beginners of this matter. Now, dear brethren, you know that I have begun such a thing by God's command, and not by my own presumption or boldness. For I have never been a warrior my day. But since God has verbally commanded me to go out, I am obliged, and all of you, to stay there and wait for the end.

  1. God commanded Abraham to sacrifice his son; now Abraham did not know how to do it, yet he followed God and went on, wanting to sacrifice and kill the pious child. Then God saved Isaac and kept him alive.

So also we, having command from God, shall expect the end, and let God take care of us.

(40) But I have no doubt that it will be well, and we will see God's help this day, and all our enemies will be destroyed. For God often says in the Scriptures that He wants to help the poor and the pious, and to exterminate the wicked Ps. 37:38-40. Now we are ever the poor and those who desire to receive God's word. Therefore, we should not doubt, there will be happiness on our side.

41 But what are the princes? They are nothing but tyrants, they oppress the people, they waste our blood and sweat with courting, with useless pomp, with harlots and knaves. God commanded in the fifth book of Moses Cap. 17:16: The king shall not have many horses with him and shall not lead a great pomp, nor shall a king have the law book in his hands daily.

42 But what do our princes do? They do not take care of the government, do not hear the poor people, do not administer justice, do not keep the streets clean, do not prevent murder and robbery, do not punish outrages and wantonness, do not defend widows and orphans, do not help the poor to justice, do not ensure that the youth is properly educated in good manners, do not promote worship, They do not promote divine service, although God has instituted sovereignty for the sake of such causes, but only spoil the poor more and more with new complaints, do not use their power to keep the peace, but for their own defiance, so that one might be strong enough for his neighbor, spoil the country and the people with unnecessary wars, rob, burn, and murder. These are the princely virtues, so that they now deal with them. You should not think that God will suffer such things any longer. For as He destroyed the Canaanites, so will He destroy these princes Ex. 33:2, 34:11.

And even though this is to be suffered, God cannot suffer that they want to defend the false worship of the priests and monks. Who does not know what abominable idolatry happens with the buying and selling in the mass! As Christ expelled the merchants from the temple Matth. 21, 12, so he will destroy these priests and what is attached to them. And as God vowed to Phinehas that he would punish fornication with Casbi Deut. 25:7, 8 ff, so God will give us luck to punish the fornicators.

44 Therefore be of good cheer, and do the service of God, and destroy this unprofitable rulership. For what good would it do if we made peace with them? For they still want to continue, not to set us free.

168 Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 794. w. xvi. 209-211. ßg

drive us to idolatry. Now we are guilty of dying rather than consenting to their idolatry. It would ever be better for us to become martyrs than to suffer the gospel to be taken away from us and to be forced into the abuses of the priests.

I know for certain that God will help us and give us victory. For He has verbally promised me this and commanded me to reform all the estates. It is no wonder that God gives victory to a few and unarmed people against many thousands. For Gideon with a few men Judges 7:23 ff, Jonathan with his few boys defeated many thousands 1 Sam 14:14, David with no armor killed the great Goliath 1 Sam 17:49.

46 Therefore I have no doubt that such a thing will happen now, that we, though unarmed, will be defeated; heaven and earth must change before we are abandoned, as the nature of the sea changed, so that help came to the Israelites when Pharaoh pursued them Ex. 14:16. Let not the weak flesh be afraid, and attack the enemy boldly, fear not the cannon. For ye shall see that I will take in my sleeve all the cannon stones which they shoot against us. Yes, you see that God is on our side. For He is giving us a sign now. Do you not see the rainbow in the sky? It means that God wants to help us, who carry the rainbow in our banner, and He threatens the murderous princes with judgment and punishment. Therefore, be undaunted, and take comfort in divine help, and stand in defense; God does not want you to make peace with the godless princes.

47 When Thomas had finished speaking, the majority were terrified and would have liked to have been there, and they saw that the water wanted to go over the baskets. But there was no order and regiment, that one would have held council, what one should do. There were also some boys who had a mind to fight and to do them harm, and because they had the same mind, they fell for Thomas, and not only were they enraged by Thomas's speech, but they were moved by the rainbow that appeared while Thomas was speaking. For since they carried a rainbow in their ensign, they thought that God had given them a sign of victory. Also the heap was quite large, and was probably because they thought they were strong enough for the princes. For the peasants numbered about eight thousand, and so some of the boys shouted that they should stand in defense, and began to sing the song: Veni Sancte Spiritus Come, Holy Spirit.

So the princes received no answer to their appeal. Thomas also had a young nobleman, a certain son of an old man, sent with others to the camp to recruit, stabbed, against all the world's ways of war. This angered the princes and the nobility so much that they got angry with the peasants. And the landgrave of Hefsen, who was the youngest among the princes there, rode around the stuff, and exhorted them to save the common peace, and spoke thus:

Dear friends, you see the poor people before you, against whom you have been led to defend their disobedience and iniquity. Now the princes have taken pity on their misery, and we have dealt with them, that they depart, surrender, and deliver up the captains. To such they give no answer, and prepare to strike: so the great necessity demands that we defend ourselves. Therefore I urge you to attack them chivalrously and to defend the faithless villains and murderers.

50 The devil has blinded the people so much that they do not want to give them advice or help. For even though they complain greatly about the rulers, there is no cause on earth sufficient to stir up rebellion and do violence against the rulers. For it is a very serious commandment of God to honor and fear the rulers, for which God has thus kept that sedition has never gone unpunished. For Paul says Rom. 13, 2., "He who resists authority is punished." For authority is ordered by God. Therefore God keeps it so that no creature can tear it apart. As it is God's order that day and night shall be, and no man may tear the sun from heaven and take away day and night: so neither the devil nor the devil's apostle, the peasants of Munch, will have any happiness against ordered authority.

(51) I do not say this to make myself look like a prince and to make the peasants' case bad, but it is the whole truth. I know well that we are often criminal, because we are human beings, and often do wrong; nevertheless, one should not make a fuss about it. It is God's command to honor rulership, but then one should honor it especially when it is in greatest need of honor. Now, the highest need for honor is when it is disgraced, perhaps even when it has been disgraced; so the subjects should help to bear the disgrace of the authorities, bring it to honor and cover it, as Shem covered Noah Gen. 9:23, so that they may remain and live with one another in peace and unity.

170 Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. xvi,211-214. 171

(52) But what do these unfaithful evildoers do? They do not cover up our faults, but make them more reprehensible, yes, they also lie a lot. For it has ever been fabricated and lied that we do not keep the common peace of the land, that we do not order the courts, that we do not ward off murder and robbery in the countries. For we are bound according to our ability to maintain peaceful rule. Now the burden that the subjects bear in money or interest is ever small compared to the care and effort that we bear.

(53) But everyone considers his own troubles the greatest; what other people suffer, no one wants to measure. The peasants give little interest, therefore they sit securely, may feed wife and child, may educate children to discipline and honor. To maintain such security, their interest is invested; tell me, who benefits most from it? The subjects; therefore their complaints are null and void. But it is true that not everything can be sufficiently organized in the regiment. For this is the common misfortune of the world. The grain in the field does not grow every year. That is why God demands that we honor the rulers. For if the ruler were not lacking, his honor would not be in danger; but because it is in danger, God wants to protect it and has commanded that it be honored.

They complain that they are not allowed to hear the gospel, but they should not make a fuss about it. For as Christ forbade Petro to fight, so let every man answer for himself what he believes. If the authorities want to kill him, he shall suffer it, and shall not take up the sword and provoke other people to save him by force. Christ passed a terrible sentence on Petro, when he wanted to fence, that he was guilty of death: "He who takes the sword shall perish with the sword," says Christ Matth. 26, 52], and let himself be hanged on the cross. So rebellion is against the commandment and example of Christ.

55 Furthermore, it is evident that this coiner and his followers do not teach the gospel, but murder and robbery; no one blasphemes the gospel more than these boys, who under the pretense of the holy name do all that they can. This is their gospel, to take from the rich what is theirs, to disgrace other people's wives and children, to take from the rulers so that no one can defend them. God does not let such great dishonor of the holy name of the gospel go unscented. For He speaks in the other commandment that he who abuses God's name shall not go unpunished Exodus 20:7.

Because the peasants are so wicked, blaspheme God, revile their rulers, and have no just cause for rebellion, you should confidently attack them as murderers, and help save the common peace, help pious, honorable people, protect your wife and child against these murderers; in this you do God a great favor. And even though we are strong enough to judge the wretched people (in a human way), I would not attack them if I did not know that I was doing the right thing. For God has given us the sword not to commit murder, but to prevent murder. But if I know that I am doing right, I will help to punish them, and I have no doubt that God will help us to win. For he says: "Whoever resists the authorities will be punished" Rom. 13, 2.

When the landgrave had finished speaking, the peasants were approached and shot. The poor people, however, stood there and sang: "Now we pray to the Holy Spirit", as if they were insane, neither defending themselves nor fleeing, many also consoled themselves with the great promise of Thomas that God would show help from heaven, because Thomas had said that he would take all the shots in his arms.

58 When they broke into the wagon castle and began to stab them, the wretched people turned to flee; the larger group toward the village of Frankenhausen, some also on the other side of the mountain, and there was no resistance from the peasants, because a small group, which had gathered in the valley of the mountain, defended itself against a few horsemen. For even the rice stuff, seeing that there was no ride and no resistance, did not keep order, and so had scattered from each other. In that place they wounded some, and cut down two or three horsemen. Then the soldiers were more enraged and surprised not only this group, but also what they might encounter in flight, leaving five thousand men dead.

  1. After the battle, they moved into the village, 1) took it, and caught three hundred men, who were beheaded there. But Thomas had escaped to the village of Frankenhausen, to a house near the gate. Now he might have escaped in the meantime, or he might have hidden himself very well, if God had not particularly wanted him to be caught; no one particularly resented him, and no one was looking for him.

60 But a nobleman from Lüneburg had moved into the same house by the gate, whose

  1. The "spot" will mean Frankenhaufen.

172 Section 4: Writings on the Peasants' Revolt. No. 794**, W. xvi, 214-217.** 173

The servant goes up to the floor of the house, wants to see what they have for lodging, so he finds one lying in bed, as if he were sick, speaks to him, and asks who he is, whether he is also a rebel? Now Thomas had lain down in bed as if he were weak, thought he wanted to hide himself and escape, and Thomas answered the Reuter that he was a sick man, lying there and had febres, and was very weak, he had never come to the riot.

61 The Reuter found a bag lying by the bed, took it, and thought he might get some booty, but he found letters in it that Count Albrecht of Mansfeld had written to Thomä to warn him to desist from his will to be brave. Then the Reuter asks: Where do the letters come from? Was he Thomas? Thomas was frightened, and at first he denied that he was the man, but at last he confessed, since the magistrate was threatening him. So the magistrate took him prisoner. The princes were informed of this. Then Duke George and the landgrave sent to Thomae.

62 When he came before the princes, they asked him what he had accused the poor people of, that he had thus deceived them. He answered defiantly that he had done right, that he had intended to punish the princes because they were against the gospel.

63 The landgrave, however, sat down with him and proved to him from the Scriptures that one should honor authority, that God had forbidden rebellion, that it was especially not due to Christians to take revenge, even if they were wronged; from this the wretched coiner knew nothing to speak.

It also happened that they screwed his thumbsticks tighter, and he cried out. Duke George said, "Thomas, this hurts you, but it hurt the poor people today that they were stabbed, whom you had brought into such misery. Thomas answered laughing like a man possessed: "They wouldn't have it any other way. From such sacrilegious words, everyone could sense that the devil had made man completely nonsensical, that he would have no mercy at all on the misery of the slain people.

65 He was then led to Heldrungen in Thurm and examined there. But it was because of this that he was sent to Heldrungen: for he had written Count Ernsten von Mansfeld a letter to Heldrungen, in which these words were written: I am going away. But so that Thomas would be inside of his sacrilege, he was tied to a wagon and drove there.

After some days Thomas was badly martyred at Heldrung in the question in which he confessed that he had formerly been a student at Halle.

and began at that time to make a union to reform Christendom. After that, he started such a covenant at Allstädt, and finally at Mulhouse; he hoped that, since the peasants in Swabia had revolted, he would have room to make a noise. He also went to Swabia to find out their intentions. But he said that he didn't like their nobility and that they didn't want to hear him. He also showed the names of his confederates in Allstädt and Mühlhausen.

67 Furthermore, he was not asked about his revelationibus or what had moved him to make such noise. It is also unwise, since he has boasted of divine revelation, that one has not asked whether he has invented such things, or whether the devil has seduced him with visions; such would be useful to know.

68 After some days the princes went before Mulhouse, which surrendered to them. There the princes beheaded a bunch of rebels, including Pfeiffer; Thomam was also led into the camp and beheaded there. However, he was very pusillanimous in this last emergency, and so lost with himself that he could not pray the faith alone, but Duke Henry of Brunswick prayed it to him; he also publicly confessed that he had done wrong, and yet in the ring he admonished the princes that they should not be so hard on the poor people, so they should not wait for such a ride, and said that they should read libros Regum. After such a speech, he was beheaded and his head was put on a spike in the field as a memorial.

(69) This end of Thomas Muenzer's is to be well considered, so that everyone may learn that one should not believe those who boast of divine revelation, if they intend something against the Scriptures. For God leaves nothing unspotted, as it is written in the other commandment: Non habebit Deus insontem etc.

70 We should also learn how severely God punishes disobedience and rebellion against authority. For God has commanded to honor and be obedient to the authorities. Therefore, whoever acts contrary to it, God will not let him go unpunished, as Paul says Rom. 13:2: "He who resists authority will be punished."

Thus, in other places this year, as in Thuringia, rebellion was punished, and the authorities were miraculously preserved by God against the great power of the rebels. Such examples, as a special history of God, should remain in the memory of the descendants and be written out with great diligence.

[174 Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. xvi, 217-219. 175]{.underline}

Section Five of Chapter Ten.

About the blessed death of Prince Frederick the Wise during the Peasants' Revolt, and about his burial.

795 U. Georg Spalatin's consolation to the Elector Frederick of Saxony at his end. May 5, 1525.

This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 217; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 5116; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 887; and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXII, p. 496.

  1. grace and peace beforehand, most gracious lord, e. churfl. G. do not allow anything on earth to challenge them, but only hold fast to Christ, and remember His comforting word, grasping it and holding it in a strong faith, trust and hope, as especially Christ says Matth. 9, 12. 13.: "The strong have no need of a physician, but the sick; I have come to call sinners to repentance, and not the pious."

2 He also so kindly draws them to Him, Matthew II:28, saying, "Come unto Me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will refresh you."

Now one comes to Christ by faith alone, if we believe that God is gracious to us, that He means us faithfully and well, that He has forgiven all our sins, that Christ has been sufficient for all our sins, that we are God's children and heirs, whether in life or death. Thus Christ himself says John 6:35: "He that cometh to me shall never hunger, and he that believeth on me shall never thirst."

4 Such a person is not harmed by sin, death, hell or the devil, nor can he be condemned, but is eternally saved through faith and heartfelt trust in God's true word and unfathomable grace, goodness and mercy. Thus Christ himself says John 5:24: "Verily, verily, I say unto you, He that heareth my word, and believeth on him that sent me, hath everlasting life, and shall not come into condemnation; but is passed from death unto life."

It is very comforting that a Christian man passes through temporal death into eternal life. Yes, a Christian will not feel or taste death, as Christ Himself says John 8:51: "Verily, verily, I say unto you, if any man taste my

Word will keep," that is, abide by it, not doubting it, but firmly believing that through me and for my sake he has a gracious, kind, and merciful Father in heaven, "who will not see death forever."

This is the kind will of God the Father and God the Son, that such a person, who remains in faith and trust in God's grace and word, will be preserved and saved eternally, and that the world, sin, hell, death and the devil will not harm him any more than they did not harm Christ Himself. Thus Christ Himself says John 6:37-40: "All that My Father giveth Me shall come to Me, and whosoever cometh to Me I will not cast out: for I am come down from heaven, not to do My will, but His that sent Me. Now this is the will of the Father who sent me, that I should lose nothing of all that he has given me, but that I should raise it up at the last day. Now this is the will of him that sent me, that whosoever seeth the Son, and believeth on him, shall have eternal life; and I will raise him up at the last day."

7 This was also the command of Christ, our dear Lord and Savior, here on earth, to preserve eternally all those who believe in Him. He himself says John 3:16-18: "God so loved the world that He gave His only Son, that whoever believes in Him should not perish but have eternal life. For God did not send His Son into the world to judge the world, but that the world through Him might be saved; he who believes in Him will not be judged."

(8) He who believes in Christ, that he has been saved through Him, has obtained by faith all things that the eternal Son of the eternal God Himself is, has, can and is able to do. Thus St. Paul says Rom. 8, 31-34: "What shall we say then? If God is for us, who can be against us? Who also did not spare His own Son, but gave Him for us all; how shall He not with Him give us all things? Who will accuse the elect of God? God is here who makes righteous. Who wants to condemn? Christ is here, who died, who is at the right hand of God, and represents us."

[176]{.underline} Section 5: The Death of Frederick the Wise. No.795f. W. xvi, 219-221. 177

(9) Therefore, just as Christ has victoriously overcome death, sin, the devil, and hell, so a Christian man should and will overcome all these things, and all these things will harm him as little as they harmed the Lord Christ. Thus Christ Himself says John 16:33: "These things have I spoken unto you, that in me ye might have peace. In the world you are afraid, but be of good cheer; I have overcome the world."

Whoever lives and dies in faith overcomes sin, death and the devil. Thus says St. John 1 John 5:4: "Our faith is the victory that overcame the world." And the victory Christ, our pious Beatificator, has purchased for us by His death. Thus says St. Paul 1 Cor. 15, 57. "Thanks be to God, who has given us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ."

Yes, neither sin, death, hell nor the devil can take such a person away. Thus Christ himself says John 10:27-29: "My sheep hear my voice, and I know them, and they follow me, and I give them eternal life, and they shall never perish, neither shall any man pluck them out of my hand. The Father who gave them to me is greater than all, and no one can snatch them out of my Father's hand."

Therefore a man can do nothing but commit his spirit into the almighty hand of God the Father, and say with Christ Luc. 23, 46: "Father, into your hands I commit my spirit," for in the hand of God no soul can ever be lost. For as Christ Himself says John 15:9: "As My Father loveth Me, even so do I love you"; and as Christ there goes on to say John 17:21-23: "I have given them the glory which Thou gavest Me, that they may be one, even as We are one: that I in them, and Thou in Me, may be perfect in One; and that the world may know that Thou hast sent Me, and hast loved them, even as Thou hast loved Me."

In short, it is impossible for a Christian to be lost who has such faith. Thus St. Paul says Rom. 5:8-11: "Therefore praise God for His love toward us, that while we were still sinners Christ died for us, so much more shall we be saved from wrath through Him, having been justified by His blood. For if we are reconciled to God through the death of His Son, while we were still enemies, much more shall we be saved through His life, if we are now reconciled; not only so, but we boast

also of God" (that is) that God is ours, and we are his, "through our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom we have now received the atonement." "Whether we live or die, we are the Lord's," as St. Paul writes Rom. 14:8. Therefore a man cannot do wrong, but with God's help surrender to God's will amicably and willingly, he departs from this false, wretched world and from sins through death to his Lord and Savior JESUS CHRIST into eternal life, from which neither sin, hell, death, nor the devil can or can prevent him for eternity; for us the Lamb of God, Christ, who took upon Himself all the sin of the whole world, is good enough for whom be thanksgiving and praise forever and ever.

Let us remain only in faith, which will preserve us forever, for God is the eternal truth, who will not lie to us, nor fail nor deceive us, all his ways are faithfulness and goodness, grace and mercy; let us speak only with David Ps. 31, 6: "Into your hands I commend my spirit, you have redeemed me, faithful God," Amen. Georgius Spalatinus.

796: Some questions to Luther and Melanchthon on how Prince Frederick should be buried, together with an expert opinion in the margin.

From Cyprian's Documents, vol. II, p. 326.

Interrogatoria.

To remember. To the following secular practices, which have been practiced in the case of the great lord's death, to make a Christian change, because our prince has taken his leave after Christian abandonment, that also the memorial night be ordered and carried out in God's order by his grace, and what is considered unchristian, or to annoyance, to do away with it.

First, the procession. placet**.**

The receipt of the ge

my people. placet**.**

The common mockery of the

bells. placet**.**

That some people carry the coffin, covered with delicacy. placet.

  1. The words: "by his grace" will have to refer to Duke John, the brother of the Elector. The same will have asked these questions through Spalatin to Luther and Melanchthon as well as (in the next number) to Gabriel Zwilling, pastor in Torgau.

[178]{.underline} Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. xvi, 221-224. 179

That the bier with the corpse, when it is carried through the cities and towns, be dewed, and the people come to meet it, placet.

Item, if the corpse to the non placet,.

The body is brought to the place where it is to lie, adiaphoron. that one catches vigils, lights burns, latina kunsauch in the evening a sermon thut, potest vesperi and the body the night un- latina funebegraben leaves. bris haberi

Item some poor people quam have

standing around the stretcher with lights, bit Philip

Item, that a bishop, or great

Prelate Measure hold. non placet.

Item that the priests and curtains of the altars are clothed in black, and good presence is given. non placet..

Item that the coats of arms to the

Candles, Bahr, altar 2c. be hung. placet

Following the high office, again two kinds of masses 2c., four kinds of offerings. non placet.

Item that mean offering money ge

be grasped. non placet.

Item, that in such sacrifices videtur hoc some stallions around the altars ge- seculo ridi- culum spe

ctaculum ;

Item that among the sacrificial sunt barganges also shield is sacrificed and the dara.

Spit broken. similiter ridi

Jtem, that one especially Ge- culum.

präng in the funeral drives that

one buries a sword with. ut ex more.

Item, donation of the poor people. placet.

Item, the main sermon under the

Office. placet.

Item, whether a measurement of the time . . should and would be ordered, whether communicants were present? canant hoOder ob die Mess sollte unterlassen ras. werden?

797 Gabriel Zwilling's Concerns about the Funeral of Frederick the Wise.

From Cyprian's Documents, vol. II, p. 328.

Because our most gracious Lord has fallen asleep in Christ, it is good that his body should be buried in Christ in a lowly, simple manner, without all ostentation, as the ancient fathers did.

I. That the common people, together with their servants, go to the grave is right and proper.

II. whether to ring the bells, too, does not hurt.

III. one may well cover a shroud over the coffin.

IV. Whether to ring the bells, through which city the body is carried, nothing is attached.

V. Vigil and light are to be left outside, especially the vigil; there is not much in the way of lights, whether one burns them or not. But that one preaches in the evening to remind the people of death and to ask that God give his spirit to their future lord and rule according to God's will is well done. And whether he remains unburied through the night, nothing is in it.

VI. poor people dress is good, whether they also stand with lights around the Bahr.

VII. neither bishop nor prelate shall hold mass; all masses shall be held, if one does not want to anger God, and God shall give His grace to our most gracious lord, Duke Hansen, to rule in the future.

VIII. Neither the priest nor the altar should be clothed in black. It is good to give something to the poor people.

IX. That coats of arms are hung on the candles and bahr is not a big deal. But they should not be hung on the altars.

X. On the morrow, do not hold a mass or sacrifice, but preach and bury it in the name of God.

XI. Give the offering money to poor people.

XII. Do not drag the stallions around the altar.

XIII Let all sacrifices stand in line, be it shield sacrifice or spit breaking.

XIV Give the sword to one who has none, if you ever want to give one away.

XV. Donation is good when you are still alive.

XVI The morning sermon before burying the body is good.

I think that if the corpse of our most gracious lord were carried to the grave in a bad way, the students would go ahead and sing some good songs, and some of the nobility would carry the corpse, and the other court servants along with the common people would follow the corpse, and thus greet him in the name of God that it would be best, and then, when the corpse was buried, preach an admonition or sermon to the people. As indicated above, to remember the death and to ask God with earnestness for a godly prince; as we already hope that he has given him to us.

[180]{.underline} Section 5: The Death of Frederick the Wise. No. 798**, W. xvi, 224-226.** 181

798 Georg Spalatin's personal report on how Prince Frederick was buried in Wittenberg on May 10 and 11, 1525, following advice from Luther and Melanchthon.

From Spalatin's manuscript printed in Kapp's Nachlese, vol. II, p. 667.

How my most gracious lord, Duke Frederick of Saxony 2c, blessed and laudable memory, funeral here at Wittenberg Wednesday and Thursday after Jubilate has been held, with D. Martini, Philipp Melanchthon's 2c. Council. 1525.

Wednesday after Jubilate.

In the year of Christ, the birth of our dear Lord and Savior, 1525, the introduction of my most gracious Lord, Duke Frederick of Saxony, Elector 2c, of blessed and praiseworthy memory, as follows, took place here in Wittenberg.

Early in the morning the body of my most gracious lord, laudable and blessed memory, bequeathed in a coffin, was carried and placed by eight noblemen to the Lochau 1) from his C. F. G. room into the castle chapel, and the office left there, and after the office ordered by the eight noblemen touched to the sedan chairs, and thus started to carry to Wittenberg.

From the castle to Lochau the cortege is accepted by the inhabitants with the procession, with the song: "Mit Fried und Freud ich fahr dahin" 2c. and "Aus tiefer Noth" 2c.

Likewise in Jessen with all the bells in the procession, and the procession, accepted by the priesthood and the common people, also with Christian chants, also to the Eylstern 2) and thus following brought to Wittenberg.

At II o'clock, Count Wolfgang von Warbey, Mr. Hans, Noble of Plavenitz, 3) and Mr. Hans von Minkwitz, both knights, rode from Wittenberg, together with several of the nobility, as much as was required of them, to accept the body of my most gracious lord, of blessed memory, as they did. Then, between 11 and 12 o'clock, the large bells were rung in the parish and in the monastery, and the people gathered in the parish church, together with the students.

However, the people of the collegiate church have gathered in front of the collegiate church, and one has seen the

  1. Is now called Annaburg (Walch).
  2. "Eylstern" will probably mean the magpie. Jessen is located on the black Elster.
  3. This name is spelled differently: Planitz, Plaunitz, Plawnitz; here Plavenitz.

Collegiate Church, until the procession come to prevent the crowd, not unlocked.

When the students, university, council and the common people come in front of the collegiate church, the people of the collegiate church also went into the procession in their order.

And touched all have kept the order in going out, as in the introduction of my most gracious Lord, the Elector of Saxony 2c., of blessed memory.

As follows: First a cross was carried, then the disciples went, of which there were six and fifty. After that, the monks, then the body of my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony 2c., first bequeathed in a coffin, and covered with a black cloth, and with a white cross of linen, and five coats of arms on the coffin, and covered with a black velvet, and pinned coats of arms, eighth carried, all dressed in mourning coats and hats with black silk tails, as namely:

Count Wolf von Warbey. Mr. Hans, Noble of Plavenitz, Knight. Mr. Hans von Minkwitz, Knight. Kum Rabil. Christoph Gross. Friedrich Brandt. Georg von Hulda, and Matches Loser.

Next to the corpse twenty men walked, all dressed in black, with burning torches and hanging on them the high coat of arms of my most gracious lord.

After the corpse, before my gracious lord Duke Franciscus of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Hans von Döltzck, Marshal, Bernhard von Hirschfeld, Councillor of Beimelburg and Bastei went. Then my gracious lord, Duke Franciscus of Lüneburg 2c.

The following is the preceptor at Liechtenburg.

Secretarii 2c.

After that the court and landed gentry, soon after the university, of which some have been counted one hundred and eight and sixty pairs. Then the council, then the commoners. Then the women and virgins. Finally, the travelers after all the people.

Then, when the corpse was brought to the Elster Gate, the houseman at the castle started to count the number of deer, and all the bells in the collegiate and parish churches were rung, after which the procession started, as if touched.

With such a procession the corpse was brought to the collegiate church.

And when they came to the church, they put the body in the middle of the church.

Musmann, together with a number of Wepener, has ensured with good measure and order that no crowding results from it.

[182]{.underline} Cap. 10: On the peasant revolt. W. xvi, 226-229. 183

In the move-in Hai one poor people give each a penny, and this was done by master Lucas Cranach, painter, and Christianus, goldsmith 2c.

The proclamation of the entrance, burial and donation is done in the German lection in the morning in the monastery and in the parish church. As soon as the procession has begun, the monks and students are to sing in Latin before the first chant:

Si bona suscepimus.

After that: From deep distress 2c.

Following: Media Vita, Latin.

After that, the same song in German.

And when the body was brought into the collegiate church, and, as if touched, was placed in the middle of the church, the choir sang, "We all believe in One God." Then the hundred and eighteenth psalm: Confitemini Domino etc., in Latin. Following this, Magister Philipp Melanchthon made an almost good Latin speech in the church against the corpse of my most gracious Lord Blessed.

After this, Doctor Martin Luther preached a very Christian and comforting sermon, based on St. Paul's words in the first epistle to the Thessalonians in the fourth chapter, about those who have fallen asleep and died in God.

At the end of the sermon, they sang: "Now we pray to the Holy Spirit", and then Vespers and Compline were held. The body of my most gracious lord was left in the middle of the church with four burning lights and guarded by several people, but neither sung nor read. The grave was made on Wednesday evening and the following Thursday morning right under the high altar under the steps.

My gracious lord, Duke Franciscus of Lüneburg, stood over against the body on Wednesday and Thursday on the small Queremporkirche 1).

The twenty men in suffering clothes with the burning torches stood next to the Bahr under the office on Wednesday and Thursday, ten on each side.

Thursday after Jubilate.

In the early days, people in the monastery used to sing the masses and other tides in such a way that everything was over between six and seven o'clock.

At seven o'clock the bells rang in the monastery and in the parish church, and people gathered again in the collegiate church.

Then the hundred and seventh Psalm: Con-

  1. In the old edition: "Qverporkirchen".

fitemmi Domino, sung slowly and well in Latin. And thereupon the versicle and collects and the Fried, Deus, a quo sancta desideria, read.

Doctor Martinus then preached another almost Christian, comforting sermon, and also referred to St. Paul's words to the Thessalonians. As on the previous day, there were many people present with saddened spirits.

Soon after the sermon, my gracious lord, Duke Franciscus of Lüneburg 2c., together with the council and the nobility, went from the Querempork Church to the corpse.

Then the eight persons touched before carried the corpse, as of the previous day.

In front of the corpse, twenty men each with the burning torches, two and two, walked with each other.

Soon after the corpse have followed:

First of all my gracious lord, Duke Franciscus of Lüneburg 2c., then the councilors and the Atzel 2c.

Under the funeral the choir sang, first: Si bona suscepimus, mala autem quare non sustineamus.

And because they buried my most gracious lord 2c., the twenty men with the burning torches divided themselves, so that on each side of them stood ten.

Then they sang: "Austiefer Noth" 2c., followed by: "Wir glauben alle an Einen GOtt" 2c.

And finally: "Praise be to God and give Him" 2c.

After that they left the church and went to the table.

The same Thursday afternoon after twelve o'clock the big bells were rung in the parish church for the donation, and there they gave the donation, three pennies to each person, and there were three and a half thousand people who took the donation.

The corpse was also brought on the moat to the castle or fishermen's gate in the city and collegiate church, and to a small being, praise God, demurely and finely approached.

799: Martin Luther's two sermons at the funeral of Elector Frederick of Saxony in Wittenberg.

See St. Louis edition, vol. XII, 2032-2099.

800 D. Martin Luther's letter of consolation to Elector John on the death of his brother, May 15, 1525.

See St. Louis edition, vol. X, 2050.

[184]{.underline} Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg, 2c. No. 801. W. xvi, 230-232. 185

The eleventh chapter.

From the imperial congresses held at Augsburg, Speier, Esslingen, Regensburg and again at Speier in the years 1525 to 1529.

First Section.

From the imperial diets held at Augsburg, Speier and Esslingen.

  1. The Reichstag in Augsburg at the end of 1525/) in which the Nuremberg Diet was repeated, and at the same time a Reichstag in Speier was scheduled for the month of May 1526.

From Lünig's Imperial Archives, pari. gen. eont. I, x. 457.

By the Grace of God, we Ferdinand, Prince in Hispania, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, of Steyer, of Carinthia and Carniola, Count of Tyrol 2c., Wilhelm, Count Palatine of the Rhine, and Duke of Upper and Lower Bavaria; Casimir, Margrave of Brandenburg, of Stettin, Pomerania, Duke of the Cassubians and Wends, Burgrave of Nuremberg and Prince of Rügen; Philip, Margrave of Baden and Hochberg, Count of Spanheim; Erich, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg: hereby publicly confess and declare against all men: As the Roman Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious Lord, due to the urgent complaints which daily occur in the Holy Empire, especially the disruption and division of our holy Christian faith and religion, the tyrannical Turk daily approaches the Christian kingdoms, lands and principalities, and invades them as hard as never happened before in the times of his and his ancestors, as is manly aware and before our eyes; which the immense need to resist, along with other deficiencies and infirmities in the Holy Empire, requires for peace,

  1. Seckendorf reports IÜ8t. Ud. I, p. 42a, that the Diet had only begun in November 1525. But because only one ecclesiastical prince, the bishop of Trent, had appeared in person, the Diet had been adjourned to Speier on May 1, 1526. Also Seckendorf does not know anything about the date of our document, but only the year, 1525.

The Imperial Majesty has caused the law, good police, and the handling and execution thereof, to be described here in the highest terms, with the most gracious request to do nothing better than to appear at such an Imperial Assembly in his own Imperial person. Since, however, Her Imperial Majesty is prevented from attending at this time by the highest and most burdensome obligations, and is unable to do so without irreparable and unbearable harm, Her Imperial Majesty, for the promotion of the common good and the execution of necessary acts, has decreed that we, as Her Majesty's commissioners and rulers, shall attend this Imperial Diet with a stately, full-commentary order and instruction; Which order and commission we, as obedient Christian princes, in honor of the Almighty and our holy faith, and of the Roman imperial majesty, have not unreasonably accepted for the submissiveness, promotion of the common good, and maintenance of peace, justice, good police, and unification of the Christian statutes, and have sent ourselves to the action, according to and by virtue of our authority and imperial instruction, with a completely eager mind. However, the matters in the beginning proved to be so troublesome that we, together with the electors, princes and estates, cannot consider that at this present Imperial Diet and Assembly described here, since no elector, prince, and the lesser part of prelates, counts, lords and cities of the empire personally, even some of them do not speak for themselves, we do not have the right to vote, have been excused either for themselves or by their authorized embassy with conjugal causes, since otherwise in such public, important matters for final decision and actual execution, the contents of our instruction, could have been fruitfully executed and acted upon: Therefore, for these and other excellent reasons, we as governors and commissioners, after the said electors, princes, and also common imperial estates, have agreed to the following

186 Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. W. xvi, 232-234. 187

The following are the motions which have been moved by the Council, Union, Settlement and Resolution sent by the Holy See, in this and the following Articles, to extend this Imperial Diet; hereby extend and extend the same, in virtue and by virtue of the power and authority vested in the Roman Imperial Majesty, to be held on the first day of the month of May, in the Holy Roman Empire's city of Speier; So that the princes, princes and other estates of the empire, in view of the inevitable and highly important burdensome matters incumbent upon the holy empire, so that the German nation of this time has been more burdened than in human memory never, shall appear even in their own persons, the common useful imperial affairs, as mentioned above, in accordance with the Imperial Majesty's request, and bring them to actual execution, action and implementation, and especially that the Roman Imperial Majesty, the Holy Empire and our Christian faith may come to honor, acceptance and welfare, and also that the common man may come to peace and unity and prosper: We wish to report to and move the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, with thorough discovery of all the burdens incumbent upon the Empire, in such a way that, from our foreknowledge that Her Imperial Majesty intends to leave Hispania for the Empire in the spring, we fully hope that Her Imperial Majesty will, as much as possible, attend the Imperial Diet in her own imperial person and promote Her Majesty's future.

  1. And since there are many preachers who are subject to draw and divide the holy gospel and the word of God in various opinions: Let every authority, whether spiritual or secular, take diligent care and earnestly see to it that the holy gospel and the word of God be preached in their principalities, lands and territories in the meantime, according to the right true understanding and interpretation of the teachers accepted by the common Christian church, without sedition and trouble, for the preservation of God's praise, peace and unity; As was decided at the recent Imperial Diet in Nuremberg and is in the process of being passed, the preachers are to be notified of this and warned of it.

(2) To this end, all princes, rulers, and estates shall in the meantime keep themselves in their principalities, dominions, and territories with good armor, care, and custody, so that they, and each of them, may be able to prevent any outrage, rebellion, or disobedience on the part of their subjects against their sovereigns.

The people of the Holy Roman Empire may, in the beginning, without any further action or gathering of the disobedient, make and use a good resistance and opposition, and otherwise keep and show themselves evenly in other ways to the imperial and imperial peace, so that, as mentioned above, we hope to God and His omnipotence, all outrage, rebellion and disobedience will undoubtedly be prevented and will occur sufficiently.

  1. And so that no one, be he of high or low rank, has to complain of the others' refusal of justice, likewise, between the present extended Imperial Diet, namely, until primam Maji, court and justice shall be held as before according to the order of the Holy Roman Empire, and no one shall be denied the same.
  1. And for this reason it is further considered good and necessary, because in the recent riots and uprisings that have occurred in many places in the Holy Roman Empire, some subjects have revolted against their rulers and sovereigns and fallen away, and have thereby publicly forfeited great punishment, and in part may be considered infamous; and that some of them must be used as judges, speakers of judgements and witnesses, if law and court are to be held again, before high and lower courts, that then from all estates their subjects, who have been related to and part of the said rebellion, and have again been pardoned by sovereigns, and accepted as debtors, that they, irrespective of such their trial, be used in the courts as judges, judges and witnesses, and otherwise for all legal matters without objection, until further action, and after the decision of the intended extended Imperial Diet.
  2. We have also, for the restoration, unification and unanimous settlement of our holy Christian faith, apart from which it is not well possible to raise a common peace in the holy empire and the German nation, thought it useful and necessary to maintain a common free universal council for the whole of Christendom, and have therefore undertaken to petition the Roman imperial majesty (with the most humble diligence), that Her Imperial Majesty, in view of the division and discord of our holy faith, so that this time the German nation is highly tainted and burdened, will graciously decree that a common free concilium be proclaimed and announced in the most conducive manner, whenever possible, in the appropriate places of the German nation. If this is obtained, we are undoubtedly hopeful that the Almighty will

188 Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg 2c. No. 801. W. xvi, 234-237... 189

We are to be granted his divine grace, for the constant unanimous understanding and recognition of his holy faith, from which a common peace, unity, its acceptance, welfare, the right execution of good police, and noble government in all of Christendom will surely result.

6 We therefore speak and promise to keep, to perform, to comply with and to live steadfastly, firmly, unbreakably and sincerely everything and anything that is written above, and which we as Imperial Commissioners, in virtue of our existing charter, understand. In witness whereof we, Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria 2c, Wilhelm, Duke of Bavaria, and Casimir, Margrave of Brandenburg, for ourselves, and in place of the said Lords, Philippsen, Margrave of Baden 2c, and Erichen, Duke of Brunswick, our Co-Commissarii, have affixed our seal of approval to this farewell.

  1. And we, the Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts and Lords, and also the Free and Imperial Cities of the Holy Roman Empire, embassies and holders of power, hereafter named, also publicly confess with this farewell that all and each of the above-written points and articles have been made with our good knowledge, will, counsel and discretion, We also grant, by virtue of this letter, to speak and promise in right, good, true faithfulness to keep and perform, as much as may concern or concern each of his sovereigns or friends by whom he is sent and governed, truly, steadily, firmly, sincerely, and to live up to them to the best of our ability, without danger.

8 And these are the following written messages of the Electors with names: The Archbishop of Mainz, Elector 2c., Marquard vom Stein 2c. The Archbishop of Cologne, Elector 2c., Herman, Gras zu Neuenar, Dietrich, Count zu Manderschied 2c. Of the Archbishop of Trier, Churfürst 2c., Ludwig Fürster, and Bernhard Düringer. Count Palatine Ludwig, Elector, Schenck Veltin, Lord of Erbach, and Jakob von Flenckenstein of Germersheim. Duke Hansen of Saxony, Churfürst 2c., Philipps von Feilitsch, and Hans Minkwitz. Margrave Joachims, Churfürst 2c., Christoph von Taubenheim. Ecclesiastical princes in person: Bernhard, Bishop of Trent. Message of the ecclesiastical princes: Daniel von Rebetz, Bishop of Bamberg. The Bishop of Würzburg, Bernhard von Tüngen and Niclaus Hanawer. The Bishop of Freisingen, Johann Jung, Doctor. Ditrichs von Cleen, German Master, Friedrich Sturmfeder, Commenthur zu Blumenthal. The message of the secular princes: On behalf of the House of Austria, Wilhelm Truch.

feß, Freiherr zu Walpurg; Pfalzgraf Friedrichen, Poley Probst, Doctor 2c. Wilhelm Pfalzgrafen 2c., Augustin Lösch zu Hilckershausen 2c. Ludwig Count Palatine 2c., Gregorii von Egloffstein zu Steinberg 2c. Duke Hans von Eleve 2c., Wilhelm, Baron von Rinnenberg, Meirich von Thun, and Johann von Tockheim, Doctor, called Frieß. Duke Erich of Brunswick, Hans von Berlipsen, and Doctor Conrad von Tellingshausen. Duke Heinrich of Brunswick, Ewald of Lambaden. Count Herrmann of Henneberg, his son, Count Berthold. Duke Hansen of Bavaria, Counts of Spanheim; Duke Ludwigs of Bavaria, Counts of Veldentz 2c., Margrave Philipsen of Baden 2c., Hieronymus Reusch 2c. Landgrave Philipsen of Hesse, Heinrich, Lord of Eisenberg 2c., and Balthasar of Wendelshausen, called Schrautenbach. Duke Georgen and Duke Barnim, brothers in Pomerania, Jakob Wobbesser 2c. The prelates' message: The provost of Berchtolsgaden, Hieronymus Baldung 2c. The Abbot of Werd, Peter Blaundhäufer. From the provost and chapter of Sultz, Schenck Veltin, Lord of Erbach. The free and imperial cities embassies: Cologne, Peter Bellingshäufer. According to, Leonhard Eck and Amold Weinmerßbed. Lübeck, Johann Retlinger. Frankfurt and Wetzlar, Haman von Holtzhausen. By reason of the city of Nümberg, with force Schweinfurt, Windesheim, Weißenburg am Nordgau, Goslar, Nordhausen, Christoph Detzel and Element Volckmar. Worms, Johann Wolfgang Egen, Doctor. Nördlingen, Antoni von Werd and Jakob Weidmann. Rothenburg an der Tauber, Georg Bermenter. Gelnhausen, Schenck Veltin. Augsburg with command Swabian Hall, Georg Vetter, Conrad Beuttinger and Antoni Bienmal.

And for true testimony we Marquard vom Stein, and Schenk Veltin von Erbach, for the said Archbishop of Mainz, and Palgrave Ludwigen, both, and other ecclesiastical and secular princes; and we Daniel von Rodwitz and Poley Probst, Doctor 2c., Duke Frederick, Count Palatine, and other ecclesiastical and secular princes, and the mayor and council of the city of Augsburg, on account of it and all other free and imperial cities, have affixed our seal to this farewell, which was given in the holy imperial city of Augsburg after the birth of Christ in fifteen hundred and in the fifth and twentieth year).

  1. This time determination asked Seckendorf, nist. Imtb., 11b. II, p. 42 a, and says that this Reichstagsabschied has the year 1525, but no date. The alleged correction by Walch, that Seckendorf b e. p. 43 (should be p. 45, aääitio II1) found in the Weimar archives that the farewell was dated 9 Jan. 1526, is based on a misunderstanding of what was said there.

[190]{.underline}. Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 237-245. 191

802 Emperor Carl V's mandate to the Counts of Mansfeld to appear at the Imperial Diet at Speier, scheduled for St. Martin's Day 1524, concerning Lutheran doctrine and the Turkish tax. April 18, 1524.

This document does not belong in this section, but has already been reported from word to word in the fifteenth volume, Col. 2291, in No. 747 (II.). Therefore, we leave it out here.

  1. names of the princes and bishops who attended the Diet of Speier in 1526.

From Kapp's Nachlese, Theil II, p. 679.

Duke Ferdinand, the emperor's brother.

The Elector of Mainz.

The Elector of Cologne.

The Elector of Trier.

The Elector Palatine.

The Elector of Saxony.

Duke Wolfgang, brother of the Palatinate.

Duke Johann vom Hundsbruck, of the Palatinate.

Philip, Margrave of Baden.

Frederick, Count Palatine.

Philip, Prince of Hesse.

Ernst and Friedrich, Dukes of Lüneburg.

Landgrave of Leuchtenberg.

Casimir, Margrave of Brandenburg.

Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg.

Duke Erich of Brunswick.

The Bishop of Speier.

The Bishop of Würzburg.

The Bishop of Utrecht.

The Bishop at Trident.

Ernst, Margrave of Baden.

George, Count of Würtemberg.

Wilhelm, Count of Henneberg.

Wolfgang, Count of Henneberg.

Berthold, Count of Henneberg.

Hartmann, Abbot at Fulda.

Johann, Count of Henneberg, Coadjutor of the Abbot of Fulda.

The King's Envoy to Hungary.

The envoy of Venice, Carolus Contarenus.

The Roman Pabst's orator, Hieronymus Rorarius.

Among many other princes, counts and orators.

804 Presentation of the Imperial Governor and the Commissars to the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Roman Empire at the Diet of Speier, August 4, 1526.

From Kapp's Nachlese, Part II, p. 680.

By decree of the Roman Imperial and Hispanic Royal Majesty 2c, our most gracious Lord, Governor of the Holy Roman Empire, and other such of Her Majesty's Commissaries, the present Imperial Diet is to be held. The fourth day of August, the princes, princes, and other ecclesiastical and secular estates, who have appeared in their own persons and with their embassy, have been given a subsequent oral presentation. Namely, how the same Governors and Commissioners are reminded that the reported Princes, Princes and other Estates have appointed and ordered a committee on the action of this Imperial Diet. Accordingly, the same Governors and Commissarii consider that perhaps through such a committee the article concerning our holy Christian faith might initially be performed; but so that in the same Highly-Appointed Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty. Majesty's will, and that nothing be done in which certain imperial governors and commissarii have been appointed. The same governors and commissioners have deemed it necessary, fruitful, and good to remind the reported electors, princes, and other estates of their instruction, which they have received from the Highly Revered Imperial Majesty, concerning this article concerning our holy Christian faith. Maj. which has been publicly read out from the original according to the enclosed copy.

From this, princes, princes and other estates of Imperial Majesty may take their mind and understand. Maj. may take and understand the mind, will and opinion which governors and commissarii do not behave towards the said princes, princes and estates, and their messages of friendly, inclined and gracious opinion, to promote all things; nevertheless, the said princes, princes and estates do not wish, in the other articles, to be informed of them,

  1. "fourth" put by us instead of: "third" in the old edition, because in the following number we are told that the lecture happened on a "Saturday"; but this was August 4.

192 Sect. I. Von d. Reichstagen zu Augsb. 2c. No.804. W. xvi, 245-217. 193

to the imperial governors and commissars, to the same princes, princes and estates, and also in other complaints, as far as they are not contrary to the above-mentioned document, to proceed, to advise, to conclude, and to show themselves in such a way that the said imperial majesty may graciously recognize their order and request. Majesty may graciously recognize their order and request. And in addition, report and remind your loved ones and common estates that out of gracious and heartfelt contemplation, and in view of the great, noticeable adversities, troubles and insanity, so that I, the Holy Roman Empire and the whole of Christendom have found ourselves challenged, afflicted, and in daily apostasy and ruin in these miserable times and times, gladly requested such an Imperial Diet in our own person, if we had not actually undertaken this time, and would therefore be in constant and final exertion, also directing and sending all possible diligence to this end, with the grace and help of the Almighty God, to rise from this Hispanic kingdom of ours even in a short time, and to move in our own person to Italy and to Rome, to receive there our imperial crown, as is due, and then, along with and with papal holiness, which we find no less inclined and eager to do so than ourselves. Such is the concern and grievance of our holy Christian faith and common Christianity, as well as all heresy, insanity, abuse and disorder, which have occurred in many places, but most dangerously and blasphemously in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, and are still being held by a general council and common Christian assembly and otherwise, The same shall be stopped, eradicated and prevented by a wholesome, unanimous, Christian reformation, order, statute and life, for which not only un-Christian, but also quite inhuman sedition, outrage and action are to be provided for everywhere.

And that we again want to go to the Holy Roman Empire in the most beneficial way, to show and prove help and assistance to it by restoring and establishing divine, Christian peace and praiseworthy law and order and good police, also due and needful supervision, and for this purpose we will use and require all our and our kingdoms' land and people, property, body and goods, so that nothing can be done to a Christian, laudable emperor in such burdens 1) and concerns dangerous to the Holy Roman Empire and common Christendom.

  1. "Loads" set by us instead: Let.

We shall neither omit nor neglect to grant the rights to which we are entitled and to which we are entitled. And be it therefore our gracious and earnest request, desire, and command to their loved ones and common estates that they not at all undertake, act, hear, or decide anything at this time from such future day of ours and of the realm at Speier that is contrary to our holy Christian faith, or to the laudable laws or ancient conventions of the church doctrine, order, ceremonies, and customs, or ancient church doctrine, order, ceremonies, and customs, but that they, the contents of our mandate and letter of prohibition, which we, with their counsel, foreknowledge, and approval, have decided upon and issued at both imperial congresses at Worms and Nuremberg, shall be applied everywhere in the empire, We shall firmly administer, execute and enjoin the observance of this letter everywhere in the Empire, in their own principalities, lands, dominions and territories, and we shall still abstain and pardon this short time until we ourselves, as reported above, shall shortly dispose of it for papal sanctity, and together with their sanctity, as is due, and proclaim a general council and common assembly of the whole of Christendom, and in this so grave and highly important matter may do all the more 2) bravely and fruitfully, and also undertake and establish a holy, Christian, constant and necessary reformation, statute and order.

For by such particular action and segregation, insanity and disobedience are much more likely to be promoted and increased than stopped, and the hearts and wanton leaders of the poor, unintelligent congregation are more likely to be blinded and strengthened than enlightened and alleviated.

And thereupon our friendly governors and commissarii shall use all possible diligence, so that our dear nephews, sovereigns, princes and common estates may obediently comply with and carry out this proper and necessary request and order, and that we, and what they encounter here, most conducively ascribe and instruct us again, as we fraternally and graciously provide ourselves for their devotion and love, and want to recognize them with special graces at all times. Your love, devotion and charity do us special good, and our earnest opinion. Given in our city of Seville, 3) on the 23rd day of the month of Martii, Anno 2c. in the 26th year of the Roman Empire in the seventh year.

  1. "the more" put by us instead of: this.
  2. "Seville" put by us instead: Sivilia.

[194]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. w. xvi, 247-w0. 195

805: The imperial cities' response to the first part of the bortrag concerning the Gospel at the Diet of Speier.

From Kapp's Nachlese, Part II, p. 685.

Most Reverend, Most Serene, Highborn Princes, Most Reverend, Most Serene, Highborn Princes; Reverend, Well-Born, Noble, Strict, Highly Learned, Honorable, Most Gracious, Gracious and Favorable Lords. Your Electoral, Princely Graces, Graces and Favors verbally, Saturday next happened, 1) we, the honorable free and imperial cities sent messages, have heard in submission, and of our retention so much understood that they divided the first article, in the Imperial Instruction understood, into five points. Hereupon we give E. C. F., F. G., graces and favors submissive opinion that, after E. C. F., F. G., Grace and Favor have considered the first point, that in matters concerning our Christian faith, no change should be made here, nor should it ever be made, we, the envoys, confess that it is true that no change should be made to our true, holy faith, which is based on Christ and His holy, eternal, unchangeable Word.

On the other hand, E. C. F., F.G., Grace and favor concern that all well-established good Christian practice and order be acted upon in the meantime until a free Christian concilio, we may also well suffer: For by good Christian practice, order and usage we understand nothing else than that which is not contrary to the faith in Christ and his holy Word; but where some practices and usage or order are contrary to the same, by which the faithful in Christ are led away from their Lord and Creator into the trust of creatures through misbelief or superstition, or otherwise serve to endanger the salvation of souls, we respect E. C. F., F. G., grace and favor opinion that these should remain unchanged until the meeting of a concilii (which, in view of the present course and disagreement, may be long drawn out), and thus the believers in Christ must in the meantime remain in error and danger to their souls. But how the aforementioned customs are to be handled, and thus how they are to be changed and abolished; for this reason, our concern is that these customs should be changed and abolished.

  1. August 4.

In order to prevent future errors and complications, further clarification on this point is necessary.

Thirdly, that E. C.F., F. G., graces and favors are willing to consider, together with other estates, ways and means so that the abuses in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation may be corrected or even abolished, we are not only pleased, but have received a special great joy at such an earnest and gracious request, for it is knowingly evident and unknown to all estates of the Holy Roman Empire, How extensively they have been torn down, and what mischief, mischief and trouble have arisen from them for the Holy Roman Empire in the German Nation, we have good hope that, if they were so used or put away for the better, they would not be a small help and tax to stop all the pending confusion and unpleasantness that has arisen in the Holy Roman Empire in these times.

Fourthly, concerning the punishment of those who have come here to the Imperial Majesty. Majest. Edict, established at Worms, we consider that E.C.F., F.G., Graces and Favors have graciously granted the order entirely out of gracious benevolence, but we could well imagine, where the same imperial edict should be complied with most severely, that the punishment would extend further. However, E. C. F., F. G., Grace and Favor, along with other estates, at the Imperial Diet in Nuremberg, held in 1523, highly considered and well thought out why it was not possible to live up to the mandate, and what might result from it, if it were to be lived up to, as they also gave the papal orator for an answer at that time. Thus our lords and friends from the respectable cities, along with other high estates, publicly protested and testified at the recently held Imperial Diet at Nuremberg on account of their impossibility, for which reason we hope that their Imperial Majesty, as a mild emperor, will never punish them for what is impossible and not recognized by the common estates of the Empire.

Fifthly, concerning the handling of the points mentioned, we also consider that, if the preceding points were to be dealt with and decided upon in a harmonious manner, it would be easy to find how to handle such matters, and our lords and friends of honorable free and imperial cities, as obedient members of the Holy Roman Empire, would undoubtedly show themselves submissive and willing to do so.

[196]{.underline} Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg, 2c. No. 806. W. xvi, 250-252. 197

806 The Articles of Complaint in the Church, compiled, presented and considered at the Diet of Speier in 1526.

From Cyprian's Documents, Vol. II, p. 381. Spalatin put the title over it in his own hand. The title does not cover the content of what is offered in this document. For there are only reviews of articles; these themselves, however, are not included. The articles discussed here are essentially the same ones that were delivered at Worms in 1521 and at Nuremberg in 1523 (St. Louis edition, Vol. XV, No. 539 and 722), but new ones have been added and the order of the earlier ones has not been retained.

Sacrament. Article.

Sacrament of the altar.

On the first article:

Which contains three articles. Since the holy sacraments have their origin from Christ, my most gracious and benevolent lords agree with these eight decrees on this article. Gentlemen agree with these eight decrees on this article, where they are of the opinion that one should hold on to the sacraments which have their origin in Christ and are attached to faith, as their own words read. For there are no more than two sacraments of Christ, namely of the altar and of baptism. For a sacrament must have two parts, namely the promise of God and a sign. As these two alone have, Rom. 4.

Otherwise, the princes and the message of the other article also agree with them that one should not preach against the sacraments. For the clear words of Christ bring with them that there is true blood and flesh of Christ.

Lastly, that such unchristian teachers, according to the content of God's word, be taught the sermon, and where it does not help, be reprimanded and forbidden.

  1. to keep the masses. In this way, their Fathers and their embassies would also agree with them that the masses should be kept as they flow from Christ, as the first article states. Now, it is not found that the mass is of Christ's origin and bound to the Latin language or to some place, but is free, and that one does not take anyone's conscience captive in things outside of God's word, with wearing clothes and ceremonies in or outside of the church, Col. 2.
  2. sacrament of baptism. The princes and embassies consider that it should not be evil either.

because baptism is a sacrament, that one should also leave it free with the language and place. Just as one has no other reason from God's word.

4th Confirmation. It is considered by princes and embassies not to urge people to confirm, considering that it is not a sacrament, according to the instruction of God's Word.

(5) Concerning ordination, princes and embassies consider that because ordination did not come from Christ, people should not be attached to it, nor should it be insisted upon, but that everyone should be free to act according to God's word in the things that their word brings.

  1. Marriage, repentance, and vows, because they did not flow from Christ, as they themselves indicate in the first article, they consider that they should not be insisted upon.
  1. abuse of the sacraments of the altar for the sake of money. That the mass should be stopped altogether, and that no one should insist on it, is considered an abuse against God's word and honor, according to the example of Ezekiel. For the Mass is nothing else than taking the Sacrament. Also in Tertulliano it is found that the Mass arose after the time of Christ.
  2. not to overcharge with masses, because they themselves confess that there are abuses in them, and that the priest should not be overcharged with them if he has no desire to do so. That no one should be overburdened with masses, since it has been sufficiently proven that mass is nothing but a means of obtaining help, and not a sacrifice.
  3. to hold the mass in a good understandable voice. This is how it must be held in German in German-speaking countries.

10 To read the Gospels and Epistles in German is agreed, only to add these words: To seek help. For this is the right thanksgiving, when we recognize God as a helper. The Sunday Collects, because they are according to God's Word, should remain, but the other Collects of the saints should be avoided.

Dropping the Canones.

  1. blessings and histories, one is well satisfied.

(12) That all sacrifices are left free is assumed to have the appearance of being a good work to serve God with. Therefore, one should be diligent to provide the priests with their due care and entertainment.

13th Concilium at Constance. The Concilium of Basle has decided on the widow's remedy, so that it is considered just that which Christ has set forth. The

198 Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. w. xvi, 252-255. 199

one agrees with them that it could not be done without difficulty, as they themselves indicate. Therefore, it is right to stick to God's word and Christ's suspension and not to seek permission anywhere, but to let everyone take it freely, as he knows how to justify it with God's word.

  1. the suffragan bishops, because they have indicated before themselves that the parish priests and other ecclesiastical servants are provided with quite entertainment, it is fair that the ecclesiastical servants be provided.
  2. with the funerals 2c. that one arranges a right use, that those in their life Christian lived, honestly to the earth with Christian songs are buried.
  3. fathers. Because this is an exercise of faith, and in baptism it is asked that God give the child faith, it would be good that many people were present. But the number of godparents should be left to the discretion of each one, and should not be set in any law. It is especially important that no impediment to marriage from the spouses is indicated in God's Word.
  4. suffragan bishops confirmation, to go about. He shall preach Paul didacticen; be it right that the pastors go about, and faithfully drive God's word into old and young people, which serves God's honor and their blessedness, to refer to the Christian profession. Even if confirmation is permissible, it would still be inappropriate for God's word to deny confirmation to children who do not understand, in view of the fact that baptism, which is much more, is given to them.
  5. the consecrated interrogation and priestly age 30 years, that it would be best, the priestly authority would be according to St. Paul's order, as God clearly expresses it to St. Paul.

The nature of the clergy. It is appropriate that the priests' doctrine and life be judged according to St. Paul's report.

19 Priestly chastity. Decision of Imperial Majesty to be awaited. Majesty. What God has permitted and left free may not be subject to human permission. But that one may ask Imperial Majesty about this and other complaints. Majesty of this and other grievances of the German nation according to length and all necessity, be honest, with humble request that His Imperial Majesty will honor God. Majesty, in honor of God and for the common peace of the German nation and of the entire empire, will graciously permit, without any oppression, to carry out in all the articles indicated what they know to be preserved on the basis of God's word, and that conscience be left free in each case. For the conscience cannot and should not be influenced by any creature, neither in heaven nor on earth, but only by God and His Word.

be governed. And the one who does the antagonism is the Antichrist, as St. Paul in 2 Thess. 2 forcibly castsigates. Nicaena Synodus XXXIX.

  1. tolerance or permission between spouses. Cases concerning marital status are subject to the judgment of a Christian, prudent priest. For one cannot set a certain rule in such matters, and one should not take money for it.
  2. to abolish illegitimate cohabitation 1). Since illegitimacy is to be prevented, marriage is to be left free. For marriage is the only remedy against illegitimate vices. Paul: Unusquisque possideat vas suum sine fornicatione.

With the punishment it probably remains with her ausgenannten punishment.

  1. not to forbid marriage to one's own people. Shall be free, but so that one asks their parents before.
  2. proclamation. 2) Probably remains so.
  3. to stop forbidden time of marriage. To leave free. Vox sponsi et sponsae.
  4. secret marriage forbidden. Cheap, 4 Mos. 30.
  5. to stop penitential and confessional abuses. It is also good. Because confession is absolution.
  6. to place confessionals in suspicious places. Is also good.
  7. not to release heresy outside of mortal peril. There is nothing better than to keep it according to Christ's order and the word of John 20. Therefore, a good explanation from God's word is needed as to who the banished heretics are.
  8. repentance is to be kept according to Christ's word Lucae ult. Item, Lucae 7. Item, Johannis 5.: Vade in pace.

New foundations and pilgrimages do not penetrate to the penance. Is good.

Restore unjustified property. If it is sacred, 3) he may keep it cum absolutione, Ephes. 4) Qui furabatur, amplius non furetur.

Confessors should refrain from asking awkward questions. Is good.

The subjects shall not be forced to confess to others than their priests. It is fair for the priest to interrogate his confessors in order to experience their faith.

  1. not to hear confession to monks. It is decided before by Paul that it is due to the priest, who is not a lord, but a comforter and helper of consciences and faith.
  2. that the confession be kept secret. This is the previous one. It also belongs to the priest's office.
  1. In Cyprian: "beysitz".
  2. "Proclamation" Convocation, Proclamation.
  3. Maybe: cheap?

200 Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg 2c. No. 806. w. xvi. 255-257. 201

To give the ointment only once. It has no reason in God's word. Therefore, it cannot be an exercise of faith. For faith must be directed to God's word, Romans 10.

  1. the preacher half. Whoever says this is the end Christian. For God has ever said Matthäi 17, likewise 2 Petr. 1 indicates: Hic est filius meus dilectus, in quo mihi bene complacui, illum audite. Item: Omnis prophetia non est allata voluntate hominum, sed ex spiritu sancto. Item: Hoc verbum lucerna est in loco obscuro, donec lucifer oriatur in cordibus vestris. Thus Jerome and Augustine, as it is understood and repeated in their own Decrees, wrote that where there is error or ignorance in the divine Scriptures, one should run to the origin and fountain of the Hebrew and Greek languages. From this it must necessarily follow that the preachers are to be punished unreasonably and contrary to divine and human statute and order.
  2. of holidays. Holidays are to be free and not commanded to anyone, Col. 2, Gal. 4, Isa. ult. Isa. 1; the other, namely, that the common man may work after the sermon is preached, also pleases us.

(36) Fasting. It is unreasonable and unchristian to impose fasts on the whole community. Therefore one cannot do better than to leave the fasts free like the holidays. As also St. Paul Col. 2 indicates. The fact that the opinion of the fathers should also have been good is of no concern to Christians. For it is not the good opinion of men that counts and stands before God, but the word of God, Deut. 6, 12, Deut. 15.

For this reason it is impossible to have cause, reason, right or authority to punish anyone for this reason. For where there is no law, there is no sin; where there is no sin, there shall be no punishment, Romans 3.

For the sake of irritation, we say that, regardless of this, one should and may eat meat freely, as permitted by Christ. Firstly, because one wants to insist on it as a necessary thing, which God has forbidden, Col. 2. Secondly, that it has now been manifoldly made known some years ago through preaching and printing that it is free on the grounds of God's Word. Thirdly, that it has now been publicly acted upon at three imperial congresses. And fourthly, that they are no longer weak, but stiff-necked, of whom Christ said Matthew 15: Sinite, caeci sunt, caecorum duces.

(37) Of seven times. 1) It is also best to leave this free. For Christ says in Matt. 6 that prayer should be short.

There is no better way to do this than to restore the church's training according to St. Paul's description, 1 Cor. 12, 13, 14, which is far behind by these present church ceremonies. For therefore it would flow from him how to appoint preachers and interpreters of Scripture for the elderly, and schoolmasters for the young, to educate them to God's service and honor, honorable arts and good morals. Since the foundation 2) is first of all established and built as a school for education and training. As then their names still bring along: Provost, Dean, Schoolmaster, Singer.

38 Visitation of the parishes. Yes, all authorities are obliged to ensure that their subjects are provided with God's word and Christian bishops and pastors, as well as with peace and justice. For it is clearly seen in the books of Kings and Paralipomenon Chronicles that the kings were all severely punished by God because they did not stop the ungodly worship in high places and groves.

39 From printing. It is honest and good that invective should be abolished. But that one should not draw and interpret invective further than the common right interprets and draws.

But that would ever be difficult, that one should stop the pressure completely in general. Considering that pressure is not a small gift from God, it is undoubtedly given to us by God so that many souls can be saved and won to Christ through it. For even if it works with the pressure, as with all other gifts of God, it would not be the pressure's fault, but the devil's fault, who drove it to that point.

Because it would be far too burdensome to request Roman Imperial Majesty for the sake of pressure, the authorities and powers should be ordered by virtue of their duty to do so. Majesty for the sake of printing, the authorities and powers should be commanded, by virtue of their duty, to take care that iniquitous writings and unchristian books are suppressed. Majesty and the Roman Empire, to see to it that pamphlets and unchristian books are suppressed.

If it were found by impartial linguists that the previous bibles were wrongly translated, then one might well undertake to create another translation by impartial persons: that is, to tolerate a translation next to the other of the truth and strengthening, as was done at the time of St. Jerome with the Hexaplis.

  1. "Seven times" == üoruo vauonieae.
  2. "Foundation" == Pens.

2Y2 Cap. II. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. w. xvi, 257-260. 203

  1. of the lesser schools. It is Christian and right that children's schools be set up for the best, in view of the fact that nothing on earth is more important to all classes than that the schools be well ordered, as is further reported in the 39th article.

The Secular Complaint from the See of Rome, and the Clergy Forbidden.

  1. marriage and dispensation.

Because this matter concerns the external clans, it would be best that in this case the papal dispensation be left idle, and that the secular authorities be in need of the order of Moses, 3 Mos. at the 18th; considered that Moses, nevertheless, concerns in this case secular good government.

  1. No one should or should not be prevented from marrying. For if spouses were to hinder it, it would have to hinder all those who also teach and instruct people in the faith. For they are all fathers, as Paul says in Gal. 4: In Christo vos genui per evangelion. 1 Cor. 4.

From the forbidden time.

This article is aimed before at marriage. Shall also be free, for the sake of God's Word.

3rd indulgence abused. It is not allowed. For we have the only and best indulgence through Christ alone, Rom.

  1. stationirer. The same article is also good.
  2. to abolish the order of beggars. According to Christ's order, beggars are not to be admitted at all, Luc. 10, likewise Sed magis operetur, ut habeat, unde victum praestet necessitatem patienti. For Christian poverty is not in taking, or begging, or not having, but in not hanging on to temporal goods and in giving, as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, David 2c.
  3. foreign beggars. This is a good article and is based on Deut. 15, for every country shall feed and sustain its poor.

With the poor students, it also probably remains with their concerns.

  1. inheritance, pledge not to be drawn to Rome 2c. It is also reasonable. For one has judges
  1. From here on, Cyprian indicates by numbers in the margin the number of the article to which the report refers. However, since the complaints submitted to Worms are not numbered, but those submitted to Nuremberg are in a different order than here, we, like Walch, have not set the numbers.

enough in such matters in secular judges, as the book of Judges well proves.

  1. from the papal conservators. Remains cheap also in doing so, from causes indicated in the next article.
  2. exemption. It is also Christian and reasonable, according to the word of Pauli Rom. 13: Omnis anima subjecta sit potentiis superioribus. 1 Petr. 2.

(10) Ecclesiastical fiefs shall not be granted by the See of Rome. This is also reasonable. For the appointment of ecclesiastical services is due to the authorities by right and to the community by necessity.

  1. to dismiss commendations. This is right and proper. For it is nothing else than the evil covetousness, which is true idolatry, as Paul often calls it.
  2. to abolish referenda and pensions. This is also honest and fine, for legitimate reasons. For if one is good, the other is also good.
  3. that the bishops are obliged to their chapters for the sake of the benefices.

14 The commissions and incorporation of the prelatures are also decreed.

15 The foundations of the monasteries are based on the nobility alone. It also remains cheap.

  1. annats are to go off and confirmation. This is also good. For the Christian and right confirmation of the bishops 2c. is with the authorities and the community, based on God's word.

The clergy, places of worship and help against the Turks are to be postponed. In the name of God, it remains so.

The consecrated shall not be exempt from secular judicial compulsion. This article also remains.

Because the marriage state also affects the consciences and is a spiritual court, the authorities together with their pastor, who is the spiritual judge, should have an appointment in these matters. Because one cannot give a measure to it.

The spiritual maleficence half. It is fair to stick to St. Paul's opinion, Rom. 13. 1 Petr. 2.

Nothing better can be done with profanation than to keep what Paul indicates in 1 Cor. 5.

  1. that no one should be banned except for mortal sin. This is also Christian. For Paul writes ad Titum: Haereticum hominem devita. 1 Corinthians 5: That therefore the ban should not be used in any way but for apostasy from the faith and the gospel.
  2. that the ban should not be prevented by the secular authorities. In this the order of St. Paul is kept, 1 Cor. 5, that

204 Sect. I. Von d. Reichstagen zu Augsb. 2c. No. 806, W. xvi, 260-262. 205

a priest, together with the authorities and the congregation, cast out the ban. For he says in the same place: Conjuncto spiritu meo cum spiritu vestro.

No one holds and carries out spiritual judgment more cheaply than every pastor according to God's Word.

  1. Of an authority and 1) of the houses of chivalry in Apulia and Sicily. Of the same order is to be said just what is said of the other orders, where one otherwise wants to give more to God's word place and consequence, than outward appearance.

Of the complaints that the secular have against the archbishops.

  1. from the useless jnterdicts. Since spiritual persons, as stated above on the basis of the divine word Rom. 13, are subject to the sword like the common man, it is equally right. For God has not made the same distinction, but is before God one as the other, spiritually as Discordiam inter ordinem et plebem ecclesiae introduxit autoritas.
  2. to celebrate St. Nicholas and St. Mary. Remains well and reasonably in freedom, as with the an-
  1. The decency of the Prussian Article 2) thus remains until its occasion.
  1. the conservatores half is indicated above.
  2. change of the spiritual goods. Remain that spiritual and worldly goods are equal worldly goods. For they are equal. Vere spiritualia sunt fides, spes, charitas. 2 Cor. 13.
  3. of the goods abandoned by the priests. Because they are secular, and otherwise of common right, it is fair to divide the goods to the next of kin, Nisi relinquant uxores et liberos. For they are subject to the secular rights as well as the laity, also from God's creature and order 3) as well as other people of the wives and children, and inheritances to them, capable of inheriting.
  4. the secular estates purchased by the clergy. It is also reasonable, considering that according to the aforementioned imperial rights, the estates follow with their burdens.
  1. The words: "from an authority and", which are added to the preceding in Cyprian and in the old edition of Walch, we have drawn here. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. XV, 1742, likewise there Col. 2162.
  2. This will refer to the 29th article of the complaints handed over at Nuremberg. See St. Louis edition, vol. XV, 2162 f.
  3. Added by us. A gap is indicated for Cyprian.
  1. from awarding new foundation. It remains cheap.
  2. subsidies and investments. This is also done according to the order of divine rights.

10 Not to be consecrated by unlearned priests. This is also reasonable. For a church servant should be learned, as St. Paul writes.

(11) The reconciliation of the desecrated churches cannot be better advised, than that the authorities take appropriate measures and countermeasures, so that such crimes no longer occur. For the authorities bear the sword for this reason. Rom. 13.

The income of new pilgrimage is true, as they themselves write. So that it is certain that God is present in His Word and that the devil must depart, Marc. 5 and Luc. 11.

  1. how they take money from the virgin monasteries, provostries unseemly^. It is thus decreed. For such drudgeries have been much in some countries.
  2. that abbots and abbesses are ordained in vain. Remain with the foregoing, speaking of monks and nuns. For it does not come from Christ. It is also not dependent on faith without means.

15 The complaints of the officials are stopped, and what the officials have done so far, they are ordered to pious priests, as they have reason from the divine word, 1 and 2 Tim. and Titum.

  1. the laymen are not drawn before ecclesiastical courts, as only men know.

Some articles remain cheap in their set order, considered that it is cheap and right.

  1. the reformation of ecclesiastical court is due to the parish priests, for the reasons indicated above.
  1. That the bishops should not be entangled by their capitulars before they come to the regiment. It is also good.

In matters concerning conscience, not to take money for repentance. This is also reasonable. Neither should repentance be imposed, because repentance is never, as Christ himself says: Vade et noli amplius peccare, Joh. 8.

  1. that no one should do new public penance for secret sins. It is reasonable. De occultis non judicat Ecclesia.

21 The spiritual judge's unjust interest in marriage is justly dismissed altogether, in view of the fact that it is a vain avarice.

22 The fact that the ecclesiastics want to bar secular jurisdiction is justified. For initio malum temporis tractu non convalescit

[206]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. W. xvi, 262-265. 207

(23) That ecclesiastical judges tolerate illegitimate cohabitation shall be stopped together with usury.

  1. senders 1) and weekly allowance of craftsmen shall also be turned off.

25 The penalty, called Bannales, is given by St. Paul's saying 1 Cor. 7: Mari- tus' uxori debitum reddat. There is no day exempt.

  1. to prevent unreasonable detentions. This is also fair.
  2. that one should not proceed 6x otUoio. Is also cheap.
  3. that one should not need a foreign advocate in spiritual matters, because it concerns the conscience and belongs to the parish priests.

(29) The sacrament should not be denied to the poor for any reason other than unbelief.

30 The reprimand in Senden should be dismissed, because it has served more for annoyance than for good.

  1. that no one should buy the burial 2c. For it is ever inequitable to do this and other things for the sake of money.
  1. The fact that some clergymen keep a housekeeping business. This is also fair. For St. Paul says: Dei servum non oportet implicitum esse secu- laribus negotiis.

33 That the sick, to the detriment of the heirs, should not be deprived of their wills. This is also reasonable. For such torture and scraping are of no use at all.

  1. that mendicant orders shall be subject to the ordinaries. Yes, they are subject to all authorities, according to this saying Rom. 13.

35 That honest persons be placed in the virgin monasteries. It is right, and especially so, that no nuns be forced to remain there all their lives, as little as the monks, in view of the fact that the monasteries and convents are nothing other than schools of learning and discipline from their first beginning.

The secular estates are concerned that the bishops of the empire are so highly committed to the Roman see. This is also reasonable. For since the archbishops and bishops of the Roman Empire want to be members, and are in part councillors of the Empire, it is also their duty to follow the Roman Emperor's Majesty and not the Roman See, in view of the fact, as has been indicated many times before, that there is no other authority but the temporal one. 2c.

  1. In Cyprian: "Sendthern". Compare St. Louis edition, vol. XV, 2175, article 64.

807 An article concerning the free, Christian and impartial Concilium.

From Kapp's Nachlese, Theil II, p. 688.

The article concerning the free, Christian and impartial concilium should thus be observed until a free, Christian and impartial concilium has faithfully spoken about, decided upon and established how, on the basis and continuance of God's word, the ceremonies may be ordered by God's help, according to the occasion of each principality, dominion and country, and as the common peace and unity of the country may require.

For the reason that a Christian congregation has power and reason to do this, and should also judge and act according to God's word, to bring the infants and children further in their faith, it is considered that the ceremonies are nothing other than child rearing, which one may set up and do according to occasion, person, time and place, according to God's word and approval, as it is considered and found best.

808. article of what is to be abolished except for a free, Christian and impartial concilium.

From Kapp's Nachlese, Theil II, p. 689.

Except for a free, Christian and impartial Concilium.

I. Mendicants and ceremonies.

  1. the things moved to Rome.
  2. let mendicant monks and nuns die off.
  3. clumsy pastors and parish administrators.
  4. to abolish incorporation and absenteeism of pastors, and to place the authorities around pastors 2c.

The priest 2c. public fornication, and whether they are reminded and admonished by divine Scripture to enter into the marital state, even if at times they are well inclined to do so, as it would undoubtedly be better for a priest who does not abstain from women, as well as a layman, to have his wife, and to live honorably, 2) one does not want to tolerate this. But the other, their misconduct, adultery and fornication, is left alone; therefore it is considered necessary and useful that the clergy be left free to marry henceforth, and that those who engage in fornication and fornication over it be allowed to marry.

  1. "will" put by us instead of "because" in the old edition.

[208]{.underline} Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg 2c. No.808f. W. xvi, 265-267. 209

If a man enters into adultery, he will be duly punished by the secular judge, like other seculars.

7 Unruly quarrel on spiritual freedom, that secular judge has to punish for maleficence. This will undoubtedly not be burdensome for the pious clergy, and will urge the wicked to obey.

  1. that the priests are to be arrested in civil duties.
  2. the clergy interest.
  3. the use of hospitals to be communden.

11th Pontifical Conservatores.

  1. exemtores.
  2. ban and to abstain from secular property.
  3. spiritual court.
  4. to pay the tithe of the official.

16th holiday.

  1. food free, sermon free.
  2. ceremonies, concilium.

809: The farewell and resolution of the Imperial Diet at Speier, Aug. 27, 1526, made public.

From Lünig's Imperial Archives, pari. Mn. cout. I., p. 466.

We Ferdinand by the Grace of God, Prince and Jnfant in Hispania, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy 2c., Count of Habsburg, of Flanders and Tyrol 2c., and from the same graces we Philip, Margrave of Baden, Bernhard, Bishop of Trent, Casimir, Margrave of Brandenburg, of Stettin, Pomerania, Duke of the Cassuben and Wenden, Burgrave of Nuremberg and Prince of Rügen, and Erich, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg 2c., of the Most Sublime, Great, Highborn Prince and Lord, Mr. Caroli the Fifth, elected Roman Emperor, our most gracious Lord, decreed and sovereign governors in the Roman Empire, and commissioners decreed to the crazy Imperial Diet here at Speier, publicly confess and declare with this letter: After the above-mentioned Roman imperial majesty has announced and proclaimed a general imperial diet and assembly on St. Michael's Day, in the year 1525, to be held in Augsburg, which day was later, for obvious marital reasons, moved and postponed by us, with the advice and consent of the electors, princes, estates and the holy empire's embassies, which were then in Augsburg, to the first day of May next to Speier. Thereupon

we have appeared in our own person, as appointed imperial governors and commissaries, such as princes, princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, and their embassies in brave numbers. That we therefore, in place of and on account of the most illustrious Roman Imperial Majesty, together with the presently reported Princes, Princes, Prelates, Counts and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire and the same embassies, have written out the points and articles in Her Imperial Majesty's writ, and especially the instructions sent to us by the Commissars, taken them in hand, discussed them with timely and brave counsel, and from them united and compared all of our past counsels and actions, as is written from article to article hereafter.

  1. And firstly, after Imperial Majesty's Instruction expresses and contains in particular that from this Imperial Diet, in matters concerning the holy Christian faith and religion, also concerning the ceremonies and well-established customs of the holy Christian church, no innovation or determination shall be made, and then it is judged and considered that the discord is not the least cause of the previous outrage of the common man, as well as of all the discord that now exists in the German nation: Thus, with timely brave counsel, it is not to be feared that there will be even greater upheaval and indignation between the high and low estates. Accordingly, and so that in such a way a unanimous, uniform understanding in the Christian faith is made, also peace and unity are planted and maintained in the German nation between all the estates, we, also princes, rulers and estates, have no more fruitful, better, more agreeable and more skillful way of proceeding, assessing and deciding on this than through a free general council, or at least a national assembly, which is to be held in a year or a year and a half in German lands at the earliest. So that this may proceed in the most beneficial way, we, the Electors, Princes and Estates, have duly sent a tresfentlicher Botschaft, namely N. N. and N., to Imperial Majesty, with urgent instructions, for the reasons stated therein, to request and entreat Her Imperial Majesty most humbly to take the heavy burden of the German nation, on account of such discord and misunderstanding, graciously to heed and consider it, to dispose of it most beneficially in its own person in the German nation, to have and procure understanding, so that a General Council or at least a National Assembly may be announced in definite form.

210 Cap. 11 Of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 267-270. 211

Time, without, long elevator would like to be made, all further contents of the same Instruction.

  1. And because on such message, in consideration of the distance of the way, opportunity of the landscape, also future winter time, not a small presentation and costs (as we the overriding) belongs: So, a rather common notice to princes, rulers and estates is considered good and made, so that each one shall deliver his due share, between All Saints' Day and the next, to the mayor and council of the city of Speier, as then the same share and place of payment shall be indicated to each one in writings.
  1. And the same sent ones shall, on their return, give us Archduke Ferdinand, governor, and our uncle, lord and friend, the Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz, as archchancellor, their action, and what they encountered, report and notify the others of it.
  1. Accordingly, we, also Princes, Princes and Estates and their embassies, have now unanimously agreed and united at this Imperial Diet, in the meantime of the Concilii, or National Assembly, nevertheless with our subjects, that each of us, in matters in which the edict of the Imperial Majesty was issued at the Imperial Diet held at Worms, may be charged to live, govern and hold himself in such a way as each of us hopes and trusts to answer for against God and the Imperial Majesty.
  2. On the other hand, when in various years frightening, outrageous and unchristian rebellion of the subjects occurred and arose almost in all places of the Upper German nation against the supreme and honorable power, to noticeable Christian bloodshed, devastation and destruction of country and people; For this reason, Her Imperial Majesty, in her instruction issued for this Imperial Diet, has expressly wished and commanded to have serious understanding, so that in the future such rebellion and outrage of the subjects may be prevented and occur. Because we now owe our obedience to Her Imperial Majesty in this matter! We have pledged and promised each other to her Imperial Majesty for submissive obedience and favor, also to the German nation, to the same subjects, and to the common good, that each of us shall and will keep and maintain the land peace established beforehand by the Emperor and the Holy Roman Empire at Worms with good honor and loyalty, so that neither may wage war against the other, rob the other, see the other, invade the other, besiege the other,

Neither shall any man take, descend, burn or otherwise damage another's towns, castles and villages, nor shall any man by force or deed spoil, deprive or force another's property, either by himself or by anyone else; In addition, no one shall dangerously contain or push away the other's enemy and damaging party, nor show help, advice and assistance in any way; but whoever has to speak to the other shall do so with due rights, all other contents, even with penalty and punishment of the affected land peace.

  1. And although the common man and subjects in past rebellion have hardly forgotten themselves, and acted rudely against their authorities: However, in order that they may feel the grace and mercy of their superiors and mediators, more than their unreasonable 1) deed and action, every authority shall have power and authority to restore their subjects, who have gone into grace and disgrace and have been punished, to the former state of their honors, according to opportunity and their pleasure, to qualify them and make them competent, to have council and court, to give advice and to hold office, to hear them and others graciously at any time in their concerns and complaints, and to give gracious and beneficial decisions according to the form of the matter. They also by themselves, their bailiffs, mayors and other servants not unreasonably complain, but who may suffer right to remain.
  2. If some of the subjects of their sovereignty have insulted or damaged someone, and for this reason they do not wish to be relieved of the obligation to pay compensation and support, then they shall reimburse the damaged party for the damage inflicted, according to the assessment of their ordinary authority under which they sat, or at the Imperial Court of Appeal, and what is thus mitigated by their sovereignty, as now reported, it shall remain so, and the damaged party shall therefore continue to leave the other damaging party unchallenged, whether with or without right, in some manner. If one party believes to be adversely affected by a decision or judgment rendered before the ordinary judge, he shall be free to use his appeal in the ordinary way, even up to the Court of Appeal (Kammergericht) inclusive. 2) And hereby the contracts shall be subject to the same legal provisions. And herewith the contracts and decrees which the weaker judge has made shall be
  1. "unreasonable" put by us to give sense. Compare § 8.
  2. "unbenommen" put by us instead of: taken over.

212 Sect. 1. of the Imperial Diet at Augsb. 2c. No.809. W. xvi, 270-272. 213

bische Bund made in Bavarian indignation, nothing withdrawn or broken off.

(8) Every authority shall, on the occasion of every trial, show itself towards those who have left the peasant revolt, so that the subjects may feel and find more mercy and kindness than severity and disfavor, as much as they always want to suffer. However, without special public cause and movement, which are in the concern and power of all authorities, those who have been the instigators, winders, and main supporters of such riots, or special promoters, are not to be accepted for any pardons, nor are they to be housed, harbored, or pushed away by anyone, but rather, if they enter, they are to be dealt with and punished seriously according to their experience, as is appropriate. In addition, the subjects shall behave obediently, faithfully, peacefully, and as they are obliged to do, and they shall be instructed in their duty and oath, and they shall not give cause for their own destruction and harm.

  1. Thereupon we, together with princes, princes, prelates, counts and estates of imperial majesty, have united in submissive obedience and have agreed, where over the above-mentioned shown mercy and gentleness of some superiority subjects, ecclesiastical or secular status, If, after the above-mentioned clemency shown by some subjects of ecclesiastical or secular status, they gather together, again arouse rebellion and insurrection, then the abutting electors, princes, counts and other authorities, in which the rebellion has arisen, shall request, from time and place, also to the most urgent on horseback and on foot, to come to the rescue and help. And if the same help, so requested, would be too weak for the riot that has arisen, then the other next-sitting princes, lords and estates shall, upon request, as above, in the same way, as strongly as they can, also go to silence the disobedient rioters again, to bring them into obedience, and to punish them for the offence, and in this we shall all show ourselves to be no different from one another and hold ourselves to be no different than if such rebellion and insurrection had occurred and happened in each of our own principalities, dominions and territories, and to the extent that each would have liked to have done and to have taken from the other.

(10) In order that there may be no confusion or misunderstanding between the helper and the one who has been helped, the help of the princes, prelates, counts or estates required for the rescue and help of the other shall be given to the sovereignty of the principality, dominion or territory.

If the riot has arisen, the ruler shall provide the strongest assistance possible, on horseback and on foot, and, if necessary, at his own expense and damage, for one month against the disobedient subjects; however, in such a month, the arrival and departure shall be counted. If, however, such assistance would extend over a month and be delayed, then the one to whom the assistance would have been rendered shall unite and settle with the helper for the assistance he will do and render over the month. In addition, the helper, against whom he has helped, is to keep and show himself so leidlich, friendly and neighborly such help half, as he then from others in the same case gladly had and would have done.

  1. And after consideration and deliberation at this present Imperial Diet, as in many places the ecclesiastics or seculars are in danger of their life and limb, and their interest, rent, validity and tithes are held against them, and they are prevented from entering and lending, and no one is to be spoliated and deprived of his own against the law: Every authority, ecclesiastical or secular, shall faithfully defend, protect and shield its subjects, ecclesiastical or secular, from violence and injustice, according to their own content and by virtue of the order established by the peace of the land or the Holy Roman Empire, so that peace, unity and equality may be maintained between ecclesiastics and seculars, and neither ecclesiastics nor seculars may have cause to complain of improper administration or appointment. They shall also otherwise behave in a friendly and skilful manner towards each other, as is fitting for each class.
  2. Furthermore, as the royal dignity of Hungary, an urgent message has been prepared here for this Imperial Diet, which, on the basis of the credence handed over to us, opens up and makes known to us how the enemy of the Christian name and faith, the Turk, with great power, on horseback and on foot, in his own person, is approaching to invade the Kingdom of Hungary and to bring it under his cruel power, with the highest request and demand as a Christian king, was about to invade the Kingdom of Hungary and bring it under his cruel power, with the highest request and entreaty not to abandon their love and royal dignity, as a Christian king, in such extreme distress, with hasty, brave, comforting help, and especially as granted above. And after we have received certain and more difficult news and reports from the Crown of Hungary and elsewhere in Speier, that everything, as mentioned above, is somewhat difficult, and in particular that the Turk has more violently attacked the fortifications of Peterwardin and other castles.

214 Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 272-275. 215

The Turkish army has conquered the German land, and no longer has any necessary fortification in front of it, but has an even approach to the furnace and the German nation, so that no other resistance, consolation, help, or anything else can be provided, except a battle in the field, and that therefore all welfare and misfortune are in God's hands and on the happiness of the latter: We, together with the princes, lords and estates, have considered the great power and authority of the Turk; even if he (since God is the Almighty for him) should prevail in such a battle, retain the victory, and conquer Hungary, that he would then soon (after he had thereby increased his power and authority somewhat) move on to the German nation, and after that it would be difficult to resist him. Therefore, not only for the protection and protection of our own lands and people, but also in a Christian and fair manner, we have considered and considered it necessary not to leave the crown and the kingdom of Hungary, as a Christian kingdom, at this time with help, and for this reason, for the urgent help of the Crown of Hungary, the two-fourths of the twenty thousand on foot, which at the recently held Imperial Diet in Worms were given to the Roman Emperor's Majesty for her campaign in Rome, and which were given to the Crown of Hungary at the Imperial Diet in 1523. Now, again, it has been promised and granted for six months. And thereupon, because the trade may not suffer any delay, but requires great haste, captains have been placed here who are to accept such servants and lead and use them down into Hungary against the Turks. For the reasons now mentioned and such haste, the above-mentioned two-fourths have also been paid in one money, which money, according to the tender, is due to each state in the Holy Roman Empire in such two-fourths six months, half of which is to be paid on St. Michael's Day. Half of it is to be paid on St. Michael's Day and the other half is to be paid on St. Martin's Day next thereafter to the mayors and councillors of Augsburg, Nuremberg, Frankfurt and Strasbourg, whichever city is most convenient for each estate. And 15 batz, 60 kreuzer, 21 Meissen groschen and 26 albus shall be paid for the florin, which shall receive the same, and for these hereafter named, by reason of electors, ecclesiastical and secular princes, prelates, counts and estates, Counts and Estates, namely Philipsen von Gundheim, Ulrich Schellenberg, Knight, Bastian Schilling, Knight, and Christoffel Plarer, all four of the Imperial Regiment Councillors, or who would be appointed in place of the Regiments-Councillors, the

we have specially decreed to receive such money, and nowhere else but for the maintenance of such two quarters on foot, to go out for six months, to hand and to answer. They shall also render their due account thereof to princes, sovereigns and estates. The Imperial Majesty's Fiscal has issued a serious order that anyone who is found to be in default for the purposes indicated and who does not pay his due share is to proceed against them in the proper manner.

  1. We, the governors and commissars, princes, princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, have also united and decided, as our letter also states, if such an addition of the two fourths reported above does not proceed this summer, or if such people are attracted and demanded again before the end of the six months, that each estate, according to a good, modest account, shall again receive its fee without hindrance or entry; As we, also the princes, princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, have bound the above-mentioned four appointed collectors especially in their duty to keep such money with them in this case and not to turn it back or use it at anyone's request or commandment until a future Imperial Diet; Then, according to good account, the number of each estate shall certainly be given again by the princes, princes, prelates, counts and estates of the realm appearing there, and no one shall make any demand on anyone else for the sake of his investment, except on us governors and commissars, as well as on princes, princes, prelates, counts and estates of the realm altogether. As we have all agreed and promised herewith, if the mayors and councillors of the above-mentioned cities of Augsburg, Nuremberg, Strasbourg and Frankfurt are approached and challenged by anyone on account of the aforementioned ordered receipt of such money, legally and physically, or otherwise suffer or incur any damage on account of this, we shall represent them in this matter, answer for it, and hold them harmless without any risk.

14 And so that such urgent help may be the more fruitfully applied and rendered, we have made the well-born Georgen, Count of Wertheim, Philippsen von Feilitsch, Knight, and Veit Arenbergers, with instruction, credence, and several articles, to the royal dignity of Hungary, to confer and compare with their beloved and royal dignities in form and measure, how such servants may be of most use and benefit.

216 Sect. 1. of the Imperial Diet at Augsb. 2c. No. 809. W. xvi, 275-277. 217

The same decrees shall be used most fruitfully, as this was also discussed at the above-mentioned Imperial Diet at Nuremberg, and so acted, that the same decrees, what they hear and hear, and what will arise for them to answer, about how it is happening everywhere with the Turk's actions and actions, and also the resistance of the Hungarians, shall inform us, Archduke Ferdinand, governor 2c., as the warlord appointed for these matters, to inform our lord and friend, the Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz, Elector 2c., as the Archchancellor, and to report this to others.

  1. It has also been especially unanimously decided and considered good where the affairs of this war exercise of the Crown of Hungary against the Turk would be such that they would not have to use such help of the two fourths, as where the Turk (since God Almighty is for) conquers the Kingdom of Hungary, or obtains a treaty of his liking, or turns from Hungary to the House of Austria or other adjacent principalities with his people of war, that then such aid should be used to the House of Austria or other adjacent principalities where it is most necessary.
  2. Since the resolution of the recently held Imperial Diet at Nuremberg contains, among other things, that we, the governor together with the appointed regiment, should give consideration, and think of ways and means, how and to what extent a constant and persistent maintenance of the regiment and the Court of Appeal might be invented; For this reason, at the present Imperial Diet, we submitted a number of points and articles in writings, of which we, together with the Electors, Princes and Estates, have now considered and discussed most diligently and faithfully, which of the proposed ways and means would be least burdensome and most beneficial to all Estates of the Empire. For excellent reasons, however, we have not been able or willing to finally decide on any of these points, but rather have directed and placed them in the orderly regiment for further consideration and advice.

In order that the established Regiment and Court of Appeal may continue to exist in essence, and that the Holy Empire of the German Nation may remain in law, peace, and unity, the Princes, Princes, and Estates, as well as their skilled embassies, have granted and promised that the Regiment and Court of Appeal will continue from Pentecost onwards, at a different time from the two years previously granted at Nuremberg, until the next future St. Michael's Day in the year 1527,

which together shall bear six and a half quarters of a year, in the form and measure granted at the recent Imperial Diet at Nuremberg, namely half of it, and the other half of it by the Emperor's Majesty. And the payment shall be made to two ends, namely in the two Frankfurt fairs. And the first goal of such payment shall take place at the next Frankfurt Lenten Fair in the year 1527, and shall be immediately and irresistibly placed and paid behind the mayor and council of the cities of Augsburg, Frankfurt, Nuremberg, or Speier, which money shall be delivered and handed over to the collectors who have been specially ordered to do so; the same collectors shall also do a thorough and fair accounting of it at the end of the six and a half quarter year.

The order in which the six Electors and twelve Princes sit, in their own persons and through their councillors, every quarter, shall also be observed. And namely, after in the Nuremberg parting in the order, Count Palatine Ludwigen, Elector, the Bishop of Bamberg, and Duke Georgen of Saxony are to sit, now on Michaelmas, next coming, the Bishop of Bamberg, as the spiritual prince, shall sit in his own person, and Palatinate and Saxony shall send their councils.

The other quarter of the year, which is due to the Archbishop of Treves, the Bishop of Wuerzburg, and Duke Wilhelm in Upper and Lower Bavaria, Duke Wilhelm, as the secular prince, shall sit, and Treves and Wuerzburg shall send their advisors.

The third quarter of the year in which Duke Hans of Saxony, Elector and Bishop of Speier, and Margrave Casimir of Brandenburg sit, the Elector of Saxony shall sit in his own person, and Speier and Brandenburg shall send their councils.

The fourth and last quarter of the year in which the Archbishop of Cologne, Bishop of Strasbourg, and Duke Heinrich of Mechelburg sit, the Bishop of Strasbourg, as the spiritual prince, shall sit in his own person, and Cologne and Mechelburg shall send their councils.

22 However, the prelates have been granted, at their diligent request, that they may appoint a persistent, skilful person to be in charge of the regiment for all their sakes. And governors and regiment shall have power and authority to act in all form and measure, by virtue of the regimental order, established at the Imperial Diet held at Worms, and subsequently amended at the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg in the year 1524, so that the same amendment shall be observed by them.

218 Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 277-280. 219

(23) And we, together with the princes, princes and estates, have changed the regiment and the court of review here to Speier for movable reasons, and thereupon have given the administrators of both regiment and court of review chambers, through our uncle, lord and friend, the Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz, as the Archchancellor, orders to dispose of the chancery acts and actions, together with the persons belonging to them, to Speier in the most beneficial way, so that they will be here at Speier before St. Michael's Day. The Archchancellor has been ordered to dispose of the chancery acts and actions together with the persons belonging to them in Speier in the most favorable manner, so that they will be here in Speier before St. Michael's Day, so that all matters and actions will be carried out as they should be.

24th And after all kinds of infirmities and deficiencies were found in the imperial regiment and chamber court, so that the necessity requires to do them reformation, and to give good order, and such may not happen now shortly half of the time: so we have united and agreed that we, Archduke Ferdinand, in place of and on behalf of imperial majesty, our hosts, lords and friends, Mr. Albrecht, Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz 2c, Mr. Ludwig, Count Palatine on the Rhine, Duke in Bavaria 2c., both Electors, each of us a Councillor; our hosts and friends, Mr. Georg, Bishop of Speier, and Mr. Hans, Duke in Bavaria, cousins, both Counts Palatine 2c., our friend, Mr. Wilhelm, Bishop of Strasbourg, Landgrave in Alsace, and Philipp, Margrave of Baden 2c., also each decree a council for such visitation and reformation, all of which will take place on St. Michael's Day. They shall all appear on St. Michael's Day at Speier, or wherever there will be persons at the time of the regiment or chamber court, and shall have complete authority and command from us, the imperial governor and commissaries, as well as from princes, princes and estates, which we also give them here with this farewell, both to visit the regiment and the chamber court with the utmost diligence of necessity, and to reform it most diligently and best, in persons and other defects and infirmities most faithfully, to put it in good useful order, as befits it.

Item 25: When at the Diet of 1523. The above-mentioned two-fourths of the twenty thousand men were granted firstly to the Crown of Hungary to help against the Turks, and at that time many of the princes, princes, prelates, counts and estates complained about the excessive and unequal support, and counts and estates complained about the excessive and unequal attacks, and did not consent to the same aid of the two fourths in any other way than that the remaining part of the twenty thousand on foot, also four thousand on horseback, which will be sent hereafter, should not be used.

shall not grant any new facility or give anything for this purpose, unless such proposals had previously been reduced according to each estate's opportunity and fortune 2c.; and because of the present further granted maintenance of the regiment and chamber court, some electors, princes and the counts in the Wetterau, in Swabia, Franconia, the Harz and Thuringia and other estates have again suggested 2c., that we, together with the Princes, Princes and Estates, hereby renew and pledge to them the pledge previously made at the above-mentioned and the last Imperial Diet in Nuremberg.

Item 26: After the monopolies and large companies have committed a selfish, unpleasant act, which is forbidden in common imperial laws with high penalties and punishments, the imperial fiscal shall proceed and act seriously against them, as is due in law, so that such is stopped and the common benefit is promoted.

27 As we, the governors and the regiment, have already established a coinage order in the Holy Roman Empire due to the passing of the Imperial Diet in 1523, but it has not yet been put into use and enforced, we, the princes, princes and estates of the Empire, want and believe that the same coinage order should be inspected again by the regimental councils and finally enforced.

  1. Item: When at the beginning of the Imperial Diet some princes, prelates and other estates made a mistake in the session, which was somewhat detrimental to the action and affairs of the empire, so that princes, prelates and estates, at our request, kindly made to them by the governor and commissioners on the ninth day of the month of July, kept their sessions convivially and without danger, We, on account of Imperial Majesty, wish that each prince, prelate and estate shall not be prejudiced, harmed or aggrieved in any way by such a session and survey of this Imperial Diet, which is held in a convivial, harmless and orderless manner.

Item 29: When some estates of the Holy Roman Empire went out against the mandate and prohibition at the recent Imperial Diet at Nuremberg not to mint any more coins, the Imperial Fiscal proceeded and acted against these estates ex officio, and such minting occurred in the past peasant uprising due to noticeable emergency circumstances: our of

220 Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg 2c. No. 809. W. xvi,280-283. 221

on account of imperial majesty, also of the princes, princes and estates, the order and opinion that the fiscal shall not proceed any further against such, for the sake of what has happened, but shall desist from his case and drop it.

Item 30: As it has happened at previous imperial diets that the treaties have not been printed and sold in accordance with the original at times, we want no one to print this treaty of this imperial diet unless Andressen Rücker, secretary of the Mainz and imperial authorities, shows the printer the sealed original, and no printing of it is to be believed unless it is collated, extracted, and signed with his hand by Andressen Rücker.

31 Thereupon we Ferdinand, Prince and Commander in Hispania, Archduke in Austria, in Burgundy, 2c.., Imperial Majesty's Governor, and we, the appointed commissioners above mentioned, by virtue of our authority, on account of the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious lord, everything and anything that is written above and may affect Imperial Majesty, steadfastly, firmly, and sincerely, to comply with it and to live it strictly and without refusal, not to do anything contrary to it, not to undertake anything contrary to it, not to act contrary to it, not to let anything go out contrary to it, nor to allow anyone else to do anything contrary to it on our account, but all danger. In witness whereof we Ferdinand, Prince and Archduke, have hereunto set our seal for ourselves and our fellow commissioners.

  1. And we Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts and Lords, also of the Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts and of the Free and Imperial Cities of the Holy Roman Empire, envoys, embassies and rulers, hereafter named, also publicly confess with this farewell that all and each of the above-written points and articles have been made and decided with our good knowledge, will and counsel, also approve the same all together and especially herewith and in force of this letter; We do hereby agree and promise in right, good and true faithfulness, which, as far as each of us is or may be concerned with his sovereignty or friend, by whom he is entrusted or trusted, we shall keep and perform truly, steadfastly, firmly, sincerely and unbreakably, and to the best of our ability comply with and live up to them, without any danger.
  1. And we, the princes, princes, prelates, counts, lords, and the free and imperial cities of the Holy Roman Empire, the embassies and rulers, who are written below, are: By the grace of God, we Albrecht, of the Holy Roman Church.

of the title of St. Peter ad vincula Priest-Card inal, of the Holy See of Mainz and of the Abbey of Magdeburg Archbishop, Administrator of Halberstadt, Margrave of Brandenburg, of Stettin, Pomerania, Duke of the Cassuben and Wenden, Burgrave of Nuremberg and Prince of Rügen. Hermann of Cologne, Archbishop, Duke of Westphalia and Engern. Richhard, Archbishop of Trier, Archchancellor of the Holy Roman Empire in Germania, Gaul and through the Kingdom of Arelat and through Italy. Ludwig, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria 2c., Johann, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia, Margrave of Meissen 2c. On account of Margrave Joachim of Brandenburg 2c., George of Schirn. Archduke of Austria 2c., Georg Truchsess, Baron of Walburg.

Ecclesiastical princes in person: Conrad, Bishop of Würzburg. Heinrich, Coadjutor of Worms. George, Bishop of Speier. Wilhelm, Bishop of Strasbourg. Johann, Coadjutor of Fulda. Messages of the ecclesiastical princes: The Bishop of Salzburg, Wilhelm, Bishop of Strasbourg. The Bishop of Bremen, Ewald von Bambach. The Bishop of Bamberg, Daniel von Rewitz. The Bishop of Eichstädt, Wilhelm von Seckendorf. The Bishop of Augsburg, Conrad Reintz, Doctor. The Bishop of Constance, Johann Faber, Doctor, with the order of the Bishop of Basel. The Bishop of Freisingen, Georg, Bishop of Speier. The elector of Münster, Wilhelm, Count of Mörß. The administrator of Regensburg, Augustin Roß, Doctor. Bishop of Brixen, Leonhard the Disciple, Baron of Ubelfels. The Bishop of Ratzenburg, Johann Michaelis. The German Master, Walther von Kronberg. Secular princes in person: Frederick, Duke in Bavaria 2c. Johann, Duke in Bavaria. Ernst, Duke of Lüneburg. Philips, Landgrave in Hesse. Ernst, Margrave of Baden. George, Duke of Pomerania. George, Landgrave of Leuchtenberg, on account of his father, Wilhelm, Count of Hennenberg. Messages of the secular princes: Duke Wilhelm and Ludewig of Bavaria, Christoph, Baron of SchwarZenburg, and Wolf of Selbolsdorf. Duke Georgen of Saxony, Ott of Pack, Dieterich. Duke Ott Heinrichs and Philipsen of Bavaria, Reinhard von Neumeck, Knight, and Conrad von Rechberg. Duke Louis of Bavaria, Counts of Veldentz, Wendelthür, D. Duke Henry of Brunswick, Ewald of Bambach. Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg, George of Schirn. Duke Hans of Eleve and Jülich, Wilhelm, Lord of Renenberg. Johann Georgen and Johann, Counts of Anhalt, Lorenz Zocht, Doctor.

Prelates personally: Gerwig, Abbot of Wein-

[222]{.underline} Cap. 11: The Imperial Diet of 1525-1529. W. xvi, 2W-28S. 223

garten, on account of his and the subsequently written prelates. Namely Johann's Bastian of Kempten. Rudolf of Friedingen. Conrad of Kreißheim. Josten of Salmansweiler. Jerome of Elchingen. Andreas at Ochsenhausen. Peters at Ursin. Johanns at Rod. James at Mindernau. Johanns at Schussenried. Heinrichs at Markthal. Rüdiger zu Weißenburg, all abbots. The abbot of Rockenburg, Bernhard Besserer, mayor of Ulm. The Abbot of St. Cornelia, Leonhard Stockheimer. The Abbot of St. Heimeran at Regensburg, Augustin Roß, D.; on behalf of the Abbess of Obern- and Niedermünster at Regensburg, Augustin Roß, D. The Abbess of Essen, Ulrich von Thun. The Abbess of Rotenmünster, Conrad Mock, Mayor of Rotweil. On account of the counts and lords in the Wetterau, Swabia, Franconia, Thuringia, Harz and others, Bernhard, Count of Solms, has power. Count Georg zu Werthheim, Ulrich, Count zu Helfenstein. Hoyer, Count of Mansfeld. The free and imperial cities' embassies: Cologne, Arnold Brunnweiler, Arnold von Siegen, and Johann von Freisen, Doctor. Strasbourg, Martin Herlin, and Jakob Sturm. Metz, Gerhard Thammer. Worms, Philips Wolf. Frankfort, with orders of Wetzlar, Haman of Holzhausen, and Berchtold of the Rhine. Bisanz, Johann Libelin. Hagenau, Johann Huß. Colmar, Johann Humel. Goslar, Conrad of Dilligshausen. Mühlhausen, Bastian Roderman. Nordhausen, Jakob Boffman. Dortmünd, N. Mayor. Offenburg, Johann Gostenhoffer, town clerk. Regensburg, Georg Schneider and Johann Heimer. Augsburg, Conrad Herwart. Nuremberg, Christof Kreß, Bernhard Baumgarter, Johann Müller. Constance, N. Geißberg. Ulm, Bernhard Besserer. Reutlingen, Paulus Klein. Nördlingen, Jakob Weidman, Johann Rottinger. Rothenburg an der Tauber, Conrad Eberhard, Bonifacius Wormbser, called Böhem. Schwäbischen-Hall, Herman Büschler, Michael Schütz. Rotweil, Conrad Mock. Ueberlingen, Johann N. Hailbrunn, Caspar Herlin. Memmingen, Eberhard Zangmeifter. Schweinfurt, Andreas Glückeisen. Wimpfen, Johann Fisch. Gemünd, Giengen, Älen has violence Bernhard Besserer. Schlettstadt, Weißenburg, Landau, Obern-Ehenheim, Kaisersberg, Müyster in St. Gregorienthal, Roßheim, Türkenheim has power Johann Humer. Dinkelsbühl, Windsheim, Weißenburg in the North Gau, has Bernhard Baumgarter command.

In witness whereof we Albrecht, Archbishop of Mainz and Elector 2c., Ludwig, Count Palatine of the Rhine 2c., Elector, on account of us and our fellow Electors, and we Georg, Bishop of Speier 2c., Johann, Count Palatine of the Rhine 2c., of

Gerwig, Abbot of Weingarten, for our sake and for the sake of the prelates. We Bernhard, Count of Solms, for our sake and for the sake of the counts and lords. And we, the mayor and council of the city of Speier, on behalf of ourselves and the free and imperial cities, have affixed our seal to this farewell. Given and done in the holy imperial city of Speier, on the seventh and twentieth day of August, after the birth of Christ in the fifteen hundred and six and twentieth year.

810 Aurifaber's report from this Imperial Diet.

This document is found in the Eisleben Collection, vol. I, p. 278; in the Altenburger, vol. Ill, p. 657 and in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 533.

In this year, an Imperial Diet was held at Speier in the month of June, to which John, Elector of Saxony, and Landgrave Philip of Hesse also arrived, along with many other princes, where, for the sake of religion, it was again decided that the Lutherans should rejoin the Papal Church and not undertake any innovation, and that they should behave according to the Edict of Worms, issued in 1521. Since the estates were divided and divided in this action, and the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse wanted to break away from the Imperial Diet and go home, the matter was directed by King Ferdinand and the Bishop of Trier, Elector, that a Christian, free concilium should be held in the German country within a year, in which these religious disputes would be settled and resolved, and in the meantime everyone should behave quietly and peacefully.

811. news of the Turkish battle that took place on Aug. 29, 1526 and other news, written from Nuremberg on Sept. 22, 1).

Äus Kapp's Nachlese, Theil II, p. 696.

From the Battle of the Turks in Hungary in 1526, on the 29th day of the month of August, on the day St. John Enthaup

tung, from Nuremberg Saturday the 22nd of September.

1st Willing service, honorable and highly respected, especially dear lord and friend. You have undoubtedly heard of the extent to which the King of Hungary, on August 29, a few miles from Fünfkirchen, lay prostrate against the Turks, from

  1. In Walch's old edition: "den 12. Sept.", but, as below, it reads September 22, which was a Saturday.

[224]{.underline} Sect. 1. of the Imperial Diet at Augsb. 2c. No. 811f. W. xvi, 28S-288. 225

The king, who was betrayed by his own, lost the battle and received considerable damage, for which reason only the men fled from Ofen and the queen fled to Bratislava; it is written of three bishops and great lords who perished. I have not yet heard any news of the king that he is alive, although they sang Te Deum laudarnus at Prague, but he is said to have drowned in flight.

They are not yet in short supply in Milan, nor are they afraid that the Venetians will lie in front of it and do nothing, although they have lost a valiant summa of people in several storms and skirmishes before Cremona.

The alliance also undertakes to besiege Genoa with a powerful armada, but hopes that they will not succeed.

The emperor is sending a large armada from Rome, which, if they arrive happily with divine grace, would change a lot of things. He has also made on Genoa and the Low Countries by bill of exchange over four times a hundred thousand ducats; but the payment is consumed by evil practica.

5 Verhosse, Lord George of Fronsberg shall recently lead ten thousand good servants into Lombardy to relieve Milan.

The king of France has the dog hanged, and the emperor and the pope are sending themselves against each other as if one wanted and had to make himself master of the other, although I have no doubt and trust God well that the emperor will intervene. One hears that the Turk has further plans.

Inserted note eodeni the.

Dato letters have also come that the Turk has taken the county of Cilli, under the Archduke's jurisdiction, the city of Ofen, burned out the plague. The Archduke and Duke Wilhelm together with Duke Ludwigen have been with each other not far from Kopfenstein; the princes of Bavaria have described their countryside to Ingolstadt.

812 Emperor Carl V wrote to the princes of the German Empire about the true cause of the Hungarian defeat, blaming King Francis of France. Dated 29 Nov. 1526.

From Goldasts oo "8t. iMp., tom. I.

Translated from the Latin by Joh. Frick.

Carl von GOttes Gnaden, gewählter römischer Kaiser, zu allen Zeiten > Mehrer 2c., den hochwürdigsten und Hochgebornen Fürsten, des heiligen > römischen Reichs Churfürsten 2c.

Most reverend in Christ Father, venerable, highborn princes, beloved friends and homes. What we have hitherto done for the welfare, peace and tranquillity of the common people is, we believe, so well known that our reputation and honor cannot be harmed in the least by the malice of any man. We have been careful at all times not to prove our actions with made-up and false words, as most do, but with the deed itself, not before individuals and those who lack right understanding, but before the great God who tests hearts, and before all of Christendom.

  1. We do not wish to mention older histories here, but precisely because we wholeheartedly desire and wish to provide for the common good and especially for the tranquility of the German Empire, we have acted against the King of France, whom, as everyone knows, we had every right to hold captive with us, After we had received him with all love and grace in our Spanish lands, and after he had been held in great honor by our subjects, he had been so kind that, if he had not spoiled his own luck, it would easily have seemed as if he had not only not been defeated in the encounter at Pavia, but had even been the conqueror. Although he was our enemy, we nevertheless married our beloved eldest sister, who was so close to us in the successes of important kingdoms, to him, so that he might become our friend and brother-in-law from an enemy. Everyone considered him a destroyer of Christianity, and we wanted to bring the glory of general welfare upon him. He took much from our ancestors in the Kingdom of Spain and the Duchy of Burgundy by force and kept it against all justice and equity; nevertheless, we conceded our rights to him in this and only asked him for what we could not pass without hurting our honor and dignity and without the constant reluctance of our subjects, namely, what he himself had to give us back, even without our seeking (if he otherwise wanted to rightly claim the name of the most Christian). This king, who was pardoned with so many benefits, we have brought back from captivity in
  1. Maybe: Succession?

226 Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 288-290. 227

He reinstated his royal honors and, despite the advice of many who thought he was not to be trusted, allowed him to go to France, preferring to put his loyalty to the test and to forgive our rights than to let ourselves be blamed for any misfortune that might befall Christendom. Let us be blamed.

  1. And while we, after the internal unrest had been settled, were getting ready for the journey to Italy, as had been agreed among us, and in the hope that he would keep his word just as we keep ours, turn our weapons against the constant arch-enemies of our religion with united forces, as through both of which the kingdom of Hungary could have been protected and the enemies removed from the country, he, on the other hand, is arming himself against us for a bloody war, and attacks, After he has entered into an offensive alliance with the Roman pope and several other potentates in Italy and divided our Neapolitan kingdom among them, so that one of them, with empty assurances that he will keep what he has promised us, is preparing to defend Hungary, while the other is friendly to us, Hungary, only that they might invade us unawares, with these aliirs of his, hostile to our lands and those of the Holy Roman Empire, putting out of sight both our love and affection, and the good of Christendom and the honor of our religion.

But as they did not succeed in their enterprise as they wished out of the just judgment of God, it was not enough for the French king to attack us by force, but he also throws blasphemies around and has them printed with royal privilege and scattered everywhere, without concern that he might invalidate his own words by his actions and deeds contrary to them. And therefore we (although this responsibility or rather scandalous writing, which was printed in the past in both Latin and French with a royal decree in Paris, was answered without our knowledge) did not want at all, but rather expressly forbade, that something of the sort should be published in our kingdoms and countries, and it was considered far better to win him over by virtue than by counterinsult, living in the hope that our gentleness and modesty would subdue and tame his will to anger.

5 Now that a copy of the letter written by the king himself to you and to the rest of the estates of the Holy Roman Empire has been sent to him for the preservation of the free

If you have allowed to reach us the letter of the Holy See, which was delivered to us on the occasion of the arrival and departure of the nuncios to be dispatched in the name of the Empire, not in copy, but printed in Paris, and if we perceive that the King of France therein is expressly acting upon us and our imperial dignity and honor in an indisputable manner, we are obliged to reveal the truth to everyone and to give an account of our actions, even if we would much rather act in these confused and dangerous times than in our own private matter, Although in these confused and dangerous times we would much rather act on the common and private matter, we are nevertheless obliged, whether we want to or not, to reveal the truth to everyone and to give an account of our actions, so that it does not appear as if, through our excessive silence, we accept such false invectives and blasphemous speeches as known.

  1. Accordingly, we are sending you the aforementioned responsibility or rather invective, together with an enclosed rebuttal of the same issued in our defense, so that you may the more thoroughly and extensively recognize by what right and in what manner the French king can excuse his broken loyalty and oath; How he wants to be regarded as a peace-loving gentleman, and boasts as if he had offered us cheap peace proposals, although he did not keep a treaty, but against the voluntarily given and accepted loyalty forged an offensive alliance, of which we also send a copy, against us and made a hostile incursion into our lands. How inclined is he to Christianity, the ornament of our religion and the honor of the Christian name, that, hearing that the cruel tyrant, the Turk, is invading Hungary with a large number of soldiers and instruments of war, he makes war on us and compels us to defend our Hungary. power within our borders for the protection of our subjects! Hence it came about that the arch-enemy, to the greatest dishonor of the Christian name, was granted his wish, and this strong rampart of our religion was brought under his impious command, the illustrious king murdered, the Christians driven from their homes, so many temples defiled, and so much innocent blood shed, that we cannot tell it without the utmost sorrow of heart. And since he has given rise to this and all other mischief and misfortune of the common people, he now pretends to have felt this evil, just as if he would have given more credence to his words than to his deeds and the testimony of all those who saw them with their eyes. But we think that he wrote this with the intention of shutting them up,

228 Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg, 2c. No. 812. W. xvi, 290-293. 229

who caught his breeze and did not let himself be averted from claiming that the Turks had attacked Hungary so fiercely through his help and incitement. However, let us pass by the words of others with silence, and rather come to the letters of the king himself, written with such a false and distorted sentiment.

If he was concerned that the Christian religion would be endangered; if he wished the Republic well; if he cursed the weapons that would be taken against the enemies of our religion, the power that would be put into the field against them; if he condemned the attacks that were made for their extermination, but were carried out on ourselves, and that a Christian would shed Christian blood: why did he himself arouse new war unrest and thus put the Republic in danger? Why did he deprive them of their peace and tranquility? Why did he invade our lands by force and shed Christian blood as soon as he began his government? Why, by his cunning plots and undertakings against the common welfare, did he force us to withdraw our power and the plots we had made several times against the common enemies of our religion for the protection of our subjects? Why does he prefer to be unhappy with the shedding of much Christian blood, despite the divine justice that supports our righteous cause, than to see the glorification of Christ and his own honor?

  1. this, although it is known to men, he has no hesitation, without considering whether he is spreading truth or lies, to lay all the blame on us by pretending that we seek to conquer a small piece of land with much blood. Certainly, we were satisfied with a small piece of land for the liberation of such a great king, and would not even have demanded this, if our right to it, as can be clearly seen from the answer to the French apology, were not known to all, and the disregard of it could not be interpreted both for a piece of Christianity, or for a generosity, but rather for a carelessness and sleepiness. And the king, both in the covenant made and outside of it, with express words that he had heard from his mouth and confirmed with a sacred oath, gave the assurance that he would restore this duchy to us, even afterward, when he was released from captivity and came to his kingdom, verbally and through his own words.

In his letters written to us, the German government indicated that it intended to keep and fulfill all the covenants contained in the alliance; finally, however, it changed its mind and no longer wanted to consider restitution: We have not been able to decide to take revenge for the broken covenant, to invade his lands and to offend the common peace by new hostilities, but have urged his hardened heart, partly in writing and partly orally through our nuncios, that he should keep his promise and, if not for the honor of the commonwealth, at least for his own honor. But because he prefers to see the whole of Christendom plunged into obvious danger and to forget all about his given loyalty and sworn oath, the misfortune he himself cites has affected us. In the meantime, he is not afraid to say how wrong he would have protested to us to accept the Christian peace, and in doing so, he uses the very words that we have often reproached him with, that he should not break the oath and the loyalty.

  1. That time is wasted through various delays, that the fields of the Christians are devastated, cities destroyed, fires and murders committed, the borders of the enemies extended and their power increased daily, is owed by Christendom to none other than King Francisco, who, dwelling in the midst of Christendom, boasts and brags that he is far removed from this fire of war and from the imminent danger to Christendom; Who confuses everything, lets no one live in peace, forces the peoples to be sent against the Turk to lead against him, stops the envoys sent for the good of the common people in his empire, and counts among his victories that the Turk has thus overrun our brother-in-law's empire, enjoying himself with it, that he is called the most Christian by his own, and regrets our brother-in-law's misfortune, who sacrificed his life for the faith, for the fatherland and for the honor of God Christ and attained a better one, leaving the fame of a pious, brave and magnanimous prince to posterity. For all sensible people must consider this not a misfortune but a good fortune. But how much more unfortunate the king is in France, he may see for himself. At least we would rather exchange our fortune with the king in Hungary than with the Frenchman, even if he often and impertinently lashes out that he wants to try everything so that the peace of Christendom could be preserved. If he seeks this, who will challenge him to a quarrel? Who will invade his lands?

[230]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1535-1529. w. xvi, 293-295. 231

Who wants to get involved with him? Who wanted to stir the dung? If he wishes to see again his sons, whom he gave us as a scourge, why does he not keep the contracts made? If he promised something which it is not possible for him to keep, why does he not return to captivity as he promised? Indeed, he will learn that we are concerned about the common welfare and his honor at the same time. But if he wants to continue the war, should we put our honor at the back of our minds and allow such a great enemy to senselessly attack the army entrusted to us? This reminder, this protestation, which he wants to make to us, is most suitable for him. However, we must almost be ashamed of ourselves that we answer this empty and saber-like chatter so expansively.

(10) If he is far from danger, if he enjoys the most pleasant peace and tranquility within the borders of his kingdom, we never begrudge him this happiness, but rather congratulate him on it from the bottom of our hearts; indeed, we would congratulate him even more if, enjoying tranquility, he also allowed his neighbors to live in peace, and would neither start so many wars, nor endeavor to confuse everything by secret connections. All this, although it cannot be unknown to anyone and therefore needs no testimony, we have nevertheless wanted to report to you, so that no one would think that one must believe such gossip, and so that so many bad words would not offend our still unsullied honor in the least; and finally also so that you know that it was only due to the king in France that we were not able to complete the journey we had begun, of which we had thought something to you in the previous days.

However, with the help of God, we hope to arrange our affairs in such a way that, if he is already against us, but his intention has been frustrated, we will satisfy our desire to make ourselves well deserving of the commonwealth and our zeal for the purity and propagation of our religion. For in the end, on the twentieth day of the next coming month of January, we want to hold a general assembly in this Castilian kingdom of ours, namely in our city of Valladolid, to which we are now departing, where help is to be sent quickly to Germany, so that we are not only able to defend it, but also to weaken the enemy's undertakings and bring them away from the Christians again. For the Spaniards have thereby been led into such a movement of mind.

They have already begun to risk all their strength and fortune, even their own blood, and encourage us to this campaign, for which we have sacrificed (if it will be good) not only all our kingdoms and dominions, but also our person, blood, even our soul to Christ, the great God.

If, in the meantime, by divine inspiration, the King of France should change his mind and make peace with us, we will not only strive to sincerely promote his benefit, honor and reputation in all respects, and to forgive him gladly and willingly for the wrong done to us, but we will also be prepared to make amends to him for our rights, so that, after the disputes have been settled, we may, with united forces, defeat our enemies, drive them from their homes, or even, according to God's will, bring them more easily into Christ's sheepfold.

By the way, we, our beloved friends and foes, consider the harmful intrigues of the French to be hidden from you, as it is their own business to constantly think about how they can cause trouble. It is only for you to believe their words so that they realize that you, as great princes, care nothing for them. Given in our city of Granada, November 29, in the year of our Lord 1526, the eighth year of our Roman Empire.

813: Farewell to the Diet of Esslingen, established in 1526. Given in Esslingen, December 21, 1526.

From Lünig's Imperial Archives, pari. Zen. eont. I, x. 468.

By the Grace of God, we Philip, Margrave of Baden, Imperial Governor, and the decreed councillors of the Imperial Regiment in the Holy Empire; also we the Electors, and twelve ecclesiastical and secular princes, appointed in the Imperial Regimental Order, established at Worms; and of the same embassies, named at the end of this farewell, do hereby publicly confess, as is provided in the now touched Imperial Regimental Order by a special article: if it should come to pass that any remarkable things should occur concerning the Holy Empire, that then an imperial governor together with the regimental councils of the Roman imperial majesty, our most gracious lord, should proclaim this and nevertheless let it reach the six electors as well as the twelve ecclesiastical and secular princes appointed in the said order, who then

232 Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg 2c. No. 813. W. xvi, 295-298. 233

They shall appear at the reported regiment and act and decide according to their best reputation together with the governor and the regiment for the benefit and the best of the imperial majesty and the empire. And if the matters would be public, which would not suffer any delay, they shall proceed in the matters and comply with what is decided by several parts; or, if the size of the matter requires it, summon other princes and estates of the empire to them, and that the same princes and estates shall also appear obediently thereupon, and thus do and act with diligence and faithfulness, as they are related to and owe to the imperial majesty and the holy empire; as then this article actually contains. Accordingly, when we, the above-mentioned governors and regimental councils, consider the swift and serious rage with which the hereditary enemy of the Christian faith and name, the Turk, recently attacked and invaded the Christian kingdom of Hungary last summer, we can only conclude that it is not a matter of doubt that the kingdom of Hungary has been attacked and invaded, The royal dignity there, of blessed memory, together with its land and people of war, was forced to rescue it, and a battle with great defeat and cruel bloodshed of the Christians, the Oerter, and even the said king himself, was victoriously accomplished. Then the capital of Hungary, called Ofen, together with the town of Pest, conquered along with other towns and villages, plundered and burned after miserable murder and slaughter of the inhabitants, devastated, with the dragging away of the Christian people, a large number of goods and livestock and other plunder, which cannot be compared to a small treasure: Considering the noticeable damage, and that such a victory of the Turk, as an instrument and advantage for such further penetration and ravages in Christendom, will incite him to more poverty, iniquity, and treachery, and that his final intention and plot will be to persistently persecute Christendom to the point of complete conquest and extermination. '

(1) And therefore, especially for this supreme cause, by virtue of the proposed article, the above-mentioned princes and rulers, on the first day of the month of December, recently summoned to us, in such burdensome matters and how to meet such intentions and invasions of the Turk, to act together with us in a proper manner and to deliberate and decide. Upon which request we, the above-mentioned princes and princes, appeared here in person, and the others, who were prevented from attending and stayed away for legitimate reasons, by their excellent message. And thus we all have two ways, the first one, one

We have taken into our hands the urgent, and the other, the persistent aid, which we governors and regiment have drawn up in various articles, and have put them under careful consideration, as to how they can be most usefully and most effectively employed against the Turks, and found that especially for a great and persistent help, nothing can be done or acted here now, but that the greatness of the matters requires a common imperial Diet or assembly of all imperial estates.

  1. and in consideration, because the above-mentioned article is capable in the affected regiment order, and such not only a principality or landscape of the empire, but the whole German nation, and in addition also the Christian faith, and of each soul, honor, body and property concerns, and therefore a common work, the same common assembly highly requires to perform and act with common council.
  2. And so that such common persistent help and resistance against the Turk may thus reach its final progress, we, the above-mentioned governor and regimental councillors, also electors, princes and their embassies, have considered it unavoidable and necessary that for the settlement of such common stately and persistent help and resistance, and resistance, due to the causes of the burdensome action taken and the tyranny practiced by the Turks against the Crown of Hungary, and especially because a further serious invasion by the Turks is to be expected in the near future spring, a general assembly of the imperial estates is to be described.
  3. and therefore, as the letter of the above article of order is able to require other princes and estates of the realm to appear in their own persons on Monday after the Sunday of Lent in Lent next 1) to Regensburg, decided unanimously. However, if for the sake of one or more conjugal affairs they should not appear, they should nevertheless finally decide their message with complete force and without hindsight 2) to order such persistent help and what may serve to resist the Turks and their followers, also in other necessary matters, which have been referred here from Esslingen to the same general assembly, to deliberate and conclude.
  4. and after the imperial majesty and the holy
  1. That is, April 1, 1527.
  2. In the old edition: "without getting behind", which is as much as without backing, without first inquiring of their masters.

234 Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses 1525-1529. w. xvi, 2s8-301. 235

If Her Majesty is aware of the importance of such and other burdensome matters and affairs to the Roman Empire, to the whole of Christendom, and especially to the German nation, she shall be notified of such a meeting and the reason for it in writing by post, with the appendix that we governors and regiments, princes and princes, and their embassies, desire nothing better, than that Her Majesty, if it were possible, appear at such assembly in her own person, considering that such would do much good to the whole of Christendom, to the Roman Empire, and especially to the German nation, and would be no small comfort in the heavy burden in which the German nation now stands.

Since the time is somewhat too short for Her Majesty to appear, nevertheless, Her Majesty will dispose of the German nation for comfort and help in the most beneficial way, so that the Holy Empire, especially the German nation, and the other high and burdensome concerns and necessities may receive salutary and gracious counsel, help, and understanding, so that the German nation and its members may be placed in a peaceful, unified being. On this day we, the above-mentioned governor and regiment, wish to appear.

Further, for the sake of urgent help, it is considered good that the bordering princes, sovereignties and countries, whose place the Turk would like to invade, be reminded with the provision of passports and otherwise, and in turn be put off to the same time of a counter-help.

After Austria, Saxony, Brandenburg and Bavaria have respected the bordering territories, and then the princes of one part have their own person, and the others have embassies, it is now acted with the same princes and embassies that the princes and the embassies send their sovereigns in resistance, so that one part may come to the rescue and help of the other, and be able to shoot.

(9) And although the Turk, after conquering the Hungarians, has gone home (as it is said), it is not certain, and it is to be feared, that he has done so for his own benefit, and is willing to invade Hungaria or other parts of the German nation again in the future spring, and to extend his power further. In order that the rulers, lands and sovereignties who are in contact with him may not be abandoned or shortened by the urgent aid, it is mutually agreed and resolved that the urgent aid of the two fourths shall be granted to the Crown of Hungary and others against the Turk at the recently held Imperial Diet at Speier.

The governor and the regiment will therefore take great pains to see that this is done, and that the imperial treasurer is ordered to proceed with it. And what is thus imposed, that the same be kept with the four ordered cities and not used or turned to any other place, but only to resist the Turk, as such has recently been granted at Speier, and the article of farewell is able to do so.

(10) And in order that this may be strictly and certainly complied with, it is considered good that, in addition to the four regimental persons named in the farewell at Speier, some more be appointed by princes, princes and the same councils and other estates, who, by their princely dignities, and the councils and others by their duties, shall pledge not to attack such money or to transfer it to other places.

  1. that the same appointed princes and rulers have the power and command to attack and use the above-mentioned money at any time, if necessity requires it, solely for the resistance of the Turks in the places where it will be most necessary.
  1. And these are the princes and sovereigns, so decreed, namely, the royal dignity of Bohemia, as Archduke of Austria, the Elector of Saxony, the Elector of Brandenburg, Duke Frederick and Duke Ludwig of Bavaria, and the Bishop of Augsburg, as adjoining and bordering princes.

(13) And especially for the promotion of trade, if the Turk were to make his move on Poland in the coming spring, it is well considered that Saxony and Brandenburg, for the sake of urgent assistance, should require the other princes, namely Austria, both dukes of Bavaria, and Augsburg, as well as the four in the regiment, ordered according to the agreement at Speier, to go to Coburg. If, however, the Turk were to invade Austria or Bavaria, Austria, Bavaria and Augsburg, the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, and the above-mentioned four regimentals should have the power to take on competent captains, to attack the money for it (as above), and to render urgent assistance where it will be most necessary, but nowhere else than against the Turk.

14th The four cities, where the money of the urgent help is to be deposited, shall also be informed of this opinion, namely that they, without regard to the previous order, the farewell to Speier, shall pay all that which is behind them, such urgent help.

[236]{.underline} Section 1: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg 2c. No. 813 f. W. xvi. 3m-so3. 237

The above-mentioned princes and princes, as well as the four regimentals, who have been appointed in the above-mentioned leave, shall not give it or hand it over to anyone, but shall keep it with them until the above-mentioned princes, princes, and the four regimentals have been informed.

Nevertheless, the money deposited for urgent aid, if it is not provided against the Turks or if it would be unnecessary, shall be delivered and handed over again to each state, according to the article of the recently held Diet of Speier.

16 That princes, sovereigns and the appointed councils shall also have the power, where the greatest need and haste require it, to extend such urgent assistance from six months to three months, and thus to duplicate the number of foot soldiers.

17 In addition, it is considered good that the Electors and the abutting princes inquire in the meantime about the nature and occasion of the Turkish assembly, about other abutting princes, counts and dominions, and about their borders, as much as possible, as to how things are and are situated everywhere, and that the Electors, princes, and others, who have been ordered to the money, should at all times inform each other about this, so that they can better direct their advice and urgent and persistent help to them.

  1. and these are our hereafter determined Electors' names, who appeared in their own person at Esslingen, and the other messages. By the Grace of God we Albrecht, Cardinal Priest of the Holy Roman Church, Bishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, Administrator of Halberstadt 2c., Archchancellor and Elector of Germania. Reichard of Trier, Archbishop, by Gaul and the King

Reich Arelat of the Holy Roman Empire Archchancellor and Elector. Ludwig, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, Archchancellor of the Holy Roman Empire. On behalf of the Archbishop of Cologne, Dieterich, Count of Manderscheid, and Doctor Bernhard von Hagen, Canonicus and Chancellor. The Elector of Saxony, Mr. Hans von Minkwitz, Mr. Christoph Groß. The Elector of Brandenburg, Philipp von Weißenburg and Hans von Arnim.

19, The names of the other twelve ecclesiastical and secular princes: Matthäus von GOttes Gnaden, der heiligen römischen Kirche Priester-Cardinal, Erzbischof zu Salzburg 2c.; Weigand, zu Bamberg. Conrad, at Würzburg. George, at Speier. Wilhelm, at Strasbourg. Christoph, at Augsburg; all bishops. Frederick, Duke in Bavaria, Count Palatine on the Rhine. Wilhelm, Duke in Bavaria, Count Palatine on the Rhine. Messages: On account of Duke George of Saxony, Lord Hans von Schönberg. Margraves Casimir, William of Wiesenthaw, Simon of Zegwitz. Duke Henry of Mecklenburg, Caspar von Schöneich.

And in witness whereof, we, the governors and regiment, have decreed this treaty with the imperial secret to be touched regiment, that we use ourselves herein. And for the sake of us, the princes and princes, also the embassies, we Albrecht, Cardinal, and Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, Primate 2c., and Ludwig, Count Palatine on the Rhine, Duke in Bavaria, princes; and we Weigand, Bishop of Bamberg, of the six ecclesiastical princes; and we Frederick, Count Palatine on the Rhine, Duke in Bavaria 2c., all of the above, for the sake of the six secular princes, each of us has affixed his seal to this farewell. Given at Esslingen, on the 21st day of the month of December after the birth of Christ our dear Lord fifteen hundred and six and twentieth years.

The second section of the eleventh chapter.

Of the imperial congresses held at Regensburg in 1527 and again at Speier in 1529.

814: Farewell to the Diet of Regensburg, established in 1527. Given at Regensburg, May 28, 1527.

From Lünig's Imperial Archives, pari. Zerr. oont. I., p. 471.

We Wolf, Count of Montfort, Imperial. Governor's Official Administrator, and the Councilors Ordered

of the Imperial Regiment in the Holy Empire. We, too, the Electors, Princes and other Estates of the Holy Empire, hereinafter called: hereby publicly confess, as Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Governor, and we the above-named Regimental Councillors, together with the six Electors and the twelve other Estates of the Holy Empire. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Governor, and we the above-named Regimental Councils, together with the six Electors and twelve ecclesiastical and secular Princes, in the Imperial Regimental Order, to

238 Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 303-305. 239

The royal dignity there, in blessed memory, together with its country and people of war, was forced to save itself in a field battle with great defeat and cruel bloodshed. The royal dignity there, in blessed memory, together with its country and people of war, was forced to fight a field battle with great defeat and cruel bloodshed, The royal dignity there, of blessed memory, together with its peasantry and warriors, was forced to rescue it, a field battle, with great defeat and cruel bloodshed of the Christians, the places, so that the said king perished, victoriously accomplished, many cities conquered, and partly burned, after miserable deaths and murders of the inhabitants plundered, burned, devastated, with the dragging down of many Christian people and robbery. People and robbery 2c., and that such a victory of the Turk, as a tool and an advantage, will provoke him to more poverty, sacrilege and defiance, and that finally all his intentions and plans will lead to the total conquest and destruction of Christendom.

  1. Thereupon two ways, the first, a hurried one, the other, a persistent help, as they had been drawn up at that time by governors and us, the regiment, in articles to be deliberated on differently, given to princes, princes and their embassies, taken before the hand, the same put into diligent consideration, how they were to be carried out, raised, and used for the most useful and most shootable 2) against the Turks. And found out that especially on a large and persistent help at that time stately, fruitful and finally nothing can be done nor acted, but that the size of the action and things requires a common imperial diet or assembly of all imperial states. And in view of the fact that the article in the regimental order in question is able to do this, and that this not only affects a principality or a region of the empire, but also the entire German nation, as well as the Christian faith, each person's soul, honor, body and goods, and thus a common work, this common assembly must be established.
  2. Added by us from the parallel passage of the previous number.
  3. In Walch's old edition: "erschlüßlichsten. Cf. §§ 1 and 8 of the previous number. The word "erfchießlich" stands in Luther in the meaning: ersprießlich; this, however, Luther derides as a neologism (Dietz).

The Supervisory Board is responsible for the implementation of the Code of Conduct.

  1. And therefore governors, and we regimental councils, also princes and princes, and of the same embassies, so that such persistent help and resistance against the Turks may thus achieve its final progress, and especially because this summer a further serious invasion by the Turk is to be expected, have, according to the unavoidable necessity, held this assembly day, and all the estates of the empire have been summoned to appear on Sunday Lätare, here in Regensburg in their own persons, or, if one or more would be prevented by marital causes, by their embassy, to finally deliberate and decide on the above-mentioned persistent assistance and what may serve to resist the Turks and their followers. Thus the noble and highborn Prince and Lord, Philipp, Margrave of Baden 2c., as Imperial Majesty's governor, together with us, the councillors of the regiment, the content of the farewell and tender at Esslingen, arrived here at the right time in such numbers, and first of all his princely grace; and when the same departed some days ago for obvious reasons, then we, the above-mentioned governor's office administrators and councillors of the regiment, were always willing and ready to take our part in the actions that were required; also to await the arrival of the absent estates or their messages, so that the latter may reach and obtain their progress, so that in this case nothing would have been lacking or invented on our part, as far as and where subsequently moving causes indicated by the estates would not have been present. Likewise, we, the embassies, as many as arrive here and are named hereafter, dispatched by our most gracious and gracious lords and sovereigns, in accordance with the content of the tender that has been issued, to take action according to necessity; also to help advise, act and conclude everything that is required by Roman Imperial Majesty, common Christendom and the Church. Majesty, common Christendom, the Holy Empire and the German Nation to honor, benefit, good and welfare. And although it was found that, considering the gravity and greatness of the matters, our most gracious and gracious lords, princes and rulers were eager, willing and inclined to attend such a day in their own person, the diligence of the disobedient half of the subjects, who are still not completely satisfied at this time, as well as other troubles, which would otherwise have been in other ways, would have been in view;

240 Section 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 814. W. xvi, 305-308. 241

which all, in addition to other impediments to personal arrival, and especially this time to get out of their dominions and territories, give cause.

Accordingly, we, the embassies, have taken the matter in hand, have consulted it most diligently, and, out of dutiful obedience, have been highly eager, according to the form and opportunity of the transaction, to undertake, advise, act, and decide everything that the aforementioned farewell and the tender that has been issued requires, as well as the necessity of the matter.

We have considered, first of all, the size of the matters, and that the states and their embassies arrive here in small numbers, and whether the assembly is already present in greater numbers, which we cannot determine or accept, so that nothing substantial, fruitful and final may have been done and acted upon.

  1. So that we may consider, since our most gracious and gracious lords, the six electors and twelve ecclesiastical and secular princes, who have been personally at Esslingen, in addition to governors and regimental councils, in such highly important and burdensome matters, which not only, as has been heard, not only a principality or a region of the empire, but the whole German nation, and also the Christian faith, and the souls, bodies and goods of each and every one of them, do not want to submit to the action, or to decide on it, but which are put and pushed to the request 1) and action of all the estates of the holy empire.
  2. In addition, the Roman Emperor's Majesty, through the above-mentioned governor and regiment, princes and princes and their messages, was also informed of such a meeting and the reason for it from Esslingen in writings, with the appendix that they desired nothing better, than that Her Majesty, as far as possible, wanted to appear at such a meeting in her own person, considering that this would do much good to the whole of Christendom, the Empire and especially the whole of the German nation, and would be no small consolation in the heavy, sorrowful burden in which the German nation now stands. However, since the time is somewhat too short, so that Her Majesty is presumably not well able to appear, Her Majesty nevertheless wishes to comfort and help the German nation in the most beneficial way.
  1. With Walch: "Auferforderung".

We, the embassies, decree that the Roman Empire, especially the German nation, will receive salutary, gracious counsel, help, and understanding for this and other high and burdensome concerns and necessities, so that the German nation and its members may be peacefully united. But since this has not yet been done by Her Majesty, we and the embassies consider that it has undoubtedly been omitted and prevented by Her Majesty's great marital duties 2) and business, and in no other way. Therefore, for these and other excellent reasons, we, the embassies, find it highly and almost burdensome, and also not useful, to undertake some action in this work, as we would have been well inclined to do, willing and obliging, where there was nothing fruitful in it, or to submit to it. And therefore, if it should be delayed any longer, it is considered that time will be lost here, and that the form of the matter will reach the imperial majesty much more slowly, and that the less will be done to resist the Turk, and in the end nothing else will happen, but the greater the burden, harm, mischief, scorn and ridicule, all to the great irreparable damage and burden of the whole of Christendom, and especially of the German nation.

  1. Therefore we, the embassies, did not know how to delay the matter any longer, but considered it necessary, useful and good, due to the revealed causes mentioned and the considerable need, that this action, as it would take shape, should also be of interest to the Roman Imperial Majesty, to all of Christendom, to the Holy Empire, and especially to the German Nation and its members, be reported to the Most Reverend Roman Imperial Majesty, as our most gracious Lord, in the most urgent and beneficial manner, with the highest and most humble request and appeal, that Her Imperial Majesty first of all graciously strive for and receive our present action, which is due to the present embassy, in no other way than to meet the need, in the most humble and faithful opinion.
  1. And since, for the above-mentioned reasons, nothing fruitful or definitive was acted upon or decided upon at this scheduled meeting of the main articles, for which the same was announced, our governor's official administrator and regiment, as well as the decreed and skilful embassies, are furthermore not to be affected.
  2. "Ehehaften" as a noun occurs again in No. 814. In Luther, "ehehaften" as an adjective occurs only once in No. 747 of the previous volume, otherwise "ehehaftigen", that is, lawful. See Dietz 8. v.

242 Cap. 11: The Imperial Diet of 1525-1529. W. xvi. 308-310. 243

Most sincerely request that Her Imperial Majesty may lead this matter, as it affects her, to an imperial mind and heart, and may have, hold and provide the German nation with gracious command, protection and protection, to give the above-mentioned and other high and burdensome duties and necessities a salutary and gracious understanding, so that the heavy, painful burden of the tyrannical Turk's necessity may be averted, and the German nation and its members may be placed in a peaceful, united being.

(9) And for this reason, we have considered in good faith that nothing could be more useful and more advantageous 1) for this trade, than that Her Majesty would have had an Imperial Diet held and announced at a convenient time and place for Her Majesty's benefit, and yet we have wanted to have this placed under Her Majesty's authority for Her Majesty's good pleasure.

  1. After it has been judged that the doing of this work and trade, as indicated above, does not only concern the German nation, nor is it in the latter's power to meet or oppose it properly alone, but that all other Christian kings and potentates also highly and urgently respect the need for help against the Turks: We would like to remind Your Imperial Majesty most diligently that Your Majesty deigns to work with all diligence so that a common peace of Christendom, as much as possible, or at least a cessation of the now pending confusion and disunity of the high Christian heads and estates, may be achieved in the German nation as well.
  1. And when the well-born and noble Lord Ulrich, Count of Helfenstein, and Lord Sigmund Ludwig, Lord of Poland, on account of the royal dignity of Bohemia and Hungary 2c. have made several half-article requests to us, the embassies, and first of all, since they have heard that we are willing to take hold of this assembly day, they have, on account of royal dignity, requested and requested that, in consideration of these grave and important matters, in which the Holy Roman Empire is not a little concerned, this day be extended until the following Martinmas, and that it be again appointed and held here in Regensburg. On the other hand, after the maintenance of the Regiment and Chamber Court has been granted no longer than the next St. Michael's Day, and then the time of such maintenance will end, that on account of our gracious
  2. Walch: "erschließlichers".

We, the embassies, have agreed to grant the maintenance of half of the regiment and chamber court mentioned above until St. Martin's Day. Thirdly, that for the reasons which they have put in writs and handed over to us, we want to follow with royal dignity the urgent aid which has recently been granted and decided at Speier and Esslingen. Lastly, whether the Weyda 2) wants to take care of and order servants and warriors in our most gracious and gracious lords and sovereigns' principality and sovereignty, so that they would not be granted a passport or passage, as they have presented all of this to us at length and most skillfully.

12th We have given and opened the answer to the above-mentioned von Helfenstein and Poland from our previous deliberation and diligent consideration of the matter: namely, to the first article, that this Assembly Day should be extended until Martinmas and be appointed here again. 2c, We would like to remind you that the holding and inquiry of an Imperial Diet belongs to the Roman Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious Lord, and is not within our power and authority. However, we do not want to keep it from you that we are determined to write to the Emperor's Majesty and indicate for what brave and moving reasons nothing fruitful or worthwhile may have been done at this assembly in these highly important matters, and for this reason we have placed it at her Majesty's will and pleasure to proclaim an Imperial Diet.

With regard to the other article and the preservation of the regimental and chamber court, we, the embassies, are in no doubt that the decreed royal dignity has good knowledge that this day was not set aside and announced for the sake of such entertainment, but for other reasons; for this reason, we also have no order or authority from our most gracious and gracious lords and sovereigns. Since, however, it is to be written to Imperial Majesty, as mentioned above, we trust that Imperial Majesty will have and do his gracious understanding in this matter of necessity.

14 And as far as the urgent help is concerned, we, the embassies, undoubtedly consider it, so that our most gracious and gracious lords and sovereigns of royal dignity may prove friendly and submissive will experience that they are particularly inclined to it; so we, the embassies, would also be willing for our person; however, we would have

  1. Weyda - voivode?

244 Section 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 814. W. xvi, 310-313. 245

The next agreements, drawn up at Speier and Esslingen, have been inspected and expressly state that these agreements give form and measure as to how and in what way such urgent help is to be used, and if someone needs it, who should be asked for it; therefore it is not within the power of our embassies to change this, as they themselves 1) would like to accept and judge.

  1. In the last place, for the sake of the servants and the people of war, we, the embassies, wanted to reach our most gracious and merciful lords and sovereigns, confident that they will behave and prove to be of good will in this; But since, as has happened so far, many servants are secretly absconding behind their lords' knowledge, the embassies consider it good, since such servants commonly take their course through the kingdom, principality and country of the royal dignity, that the royal dignity should also take precautions at their passports, so that such servants or people of war would not be allowed to pass through.
  1. After the Estates of the Empire, at the Imperial Diet held at Speier, had jointly resolved to appoint several Oratores to the Imperial Majesty in Hispania, with ordered and sealed credentials and instructions, which will also be named in due time, and at the end of the aforementioned Imperial Diet, our most gracious Lord Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, Elector 2c., as soon as the escort from the King of France, to whom 2) has therefore been written, will arrive, then to deliver appointed Oratores for necessity. And subsequently it was found in the arriving escort that it had been set for four months alone, one of which was already gone, and therefore the appointed Oratores were to wait for the arriving day at Esslingen, so that they had been in hand for a short time, and from then on the eighteen princes and princes, and the same messages, for reasons mentioned and other moving causes, the sending of indicated orators to this imperial assembly day happened, as they were then attributed to imperial majesty, and thus thereupon reported to us, the other embassies, by us, the embassy of Mainz, the trade and causes of the delay, with presentation of suggested sealed credence and instruction. Thus, we, the embassies, have considered such action carefully, and have taken special care to ensure that it is highly useful and good.
  2. Walch: "where" instead of: probably.
  3. Walch: "the" instead of: dem.

Oratores have long since been dispatched, and still would be, or in other ways suggested instruction to Imperial Majesty, in consideration of what the Holy Roman Empire and especially the German Nation are interested in. However, since we are aware of how, to what extent and in what form, and also for what reasons, the instruction in question has been issued, and the orators have been unanimously ordered to do so, and since we have not taken any action here for the reasons mentioned above, and therefore it is not within our power or authority to change what was decided at the Imperial Diet in question, we do not need to know what to do at this time.

  1. And when on the held day at Esslingen a decided missive, issued by royal dignity of England to the princes of the empire, arrived, which also at that time, although some princes and princes were restrained, was opened by the others, of which again in writings give answer to it, among the others of the content, that on this assembly day of the empire such letter should be held up to common estates: Thus the suggested letter of the tyrannical Turk contained a practiced action, admonishing to what extent he should be resisted, to which their royal dignity also wants to lend its power and help 2c., together with the answer given to them, have been submitted to us in their entirety. However, since we have not taken any action in the main articles for which we have arrived here, nor does anyone appear on account of royal dignity, we have put the matter to rest. However, a copy of it has been sent to the Emperor's Majesty, and a copy of it shall be sent to any person who requests it.
  2. When, in the beginning and order of this Imperial Diet, some princes and other estates sent messages objecting to the session and subscription of this farewell on behalf of their lords and sovereigns, since, as they indicated, it would be contrary to and detrimental to their customary privileges, usage and justice, The same embassies therefore, at the request of the said imperial governor, and also of our administrator and regiment, kept their session and subscription of the present farewell convivial, harmless and without any order: That therefore it is our, the governor's, official administrator's and regiment's, and on account of imperial majesty's mind and opinion, that every prince and estate should be allowed to hold such a meeting without danger on this assembly day.

246 Cap. II: The Imperial Diet of 1525-1529. W. xvi, 313-315. 247

The court shall not be prejudicial, detrimental, or in any way inimical to its customary use and justice in the session and subscription indicated.

19 And these are those who are written hereafter, we, the princes, princes, prelates, counts, and embassies of the Holy Roman Empire, rulers, and deeds: on behalf of the archbishop of Mainz, Frobin von Hütten, knight, and Caspar von Westhausen, doctor, chancellor. The Archbishop of Trier, Dieterich von Stein, and Michael Stut, Secretari. Of the Archbishop of Cologne, Dieterich, Count of Manderscheid, and Bernhard von Hagen, Doctor, Chancellor. The Count Palatine of the Rhine, Schenck Veltin, Lord of Erbach, and Lucas Huge, Doctor; all four Electors. Messages of the ecclesiastical princes: on behalf of the Bishop of Bamberg, Daniel von Rebnitz; the Bishop of Würzburg, Bernhard von Thüngen and Ambrosius Geyer. The Bishop of Speier and Administrator of Regensburg, Augustin Roß, Doctor, Chancellor. The Bishop of Augsburg, Hans Stadion. Dieterich, Count of Manderscheid, and Bernhard von Haben, Doctor 2c, elected and confirmed of the Abbey of Münster. Of the Bishop of Osnabrück and Paderborn, Conrad von Dellingshausen, Doctor. Of the Bishop of Merseburg, Wilhelm von Wiesenthaw. The Bishop of Camin, 1) Antonius Netzmeier. The Coadjutor of Fulda, we obgemeldt, Frobin von Hütten 2c. and Caspar von Westhausen, Doctor. Of the Master of the German Order in German and French lands, Friedrich Sturmfeder, Commenthur zu Blumenthal. On behalf of the secular princes: Duke Friederich of Bavaria, Georg, Lord of Heideck 2c. Duke Georg of Saxony, Dieterich von Wertram, D. Duke Wilhelm and Ludwig of Bavaria, brothers, Johann Weisenfelder, licentiate. Duke Ott Heinrichs and Duke Philippsen, in Upper and Lower Bavaria, Kuntz von Rechberg, von Hohen-Rechberg, zu Stauffeneck. Duke Heinrich of Mecklenburg, Caspar von Schöneich, Chancellor. Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg, Hans von Dachsberg, Knight 2c. Duke Johann of Eleve, Jülich and Berg, Johann von Deckheim called, Doctor. Duke Georgen and 2) Barnim, brothers, of Stettin and Pomerania, Antonius Notzmar, and Georg Kusswa. Margrave Philippsen and Ernsten of Baden, Wilhelm von Wiesenthaw. 3) Landgrave Hu Leichtenberg, and his foster son Ladislawen, and Leonharden, Gra-.

  1. Walch: "Camain".
  2. "and" put by us instead of: "of".
  3. Walch: "Weisenthaw".

fen zu Haag, Gebrüdern, Georg Boheim, genannt Spieß, Doct. On behalf of the prelates: Ambrosius, Abbot of the church at S. Heimeran 4) at Regensburg, personally, Rector. Johann König, by force and on account of the prelates mentioned below: namely, Johann Bastian of Kempten, Rudolphen of Fridingen, Landcommenthurs of the Ballei Alsace and Burgundi, German Order. Conradus, of the church of Kreißheim. Georgen of Salmonsweiler. Gerwingen at Weingarten. Jerome at Elchingen. Andreas at Ochsenhausen. Peters at Ursen. Johannsen at Rod. Jakob at Mindernaw. Johannsen zu Schussenried and Heinrichen zu Marckthal, all of the elders of the affected places of worship. Of the Landcommenthurs zu Coblenz, Wilhelm von Niedern-Eisenburg, German Order. The Abbot of Rockenburg, Bernhard Besserer. The church of Werden, Arnold von Siegen. The abbess of Essen, Caspar von Westhausen, Doctor. About the Free and Imperial City of Cologne, Arnold von Siegen. Strasbourg, Jakob Sturm and Martin Herlin. Speier, Dieter Drawel, city clerk, with command of the city of Hagenau, Colmar, Schletstadt, Weifenburg, Kaisersberg, Münster, Obernehenheim. Frankfurt, Philipps Fürstenberger, with order of the city of Wetzlar, Conrad von Dillingshausen, Doctor. Mühlhausen, Bastian Rodermann. Nordhausen, Christian Müller. Friedberg, Hermann Binkel. Regensburg, Simon Schäblin and Wolfgang Lumbeck. Nuremberg, Christoph Detzen, with command and force Nördlingen, Schweinfurt, Dinckelsbühl, Winsheim, Weißenburg am Nordgau and Heilbrunn. Ulm, Bernhard Besserer, with command Reutlingen, Bibrach, Gemünd, Veil, Gengen, Ysne and Alen.

In witness whereof, we, the governor's stewards and regiment, have sealed this farewell with the imperial seal, ordered to be touched regiment, that we use ourselves herein. And we Froben von Hütten, and Schenck Veltin von Erbach, on account of our and the Electors' messages. We Bernhard von Thüngen, and Georg von Heideck, on account of our message and that of the ecclesiastical and secular princes. And we, chamberlains and council of the city of Regensburg, on behalf of ourselves and the free and imperial cities, do affix our seal to this farewell on account of this assembly. Given and done in the Holy Roman Empire city of Regensburg, on the eighth and twentieth day of May, A.D. 1527.

  1. Heimeran - Emmeran.

[248]{.underline} Sect. 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 815. W. xvi, 315-318. 249

815 Emperor Carl V's power of attorney for his commissioners delegated to the Diet of Speier. Valladolid, Aug. 1, 1528.

From Joh. Joachim Müller's Historie von der evangelischen Stände Protestation wider den Reichsabschied zu Speier, lib. I., eap. II, p. 3, p. 14.

We, Carl, Roman Emperor chosen by the Grace of God, at all times Major of the Empire, in Germania, Hispania, both Sicilies, Jerusalem, Hungary, Dalmatia, Croatia King, Archduke of Austria and Duke of Burgundy 2c., Count of Habsburg, Flanders and Tyrol 2c., publicly confess with this letter, and make known to all men: Having considered that we, as Roman Emperor, by reason of our imperial dignity and office, are most deserving to consider, seek and promote the benefit, honor and welfare of the Holy Roman Empire: therefore we now, out of necessity, call a general Imperial Diet and assembly of all Princes, Princes, Prelates, Counts, Lords, Cities and Estates of the Holy Empire, on St. Blaffen Tag February 15. The Council of the Holy Roman Empire has ordered the proclamation of the next meeting in our and the Empire's city of Speier by means of a public notice. Especially for the reasons stated in the same notice. And we now (although we would like nothing better than to appear at such a day, meeting and action ourselves) are prevented at this time with such seemingly great objections and marital obligations 1) that it is not possible for us to do so, we want to cause ourselves unbearable and irreparable damage and harm, that we therefore, and so that such necessary actions may nevertheless achieve their progress, and that for this reason also no lack may be felt, call upon the most noble Prince, Lord Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia 2c.., Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, of Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Silesia and Würtenberg 2c, Margraves of Moravia and Counts of Tyrol, our friendly dear brother and governor in the Holy Empire; and the venerable, our Vice-Chancellor, Orator general in the Holy Empire, and dear devout, Balthasar, Bishop of Malten, Postulirten of Hildesheim, Coadjutor of the Constance Cathedral; and the high-born and venerable, our dear cousins, overseers and princes, Frederick and William, and the Holy Roman Emperor.

  1. Marital-legal causes.

helm, Gevettern, Pfalzgrafen beim Rhein, Herzoge zu Ober- und Niederbayern; Bernhard, Bischof zu Trent, und Erich, Herzog zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg, our councillors, as Commissarien und Botschaften zu solchen Reichstag und Handlung gemacht und verordnet haben, ihnen auch gemeinsam und besonders unsere vollkommene Macht und Gewalt zugestellt und gegeben haben. And we order, assign and give it to them knowingly in virtue of the letter, so that they appear before the above-mentioned imperial estates, and also the mentioned imperial assembly, in the common imperial council for our sake, also in our place, together with the same estates, on the articles mentioned in the mentioned letter, to resist and ward off the enemy of our holy Christian faith and name, the Turk, the rulers of the same of our holy Christian faith, also for the maintenance of our regiment and chamber court, and otherwise in everything else that may arrive at and serve the honor, reception, peace, welfare, peace, justice, execution, unity and good police of the Holy Roman Empire, we shall and may help, consult, act, approve and finally decide, also do and leave everything and anything else that we ourselves, if we were personally present, could, should or would act in such everything for the benefit and best of the same Empire. And whatever is done, acted upon, approved and decided by the aforementioned Princes, Princes and other Estates, or the greater part thereof, together with the aforementioned our Imperial Commissaries and Commanders, is and shall remain our entire will, opinion and good pleasure, We also want to keep all of this firmly on our part, and faithfully help to carry it out, in all measure, as if we had personally carried it out, approved it and decided it, without any danger, with the certificate of the letter, sealed with our imperial attached seal. Given in our city of Valladolid, in Castile, on the first day of the month of August, after the birth of Christ our dear Lord, in the fifteen hundred and eight and twentieth, of our kingdoms, of the Roman in the ninth, and of all the others in the twelfth.

CAROLUS

Ad mandatum Caesareae et Catholicae Majestatis proprium. > > Alexander Schweiß, Registrar Offenburger.

[250]{.underline} Cap. 11 The Imperial Diet of 1525-1529**, W. XVI, 318-320.** 251

816 Reichstag Proposition at Speier. 1529.

From Müller's History of the Protestant Estates Protestation 2c, p. 18.

I.

Receipt of the Reichstag proposition.

The Roman Imperial and Hispanic Royal Majesty 2c., our most gracious Lord, Governor in the Holy Empire, Orator and Commissarien, ordered to this Imperial Diet, the most illustrious, highborn Princes and Lords, Mr. Ferdinand, zu Hungarn und Böheim 2c. King, Jnfant in Hispania, Archduke of Austria 2c., Mr. Balthasar, Bishop of Malten, Postulirter of Hildesheim, and Coadjutor of the Constance Chapter, the said Imperial Majesty's Vice-Chancellor and Orator General, Mr. Frederick and Mr. William, cousins, Palgraves on the Rhine and Dukes in Bavaria, and Mr. Bernhard, Bishop of Trent, in place of themselves, and on account of the most illustrious, Highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Erich, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg, their fellow Commisfarien, give the Holy Roman Empire's noble Princes, Princes, ecclesiastical and secular, and other estates, who appeared at the present Imperial Diet, friendly, favorable and gracious opinion to recognize 2c.

II.

Second 1) Propositional point concerning the matter of religion.

(1) Secondly, His Imperial Majesty bears no small sorrow and grievance. Majesty bears no small sorrow and complaint that in the German nation, during the time of her reign, such evil, grave, pernicious and corrupt doctrines and errors have arisen in our holy faith, and are now spreading more and more every day, that thereby not only (which is the highest and most important thing) the Christian and praiseworthy laws, customs and usage of the Christian church are held in contempt and blasphemy, to the shame and dishonor of God our Creator, but also her Imperial Majesty and the Empire, and especially the German nation, estates, subjects and relatives, are being held in contempt and blasphemy. Majesty and the Empire, and above all the German nation, estates, subjects and relatives have been moved and inflamed by this to severe miserable indignation, rebellion, war, lamentation, bloodshed among themselves, and thus their Majesty's mandate and commandment, also the separations of the Empire, have been kept little before their eyes, but in much of the way.

  1. Müller has omitted the first propositional point, which concerns the Turkish War.

The fact that the people of the world are acting in a way that is grossly repugnant and contemptible to their majesty is not to their small but to their highest displeasure, and furthermore that they are not at all meant to watch and allow (as they are obliged to do as the supreme head of Christendom).

2 And when, in the agreement recently made at Regensburg, the aforementioned imperial governor and councillors of the imperial government had to give up their office, the court was not able to decide on the matter. The governor's official administrator and councillors of the imperial regiment. The messages of the princes and princedoms, as well as those of other estates present, are considered good, so that in the confusions and disputes, which are partly due to the thought of our holy faith and Christian religion, a unanimous and uniform understanding can be made, which could not be done more fruitfully than by a free general council or at least a national assembly, which should have been held in a year or a year and a half at the longest. 2) that her Majesty's governors, administrators and councillors of the imperial regiment, as well as of the absent princes, princes and estates, have considered messages concerning the general council, and that they consider such a meeting to be fruitful. At the same time, however, it has not been possible for Her Imperial Majesty alone to appoint the General Council. If Her Majesty had appointed the special authority apart from the papal sanctity, and had not used the form of the right in it, it would certainly have caused noticeable unrest and division of all the estates, therefore Her Majesty considered it burdensome to appoint the same general council at the same time, and thus avoided it in the best way.

(3) Now, if matters between the said Imperial Majesty and Papal Holiness are in good Christian understanding, Her Majesty is certain that the General Council will not be held by Papal Holiness. Majesty and the Papal Holiness are, by the grace of the Almighty, in good Christian understanding, that Her Majesty is certain that the Papal Holiness will not refuse to hold the General Council, but that, according to her attribution, it will be sent to the Imperial Majesty at a later time. Majesty before the Imperial Orator's departure from Hispania. Orator's departure from Hispania, then Her Majesty is graciously requested to act and promote it with His Holiness of her fortune, 3) that such a General Council be granted to the said Papal Holiness next to Her Majesty to be the first to be written out, and that there should be no lack of it at all, so that then, in such erroneous cases, it may be possible for the Holy Roman Emperor to be the first to be called upon to hold the General Council.

  1. The following passage and the beginning of § 3 are included in the Preface to the Augsburg Confession. See No. 960.
  2. Walch: "verfodern" instead of: befördern.

[252]{.underline} Section 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 816. w. xvi, 320-323. 253

We hope that the teachings of our holy faith will be promoted and finally acted upon, and that our holy Christian faith will be preserved in its good essence for the future, and that we may remain as good Christians.

Accordingly, it is the will of the said Imperial Majesty. Majesty's will, opinion, and especially serious command, commands and mandates every person, ecclesiastical and mundane, of high and low rank, to perform the duties with which every person is related to Her Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire. The mandates issued also provide that, in the event of the forfeiture of any regalia, fiefs, liberties, gifts and graces, and in addition in the event of serious penalties and punishments, no one of the ecclesiastical or secular estate shall, between the establishment and holding of the intended council, contrary to our true Christian faith, punish the other with confiscation and disqualification on account of the faith, with the confiscation and deprivation of ecclesiastical or secular authority and goods, contrary to ancient usage and custom, does not violate or urge the other to give himself to an unlawful or foreign faith, or to make himself dependent on the new sects, as may have happened in some places up to now, but each one, as may well be expected of an obligated person and kinsman of the realm, obeys her Imperial Majesty's commands. Majesty's commandments and show, as dear to each one, the above-mentioned penance, repentance and punishment, and in addition the Holy Roman Empire's attention and disregard, 1) in which anyone who, contrary to such a serious commandment of Her Majesty, in fact does nothing violent, shall immediately be fallen de facto, without further declaration and explanation.

5 For if anything should be done about such a command of Her Imperial Majesty. 5. For if, contrary to our Christian faith, nothing should be done about such a commandment of Her Majesty, or if someone should be overpowered, as has been said, this would cause further unrest, disobedience, rebellion, and indignation, which would finally cause insurmountable harm and damage to those who would be the originators, and which Her Majesty would not like to grant to anyone.

6 And in order to prevent such aforementioned diligence, mighty deed and action, it is further ordered by the said Imperial Majesty that, in the event of such a serious prohibition, new outrages or rapes shall occur. Majesty's serious command, if new outrages, riots or rapes would occur and happen through such a serious prohibition by Her Majesty, that then the next seized persons appear with help and rescue to the one or ones who would be overwhelmed, damaged or burdened; as the agreement, made in the 26th year here at Speier, carries out such according to the length 2).

  1. Walch: "Oberacht".
  2. Walch: "long" instead of: Length.
  3. And after an article has been included in the Imperial Diet at Speier, made in the above-mentioned 26th year, which states that the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, and the same embassy, have unanimously agreed and united, in the meantime of the Council, with their subjects, in matters which the edict, made by the said Imperial Majesty at the Imperial Diet at Worms, touches upon. Majesty at the Diet of Worms, to live, rule and keep, as anyone hopes and trusts to do against God and their Imperial Majesty. Majesty hopes and trusts to answer 2c. Her Imperial Majesty is not a little dismayed by the fact that this article, which has been understood, interpreted and explained by many of the estates of the Holy Roman Empire to her liking, has caused great disquiet and misunderstanding against our holy Christian faith, disobedience to the authorities by her subjects, and much other harm; But in order that in the future the same article may not be further accepted and interpreted according to each one's liking, and that what has hitherto been done from it contrary to our holy faith may be prevented: Her Imperial Majesty Her Imperial Majesty hereby rescinds the article in question, as it is contained in the aforementioned decree, and passes and destroys it now as then, and then as now, all out of imperial power and perfection. And it is the order of Her Imperial Majesty. And it is the command of Her Imperial Majesty that in its place the article now read concerning the faith be placed and used in future imperial decrees, and that no one act against it, avoiding punishment, penance and repentance; Her Imperial Majesty will provide this to princes, princes and estates completely and without refusal. This is what the said Imperial Governor, Orator and Commissary have decreed. Governor, Orator and Commissars, but by order of the Imperial Majesty, to the Electorate. The Imperial Governor, Orator and Commissars, by order of the Imperial Majesty, the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, in the best interest of each to comply with it and to prevent damage and harm, do not wish to behave in a friendly and gracious manner.

III.

Conclusion of the Reichstag Proposition.

And finally, the above-mentioned city governors, orators and commissioners, in the name of and on account of the said Imperial Majesty, graciously and earnestly want their friendly and gracious request. Majesty, graciously and earnestly, also for themselves, their friendly and gracious request, entreaty and desire, that Electors, Princes and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, who wish to promote the above-mentioned two Articles, as the most noble, in which the Holy Roman Empire and the German Nation are most concerned, which cannot or may not suffer any delay or standstill.

[254]{.underline} Cap. 11: The Imperial Diet of 1525-1529. W. xvi,323-325. 255

In this way, in other matters incumbent upon the Empire, which are also conducive to the establishment and preservation of peace and justice, good police and the welfare of the Empire, and as the above-mentioned Imperial Diet can act. All this the above-mentioned imperial governors, orators and commissars. The above-mentioned Imperial Governors, Orators and Commissars shall act not only in accordance with the orders they have received from the said Imperial Majesty, but also on their own behalf. The above-mentioned Imperial Governors, Orators and Commissars, not only in accordance with their orders from the said Imperial Majesty, but also for themselves, as members of the Holy Roman Empire, to the best of their diligence and ability, alongside the said Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, want to promote, handle and help to carry out. Such a conducive and speedy action of the princes, princes and other estates would confidently benefit all beings, and the Imperial Majesty would recognize, consider and never forget this with all graces towards them as a whole, and towards each of them in particular.

817 Concerns of the Electors, Princes, and others appointed to the Grand Committee about the above Imperial Proposition. Bor the 10th of April 1529.

From Müller's History 2c, p. 25. We have the time determination according to the information found in No. 820 that the term "put forward" in the committee had been overlooked again on April 10.

(1) The princes, princes, and other delegates to the great committee, the royal dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as the commissars of other decreed Roman majesties, have taken written presentation and instruction in hand, and have considered and considered the article concerning our holy Christian faith with the greatest diligence and all necessity. And after the other and last imperial congresses held at Nuremberg, item, the next one at Speier, and also at Regensburg, the princes, rulers and estates of the empire have bravely and excellently conferred on it, and have unanimously decided that nothing more fruitful could be done for Christian unification and the laying down of such a law than a free general council in the German nation, which therefore should be submitted to the Roman imperial majesty with the highest submissive authority. Majesty, with the highest submissive request, to carry out the same. Since Her Majesty now allows the same General Council, the content of the instruction handed over, to be carried out, with the narration of the

Causes why the same could not have been until now, and most gracious consolation that Her Imperial Majesty is certain that by Papal Holiness the General Council will not be refused. Majesty is certain that by Papal Holiness he will not refuse to hold the General Council, with gracious request and consolation to act and to pursue that the same General Council be announced by Papal Holiness next to Her Majesty:

2 Thus the Electors, Princes and the members of the Committee consider it necessary and good that this be accepted by the Imperial Majesty with great gratitude. Majesty's gracious command be accepted with high and humble thanks, with notification: After in many held imperial congresses it has been advised and decided in an emergency and bravely, but until now, not to little trouble and extension of the above mentioned misunderstanding and misconception of the holy faith, it has been difficult, and has grown to such an extent, that the trade should now not suffer a longer time or delay 2c., and attached request that her Majesty, as the supreme bailiff and head of Christendom, would take such a grave case and concern of the common German nation to the utmost heed, and would graciously promote and be certain of it, that a free, Christian general council, first of all always possible and safe for the longest possible time in one year after date, would be announced, and thereafter for the longest time after date, and thereafter for the longest time in a year or a year and a half, and held in the German nation at the places determined above, as at Metz, Cologne, Mainz, Strasbourg, or at another location in the same nation, so that the German nation may be united in the holy Christian faith, and the pending discord may be discussed.

3 If, however, at a certain time the General Council should not have its progress due to the accidental prevention of Papal Holiness, or otherwise, the German nation will by no means want to be reassured by Imperial Majesty and Papal Holiness that then their Imperial Majesty will have the right to hold the General Council. Majesty and Papal Holiness, that then Her Imperial Majesty will call a general assembly of all German estates. and others, if the necessity would require it, would have one called in Germany at an appointed time and place; and that Her Majesty, as the head of such an assembly, would also want to be present in person for the benefit of all things, and to promote everything in such a way and bring it into actual execution, so that it would achieve its certain progress without some prolongation or refusal (as the highest necessity requires).

  1. And after an article was included in the proceedings of the recent Diet of Speier

[256]{.underline} Sect. 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 817. W. xvi, 325-328. 257

The following is understood to hold: that the princes, princes and estates of the empire and of the same embassy have unanimously agreed and united, in the meantime of the Council with their subjects, in matters concerning the edict, made by Imperial Majesty at the Diet of Worms. Maj. at the Diet of Worms, to live, to govern and to keep, as each one hopes and trusts to answer for such against God and Her Maj.

(5) And the same article has since been misunderstood by many, and has been used as an excuse for all sorts of frightening new doctrines and sects, so that such things may be cut off, and further apostasy, discord, strife, and disquiet prevented: therefore princes, princes, and other estates have decided that those who have remained by the above-mentioned imperial edict shall also remain by the same edict until the future concilio, and shall hold their subjects to it. The same edict shall remain in force until the future concilio, and their subjects shall and will be held to it.

(6) And in the case of the other estates, among which the other doctrines have arisen, and some of which cannot be averted without noticeable turmoil, trouble, and danger, all further innovation should be prevented, as much as is possible and humane, until the future Council.

In particular, some doctrines and sects, as much as they are contrary to the reverend sacrament of the true Corpus Christi and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, shall not be accepted by the estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, nor shall they be allowed or permitted to preach there publicly; likewise, the offices of the holy mass shall not be taken away, nor shall anyone be forbidden, prevented, or urged to keep or hear mass in places where the new doctrine has gained the upper hand.

8 Likewise, because of the rebirth, which, contrary to previous imperial and papal law, has long since gone out, there is a certain and obvious cause and intention for a new sedition and rebellion in the Holy Roman Empire. Therefore, a new mandate should be issued by Imperial Majesty from this time on, and the same rebaptism should be seriously forbidden, and whoever enters into such vice should be punished according to the contents of the same mandate. When at Nuremberg, at the last two imperial congresses held there, two articles were passed and approved, especially concerning preachers and printing: princes, princes and all estates want that the same be lived and followed; and namely, that every prince, prince, prelate, count and other estates in the empire, with all possible diligence in their

The authorities shall order and decree that all preachers shall speak and act in a proper manner, avoiding in their sermons anything that might cause the common man to move against the authorities or lead the Christian people into error; but that they alone preach and teach the holy gospel, according to the interpretation of the scriptures, approved and accepted by the holy Christian church, and that they abstain from preaching and teaching disputable things, but to wait for the above-mentioned Christian Concilii decision. To this end, princes, rulers and estates of the realm shall and will take every possible precaution in the meantime to ensure that nothing new is printed, and in particular that invective is neither publicly nor secretly carried or interpreted for fine sale in all printing houses and by all bookkeepers of every authority, But what is printed or sold for this reason should be inspected beforehand by persons appointed by the authorities, and if any deficiencies are found in it, it should not be allowed to be printed or sold under severe penalty, but should be strictly forbidden.

(9) After all this, the Imperial Majesty commands every cleric and secular, of high and low rank, to perform the duties required of each of them by Her Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire. and the Holy Roman Empire, even in the event of the loss of any regalia, fiefs, liberties, gifts and graces, that no one of the ecclesiastical or secular rank shall, between the appointment and holding of this concilii, in any way whatsoever, oppress the other by depriving him or her of his or her authorities, goods, rents, interest and customs. But whoever, contrary to this commandment of the Imperial Majesty, would do and act in a violent or criminal manner, the same or the same shall, by that act, fall into their Imperial Majesty's disgrace, attention and disregard, but with a previous declaration.

(10) The truce established at Worms and decided upon at the recent Imperial Diet at Speier shall be firmly maintained, and it shall be lived by and complied with. If, however, contrary to such a serious imperial commandment and truce, new outrages, riots and rapes should occur and happen, then the next in line shall give the person or persons who have been raped

  1. Walch: "more daily"; but it is to be read "more suitable" according to No. 818, § 8.

[258]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi.328-330. 259

If the person in question would be burdened or impaired, he shall appear upon request and also, if he realizes this for himself, with immediate help and rescue, as the Speierische Abschied also otherwise indicates according to its length 1).

818 The Imperial Diet at Speier, to which the imperial constitution or statute on how brother's or sister's children should divide their father's brother's or sister's abandoned inheritance among themselves, and the constitution or mandate against the Anabaptists, is attached. April 22, 1529.

This Reichstag resolution was printed in folio in Mainz in 1529 and is found in its entirety in Lünig's Reich Archives, pari. Zen. oont. I, x. The date we have set is the day on which the farewell was signed. The draft of it was made on April 7, 1529; on April 12, the Protestant estates had their counter-script read. On April 18, they were denied a further hearing by decree, and on the following day the draft was approved as a formal Reichstag resolution and signed on April 22. On April 25 they drew up their protest against it. See Document No. 820,

We Ferdinand by the grace of God, King of Hungary and Bohemia, infant of Hispania, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy 2c, Governor of the Holy Roman Empire. And by the same graces, we Balthasar, Bishop of Malten, Orator genralis of the Constance Chapter. Frederick, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria; William, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria. Erich, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg, and Bernhard, Bishop of Trent, of the Most Sublime, Great, Highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Caroli the Fifth, elected Roman Emperor, to this Imperial Diet here at Speier specially appointed Commissaries 2c., hereby declare and manifest: Since the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, out of great necessity, for the advancement of the Holy Roman Empire, and especially of the honor, benefit and welfare of the German nation, has once again ordered a general Imperial Diet to be held here at Speier, and has proclaimed it, on several necessary points, such as the discord over our holy Christian faith; item, how and to what extent the Turks may be met with urgent help and persistent resistance, and how the regiment and court of justice may be further maintained,

  1. "of length" put by us instead of: "long ago".

and other necessary matters, in accordance with Her Imperial Majesty's invitation and instruction 2c. to act, to deliberate and finally to conclude. However, due to highly important and public concerns and hindrances, Her Majesty was unable to appear in person on such a day, and because of Her Majesty's emergency powers and instructions were given to us: So we have, according to and by virtue of the same, our authority and command, as well as princes, princes, prelates, counts and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, who have personally appeared there in brave numbers, and who have taken messages from the absentees, the above-mentioned and other points and articles with timely and brave counsel, and have thereupon all united and compared a parting of the same counsel, as the same follows from article to article.

  1. And initially concerning the article of the discord of our holy Christian faith: because before at many held imperial congresses, and also now after valiantly held counsel, for Christian unification and settlement of such conflict nothing more fruitful and better could be found or considered than to hold a free general council in the German nation; as then imperial majesty before requested and requested by the estates to promote the same at papal holiness 2c., and the Princes, Princes and Estates have heard from the Instruction now handed over to their Imperial Majesty that their Majesty is not only pleased to hold the Council, but that it is certain that the Papal Holiness will not refuse to hold the General Council, and that their Imperial Majesty also wishes to promote it, so that it may be proclaimed by Papal Holiness in addition to their Imperial Majesty: So the princes, princes and estates of her Majesty have once again written, requested and reminded her most humbly that her Imperial Majesty, as the supreme, head and bailiff of Christendom, would graciously take to heart, be involved in and promote such a grave case and concern of the common German nation, and that the trades may no longer suffer a long delay, so that first of all, as always possible, a free, Christian general council, and without danger, may be proclaimed long ago in a year after the date, and then, for the longest time, begun in a year or a year and a half, and held in the German nation, in the places determined beforehand, as at Metz, Cologne, Mainz, Strasbourg, or in some other situated place in the same nation, so that the German nation in holy Christianity may be able to live in peace and harmony.

[260]{.underline} Section 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 818. w. xvi, sso-sn. 261

The aim is to unite the two faiths and to discuss the pending discord.

  1. If, however, the General Council should ever not have its progress at an appointed time, due to the accidental prevention of Papal Holiness or otherwise, then Her Majesty would have a general assembly of all the estates of the German nation, and of others, if the need should arise to require it, to be convened in Germany at an appointed time and place. And that Her Majesty, as the head, would also want to be present at such an assembly, for the benefit of all things, and promote everything in such a way and bring it into actual execution, so that it achieves its certain progress without some prolongation and refusal, as the highest necessity requires.
  1. And after an article has been included in the proceedings of the Imperial Diet held here at Speier, stating: that princes, princes and estates of the empire have unanimously agreed and united, in the meantime of the council with their subjects, to live, govern and keep in matters touching the edict, made by imperial majesty at the Imperial Diet at Worms, as each one hopes and trusts to answer for such against God and his majesty.
  2. And the same article has since been drawn and interpreted by many in great misunderstanding and as an excuse for all kinds of frightening new doctrines and sects, so that such things might be cut off and further apostasy, strife, discord and discomfort might occur: We, together with the Princes, Prelates, Counts and other Estates, have decided that those who have remained with the aforementioned imperial edict until now, should and will remain with the same edict until the future Concilio, and hold their subjects to it. And in the case of the other estates, among which the other doctrine has arisen, and in part cannot be averted without noticeable uproar, trouble and danger, all innovation shall be prevented as far as possible and humane until the future council.

In particular, some doctrines and sects, which are contrary to the sacrament of the true Corpus Christi and the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, shall not be accepted by the estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, nor shall they be allowed or permitted to be preached there;

  1. "large" put by us instead of: "larger" by Walch. So it is to be read, both after No. 816 and 817 and after No. 821.

Likewise, the offices of the Holy Mass are not to be taken away, nor is anyone to be forbidden, prevented, or urged to hear the Mass in places where the other doctrine has been established and is held.

  1. Since a new sect of rebaptism has recently arisen, which was forbidden in common law and condemned many hundreds of years ago, which sect, by imperial mandate, is increasingly breaking in and gaining the upper hand, and since Her Majesty, in order to prevent such grave evils and what may follow, to preserve peace and unity in the Holy Empire, has established a lawful constitution, statute and order, and has proclaimed it everywhere in the Holy Empire, thus reads: That all and every Anabaptist and rebaptized, male and female, of understanding age, from natural life to death, shall be judged and put to death by fire, sword or the like, according to the occasion of the persons, without preceding the ecclesiastical judges inquisition. And the same peacebreakers, captains, countrymen and the agitated rewinders of the touched vice of rebirth, also those who insist on it or fall down for the other time, shall by no means be pardoned in such, but against them, by virtue of such statutes, be dealt with seriously with the punishment. However, those persons who immediately confess their error for themselves or upon instruction and admonition, are willing to recant it, accept repentance and punishment for it, and ask for mercy, may be pardoned according to their status, nature, youth, and all circumstances. That also every one should have his children baptized in youth, according to Christian order, custom and usage. But whoever would despise this and not do so, on the opinion that the baptism of children should be nothing, that he who would insist on it would be considered an Anabaptist and subject to the above-mentioned imperial constitution, and none of them should be pardoned for the above-mentioned reasons, relegated and expelled to other places, but entrapped and bound to remain under his authority, which should then have a diligent supervision, so that they do not fall away again.

(7) Likewise, no one shall abstain from, subordinate, or postpone the other subject or relative who has departed and left their authority on account of the departed person's rebirth, but the same authority, under which the departed person abstains, shall immediately take possession of such transfer or be transferred to the other subject or relative.

[262]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 332-335. 263

he shall act strictly against the same, who escaped, according to the above-mentioned imperial statute, and shall not suffer or tolerate them over it, all with penalty of eight 2c., that 1) thereafter we, also princes, prelates, counties and estates, unanimously agreed to live, comply with and execute such imperial constitution, order and statute, in all above-mentioned points and articles, faithfully and diligently.

  1. And when at Nuremberg at the two last imperial congresses held there two articles, especially concerning preachers and printing, were passed and approved, we, together with the princes, prelates and counts, have agreed and united that the same shall again be followed and complied with, namely that every prince, prelate, count and other estates in the empire shall order and decree with all possible diligence in their authority, that all preachers be spoken to and acted upon in a proper and proper manner, to avoid in their sermons anything that might give rise to agitation of the common man against the authorities, or to lead Christian people into error, but that they alone preach and teach the Gospel according to the interpretation of the Scriptures, approved and accepted by the holy Christian church. And as for disputable matters, to abstain from preaching and teaching the same, and to await the aforementioned Christian conciliar decision.
  2. To this end, we, as well as the princes, princes and estates of the empire, shall take every possible precaution in all printing works and with all bookkeepers of every authority to ensure that nothing new is printed, and especially that defamatory writings are neither publicly nor secretly written, printed, sold or displayed for sale, but that whatever is written, printed or sold for this reason is first inspected by every authority through persons appointed for this purpose, If it is found to be defective, it shall not be allowed to be printed or sold under severe penalty, but shall be strictly forbidden and kept, and the poet, printer, and seller who violates such commandment shall be punished by the authorities under whom they sat or entered, as the occasion arises.

We, also princes, prelates, counts, and estates, have unanimously compared ourselves, and have promised and pledged to each other in good and true faith that no one of spiritual or secular rank shall deny the other faith.

  1. With Walch: that.

The king shall not rape, invade, or encroach upon, nor shall he deny his rent, interest, tithes, and goods. Likewise, none of the other subjects and relatives, because of faith and other causes, should nor want to take into special protection and protection against their authorities; all this under penalty and punishment of the imperial peace established at Worms, which all its contents shall remain in dignity, be firmly held and enforced.

  1. And so that there is no lack of such execution: We, the princes, prelates, counties and estates, have further agreed and united, if it should happen that one estate, contrary to all the above-mentioned, wants to overrun the other with military force or otherwise violently, that then the Imperial Court of Appeal, from the request of the one or more of them, who are concerned about the overdraft and have duly offered to do so, shall have full command, power and authority to order those who are in arms and armor to refrain from such violent action and overdraft, and to be content with it in accordance with the law.

12 If, however, the person or persons thus commanded should disobey, the Imperial Fiscal shall immediately proceed and execute against the disobedient person or persons, for the declaration on the above-mentioned mandates, without delay and in the most favorable manner; also, the same disobedient persons shall be declared by the Court of Appeal to be subject to the eight and other penalties of the peace of the land, as is due. And in addition to these, the Court of Appeal shall nevertheless make a common demand against all and any helpers, the one or ones who, as mentioned above, are in armor and in command of the mighty armor, with penalty of the eight, also for the most favorable outcome. Similarly, the other neighboring states of the empire shall immediately, upon penalty of eight, require and exhort the handling of everything, as mentioned above, to draw to the rescue of the person or persons who want to be thus covered or subjected to violence, with a proper shell and to do so.

13 The rapist shall also be obliged to pay and reimburse the war expenses incurred to those who would be required and conscripted to do so, and shall be at the will of the assistants to enable the rapist to file the charges as soon as possible, or, upon the moderation of the court of appeals, with the penalty of eight, to bring such charges from him, for which the court of appeals shall also assist him and refuse to do so.

[264]{.underline} Section 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 818. W. xvi, 335-337. 265

14 The article from the next Imperial Diet held here at Speier, made on account of the rebellious subjects, shall also exist and remain in dignities and powers. Namely, if some subjects of the authorities, ecclesiastical or secular, are gathered together, again arouse rebellion and insurrection, then the next-joining Electors, Princes, Counts and other authorities shall, at the request of the same authorities in which the rebellion has arisen, apply to them from time to time, even in haste, on horseback and on foot, for help, rescue and assistance; And if the same help, thus requested, would be too weak for the riot that has arisen, then the other next-sitting princes, lords and estates shall, upon request, as aforesaid, in the same way as they are able to the strongest, also move to quell the disobedient, the rioters again, to bring them into obedience and to punish the charge. And all of us, one against the other, shall show and hold ourselves in this no differently than if such rebellion and insurrection had occurred and happened in each of our own principality, dominions and territory, and in moderation each would have liked to have done and take from the other.

  1. So that no confusion or misunderstanding arises between the helper and the one being helped, the help of the princes, prelates, counts and estates, who are called upon to rescue and help others, shall be given, the authorities in whose principality, dominion or territory the rebellion has arisen, on horseback and on foot, as strongly as possible, and if necessary, at their own expense and damage, for one month against the disobedient subjects. However, in such a month 1) the arrival and departure shall be counted. If, however, such assistance would extend over a month and would be delayed, the one to whom the assistance would have been rendered shall then unite and settle with the helper for the assistance he will render and show over the month. For this purpose, the helper against whom he has helped shall keep and show himself thus tolerably, friendly and neighborly for such help, as he would like to have had and done by others in the same case.
  1. Secondly, as far as the point or article of urgent aid is concerned, after having heard from the imperial instruction that the Turk is highly ambitious, intent and minded to violently invade the crown of Hungary and common Christendom this spring, princes, prelates, counts and others
  2. In Walch: "mandate" instead of: Month.

The states considered how the Turk of the next year 1526. Therefore, the matter has now grown to such an extent that, if the Crown of Hungary does not receive substantial help in resisting the Turk, he would like to bring the entire Kingdom of Hungary, including the adjoining principalities and dominions, under his control, and draw promoters into Germany. If the Turk should then again gain his will against the Crown of Hungary (for which the Almighty God is in favor), and advance against other neighboring principalities, what noticeable trouble would ensue for the entire German nation, what fright, pusillanimity and apostasy would result everywhere, would be easy to see. And therefore we have all and unanimously resolved not to leave the Christian Kingdom of Hungary, considering that it will bring honor, benefit and welfare to the common Christianity, especially to the German nation, and that it will bring comfort and salvation to them. For this reason, and in order that the hurried deployment may take place all the more effectively, we, as well as the electors, princes and estates, have granted and authorized that the quarter and a half, three months, and half a quarter, six months, on foot, plus the four thousand on horseback, which are still left over from the aid granted above, be used for the march on Rome and against the Turks, and are to be used against the Turks, are also to be put up at one money, made half at Worms by virtue of the attachment of such granted shells, and together with the aforementioned two-fourths on foot are to be sent to the Crown of Hungary or the adjoining principalities, where it will be most necessary, against the Turks' help and used.

  1. And so that such a noble and brave assistance is not undertaken in vain or unfruitfully, nor is it used anywhere else but only to counter and resist the Turk, and not before the Turk undertakes a mighty military campaign against Hungary or the successively named principalities of the German nation: So much is now being done with the Electors and Princes, who are in the process of parting at Esslingen, that they should and will at all times make certain announcements about how the Turk's actions and undertakings are proceeding everywhere. And that each of the six princes or princes inquires about this and certainly learns about it, or otherwise becomes aware of it for himself, that one of them should inform the other.

[266]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 337-340. 267

to give notice and to inform them at any time. And if they find that the Turks are in such a condition that necessity would require them to advance and render the above-mentioned aid to the Crown of Hungary: They shall then, together with the four regimental councils, for themselves, or at the request of the Crown of Hungary, require and receive the money, which has already been collected from the two fourths, and which is to fall and be collected again from the present installation, from the one who has collected it, The king shall take and appoint captains and warriors on horseback and on foot, as they may be most useful and profitable to unite with the royal dignity of Hungary, or as they may deem best for themselves, and shall have power and authority to send the same people of royal dignity to Hungary. Even if one or more of them do not appear due to matrimonial impediment, or if no one else decides on their behalf, those who are present shall nevertheless continue unhindered in all this, and shall give a clear account of all their expenditures, revenues, and other actions at the next Imperial Diet of the princes, princes, and estates of the empire.

(18) In this matter, too, it has been unanimously considered and deemed good, if, due to some hindrance, things turn out in such a way that the Turk will not march or attack Hungary, but Poland, Saxony or Brandenburg, then the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg shall, for the sake of urgent help, require the other four princes, namely Austria, both Dukes of Bavaria, and Augsburg, also the four in the regiment, ordered according to the farewell at Speier and Esslingen, to go to Regensburg. If, however, the Turk were to march on Austria or Bavaria, Austria, Bavaria and Augsburg shall also require the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, together with the members of the regiment, to march on Augsburg, and the six Electors and Princes, and four appointed regimental councillors, shall thus have the power to accept competent captains, and to attack and use the money, as reported, solely to resist the Turk where it will be most necessary.

The above-mentioned Electors, Princes and four Regimental Councils shall also have the power, if the greatest need and urgency requires it, to extend such urgent assistance for six months to three, four or five months, depending on the occasion and the nature of the matter, and thus to turn the sum of the above-mentioned request into more or less troops, on horseback and on foot.

For this purpose, the above-mentioned princes and rulers are to send and place themselves in brave armor and readiness, so that one part may come to the rescue and aid of the other and be able to shoot.

21 And the deposit of the money, now touched and granted, on horseback and on foot, which is due to each estate, in consideration of the great urgency and necessity, on St. Jacob's Day July 25 next coming, to Augsburg, Nuremberg or Frankfurt, 15 Batzen, 60 Kreuzer, 21 Meissen Groschen, and 26 Albus for the Gulden shall be deposited, and against the disobedient shall be strictly proceeded and acted upon by the Fiscal.

  1. And because the two-fourths of the twenty thousand on foot, which are deposited in four places, namely Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Augsburg and Frankfurt, and the necessity of the things requires that the same be brought all together to one place, situated for the war trade: We all unanimously agree and resolve that the two-fourths of the money, as well as that which is deposited by means of the above-mentioned stop, shall be most conveniently delivered to two places, namely Augsburg and Regensburg, by suitable means and ways, by the collectors of the above-mentioned three places.
  2. And after the imperial treasurer had reported many estates that had not yet paid the two-fourths of the granted Rome tax, nor part of the one-and-a-half-fourths that had been used in Hungary before, his various requests and proceedings against them were held before the imperial court; And in the Worms Decree, among other things, it is declared that no one is to be exempted from the same horse and foot charges laid according to the Worms Decree, and that for this reason no one is to apply to the Imperial Majesty or be processed, and that no one is to be spared the confiscation of the same, that the imperial treasurer shall bring in all the deficiencies, which are everywhere and also the two fourths, together with the whole of the granted Rome campaign, which is now ordered to the Turk's Help, as reported above, and that the court of appeals shall assist him in this.

24 And although at the other Imperial Diet held at Nuremberg a special article was set forth in the agreement that princes, rulers and estates shall not consent to the remaining part of the twenty thousand on foot and four thousand on horseback that are to be sent, nor shall they give anything for this purpose, unless such proposals are reduced and appropriate according to each state's opportunity and fortune 2c. However, since this is a necessary, mild and Christian

[268]{.underline} Sect. 2: Von den Reichst, zu Reqensb. 2c. No. 818. W. xvi, 340-343. 269

The work, for which everyone should also be willing to help and advise with his own disadvantage, and where some wrestling should now be carried out and happen, that this would give rise to a great lengthening and delay of this undertaking, as well as a noticeable disruption and wrestling of the plan and help. In addition, the decree at Worms clearly states, for the sake of the aid granted, that no wrestling shall be done in any way by anyone. Accordingly, so much has been said and done with those who complain about the proposals and have therefore supplicated, for the reasons indicated, that they alone want to be patient this time for the promotion of such good work, but that in future proposals due consideration will be given to them.

If it should prove impossible to use such urgent aid against the Turks, it is considered good that the same money should nevertheless be collected with the utmost diligence and kept together in a safe place until the future Diet.

  1. Furthermore, we, as well as princes, prelates, counts, and estates, have judged the article of persistent resistance against the Turk to be of the highest order, so that in our opinion not only the high, unavoidable necessity requires and demands that we act against the Turk with urgent help, but also that, with timely counsel, ways be found by which the Turk may be driven by force behind him again, and that that which he had brought under his control some years ago may again be conquered, and that common Christendom may at last be restored to peace and tranquility on account of its hereditary enemy. Accordingly, we have taken before our hands the counsels and agreements made before the Imperial Diet held for the sake of such persistent help, as well as the writings that the six princes and twelve princes made to Imperial Majesty at the Imperial Diet in Esslingen, They have inspected and considered them, and have found that the time has been most carefully considered when such a persistent move against the Turks should be made, and that it is first of all necessary to have a certain peace in the Holy Empire. That also the warlike quarrels, which have arisen between some Christian chiefs and potentates, may first be brought to peace, or at least to decency. Because such brave action would not only be in the hands of the princes, princes and the German nation, but also in consideration of the Turk's power and authority, other Christian leaders and potentates, who concern this matter no less than the German nation, would receive help and support.

In this regard, assistance will also be necessary, as the governors and regimental councils, as well as the twelve princes and princes, have indicated and reminded Imperial Majesty of all this in the above-mentioned document, which was issued at Esslingen, with a humble request that Her Majesty, as the head of the empire, act in the most beneficial way for her hereditary kingdoms and lands, as well as for all potentates, and that they be induced to act in a persistent manner against the Turks, in addition to Her Majesty and the empire, to her hereditary kingdoms and lands, as well as to all potentates, to act in the most beneficial way, and to move them so that the latter, in addition to her Majesty and the Empire, will provide persistent aid and assistance against the Turks, as is just and they are obliged to do out of Christian love. Since, however, the above-mentioned causes have not yet been accepted and the Turk's power has increased and strengthened, nothing conclusive has been done about it here, but princes, princes and estates have indicated such a cause to Imperial Majesty in writings, with the most humble request that they alone appear with the most gracious help and advice.

27 Furthermore, as previously ordered at other imperial congresses, the imperial government is to consider and deliberate on proper means and ways for a permanent maintenance of the regiment and the court of review; which has been done, and seven different points and articles have therefore been handed down by the governor and the regiment. However, we, as well as princes, prelates, counts and estates, after diligent, brave and necessary advice and consideration of these articles, found that the court, which is partly due to movable causes, as was also considered at previous imperial diets, is highly burdensome, and also partly due to the fact that the court has been held in the past, and in part extensive, so that this time may not be fruitfully acted upon and deliberated by one or more, and the Imperial Regiment and Court of Appeal have therefore undertaken to preserve peace and justice in the Holy Roman Empire. Accordingly, and for the subservient favor of the Roman Imperial Majesty, and for the honor and good of the Holy Empire, and for the maintenance of peace and justice in the Empire, it is hereby granted that the Regiment and Court of Appeal shall be maintained for two more years, approximately at half the rate, as hereinbefore provided, and that the first year shall begin on the first day of the next month of May, and that half the payment of the same year shall be made at the next Frankfurt Autumn Fair, and the other half at the following Lenten Fair. The payment shall be made in the same manner in the following year, and shall be deposited at any time in the place and at the place designated and indicated beforehand. And nevertheless, in the meantime, such two years shall be considered in other convenient ways, as the

[270]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. w. xvi, 343-34K. 271

The maintenance of the Regiment and the Court of Appeal should be carried out by the Estates without complaint.

  1. And after an article had been written in the farewell of the next Imperial Diet held here, stating that the Imperial Regiment and Court of Appeal should have been visited and reformed, and that this had no progress for several reasons, and that we, as well as the Princes, Princes and Estates, subsequently judged and found that due inquisition, visitation and reformation of the same Regiment and Court of Appeal was necessary: We have united and agreed that we, Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, Governor 2c., and the imperial orators and commissaries, instead of and on account of imperial majesty, also our hosts, lords and friends, Mr. Albrecht, Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg 2c., Mr. Ludwig, Count Palatine on the Rhine, Duke in Bavaria 2c, both Electors, our each a Council; and Mr. George, Bishop of Speier, and Mr. Hans, Duke in Bavaria, cousins, both Palatines 2c., of their own persons; our friend, Mr. William, Bishop of Strasbourg, Landgrave in Alsace, and Philip, Margrave of Baden 2c., also decree each a council for such inquisition, visitation and reformation, all of whom will certainly appear here at Speier on the first day of June, and will have complete authority and command from us, the imperial governors and commissaries, also princes, princes and estates, which we also give them here with this farewell, Both the Regiment and the Court of Appeal, with the utmost diligence and necessity, have been given a mandate by us to inspect, visit, and reform to the best and most diligent of their ability, in terms of persons and other deficiencies and defects, and to put them in a good and useful order. But whoever among them refuses and resists such inquisition, visitation and reformation, or is otherwise found or considered unfit by them, to remove him or her, and to write to the electors and princes, as well as counties, from which such removed persons would be taken, and to request that other suitable persons be presented in due time in the place of the same removed persons.

29 The governor and the regimental councilors shall also appoint a number of skilful and reasonable persons from the regiment and the Court of Appeal and order them to draw up the rules of the Court of Appeal from all the decrees, to omit what is superfluous, and to put in order, draw up and rubricate in its place what has been improved. And when this has been done, then to the

Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz, Electors, as the Archchancellor, to inspect and measure the same, and by the same order to have it printed and published in the Empire, so that everyone may receive the knowledge.

30 It is also considered good and decided, for highly mobile and brave reasons, and especially in view of the present time and events, that the Imperial Regiment and Court of Appeal shall remain here at Speier for the above-mentioned two years.

  1. Item, as hitherto doubted by the jurists, whether a deceased brother's or sister's children should divide the inheritance of their father or mother's brother or sister among themselves into the heads or tribes: and therefore in such doubt among the subjects of the Holy Roman Empire many disputes, repugnance and justifications may arise, to their subjects' not inconsiderable disadvantage and harm, and therefore the Roman Imperial Majesty, for the common good, has prevented such disputes for future justification and resulting displeasure, with our, the Holy Roman Empire's, Electors, Princes and Estates' timely, preceding council, set and ordered: If one dies intestate, and leaves no brother or sister after him, but his brother's or sister's children in unequal numbers, that then the latter's brother's or sister's children shall inherit into the heads, and not into the tribes, and shall so succeed to the deceased of their father or mother's brother or sister, and be admitted. And in order that further confusion and judicial quarrels may be cut off as far as possible, and that equality may be maintained in this respect throughout the Holy Roman Empire and among its members and subjects, Their Imperial Majesties have thus passed, abolished and repealed all and every statute, special charter, custom, usage, ancient usage and liberties, which in some places were found to be contrary to Their Imperial Charter, only in the above-mentioned case; but with the following moderation, namely: If in some places in the Holy Empire there has been a special statute, order or custom that in the above case the deceased's inheritance shall be divided into the tribes and not into the heads, by virtue of the statute, order or custom now in question, and in the same place an inheritance is now to fall, or between and the first day of the month of August, coming at the earliest, omitting the same day, shall fall by someone's death, the inheritance shall, after the expulsion of the same, be divided into the tribes, and not into the heads.

[272]{.underline} Sect. 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 818. W. xvi, 345-348. 273

In such a case only, and between the first day of August now mentioned, without hindrance of such an order of Her Imperial Majesty, the inheritance shall be divided according to the statutes, order or custom. If, however, a case of inheritance in places and ends, where no special statute, freedom, order or custom now applies, has not yet been adjudicated in the first and second or third instance, or the division has not yet occurred, or has occurred between then and the first day of August, or will occur thereafter, the distribution and adjudication of the same case shall be governed by the above-mentioned imperial statute 2c. That therefore we, also Princes, Princes, Prelates, Counts and Estates unanimously united and agreed to live, comply with, keep and execute this Imperial Constitution and Statute in all its contents; also to proclaim and make known the same to all our subjects before the first day of August, according to Her Majesty's command, so that everyone may know how to act and keep to it.

Item 32: When the imperial government, by virtue of an article in the proceedings of the Imperial Diet held at Worms, inspected the punitive court order, as it had been given a form by the times, and now handed it down to us, we have considered that this matter and order affects the honor, life and property of the people, We have judged and considered that this matter and order affects human honor, life, limb and property, and requires great, brave and important counsel, and especially because the articles are many, item, the customs and traditions in many places unequal, and that it should be a perpetual permanent constitution and statute, and therefore not to be hurried, but to be carried out with good forethought, sufficient experience and timely counsel: Accordingly, we, also the Electors, Princes and Estates, have deemed it necessary that each estate take a copy of the same letter, which will be inspected and assessed according to necessity, and that each of the six districts, from Our Lady's Day of Purification Feb. 2, will take a copy as soon as possible.February], shall send two skilled, learned, understanding and experienced persons with their advice and discretion to Speier to the imperial government and order them all to submit to and compare with the government such court order, according to opportunity, and to publicize it later.

33 And after the imperial government has made a council on the order here before at Esslingen for the sake of the coinage, and has now presented the same council to us here. However, since such a council is part of every stand

Since the necessity requires good consideration, we, as well as princes, lords and estates, have agreed that each of us should take a copy of the same advice, consider its necessity, and each estate that has to coin should order its mintmaster or other coin experts on St. Jacob's Day to the imperial regiment in Speier to act and advise on the settlement of a permanent coin in the holy realm. And so that this action may be the more fruitful and stately, princes, counts and others who have gold and silver shall first of all, in the meantime, subject themselves to a permanent gold or silver purchase for the sake of settlement, and from such appointed day shall dispatch their envoys with full authority, to unite with the aforementioned imperial government and the other envoys for the same gold and silver purchase, so that for at least several years a uniform, constant, correct and true coinage may be established and maintained in the realm.

34 After the monopolies and large companies, a selfish and unpleasant action is forbidden in the common imperial laws with high penalties and punishments, the imperial fiscal shall proceed and act seriously against the same, as is due in law, so that such is stopped and the common benefit is promoted.

And when, in the parting of the recently held Imperial Diet here at Speier, an article was placed to the effect that, by the order then made on behalf of the subjects, nothing shall be taken away from or broken off the treaties and orders made by the Swabian Confederation on account of the Bavarian outrage, 2c.., is once again our unanimous resolution, will and opinion that the same article, made for the sake of the subjects in the affected parting, shall be unbreakable for the treaties and orders made by the Swabian Confederation for the sake of the Bavarian outrage, and that no court shall act against the same confederation treaties.

Item, after Doctor Batt Weidmann, Hans Melchior, and Hans Heinrich von Morsheim, brothers; Anna von Hagen, Doctor Reinhard Tiels, about kaiserl. Fiscals, abandoned widow; Count Bernhards von Eberstein son, Count Christoffel von Tengen, Doctor Jakobs von Landsburg, Doctor Johann von Dockheim, called Fries; Augustin Lösch, Sebastian Schilling, Doctor; Caspar Mar, imperial Fiscal, and Master Hans Leser, for some outstanding pay, touching from the chamber court, requested, and for Entrich-.

[274]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. w. xvi, 34s-n>o. 275

We have asked for the payment of the same. If we now deem it fair that each one pays his due wages, but at this time there is nothing available to satisfy them: therefore we have directed them to the old back-digit Chamber Court notices for their payment, and thereupon it is our opinion and order that the Imperial Fiscal shall proceed and act conducively for obtaining and issuing such old back-digit notices, for which purpose the Chamber Court shall also assist him. And what he thus produces shall be paid to the plaintiffs concerned by the collector for the payment of their debt.

  1. Item: When in the beginning of this Imperial Diet some princes, prelates and other estates made a mistake in the session and survey, which led to a prolongation of the Empire's actions and affairs, therefore princes, princes and estates, at our friendly request of the governor and commissaries, kept their session and survey of the Imperial Diet in a sociable manner, We, on account of the Imperial Majesty, wish that each of the Electors, Princes, Prelates and Estates shall not be prejudiced, harmed or violated in any way in their customary use and justice by such a survey and session held at the Imperial Diet that is not dangerous, nor by the subscription that is made at the end of this parting.

Imperial Constitution and Statute, how brother or sister children of their father's brother or sister shall divide abandoned inheritance among themselves.

  1. we Carl the Fifth by the Grace of God, elected Roman Emperor, at all times Major of the Empire, in Germania, Hispania, both Sicily, Jerusalem, Hungary, Dalmatia, Croatia 2c. King, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy 2c., Count of Habsburg, Flanders and Tyrol 2c., to all and any princes, princes, ecclesiastical and secular, prelates, counts, freemen, lords, knights, servants, captains, governors, stewards, administrators, bailiffs, mayors, judges, courts, councils, citizens, municipalities, and otherwise to all other of our and the empire's subjects and faithful, in what dignities, status or being they are: As it has hitherto been in doubt among legal scholars whether a deceased brother's or sister's children should divide the inheritance left to them by their father's or mother's brother or sister into chiefs or tribes, and therefore in such doubt among our and the Holy Roman Empire's subjects and faithful, it is necessary to know whether the inheritance left to them by their father's or mother's brother or sister should be divided among them into chiefs or tribes.

The Roman Emperor has seen to it that we, as the Roman Emperor, have the common good to prevent such quarrels, future justifications, and the resulting mischief: That we, as Roman Emperor, for the common good, have graciously seen to prevent such quarrels, future justification, and resulting mischief, and with our and the Holy Roman Empire's Princes, Princes, and Estates' timely, preceding counsel have established and ordered it, as we also by Roman imperial power hereby knowingly order and establish in the above-mentioned case, thus: If one dies intestate, and leaves no brother or sister after him, but his brother's or sister's children in unequal numbers, that then these same brother's or sister's children shall inherit into the heads, and not into the tribes, and shall be allowed to succeed the deceased of their father's or mother's brother or sister in such manner. And so that further confusion and judicial quarrels may, as far as possible, be cut off, and equality in this respect be maintained throughout the Holy Roman Empire and among its members and subjects: We hereby, out of our imperial authority and right knowledge, want to pass and abolish all and every statute, special statute, custom, usage, old conventions and liberties, which in some places have been found contrary to our imperial statute, only in the above mentioned case, which we also hereby pass, abolish and abolish, but with the following moderation: namely, whether in some place in the Holy Roman Empire there has been a special statute, order or custom that in the above case of the deceased's inheritance, and by virtue of the statute, order or custom now mentioned, it should be divided into the tribes and not into the heads, and in the same place an inheritance would now come to fall, or between now and the first day of the month of August, excluding the same day, by someone's death would come to fall, the inheritance shall be divided according to the same special statutes, order or custom, only in such case, and between the now named first day of August without hindrance of this our order. If, however, a case of inheritance in places and ends where no special statute, freedom, order or custom now applies, has not yet been judged in the first and second or third instance, 1) or the division has not yet taken place, or has fallen between then and the first day of August, or has lapsed thereafter,

  1. "geurtheilt" set by us, according to § 31 of the Reichsabschied, instead of: "getheilt".

[276]{.underline} Sect. 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 818. W. xvi, 350-353. 277

the judgment and decision of the same case shall be governed by this imperial charter.

  1. So that no one may be excused for ignorance of our imperial statutes in decisions, judgments or otherwise: We herewith earnestly command the above-mentioned Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts, Lords, Estates and all other subjects of our and the Empire's ecclesiastical and secular state, who have from us and the Empire, or in the Empire, some authority and subjects in fief or property, to observe this Imperial Charter of ours, between now and the above-mentioned 1st day of August. The same shall also apply to the public proclamation of the same to all of their subjects, dependents, subjects or subjects, and whether or not any authority shall fail in the publication and public proclamation of the same between the 1st day of August and the 1st day of August, or shall omit to do so between the 1st day of August and the 1st day of August thereafter, that nevertheless, on the above-mentioned first day of August, and thereafter, this imperial charter of ours will be considered publicized, opened and promulgated by all men, and will also be faithfully observed by all men, will be judged according to it, and will be complied with everywhere without any hindrance. To this you do our earnest opinion. Given in our and the Holy Roman Empire's city of Speier, on the 23rd day of April, after the birth of Christ in 1529, of our Roman Empire in its 10th year and of all the others in their 13th year.

Constitution or Mandate against the Anabaptists.

We Carl the Fifth by the Grace of God, elected Roman Emperor, at all times Major of the Empire, in Germania, Hispania, both Sicily, Jerusalem, Hungary, Dalmatia, Croatia 2c. King, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy 2c., Count of Habsburg, Flanders and Tyrol 2c., do to all and any princes, princes, ecclesiastical and secular, prelates, counts, freemen, lords, knights, servants, captains, bailiffs, governors, stewards, bailiffs, mayors, judges, courts, councils, citizens, municipalities, and otherwise to all other of our and the realm's subjects and faithful, in whatever dignity, state or being they may be, our friendship, grace and all good.

  1. high and venerable, highborn, dear friends, nephews, grandfathers, princes, wellborn, noble, honorable, devout and dear faithful! Although it is ordained and provided by common law that no one who has once been

The first time that a person who has been baptized in the first order is to be baptized again or for the second time, nor is he to baptize some of them, and especially in imperial laws, to do so is forbidden under penalty of death. Therefore, at the beginning of the next twenty-eighth year of the lesser number, we, as Roman Emperor, supreme bailiff and protector of our holy Christian faith, by our open mandate, earnestly command all of you, together and especially, to protect your subjects, relatives and dependents from the same insanity and sect of rebaptism that has recently arisen, and their unwilling, seductive and seditious followers, by your commandment, and otherwise in the pulpits by Christian, learned preachers, faithfully and earnestly to remind, admonish, reject and warn them also of the penalty of right in such a case, and especially of the great punishment of God which they have to expect. And against those who are thus found to be in such vice and error of resurrection, to proceed with punishment and penance of the law, as is due against each one according to his fault, and therefore not to be tardy, so that such evil may be punished, and other mischief and continuation, which otherwise arise from it, may occur and be prevented: We find daily, however, that, above the common law, even our past mandate, such an old, condemned and forbidden sect of rebaptism, condemned many hundred years ago, is breaking in and getting out of hand the longer and the more troublesome it becomes. To prevent such evil and what may follow from it, to preserve peace and unity in the Holy Empire, and also to abolish all disputation and doubt that might follow the punishment of rebaptism: We therefore decree, decree, declare, and declare the foregoing imperial laws, as well as our above-mentioned mandate which followed and was proclaimed thereupon; we therefore order, decree, and declare by imperial authority and right knowledge that all and every rebaptized and re-baptized persons, male and female, of reasonable age, shall be judged and put to death by fire, sword, or the like, according to the occasion of the persons, without preceding the ecclesiastical judges' inquisition. And the same preachers, captains, countrymen and seditious agitators of the touched vice of rebirth, also those who persist in it, and those who fall down the other time, shall by no means be pardoned in this, but shall be dealt with seriously with the punishment against them, by virtue of this our constitution and statute.

  1. which persons, however, have made their error their own

[278]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 353-355. 279

  1. immediately confess the same, are willing to accept repentance and punishment for it, and would ask for mercy, they may be pardoned by their authorities, according to their status, nature, youth, and all circumstances. We also want everyone to have his children baptized in youth, according to Christian order, custom and usage. But those who despise this, and would not do so, as if infant baptism were nothing, shall, if they insist on it, be considered an Anabaptist, and shall be subject to our Constitution. And none of those who are pardoned for the above-mentioned reasons shall be relegated and expelled to other places, but shall be entrapped and bound to remain under his authority, which shall then have diligent supervision so that they do not fall away again.

(3) Likewise, no one shall contain, subdue, or expel another subject or relative who has departed from his authority and has departed from it for reasons for which he has been notified, (2) but as soon as the authority under which the departed person is contained becomes aware of such transfer, he shall take strict action against him who has thus departed, in accordance with the above-mentioned statutes of ours, and shall not suffer or tolerate him to do so, all with a penalty of eight. Hereupon we also command all and every one in particular, of what dignity, standing or nature each is, by the duties and oaths, so that you may be devoted and related to us and to the holy kingdom, to avoid also our heavy disfavor and punishment, and want that all of you, and each of you in particular, keep such our constitution and statute of reconstitution strictly, firmly in all pieces and points, judge on it, act on it, and execute it carelessly; You will also show such obedience in this as you are obliged to do, and the necessity of the matter requires for itself; we will therefore provide for this without doubt, and you will also do our part in this. Given in our and the Holy Roman Empire's city of Speier, on the 23rd day of April, after the birth of Christ, 1529.

4 We, Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, 2c, Imperial Majesty's Governor, and we the appointed commissioners, do therefore speak and promise, by virtue of our authority,

  1. In Walch: "or Untermahnen"; improved by us according to s 6 of the Reichsabschied.
  2. Walch: "to push away"; in § 7 of the farewell: to advance - to advance.

On account of the Roman Imperial Majesty 2c. to keep and execute everything and anything that is written above and may affect the Imperial Majesty steadfastly, firmly, unbreakably and sincerely, to comply with it strictly and without refusal and to live it, not to do anything against it, to carry it out, to act or to let it go out, nor to allow anyone else to do anything for our sake, but all danger. In witness whereof we Ferdinand, supra, have affixed our seal to this farewell for ourselves and our fellow commissioners in mind.

  1. And we Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts and Lords, also of the Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts and of the Holy Roman Empire Free and Imperial Cities sent embassies and rulers, hereafter named, publicly confess with this farewell that all and each of the above written points and articles have been made and decided with our good knowledge, will and counsel, also approve the same all together and especially herewith and in force of this letter; We promise and agree in right, good, true faith, which, as far as each of us is or may be concerned with his sovereignty or friend, by whom he is sent or who is under his command, we shall keep and perform truly, steadfastly, firmly, sincerely and unbreakably, and to the best of our ability comply with and live up to them, without any danger.

And these are the following written, we, the electors, princes, prelates, counts, lords and of the holy empire free and imperial cities embassies and rulers. By the Grace of God, we Albrecht, Priest-Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, Archbishop of Mainz, Archbishop of Magdeburg, Administrator of Halberstadt 2c., Hermann of Cologne, Archbishop, Duke of Engern and Westphalia, Archchancellor through Italy. Reichard zu Trier, Archbishop, through Gaul and the Kingdom of Arelat of the Holy Roman Empire Archchancellor. Ludwig, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, Archchancellor of the Holy Roman Empire; all four Electors. On behalf of Margrave Joachim, Archchancellor, Melchior Barfuß, Commenthur zu Schwarz, and Balthasar Bück. On behalf of the House of Austria, Georg Truchsess, Baron of Walpurg.

  1. ecclesiastical princes who appeared in person: By the Grace of God, Matthew, Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, Archbishop of Salzburg, Legate of the See of Rome. Walther von Cronberg, Administrator of the High Master's Office in Prussia, Master of the German Order in German and French lands. Weigand, Bishop of Bamberg. Conrad, Bishop of Würzburg, Duke of Franconia. Heinrich, Coadjutor of Worms and Ulrich, Count Palatine. George, Bishop of Speier, Count Palatine.

280 Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 818. w. xvi, 3S5-3S8. 281

graph 2c. Wilhelm, Bishop of Strasbourg, Landgrave of Alsace. Paul, Bishop of Chur. Christoff, Bishop of Augsburg. Bernhard, Bishop of Trent. John, coadjutor of Fulda. Crafft, Abbot of Hirschfeld. Messages of the ecclesiastical princes: on behalf of the archbishoprics and monasteries: The Archbishop of Bremen, Henry the Younger, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg. The Archbishop of Bisantz, Bertrandis de Brunis. The Archbishop of Riga, Doctor Matthias Unverfordt. Also on behalf of the bishops of Tarbat Dorpat, Oesel, Curland and Reval. The bishop of Eistett, Wilhelm von Seckendorf, canon there. Constance, Johann Fabri, Doctor. The postulant at Hildesheim, Johann Fabri, Doctor. Freisingen, Matthäus Luchsen, Doctor, Chancellor. Osnabrück, Albrecht, Count and Lord of Mansfeld, and Ludwig Hirter, Doctor. Of the elected and confirmed of the churches at Münster, Doctor Bernhard von Hagen. Doctor Johann Gropper, Bartholomäus von der Leyhen, Cologne Chancellor, Siegler and Hofmeister and Substituirter Hieronymus Angkorn, Doctor, Canon of Cologne. The Administrator of Regensburg, Count Palatine 2c, Doctor Augustin Ross, Chancellor. Of the Administrator of Passau, Doctor Stephan Rößlin, Canon there. The Bishop of Basel, Cornelius von Lichtenfels, schoolmaster, Doctor Johann Fabri, Heinrich von Fleckenstein; all three canons there. Liège, Rupertus Banignister, D. Brixen, Johann Fabri, D. Ratzenburg, Clemens Groß, canon there.

  1. secular princes who have appeared in person: By the Grace of God, we Frederick, Duke in Bavaria, Count Palatine on the Rhine, William and Ludwig, Counts Palatine on the Rhine, Dukes in Upper and Lower Bavaria. Otto Heinrich, Duke in Lower and Upper Bavaria, Count Palatine. Erich, Duke of Brunswick. Henry the Younger, Duke of Brunswick, Philips, Margrave of Baden, Count of Spanheim. George, Duke of Stettin, Pomerania, Cassuben and Wenden, Prince of Rügen, and Count of Gutzgaw. Secular princes' embassies: of Johann, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, and Count of Spanheim, Albrecht Than, O. Ludwigen, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, and Count of Veldentz, Wilhelm Seßler, Doctor. Johansen, Dukes of Cleve, Jülich and Berg, Meirich von Thun, Count of Lümburg and Falckenstein, and Johann von Dockheim, called Frieß, Doctor. Albrechten, Duke of Mecklenburg, Friedrich Reifstock, Doctor. Of the Duchy of Würtenberg, Doctor Batt Weidmann. Ernsten, Margraves of Baden and Hochberg, Landgraves of Susenberg 2c., Margrave Philip of Baden. Albrechten, Dukes of

Mecklenburg, Princes of Wenden, Counts of Schwerin, Rostock and Stargard, Batto von Adeleuesen. Wilhelm, Counts and Lords of Hennenberg, Doctor Peters von Gondelsheim, Court Master. Hermann, Counts and Lords of Hennenberg, his son Bechthold, also Count and Lord of Hennenberg.

9 Prelates who appeared in person are: Gerwig, Abbot of Weingarten. Rüdiger, Abbot of Weißenburg. The prelates' messages: Heinrichs, Abbot of Sanct Cornelien Münster, Conrad Schwabach. The Abbot of Reichenau, Johann Fabri, and Petrus Speiser. Of the church Rotenmünster, Conrad Mock, Wilhelm von Manderschied. The Abbot of Brune and Stauel, Heinrich Lewensau and Jakob Krel. The Abbot of Rockenburg, Bernhard Besserer and Daniel Schleicher. The Abbot of Petershausen, Caspar Dornsperger. On account of the subsequently named abbots, namely Johann Sebastian von Kempten. Rudolfen of Fridingen, Conraden of Kreisheim, Amanden of Salmansweiler, Hieronymus of Elchingen, Andreas of Ochsenhausen, Peters of Ursin, Johannsen of Rod, Jakoben of Mindernau, Johannsen of Schussenried, Heinrich of Marckthal, Gerwig, Abbot of Weingarten, and Doctor Johann König of Tübingen. The Abbot of Sanct Heimeran at Regensburg, Augustin Roß and Conrad Schwabach. The abbot of the church of Sanct Lutgers at Werden, Meirich von Thun and Johann Gogreve. The Abbot of Murpach, Johann Fabri and Peter Speiser. The Abbot of Bechtolsgaden, Simon Reibeisen. Of the abbesses: the abbess of Essen, Caspar Westhausen and Bernhard Schol. Aebtissin zu Obern Münster zu Regensburg, Conrad Schwabach and Heinrich Lewensau. Aebtissin zu Gernrod, Michel Hard. Aebtissin zu Niedern Münster zu Regensburg, Augustin Roß and Conrad Schwabach. Aebtissin zu Unser Lieben Frauen zu Lindau, Peter Speiser. Aebtissin zu Buchau, Gangolf zu Geroldseck.

  1. counts in person: Count Bernhard von Solms, Carl, Wolfgang and Ludwig, Counts of Oettingen. Dietrich, Count of Manderschied; Günther, Count of Schwarzburg; Albrecht, Georg and Wolf, Counts of Hohenlohe. Hoyer, Count of Mansfeld; Philipps, Count of Hanau. Adam von Wolffstein. Gangolf zu Hohen Geroldseck. The counts' embassies: Wilhelms, Counts of Nassau. Philipps, Counts of Hanau. Johann and Antoni of Eisenburg. Eberhard, Counts of Königstein. Philipsen, Counts of Solms. Batten, Counts of Stollberg. Kunen, Counts of Leiningen. Philipsen, Counts of Saarbrücken. Philipsen, Counts of Wiesbaden, has command Count Bernhard of Solms. Johann, Counts of Wied, Count Dietrich of Manderschied, Johann, Count of

[282]{.underline} Cap. II. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 358-361. 283

Sein, Dietrich von Stein. Jost, Counts of Holstein, Johann Machtzol; Reinharden, Counts of Bitsch, Jakob von Landsperg. Hansen and Heinrichen, Counts of Schwarzburg; Günther, Count of Schwarzburg; Martin, Counts of Oettingen; Count Carol, Wolfgang and Ludwig of Oettingen. Reinhard and Georgen, Counts of Zweibrücken; Wolfgang zu Geroldseck, Ulrich and Julius, Counts of Hardeck. N. Hereditary Archbishop in Austria. Georgen von Schauenberg, Count Hans von Schauenberg, his son. Ernsten, Counts of Mansfeld. Josten, Ulrichen and Bernharden, brothers, Counts of Rheinstein. Wilhelm, Counts of Eberstein. Christoffen and Felixen, Counts of Wartenburg. Ulrichen, Counts of Helfenstein; Friedrichen, Counts of Fürstenberg. Hansen den Aeltern, Wölfen, Hansen den Jüngern, and Hugen, Counts zu Montfort. Georgen and Christoffen, Counts of Lüpfen. Johann, Gottfrieden and Wernern, Barons of Zimbern. Wilhelm and Georg, Barons of Walpurg, Schwickarden and Sindelfingen, Hans and Marquard of Rinseck, on account of his father Hansen, and his cousin Ninsis of Rinseck. Gangolf of Geroldseck. Johansen, Counts of Oldenburg, Ewald Baumbach; Enno, Counts of East Frisia, Johann Hormann. Albrechten, Hansen, Gottfrieden and Bernharden von Wolfstein, Adam von Wolfstein. All the Lords of Blawen, Heinrich Reuß of Blawen. Wilhelm von Rappelstein, Ulrich zu Rappelstein.

From the free and imperial cities: Cologne, Johann von Neid, Peter Bellingshausen, Arnold von Siegen. Augsburg, Matthäus Langenmantel and Johann Hock. According to, Leonhard von Edelband and Peter von Juden. Eßlingen, N. Holderman. Metz, Johann von Nibrücken and Gerhard Danner. Rothenburg on the Tauber, Bonifacius Wernitzer. Worms, Peter Krapff and Johann Glantz, town clerk. Swabian Hall, Antonius Hofmeister. Frankfurt, Philipps Fürstenberger. Ueberlingen, Caspar Dornsperger, Hagenau and Colmar, Bartholomäus Botzen and Hieronymus Boner. Also on account of the towns of the bailiwick, Schlettstatt, Kaisersberg, Münster, Obern Eheim, Weißenburg am Elsaß, Landau, Roßheim and Türckheim. Rotweil, Conrad Mock; Goslar, Christian Balder. Schwäbischen-Gemünd, Michel Rup. Nordhausen, Michel Meienburg. Ravensburg, Johann Krüglin. Wetzlar, Peter von Entzenberg, Thomas von Sandweil and Stephan Weig. Dortmünd, Dietrich, Count of Manderschied. Offenburg, Johann Gustenhofer, town clerk. Regensburg. Ambrosius Aman and Johann Humel. Leutkirch, Johann Fabri. Friedberg in the Wetterau, Johann Dürplatz, Schweinfurt, Johann

Lortzen. Wimpfen, Peter Berlin. Älen, Hans Decker. Bopfingen, Johann Deubler and Egidius Brommeisen. Kaufbeuern, Hans Ruff. Wangen, Jakob Schnitzer.

In witness whereof we have Albrecht, Archbishop of Mainz 2c., Ludwig, Count Palatine on the Rhine, both Electors, by reason of our fellow Electors. We Matthew, Archbishop of Salzburg. Weigand, Bishop of Bamberg. Ludwig, Count Palatine on the Rhine. Henry the Younger, Duke of Brunswick, on account of us and the ecclesiastical princes. Gerwig, Abbot of Weingarten, for our sake and that of the prelates. We Bernhard, Count of Solms, and Gangolf of Hohen Geroldseck, for our sake and for the sake of both of them. And we, mayor and council of the city of Speier, for our sake and for the sake of the free and imperial cities, this assembly, affix our seal to this farewell. Given and done in the Holy Roman Empire city of Speier, on the 22nd day of April, after the birth of Christ 1529. year.

819: Luther's and Melanchthon's concern about Speier's farewell, drawn up on the prince's orders.

From Müller's "History of the Protestant Estates Protestation 2c. Wider den Reichs-Abschied zu Speier", lib. I, cup. 4, s 15, r>. 47, printed in the Leipzig Collection, vol. XXII, p. 24.

First of all, it must be stated how great abuses of the clergy have been, as the Imperial Majesty himself well knows, and against which the Estates of the Empire complained at Worms, and His Majesty promised to abolish them; as Pope Adrian VI himself announced through his "Orator" at Nuremberg that all this evil had come from the abuses of the clergy, and promised to help change them.

(2) But since such abuses were so unpleasantly many and great, and were not changed by those who should do it justly, they began to fall from themselves everywhere in German lands, and the clergy to be despised for it; but when the unskilful scribes wanted to defend and maintain such abuses in addition, and yet could not muster anything righteous, they made it worse that the clergy were everywhere considered unlearned, incompetent, even harmful.

[284]{.underline} Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 819. w. xvi, mi-zss. 285

People held, and their thing and defense mocked.

  1. Such falling away and decline of the abuses was already the several part in the pregnancy, before Luther's teaching came; For all the world was tired of and hostile to the clerical abuses, so that it was to be feared that if Luther's teaching had not come to teach the people about the faith of Christ and the obedience of the authorities, a miserable ruin would have arisen in the German land, for people no longer wanted to suffer the abuses and wanted to have a change immediately; so the clergy did not want to give way or let up, so that there would have been no resistance. It would have been a disorderly, stormy, dangerous mutation or change (as Muenzer also started it), if a consistent teaching had not come in between, and without doubt the whole religion would have fallen and the Christians would have become pure Epicureans.

4 Because such a change came about by force, which no one could resist, and the clergy stubbornly insisted on it and did not want to let up, my most gracious lord nevertheless did so much that he could not nor did he know how to preserve the abuses, and had to suffer, as well as the clergy themselves, that they were despised and fell to the point that his C. F. Gn. did not allow any unchristian doctrine to be torn down. For this his C. F. Gn. with a good conscience and with truth, that the cause and guilt of the fallen abuses and despised clergy on earth is no one but the clergy themselves, who, although they knew well that the estates of the empire at Worms complained about it and no longer wanted to suffer, nevertheless they defended them with outrage and violence, by much tyranny and clumsy scribes, so that they made the people's displeasure all the greater, and themselves sought their own misfortune; This is certainly true, and all Germany knows that it is so.

5 In such a desolate, wild state and fall of abuses, my most gracious lord has let happen and fall what fell there, and let it be kept for future improvement in H. F. G.'s country, which he meanwhile loves for Christian, as much as he always could, and because H. F. Gn. conscience knows no other than that it is Christian.

If they are divinely ordered, they cannot blame and condemn such things in any way with a clear conscience.

6 Now, however, the Speierische Abschied demands that the estates of the kingdom leave this doctrine, which H. F. Gnad considers Christian and has also experienced as comforting in this time: so it will not be in good conscience of His F. Gnad that they should grant the "above-mentioned" Abschied: firstly, for the reason that H. F. Gnad would thereby act against H. F. Gnad's conscience and condemn the doctrine, which she recognizes as Christian before God. conscience, and condemned the doctrine, which it recognizes as Christian and wholesome before God.

On the other hand, His Grace would make all those guilty of condemning such teachings against their conscience, according to his example, and thus complain about their own sin with countless, cruel, foreign sins 2c.

  1. Thirdly, His Grace does not have the power to force anyone to raise up the fallen abuses or to accept them, as His Grace has not been the cause of their beginning to fall, but it is up to each person's own conscience.

(9) Fourthly, the former can by no means do so, that they should grant, or urge that the abuses should be re-instated, because thereby the S. F. Grace confirmed the unpleasant complaint of the clergy, which was reported and complained of at Worms by the estates of the empire, and thus such S. F. Grace would be advised to grant against such complaint of the empire at Worms, and to the strength of the complaints against the clergy. The Holy Roman Emperor's Grace has finally granted permission to oppose such a complaint by the Reich at Worms, and to strengthen the grievances of the clergy, which the Emperor's Majesty himself had at that time. Majesty himself promised at that time to abolish the same, and not to believe that H. F. Gnad. opinion, to reestablish or maintain them.

(10) Fifth, that His Grace has not done anything unchristian, His Imperial Majesty can sense from the fact that the Estates have not condemned this doctrine but have pushed it to the Council, which they would not do if they considered it unchristian. Majesty can sense from this that the estates of the empire did not condemn this doctrine, but pushed it onto the council, which they would not do if they held it to be badly unchristian.

11 So that H. F. Grace, Imperial Majesty please that H. Kaiserl. Majesty does not wish to burden His Imperial Grace with such grave matters. Conscience, unheard matter, which is, after all, due to such interrogations and hearings of His Imperial Majesty. Majesty's interrogations and examinations.

[286]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses of 1525-1529. w. xvi,363-366. 287

The other estates of the empire are also aware of this, and because all the estates of the empire are waiting for a concilii, and His Imperial Majesty has also put them off the same. Majesty has also put them off the same: so His Imperial Majesty wants to advise and help that the Majesty would advise and help that Christian peace be promoted in a right and orderly manner, and that the matter be condemned to interrogation, and not so unrecognized, which would be a violent and forced peace, and not a cordial and willing peace.

Haec de una parte, scii, de consensu.

  1. As for the other part, that S. F. G. should be obedient to the imperial majesty's command against the Anabaptists and Sacramentarians, this S. F. G. does willingly and reasonably, because S. F. G. neither has nor suffers from the forbidden teachings in his F. G. lands, nor do they want to have or suffer them, and may S. F. G. boast with God that such teachings are resisted most powerfully in S. F. G. lands. F. G. may well boast with God that such teachings are most powerfully resisted and increased in S. F. G.'s lands, that of course nowhere else is resisted so strongly, and perhaps no one could have resisted; as all the estates of the realm must well know and confess.

820 Jnstrumentum Appellatioms, objected by the protesting imperial estates at the Imperial Diet at Speier Anno 1529. April 25, 1529.

This document was printed soon after it was written. From a print in the Weimar archives reproduced in Müller's Historie, eup. 5, p. 52, and subsequently in Lünig's kpidl. ewlek., p. 777

In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, Amen. And after the birth of our dear Lord and Saviour, one thousand five hundred and in the ninth and twentieth year, in the other Roman number, called Jndiction, in the reign of the most noble, most powerful prince and lord, Lord Caroli the V, elected Roman emperor, at all times ruler of the empire, in Germania, in Hispania, both Sicily, Jerusalem, Hungary, Dalmatia, Croatia, 2c. King; Archduke of Austria, and Duke of Burgundy 2c., our most gracious lord, and at the Imperial Diet, which was held in the name of their imperial majesty at Speier, on Sunday after Reminiscere, the year above, are the most illustrious, highborn princes and lords, Mr. Johannsen,

Dukes of Saxony and Electors 2c., Mr. Georgen, Margraves of Brandenburg 2c., Mr. Ernsten, Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Mr. Philippsen, Landgraves of Hesse 2c., and Wolfgangen, Princes of Anhalt 2c., of our most gracious and gracious lords decreed councillors and commanders, on Sunday Cantate, which was the 25th day of the month Aprilis, in the worthy Mr. Petern Mutterstats, Caplans in the Sanct Johanniskirche there at Speier, Behausung, in jetztgemeldter St. Johannesgasse, downstairs in a small room, have been gathered together: who, in place of their electoral graces, have subsequently summoned both of us written notaries and witnesses before and to them, and with the presentation of a document, written on several sheets of paper, have told how many excellent and noticeable burdens their electoral and princely graces, also all of theirs, who now and in the future are related to the preaching of divine word and truth, and with the abolition of ungodly customs, and the re-establishment of Christian ceremonies, would have encountered at the indicated Imperial Diet. Therefore, and on account of such complaints and causes, which their electoral and princely graces have had brought in the touched document, which the aforementioned councils currently have in hand, their electoral and princely graces would be highly and unavoidably urged to appeal from the same actions and the alleged new departure (as noticeably aggrieved) to the revered Roman imperial majesty and a free, Christian concilium 2c. how they should and would like to do so in the best, most constant and strongest manner, form and shape, as their Electoral and Princely Graces should and would do by right and equity, before us aforementioned notaries and witnesses (since their Electoral and Princely Graces before and in the presence of Royal Serenity, Imperial Majesty Orators and Commissars, also of the other Electors, Princes and Estates of the Realm, for causes which should be deduced in due and convenient time, so much so that the same at present could not nor would not do so), have also requested, requisitioned and desired such of their Electoral and Princely Graces appeal, letter of apostle and farewell, together with lawful attachment and adherence. With reservation, condition and protestation, to reduce and increase such their given appeal, also to do and carry out everything else that would be necessary for their electoral and F. G. necessity. And after such statement and narration, the above-mentioned councillors of their Elector and F. G. have ordered

[288]{.underline} Sect. 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 820. W. xvi, 366-368. 289

The same appeal, drawn up on several sheets of paper (as touched upon above), has been handed over and delivered to both notaries, which, from word to word, follows:

Appellation.

Since in all the rights described above the means of appeal and remedy for the stay of those who have been complained against or fear to be complained against in the future is suspended, and is due to everyone, it is also exempted to such an extent that it may not be rescinded by any authority, nor may it be acted upon, or acted against, nor attested to.

Therefore, in will and opinion, on account of some much high, brave and important complaints, which we, by the grace of God, Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg, of Stettin, Pomerania, of the Cassuben and Wenden 2c. Dukes, Burgraves of Nuremberg, and Princes of Rügen on Oderburg 2c.. Ernsten and Franciscen, brothers, Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg; Philippsen, Landgraves of Hesse, Counts of Katzenelnpogen, of Dietz, Ziegenhain and Nidde, and Wolfgangen, Princes of Anhalt, Counts of Ascanien, and Lords of Bernburg, in general and in particular, and our Christian subjects, also in general all those who now and in the future are related to the holy Word of God, at this Imperial Diet, which is taking place in the current 29th year. We have met and conceded, by and against the most illustrious, great, venerable, high-born, well-born, noble and worthy, Lord Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Governor of the German Nation, Prince and Prince in Hispania, Archduke of Austria, 2c., our special dear lord, uncle and gracious lord, together with the most august Roman imperial majesty, orators and decreed commissioners, also princes, princes and estates, who have been assembled at this imperial diet at Speier (whose names of all dear ones and others we hereby wish to have expressed and named in advance), to appeal, provoke and summon, also to do everything and anything else that the rights in the case give us and permit:

We publicly protest and condition at the outset before God and men, to whom this appeal and calling is to be read or heard, that our will, mind, and opinion is not otherwise, nor does it stand, except for the honor of our people.

To seek the salvation of God Almighty, His holy Word, and of our souls, including our male souls, and to do nothing else by it, except what our conscience shows and teaches us, and that which we owe to God Almighty, but male disparagement, reviling or contempt, to do, and to do justly,

For since the laws, from the fact that nature has wrought a more natural kinship between all men, allow that one must take care of the other, who is condemned to temporal death, even outside authority, and appeal from the same and create his best: How much more do we, as members of a spiritual body of the Son of God, our Savior JEsu Christ, and spiritual children and siblings of one of our spiritual and heavenly Father, deserve, deserve and deserve to do the same in such a highly important matter, for the prevention of our and our neighbor's eternal judgment, and to enjoy and use the same our neighbors, this our legal protection 1). And we say to the above-mentioned Royal Serene Highness and Imperial Majesty Orator and Commissaries, also to the Princes, Princes and the others of the Estates, that they are aware of the noticeable and courageous complaints by us and ours, on our account, almost from the beginning of this present Speier Diet to the end, that it has been subjected to, as also (although with the deed alone) happened, the parting, which was decided unanimously at the previous Imperial Diet, for the preservation of peace and unity in the empire in the middle time of the future Concilii or National Assembly, out of many constant and high concerns all here at Speier in the next 26th year. The Council of Europe unanimously decided, executed and established, as far as the article of the pending discord in our holy religion is concerned, to change it, even to abolish it completely, and besides to conclude on several articles and points, by which, if we were in agreement, we would be against the Christian, divine and evangelical doctrine, divine and evangelical doctrine, which we preach and have preached in our principalities, lands, dominions and territories, according to the holy divine Scriptures, and which we recognize and undoubtedly also firmly believe to be God's word and truth, we would be acting, confessing and doing in principle ourselves; which aforementioned complaints we have presented in writings, also publicly read out, and subsequently had answered to the imperial acts and deeds, and the following content thereafter:

  1. Walch: liberate.

[290]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. w. xvi, 368-371. 291

Presented at Speier, publicly read and delivered before princes, princes and all estates, Monday after Misericordias

Domini April 12, 1529.

1st Most worthy, reverend, high-born, venerable, well-born and noble, dear lords, grandparents, cousins, friends and special ones! Your love and you bear in good remembrance, without a doubt, how at the beginning of this Imperial Diet, as Roman. 1) and a document in the form of Her Imperial Majesty's Instruction, 2) presented and read to Your Majesty, to us and to all the Estates, that for this reason Your Majesty, us and the said Estates unanimously considered it necessary and good to decree and establish a committee for the furtherance of the affairs, which committee would deal with the article touching the discord in our holy faith, 3) should first be taken in hand, consider the same, and talk about how peace and unity could be preserved in the meantime of a conciliation between the estates in the empire, but to the extent that the first, namely the Turkish aid, is concerned, as your love, we and other estates, are all well aware of it.

  1. So also your dear ones and you others, who besides some of us have been appointed to the committee, know that in the same committee it has been especially considered and held for this: if the first article mentioned, concerning the discord, does not make a measure that without it peace and unity in the realm could hardly be maintained, that it would also be difficult for the estates of all parts to agree or enter into some help or other, which touches the other two articles written in the instruction, unless each one knew beforehand how he would sit with his neighbor and how he would like to have peace with the same; and that for this reason the common decision was made in the committee, while it was spoken, and the Instruction also made some report of it, as if the next agreement drawn up here at Speier had been led into a misunderstanding, that for the sake of this misunderstanding a mitigation and explanation should be made and understood.
  2. now we would have provided ourselves completely and undoubtedly, touched actions would be accordingly to indicated aim (namely to preservation of
  1. Document No. 815.
  2. Document No. 816.
  3. "the other", that is, as the second.

The first is that the articles of peace and unity, in the middle time of the Concilii, and the second, by way of mitigation or explanation, since misunderstanding would have occurred in the next parting) have been judged and promoted in committee, and subsequently among your love and the others, as estates of the realm; But we have subsequently found that your love and some others of the estates, on such articles as have been brought into a term and now for the second time read to the estates, about all that has been indicated by some of us from the first in the committee and subsequently among the estates to noticeable and unpleasant complaint and inconvenience of this part, as far as the substance of the same is concerned, we think to persevere, regardless of the fact that such articles, partly for aforementioned reasons, are not useful for the preservation of peace and unity in the realm, and partly also, where otherwise not all, are not a declaration of the next parting made here at Speier, but rather a complete annulment and abdication of the same.

  1. and although we know that in all this, in order that we may owe and be obliged to obey the late and present Roman Imperial Majesty, or what we owe to Her Imperial Majesty 2c. Majesty 2c. or what we owe to Her Imperial Majesty, even to the honor of the Empire. Majesty, as well as the honor, welfare and best of the Empire, that we have always done so with completely faithful, willing and ready subservience, so that we know how to precede no one in the special things, even without male diminishment; as we then, to our end and pit, by the grace of God, in all things owed and possible to the Roman imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, and the Holy Roman Emperor, and to the other estates graciously, so these things, as your beloved and you others know, concern and affect God's honor and our souls' salvation and happiness, in which we, for the sake of our consciences, are obligated to regard God before all, that we are completely undoubted, Your beloved and you (as we have also kindly asked, and have graciously and favorably willed) will know ourselves to have apologized to you for not having agreed with your beloved and you, for the sake of the above-mentioned articles, nor for the sake of the majorities, as has several times been proposed at this Imperial Diet, to which we may, for many brave and moving causes, not be guilty of having agreed.

[292]{.underline} Sect. 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 820. W. xvi, 371-373. 293

(5) And so that your beloved, and you others, may hear our complaints once again and actually, it cannot be denied that for the sake of doctrine there has been a discord in our Christian religion in many articles for some time; but whence the same arises, we want to have brought home to the judgment of God, to whom all things are knowable, this time; for only that at the Imperial Diet held at Nuremberg, in the advertisements made by the papal legate at that time, a notice of this occurred, which we leave with it this time.

  1. And although all kinds of ways have been considered and pondered, it has finally been unanimously agreed that there is no more convenient measure to be found on all sides than that a common, free, Christian concilium should be made and written out; and this we now indicate in a friendly and good opinion, that your beloved and you others, also masculinely, are to take from it, and to remember yourselves, since a part may have considered it convenient, tolerable, useful or good, that a distance or condemnation of the doctrine, which it leads as Christian and has led in its lands and territories, should be interpreted before such a concilium, that by princes, princes and estates, together with Imperial Majesty, each time decreed by the Holy Roman Emperor, a concilium should be held. Majesty's orators and commissioners, would not have spoken and acted so often about the announced conciliation at the previous Imperial Diet.
  1. That on this part, according to opinion and content of the points, so of the discord and peace article half now put, such distance and condemnation meet us and want to be imposed silently, is to be heard from the following indication:

8 For the entrance understands this opinion as if princes, rulers and estates had decided on such a farewell, in which resolution we stand equal to your love and you, and must be meant, as namely that those who remained with the imperial edict at Worms until now should and wanted to remain with the same until the future concilio and keep their subjects to it.

(9) Now, for the sake of our consciences, it would be very burdensome to us that anyone, high or low, should be separated by our joint resolution from the doctrine that we consider divine and Christian, and be arrested by the edict that has been drawn up.

(10) Although it is true that it is not ours to defend, nor are we inclined to do so, as each one of you and your loved ones, according to your will and your wills, has done.

the edict or otherwise, for themselves or with their own. For after the doctrine, wherefore now the discord is, in many things against each other, should we be of the opinion with conclusive, then it will take place, and to be interpreted to us, also against our own conscience, to be true, either that we judge the doctrine, which we regard as Christian, now already from itself as wrong, as then the same from the next following point in these words: 1) "and but among the other estates, among whom the other doctrine arose, and in part without noticeable turmoil, complaint and danger would not be averted 2c."from the absurdity of such words; or else we would have to silently concede and confess that they were rightly founded on both sides, and thus were not necessary articles or points in the faith, which we do not know how to do at this time (we will be instructed otherwise in a future Concilio with Scripture).

(11) Thus it would have been such and much more difficult, for the sake of the point touching the mass, for we are in no doubt, your beloved, and you, have heard before this time to the necessity, in which way our preachers have challenged and set down the masses, as they have been used and kept for some time, with divine holy scripture in the highest way. Should we now fall into such a concept, as it was conceived for the sake of the masses mentioned, 2) it might be understood differently, as if we now wanted to be contrary to the doctrine mentioned, which we consider to be Christian and constant, and judge it to be wrong, which, after all, through the bestowal of God's grace, is not our mind at all, nor can it be done with conscience.

But that by your love, and you others, the touched masses, as they have been held and used for some time, are meant, and the term must also be understood by them, we have to assume easily from the fact that the term mentioned is directed to the oter, since the other doctrine (as it is called) arose.

  1. And yet it is not unreasonably strange to us that your love, and you, have undertaken to put us and others to this doctrine in the measure of our subjects, which your love and you, in return, for your own sake, would not like to suffer (nor, for that matter, would we respect it), would not want to suffer at all, if we had nevertheless provided, we should not have been considered unreasonably in that, also be considered again, as perhaps your love, and you, in their superiors, among their subjects, only by reason of the descend-
  1. See Document No. 817, § 6.
  2. "geyellen" - to consent. Walch: "gehelen".

[294]{.underline} Cap. II. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. W. xvi, 373-376. 295

The fact that it is not possible to apply the customs of both masses, namely the sacrificial and Christian evening masses, makes it much more difficult for us, for the sake of Christ's revealed institution of our Savior, to permit his mass and evening meal, something that is contrary to the same divine institution and can only be based on custom and human statute.

  1. Since the doctrine in our part of the world is based on divine Scripture in such a way that it is Christian, and the Scriptures against such masses have been held in public for some time; and such articles and doctrine, for the sake of the piece, are not the least thing to be acted upon in a future Christian council: We would not have provided (in view of the fact that the invitation to this Imperial Diet was issued in the name of the Emperor's Majesty, and that the instruction read does not mention this or any other such article) that our previous notice should have been so insisted upon.
  2. Even though we publicly preach and observe in our countries and principalities the sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord and Savior JEsu Christ, there is no need to make a wide-ranging announcement of this: Nevertheless, we know (as we have also been told before) that, for a variety of reasons and concerns, it is not convenient or tolerable that, for the sake of doctrine (if such a decree, as the term suggests, is now being made at this Imperial Diet), and especially because Imperial Majesty's decree does not require anything of this. It is easy to consider to what advantage this may be interpreted to all of us, since it was made unheard and outside of the future council (we will keep quiet about other incorrectness that may occur because of this).
  3. However, it is clear from this that even the much reported concept of maintaining peace and unity in the empire in the meantime of the Concilii did not want to be of service, because the concept touched upon can be understood in the first point, that those who until now have remained with the edict of imperial majesty, should and want to remain so, and no distinction would be made as to how far and whether such obligation should extend to the penalty of the edict invoked or not, as it cannot be heard otherwise because of the common words with which the article is written.

17 Because our several clergymen from other authorities are willing to keep the Edict in force

(since it would not be held by them in such a way, as they suppose according to the edict), that they subjected themselves and the next Speier farewell, to let them restrain and withhold their pensions and interests: It is to be considered what would be subjected to the same pretense, which would serve little or nothing for the preservation of peace and unity; This, however, is prevented by the next decree made here at Speier, so that no one is allowed to carry out such or such a frequently reported edict, since the penalty of the same is "that every authority should live and govern with its subjects in the meantime of the Council, in matters concerning the edict, in such a way as it trusts God and Imperial Majesty to do so. Majesty", has been suspended.

  1. From this it is clear to hear that the next parting is more conducive to peace and unity (as it has also been considered to be, by virtue of the Instruction issued to the Roman Imperial Majesty next to it, by Princes, Princes and Estates), because, as indicated above, this has not remained about the next parting, since it was not due at all, for the sake of our clergy: What do we want now, if the parting is to be judged on the opinion of the term, and we are to be obliged on this part, in the indicated matters, touching the edict, to keep it in such a way, as we do such against God the Most High and in his court, also here in time against Roman. kais. Majesty, as our ordinary temporal sovereignty. Which also, as now indicated, are not such words as will be passed on in the next parting, thereby being permitted to everyone (as will be spoken by some, to whom the matter is higher, than indeed the necessity is always to mind), in the meantime of a council to do and carry out everything according to his own discretion or liking, whoever therefore abuses and acts against the next Speier farewell with indicated withholding of the interest, we ourselves give to your love and you others to consider.
  1. Item, it is also sufficient to note from this, where the much-used words: "that there is any authority in the meantime of the Concilii, in matters concerning the edict" 2c. should now be omitted, and in their place such words, as stand in the present term, namely: "And but with the other estates" 1) 2c., should be put, that such
  2. Document No. 817, 8 6. No. 818, 8 4.

[296]{.underline} Sect. 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 820. W. XVI. 376-378. 297

The parting made would not be a declaration, but a complete annulment of the substance of the next parting, as far as the discord is concerned, in which we are to be granted, because the next parting by Imperial Majesty's governors and commissioners, by virtue of Imperial Majesty's power and authority, also brings Electors, Princes and Estates unanimously, as such a letter clarifies. Majesty's governors and commissioners, by virtue of Imperial Majesty's authority and power, also princes, princes and estates unanimously, as the letter clearly states, with the obligation to keep the same firmly and unbreakably, also not to do anything against it and to carry it out, or to let it go out, granted, and fastened with sigils, will not be unreasonably highly burdensome.

20 And furthermore, that we are not afraid to give an answer, where it is intended to us, as if the next farewell of us should have been drawn into a misunderstanding and thereby misused: so we also cannot judge with ourselves that the necessity is or requires to do such now reported cancellation of the next farewell because of the attracted misunderstanding. For although we have no knowledge of what form such a farewell should have taken to a cover of new doctrines since then: so shall, in our discretion, the same have been mitigated for the time being by such a declaration as is partly set forth in the term and on the opinion of our delivered article, which we now wish to have sent and delivered to your love, and to you others, once more to consider, 1) in that the authorities in their superintendencies, and that henceforth further innovations or sects of faith should be prevented as much as humanly possible, and that providence should be opposed to them, and that there should be no need whatsoever to rescind the next parting for this reason as touched upon.

21 Because we are then also confident to the Roman imperial majesty, our most gracious lord, of the undoubted and whole confidence, where her imperial majesty has reported the things as they are now partly told. Majesty of the things, as they have now been partly told by us and otherwise further reported, furthermore that Her Majesty's The Imperial Council of the Holy Roman Empire, which is newer and more recent at the time, together with the imperial power of the Holy Roman Empire. 2) which was presented at the beginning of this Imperial Diet by her Majesty's governors and commissioners, our special dear and gracious lords and friends, your dear ones, to us and all the estates, as we do not know any other way, clarify that it shall be spoken, acted upon and advised

  1. Thus set by us according to § 3 of this number, Col. 291. In the old edition, this passage reads: "so sollt doch... demselben ... has been mitigated".
  2. Document No. 815.

how peace and unity in the realm may be preserved; whereupon your dear ones, we and the others of the estates, have taken all action, as far as the said peace is concerned; For if it had been the opinion that it might have been considered useful, good or more convenient to remain with the read instruction for the half of the article, such consultation and consideration would not have been necessary at all, the High Roman Emperor's Majesty would not have allowed himself to be moved at all to what the read instruction for the half of the article is able to do.

  1. And after all this, to your love, and to you others, as our dear lords, cousins, grandparents, friends and special ones, our friendly request and favorable and gracious intention is that the same, and you, want to take the opportunity of the things again to mind, and the same together with the above-mentioned and such our complaints, and the like of our grievances, which we have in the adopted agreement with regard to the points and articles mentioned above, and to consider them in particular, so that they remain in the next agreement, as the same was unanimously approved, decided, accepted and executed at that time; or on the opinion, as your love and you have understood before and have to hear further from this our writing, kindly and benevolently dismiss, and settle with that, as if your love, and you others, should have the more 3) touched next allhie from imperial. Majesty, for the sake of your love and all of us, as we do not know, nor in our opinion are we obliged, to grant this action, which affects conscience and the salvation of souls, for the reasons indicated and others, and beforehand according to the form and occasion of this action.

23 For as far as the articles concerning Anabaptists, preachers and printers, such as these, have been considered and understood for the sake of peace, and as far as the other two main articles are concerned, we want and hope to compare ourselves with your love and the rest of you in such a way that we will not feel any lack of justice in any of them, which should be of benefit, welfare and good, and especially of peace, to the common Christendom and the empire of the German nation.

  1. all this your love, and you, to our great need and equity, deign to note, also kindly and good-willingly therein.
  1. "The majority", that is, the majority.

[298]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 378-381. 299

We are inclined to earn your love with special, friendly diligence in all ways, and to recognize you others in favor, grace and all good. We kindly request and favorably desire your love and your other's immediate, friendly and fruitful response, and therefore, according to our need, let us further 1) be heard.

  1. Although we would now have provided ourselves to princes, princes and estates in an indisputable way, they would have taken our important and noticeable complaints into consideration, and that no one would have made an unobjectionable, reasonable and Christian change in the things, which would be against his conscience, and would be imposed outside, also before a future common and free Christian concilio or national assembly: Their loved ones, and they, have insisted on their intention, only that the committee, which their loved ones and they had appointed for this purpose, has subsequently indicated to us how their loved ones, and they, consider that the articles of Royal Serene Highness, as Imperial Majesty's governor, and of the Holy Roman Emperor, are to be rescinded. Majesty's governor, and her Majesty's appointed orators and commissioners, should be presented, whether her Serene Highness and dear ones might find means for a convenient settlement; which we, and that royal Highness together with the orators and commissioners acted thereon for a convenient settlement, neither displeased nor resented, in friendly confidence that such action would be conducive and prompt, and would have been taken.

26 Nevertheless, and beyond the fact that it was not the opinion at the beginning of this Imperial Diet, the other articles expressed in the document, which was read and presented in the form of an Imperial Instruction at the beginning of this Imperial Diet, have been proceeded with. Since, however, after several days nothing was announced to us by Royal Serenity and Imperial Majesty's Orators and Commissars as to whether and when we should wait for further action, as mentioned above, we have at the very least twice petitioned Royal Serenity through some of our own for a suggestion and reminder. But when we, by virtue of the aforementioned farewell, which we took with the appointed committee, princes, princes and estates, provided for further negotiation and discussion, Royal Serene Highness, together with the orator and commissioners, on Mondays

  1. Here "have" is erased from us.

after Jubilate f19th April, next to various, before princes, princes and all estates, outside and without any further negotiation, also without regard to all of our above-mentioned highly urgent complaints, have their opinion publicly read out from a document, without doubt of the opinion, as if their Royal Serene Highness and dear ones wanted to have announced and given us a final decision with it, as follows:

The alleged decision, which His Royal Serene Highness, Imperial Majesty's Orator and Commissars, had publicly read out in the Assembly of the Imperial Estates on April 19.

  1. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Governor, Orator and Commissaries, have sent to the Princes, Princes, Prelates, Counts and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, and to the same, a written message, which they have based on the three articles of their Imperial Charter. Majest. The Holy Roman Emperor and the Holy Roman Emperor's representatives, the governors, orators and commissars, have written and presented this document in the name of their Imperial Majesty, in the beginning of the present Imperial Diet, and have handed it over to the imperial governor, orator and commissars of the past few days, and have read it at length, and thereupon have presented this document against their presentation, in virtue of their perfect authority, to the Imperial Council of the Holy Roman Empire. The document has been submitted in accordance with the imperial decree of this Imperial Diet.

(2) And although in such a document, presented to the said princes and princes and the other estates, the three articles, the said Imperial Governor, Orator and Commissarii have been presented. The Imperial Governor, Orator and Commissarii, for the fulfillment and satisfaction of the said Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, will and opinion, would be well-founded and sufficient plea: so consider the Imperial Governor, Orator and Commissarii. The Imperial Governors, Orators and Commissars, that Princes and Princes, also other estates of the Holy Roman Empire, and of the other absent 2) embassies, on such their presentation, the articles understood one after the other, after timely council held, on account of the occasion of the present lurking and time, according to their highest understanding, to praise and honor God Almighty, and to the said Imperial Majesty for the most submissive obedience, and first of all for the preservation of our Christian faith, also peace and unity in the Holy Empire, have Christianly, reasonably, wisely and well put and written, which also confidently, and especially to those, who without the God and

  1. "Absent" put by us instead of: "Present".

[300 Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 820. W. xvi, 381-383. 301]{.underline}

The people who have the imperial majesty in mind would understand this and would not act contrary to it.

  1. And therefore the said Imperial Governors, Orator and Commissarii. The said imperial governors, orators and commissarii, accept the notion of the three articles of their part given to them by the same princes and princes, also by the other estates, also accept the same articles in the name of the said imperial majesty and for themselves, want to have such articles, content of their authority, in the place of the said imperial majesty, also approved for themselves, that they are thus brought in the proper form of a farewell; and say from the said imperial majesty, also for their own sake, to the same princes and princes, and to the other estates and embassies, their Christian, faithful, and faithful, faithful and faithful, faithful and faithful, faithful and faithful, faithful and faithful, faithful and faithful. Majesty, also on her own behalf, to the same princes and princes, and to the other estates and embassies, for their Christian, faithful and diligent actions, but, rather, diligent, friendly and gracious thanks, and want to praise all this to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, who would undoubtedly recognize this with grace towards all the estates, and they, the imperial governors, orators and commissars, would be pleased. They, the imperial governors, orators and commissioners, will also kindly and graciously owe this to themselves.

The same governors, orators, and commissioners have also heard the writing that the Elector of Saxony 2c, Margrave George of Brandenburg 2c, Landgrave of Hesse 2c, Prince of Anhalt, and the Chancellor of Lüneburg have handed over to the common imperial assembly against the first article, concerning our Christian faith, and let this writing remain in its value. For since such a document has been presented and read to the large committee, then Electors and Princes, and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire, and since the common assembly, according to old, laudable custom and usage, and also according to its conscience and conscience, has decided on the article concerning the faith, which rather was done with its votes, and since they, the imperial governors, orator and governors of the Holy Roman Empire, have decided on it, they have also decided on the article concerning our Christian faith. If they, the imperial governors, orators and commissars, have accepted such an article (as above) on their authority, in the place of vaunted imperial majesty, also for themselves, as members of the Holy Roman Empire, then these same imperial governors, orators and commissars wish to be bound by it. The said Elector of Saxony and the other princes and embassies, reported above, who have hitherto sought objection in the resolution of the article indicated, will take leave of it, reported above, nor refuse that not only (as above) by many of the other princes and princes, but also other estates of the empire, according to old laudable usage, have acted honestly, properly and as is due at this imperial diet.

and proceeded; but that also the imperial governors, orators and commissarii have not brought forward and acted otherwise. But that also the imperial governors, orators and commissioners have not brought forward and acted anything else, nor do they continue to do, act, approve and decide, except that they, in virtue of their above-mentioned authority, have good reason, power and right, and know how to answer well and sufficiently against the said imperial majesty. Accordingly, the imperial governors, orators and commissioners, princes and princes, and the other estates of the empire have not wished to act in a friendly and gracious manner in response to this document.

5 And when we did not provide ourselves with the same, and therefore escaped to a short conversation with each other, and did not even suspect that royal dukes with said orators and commissaries would not have stayed a little while, that we could have held a short conversation and again presented our need to their royal dukes, princes, and estates, their royal dukes and much-reported orators and commissaries, we did not suspect that their royal dukes would not have stayed a little while, that we could have held a short conversation and again presented our need to their royal dukes, princes, and estates. However, their royal sovereigns and much-reported orators and commissars, our unexpected, have risen, and from the assembly of the kingdom's estates, have suddenly departed from the house. Although we have also kindly asked their Royal Highnesses and Privates, through some of our councillors whom we have sent to their Highnesses and Privates, to be unburdened, next to Princes, Princes and Estates, to hear our need for the read presentation again: nevertheless, their Highnesses and Privates did not want to give the Orator and Commissars a chance, but the answer was given to ours that the articles had been decided 2c. Are therefore against the supposed decision, which was taken by the above-mentioned estates in force of a presumed and yet quite unofficial, insignificant and non-binding majority, and what with Royal Serenity, also of the Orator and Commissars, the above-mentioned read opinion and answer to it further took place, to publicly protest before Electors, Princes and Estates, and to hand over the same in writs; which protestation of harmless content follows hereafter expressed:

Protestation before Electors, Princes and Estates, publicly read and delivered to the species of the Empire.

  1. your dear ones, and you dear gentlemen cousins, grandparents, friends and others, know what complaints we have made verbally and in writing during the past days of this Diet against some points in the article of preservation of peace and

[302]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 383-386. 303

Conciliation, on account of the pending discord of religion in the empire, meanwhile of the Concilii, have had presented and although we, considering that we have indicated nothing, but what our conscience for God's honor, praise and sanctification of his name, also of said peace and unity because of the highest unavoidable need in the empire, the highest unavoidable necessity would have provided us, your beloved, and you others, would have made the ways, that we could have compared ourselves with your beloved and you others for explanation of the next Speierian farewell, where the same should have been abused by unequal understanding, with good conscience and without burden; so that the reported next farewell would otherwise remain in esse and its substance, as had been unanimously decided beforehand; Just as we, Duke John, Elector of Saxony, at the suggestion of the great committee, have come to a different opinion concerning the abuses involved and the preservation of the peace reported, and thereupon have again sent it to the committee reported, and have had it handed over to your love and to you elsewhere, in the confidence that the same concept would have been considered and accepted by your love and by you for an even and different explanation.

    1. But because we have found that your love and you seem to persist in their intention, and because of the brave causes and complaints which we have now and everywhere again raised and renewed, both of us want to do so because of our consciences, also that such of your love, and your, nobility, on account of the above-mentioned pending discord, for the preservation of peace and unity, in the meantime of the Concilii, does not in any way want to comply, nor to do, that we should heal or consent to it; To that, that we, after the shape of the bargain, and before about the above touched next Speier farewell, the same are not obliged, especially without our consent, from reported next allhie at Speier made and sealed farewell, by reason of the hereafter described strong binding clauses and words, so at the end of the same farewell are written, namely: 2) "Thereupon we, Ferdinand, Prince and Jnfant in Hispania" 2c., "And we Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts
  1. This paragraph was included by Elector John and Landgrave Philip of Hesse in their letter by which they announced the protestation in their lands. See Document No. 822, § 3.
  2. Towards the end of the 818th Documents, U 4 and 5.

and gentlemen" 2c.: We therefore consider that, due to the much-touched grievance, our high and unavoidable necessity requires us to publicly protest against your love and yours, as null and powerless, and our, and also ours and our men's, unallied undertakings, as we also do herewith at present, and that, for the aforementioned reasons, we do not know, cannot nor may heal, but consider your love and your intentions null and unallied, against your love and you, and you, and nevertheless wish to keep, live and govern ourselves in the matters of religion, in the meantime, in the aforementioned common and free Christian Concilii or National Assembly, by means of divine help, by virtue of and in accordance with the much touched next Speierian farewell, in our sovereignties, also among and with our subjects and relatives, in such a way, as we do in the face of God, the Almighty, and the Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor and the Holy Roman Emperor. Imperial. Majesty, our most gracious Lord. What also concerns the ecclesiastical interest, rent, validity and tithe, and the peace, and is written and expressed in the much-reported next Speierian agreement, we also want to show and keep ourselves in all ways unobjectionable. Thus, we want to be in agreement with your love and you as far as the following points are concerned, as the reopening and the printing, as we are all understood at this Imperial Diet, and we know how to keep to the contents of the same points in all respects.

  1. And after all this, to your love and to you is our friendly request and gracious intention that you note this protest of ours for our unavoidable necessity, and that you remember it, and in particular that you be mindful of where such an opinion, as your love and you have made, is to be placed at the end of this Imperial Diet, as we have not provided for it at all, so that our protest of its content is included and placed next to you; and are caused to submit our present protestation, together with our complaints, which we have next presented in writings against such article, to the Imperial Majesty, and also to have it otherwise publicly issued, so that men may have and receive knowledge that we and why in such opinion have not been resolved, but have publicly protested against it before your love and you; we also reserve the right to further extend our complaints and protestations,
  1. Walch: yours.

[304]{.underline} Section 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 820. w. xvi, sW-zss. 305

and to let us hear the same against your love, and you others, also otherwise for our need.

  1. all this your love and you others want in the best, and as reported, to our high need, and not otherwise understand: we are kindly deserving of your love, and inclined to recognize towards you others with favorable and gracious will.
  2. And so that the Royal Serene Highness together with the Orator and Commissars, also Princes, Princes and Estates, may be reminded of our complaints once again and in abundance, whether their Royal Serene Highness and dear ones, also Princes, Princes and Estates of the Realm, would have wanted to be softened and moved once again to consider the matters further and to that end, so that we on all sides may come to a fair and unencumbered settlement of the conflict that has occurred: So we, the above-mentioned, have had our complaints, with further necessary extension and attached protestation, drawn up and put in writing, and have dispatched some of our councillors to present them in writing to Royal Serene Highness, and to the much-affected Oratori and Commissarien; as has been done. But the same our deputies have reported to us on their return, although Royal Serene Highness indicated that she would have taken our necessity, which was written down, in the first instance into her Serene Highness' hands: so she would not have wanted to deliver it to them again, and to keep it for the indicated further favorable motion with her Serene Highness and the Orator and Commissars. Also, since ours complained about taking back the reported document without and outside of our order, but deposited it in the king's chamber, it was nevertheless sent back to us by several royal sovereigns for previous complaints. What we have also reported and objected to in such writings is to be heard from the contents of the same writings subsequently recorded.

The complaint and protestation have been otherwise combined, and delivered to the Royal Serene Highness, the Imperial Orator and Commissarien.

  1. noble king, also most reverend, highborn, venerable, wellborn and noble, dear, gracious lords, grandfathers, cousins, brothers-in-law, friends, and special dear ones! After we have, at the request of the Roman Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious Lord,

and in addition to your Royal Serene Highness' friendly description, to her Majesty's submissive obedience, and to your Royal Serene Highness' friendly and official favor, also for the benefit of common Christendom and the Holy Empire, here to this Imperial Diet, and now, in addition to your loved ones and you the others, hear the read Instruction together with the Letter of Authority in Imperial Majesty's name (placed at the disposal of Your Royal Serene Highness and other Commissaries ordered by Her Imperial Majesty), and in addition to this, we have diligently examined the Imperial Majesty's writ of summons of this Imperial Diet and have found that the matters were directed by inconvenient practices to the effect that the article in the resolution of the Imperial Diet held here, concerning our holy Christian faith and its religion or ceremonies, should be set aside, and against it other, quite burdensome articles should be placed.

(2) However, since Your Royal Serene Highness, and others assigned to Your Royal Highness, are in the process of being summoned by the Imperial Majesty. Serene Highness, as Imperial Majesty's Governors and Commissars, also all Princes, Princes and Estates of the Realm, and of the said Article, have unanimously agreed and united at the Imperial Diet held here at Speier, for good Christian reasons, for the preservation of peace and unity in the Holy Realm, to the effect that, as follows: that in the meantime of a general concilii or national assembly, every prince, duke and estate of the empire may live, govern and hold with his subjects "in matters which the edict issued by the imperial majesty at the Diet of Worms may concern", as each one hopes to do so against God and the imperial majesty. Majesty hopes and trusts to answer for. And now Your Royal Serene Highness, as at the same time and now Imperial Majesty's Governor, together with other co-commissioners assigned to her aforementioned, in virtue of her then transferred (signed and sealed with Imperial Majesty's hands) power, have spoken and promised in the resolution of the above-mentioned farewell on account of the Roman Imperial Majesty, to keep and execute everything and anything that is written in the aforementioned farewell and may affect Imperial Majesty, firmly, unbrokenly and sincerely, to comply with it and to live it straightforwardly and without refusal, not to do anything against it, to carry it out, and to act or let it go out, nor to allow anyone else to do anything on their behalf, except all danger. Likewise, your beloved, we and other princes, sovereigns,

[306]{.underline} Cap. II. of the imperial congresses 1525-1529. w. xvi, 388-391. 307

Prelates, Counts and Lords, also of the Electors and Princes, Prelates, Counts, and of the Holy Roman Empire free and imperial cities sent embassies and rulers, named in the farewell, therein publicly confess that all and every written points and articles are made and decided with all our good knowledge, will and counsel, that also we all have agreed to the same together and especially in force of the letter, and have spoken and promised in right, good, true faith to keep and perform all the points and articles written in the parting, as much as each of us may concern or be concerned with his lordship or friend, by whom he is sent or is under authority, truly, steadily, firmly, sincerely, and unbrokenly, and to comply with it to the best of our ability and to live without danger. As then the several times reported agreement of the last held Imperial Diet is thus documented and sealed by the Imperial Majesty's governors, princes, princes and other estates of the empire, such with clear, expressed words in itself holds, wants and is able.

  1. in consideration of this previously established, obligated, documented and sealed farewell, we have, also for the following reasons (which are then indicated to your royal authority, dear ones, and you to the others on the twelfth day of this month of April in writings).Dear, and to you the others, on the twelfth day of this month of April, some of which are also indicated in writings), we cannot nor may not consent to the abrogation of the preceding article unanimously granted and obligated to be kept, nor to the mitigation thought to have been made for this reason (and yet none in itself).

(4) Namely, first, for the justified reason that we undoubtedly believe that Your Imperial Majesty, as a noble, just and Christian Emperor Majesty as a praiseworthy, just and Christian Emperor, our most gracious Lord, also your Royal Serene Highness, and other of your fellow commissioners, such as also the several part of your and other dear ones, are nothing less than we, of the Imperial and Royal, Electoral, Princely and honorable, sincere, constant mind and will, and honorable, sincere, constant mind and will, what all of them (as above mentioned) have once and with us unanimously granted, obligated, committed and sealed, thus according to the letter, to keep steadfastly, firmly and unbreakably, to carry out, and therein not to brood at all, nor to be contrary to nor to do anything against it, in which we now not only agree with our, but first of all with Your Imperial Majesty, but also with Your Royal Majesty. Majesty, as well as your Royal Serene Highness, dearest and all our honor, praise, glory and favor.

5 On the other hand, we would also know such things, as reported before and after, with good reason.

We do not know against God Almighty, as the one and only Lord, Ruler and Sustainer of our holy, Christian, beatific faith, nor against Imperial Majesty as a Christian Emperor. Majesty, as a Christian emperor, in no way.

6 For although we know that our forefathers, brothers and we, in all that we owe and owe obedience to the deceased and present reigning Roman Imperial Majesty, have been obliged to keep or to owe to her Imperial Majesty, we do not know that our forefathers, brothers and we, in all that we owe and owe obedience to the deceased and present reigning Roman Imperial Majesty. Majesty, or to her Imperial Majesty and the honor of the Empire. Majesty and the Empire's honor, welfare, and best, that our forefathers, brothers, and we have done so with whole, faithful, willing, and ready subservience, so that we know how to give preference to no one in nothing, even without male diminution, for our own glory, as we do now to our end and pit, with the help of divine grace, we are willing and inclined to be obedient and willing in all things due and possible to the Roman Imperial Majesty, as our most gracious lord, of unsaved body and estate, also to your Royal Serenity and love, as our dear and gracious lords, grandparents, cousins, sisters-in-law, friends, and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire, kindly, graciously, and unanimously: These are such things, as your Royal Serenity, dear ones, and you, the others, know, which concern and affect God's glory and the salvation and blessedness of every soul, in which we, by God's command, for the sake of our consciences, call upon the same our Lord and God, as the highest King and Lord of all lords, in baptism and otherwise by his holy divine word, we are obligated and indebted above all things, in the undoubted confidence that your royal majesty, beloved, and you, the others, will (as we have also kindly requested before) kindly graciously and benevolently that we do not agree with your Royal Serene Highness, dear ones, and you others, for the sake of the above-mentioned articles, nor do we want to obey the majority of them, as has been done several times at this Imperial Diet, in consideration and respect, that we want to obey this, due to the previous Speierian imperial treaty, which especially in the mentioned article clearly shows, that such article has been decided by a unanimous union (and not only the several parts); Therefore, such a unanimous resolution shall not, can not, or may not be changed otherwise than by unanimous consent, for reasons of respectability, equity, and law,

[308Section]{.underline} 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 820. W. xvi, 391-393. 309

Together with this, that even without this, in matters concerning God's honor and our souls' salvation and happiness, each one must stand before God for himself and give an account; so that in this place no one can excuse himself for the other's doing or deciding, and are not obligated to do so for other honest, well-founded, good reasons.

  1. And so that your Royal Serenity, dear ones, also you, the others, and otherwise males, to whom this action may reach, may have to hear our complaints, also reason and causes (why we cannot compare ourselves in touched matters with your Royal Serenity, dear ones, and you, the others, this time) again and actually: It is publicly known and cannot be denied that for a time there has been discord over doctrine in our Christian religion, over many things and articles, but where such discord has come from and flowed, God knows first of all, of which we also judge all things, and has been partly done and handed over at the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg by the papal legate, according to his advertisement and instruction, 1) at that time, and also otherwise known by many princes, princes, and other estates of the empire, which are also partly yours; As then, at the reported Imperial Diet at Nuremberg, the secular imperial estates recorded all our complaints in eighty articles, 2) and handed them over to the said papal legate, which also went out publicly in print earlier, as then the same complaints and abuses are not yet over, and many more are still before us.
  2. And although at the same time and afterwards, also now, all kinds of ways were thought of here, nevertheless it has always been considered at all imperial congresses that no more convenient means and measure could be found for the matters on all sides than that a free, common, Christian concilium, or at least a national assembly, would be made and announced as soon as possible; and this we now point out to no other than faithful, Christian, friendly, official good opinion, and therefore that Your Royal Serene Highness, dear ones, and you the others, also manly, may take from it and remind yourself, when it is proper or due, of a part of the distance or condemnation of the doctrine (belonging to God's glory and the souls' salvation and blessedness), which he considers Christian, leads, and in his countries and
  1. The 718th document in the 15th volume of our edition.
  2. St. Louis edition, Vol. XV, No. 722.
  3. before a free Christian general council, that governors, commissaries, orators, also princes, princes and other estates of the empire, decreed by imperial majesty, would not have been and still would not have been so often and stately appointed and acted upon by the reported council, to interrogate and act upon the ambiguous (as doubtful doctrines and things), of which they themselves are not certain.
  4. That we have now encountered such a thing in our part, according to the content and opinion of some points and articles (which are set aside for the sake of this conflict in faith and peace), and not only silently, but also obviously wanted to lay it open, is to be noted and understood enough from the following statement:
  1. For so some in the committee, in their first proposed, and the tenth day of this month Aprilis again overlooked, also in some other pieces changed term, have set that princes, princes and other estates (under which we are equal to your loved ones, and you the others, have now decided with each other that those who have remained with the (preordained) imperial edict until now, should and want to remain with the same edict until the future concilio, and hold their subjects to it 2c., that we, as those who cannot keep or execute such edict in all respects with a good conscience, as was considered at previous imperial congresses not only with us, but also with more other imperial estates, would be extremely burdensome and could not be justified before God, to separate anyone of high or low rank, by our joint decision, from the doctrine that we, from a thorough report of God's eternal Word, undoubtedly consider to be divine and Christian, and against our own conscience, as if it were obvious, to penetrate under the edict that has been drawn up.

(11) But we do not dare to contest at all how your Royal Serene Highness will hold it. 11. However, we do not at all submit to dispute how your Royal Serenity, or any of your loved ones, and you the others, will hold it, outside of our settlement or resolution, according to the edict or otherwise, for themselves and with theirs; only that we daily and cordially pray to God that his divine grace may enlighten us all to his and our own right, true knowledge, and may give his Holy Spirit to guide us into all truth, so that we may come to the unanimity of a right, true, loving, beatific, Christian, and Christian way of life.

  1. in the old edition of Walch: "gladly", which will be read from "geen" (to go). In the parallel passage Col. 292, § 6: "lead".

[310]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. w. xvi, 393-3S6. 311

Faith comes through Christ, our one mercy seat, mediator, advocate and Savior, amen.

12 For after the discord has been publicly brought to light, and, as reported above, partly known by the opposing party itself, that it arose from its cause, that even the reported opposing party itself admits and does not deny that the doctrine among us is just in many respects (which the imperial edict also touches upon), and only in some points and articles is in conflict with one another, it is easy for the manly and honorable mind and spirit to judge if we should agree with your royal sovereignty, your love, and your opinion of the others. Your Serene Highness, your love, and your opinion, which is now understood by the others, should decide with your Royal Highness, your love, and you, the others, that it would result from this and be imposed on us that, against our own conscience, we ourselves now judge the doctrine, which we have hitherto undoubtedly considered to be Christian, and still consider to be so, to be unjust, because we have also decided that the imperial edict shall stand against it.

  1. Which is even clearer from the annexed point of contradiction, which reads: 1) "And among the other estates, among which the other doctrine has arisen, and in part cannot be averted without noticeable uproar, complaint, and danger, all innovation shall be prevented as much as possible and humanly possible until the future Council" 2c., how then only men would argue and say that we have confessed by such a departure that our Christian doctrine, opinion and attitude would be so wrong and so shaped, if they were to be stopped without noticeable turmoil, trouble and danger, that it should be done justly, or at least we would have to tacitly admit and confess that we do not have rightly founded or thus necessary points and articles in the faith: which we do not know how to confess or do at this time (we will be directed otherwise by holy, pure, divine, biblical Scripture at a future concilio or otherwise).

(14) What else would it be but to deny, not only implicitly, but publicly, our Lord and Savior Christ, and his holy word, which we undoubtedly have pure, clean, and right, and to give the Lord Christ cause to deny us also before his heavenly Father, and not to confess that he has delivered us from sins, death, the devil, and hell; as he has done to all those who believe him and his holy word?

  1. Document No. 818, s 4.

If we do not confess freely and publicly before men, the gospel threatens us terribly; then the right confession is not only in mere words, but in deed, as may be further explained for the sake of necessity.

  1. To what noticeable and damning annoyance and apostasy such a thing would grow and reach, not only among our Christian, but also among our good-hearted subjects, if they heard that we had decided with your Royal Serenity, dear ones, and you, the others, that you should persist with the edict and hold your subjects to it as well; Thus, although God Almighty enlightens someone to the knowledge of His holy and only saving Word, that he or she should not or may not accept the same, this is not difficult for any Christian man of integrity to consider and recognize; as even some of the authorities of your part would dare to embellish themselves against their subjects with the fact that we have decided on such a thing with your Royal Serenity, dear ones, and you, the others, therefore they must keep and do it.
  2. Where we also decide with your Royal Serene Highness, dear ones, and you, the others, that those who have so far remained with the Edict should also remain with it until a future Council, we confess, as reported before, not only that your part's opinion is just, but also that the Edict would and should still be in force, which has been suspended and repealed by the previous Speierian Imperial Decree, as can be seen from all actions; Thus, in such matters concerning the edict, each imperial state may hold, live and govern for itself and its own, as it first hopes to answer to God and the Imperial Majesty. Majesty; therefore, we can no longer be burdened with such a yoke of the edict through no fault of our own. We are also in no doubt that it is Imperial Majesty's will, mind and soul. Maj.'s will, mind, or opinion, as we then have to conduct our doctrines, life, government, actions, and omissions, in such a way against God Almighty and Her Imperial Majesty as a Christian Emperor. Maj. as a Christian Emperor, on a true and thorough report of the matter.

17 Thus, for the sake of the article concerning the Mass, it has such and much more difficulty, for we are in no doubt that Your Royal Serenity, dear ones, and you, the others, have heard and heard before this time, to the necessity, in what way our preachers and teachers have used and kept the Papal Masses, as they have been used and kept for some time, with holy grace,

[312]{.underline} Section 2: Von den Reichst, zu Regensb. 2c. No. 820. W. xvi, 396-398. 313

The Lord has challenged and set down in the highest degree the divine, unconquerable, constant Scripture, and on the other hand has established the noble, delicious supper of our dear Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, which is called the evangelical mass, according to the institution and example of Christ, our only Master, and also according to the use of his holy apostles. Should we now approve or consent to such a concept or resolution, as the one in the committee, for the sake of the Mass, again no other thing would be understood, than that we would be contrary to our preachers' teachings, which we nevertheless consider Christian and constant, in the piece as well as in previous ones, and would help to judge them as unjust, which is not at all our mind through the bestowal of God's graces, nor can it be done with a good conscience. Your Royal. Your Serene Highnesses, dear ones, and you, the others, yes, men, may well think if we were to have two mutually repugnant masses held in our cities, towns and territories, although the papal mass would not be against God and His holy word, which may never be preserved, that nevertheless, among the common man, especially among those who have a right zeal for God's honor and name, "preaching nothing less than repugnant" would result in repugnance, rebellion, indignation, and all unhappiness, and would serve neither peace nor unity.

  1. That your Royal Serene Highnesses, dear ones, and you, the others, mean the touched papal masses, as they have been held and used for some time, and that the term must be understood by the same, we have to assume easily from the fact that the reported term refers only to the oters, where the other doctrine (as it is called) originated, and not at all to your Royal Highnesses, dear ones, and your, the others, authorities and territories; and therefore we are not unreasonably disconcerted that your Royal Highnesses, dear ones, and you, the others, do not understand the term. Serene Highnesses, dear ones, and your, the other, authorities and territories; and therefore we are not unreasonably disconcerted that your Royal Highnesses, dear ones, are the ones who are responsible for it. Serene Highnesses, dear ones, and you, the others, are noble to set us and others, who adhere to this doctrine (that is, the pure, unadulterated Word of God), in the one measure, for the sake of our subjects, and to make order and regiment in our cities, towns and territories, which your Royal Highnesses, dear ones, have done. Your Serene Highnesses, dear ones, and you, the others, would not like to suffer in the opposite case, even if we respect it, so you should consider the equality and be much less against it, that we join with ours in our cities, patches, authorities and territories of the supper of Christ, as the evangelical and only in divine scripture.

The Holy Mass, according to the revealed and irrefutable institution of our Savior Jesus Christ, is to be used unanimously. For you would not like or tolerate that your loved ones, and you, the others, in their cities and towns, should be denied the papal masses, or anything else of the kind, which is contrary to divine institution, as well as to the use of all its holy apostles, and is based solely on human poetry and invention, or that you should allow some hindrance to it.

19 Because of this, and because the doctrine on our part in our lands and authorities is founded with divine, unconquered Scripture, against the papal masses, as mentioned above, and because such an article is not the least that would be necessary to act in a Christian council, we should not have allowed ourselves (in addition to the fact that the invitation to this imperial diet was issued in the name of the emperor) to be forced to act against the papal masses. Maj.'s name, which is also more recent in date than the aforementioned letter of authority and the instruction, nor the instruction read out in the same way, report anything about these or other such articles), we would not have provided at all that our notifications and Christian remembrance made many times before should be adhered to in such a way.

  1. Although it is publicly evident what we preach and have preached in our countries and authorities on account of the holy sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord and Savior JEsu Christ, that for this reason it is necessary to make a wide announcement: Nevertheless, we know once again, as we have had it said before, from many misgivings and good Christian causes, that it is not convenient or tolerable that for the sake of doctrine (so contrary to it) such a decree as the term suggests should now be made at this Imperial Diet, and especially because the Emperor's decree does not allow anything to be done about it. Maj.'s letter does not report anything about it, that even those who touch the same matter have not been required nor heard; and it is truly to be moved and considered, if such grave and important articles were to be made outside of the future Concilii, or if it were to be subjected to a finding or order therein without a necessary and due 1) hearing of all those who touch the matter, to what harm and injustice such a decree would bring Imperial Maj. Majesty, Your Royal Serene Highness, Dearest, to us and other estates of the Empire.

Item 21, as further set forth in the committee's term, 2) that the preachers shall preach the holy gospel....

  1. In Walch's old edition: "unseemly".
  2. Document No. 817, § 8.

[314]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 398-e. 315

If we were to agree in all parts as to what the true holy Christian church is, then we would be able to preach and teach the gospel according to the interpretation of the scriptures, approved and accepted by the holy Christian church. But because of this there is not the slightest dispute, and no certain sermon or doctrine, but to remain only with God's Word, as also according to the command of God nothing else is to be preached, and since one text of holy divine Scripture is to be explained and interpreted with the other, as also this same holy divine Scripture in all things, which is necessary for the Christian people to know, is found in itself clear and loud to enlighten all darkness: we intend, with the grace and help of God, to finally abide by the fact that only God's Word and the holy Gospel of the Old and New Testaments, written in the biblical books, will be preached purely and unadulterated, and nothing contrary to it; For in this, as in the unified truth and the right guide of all Christian doctrine and life, no one can err or be lacking, and whoever builds on it and remains there will stand against all the gates of hell, even though all human additions and trinkets must fall and cannot stand before God.

  1. However, that the aforementioned concept is not conducive nor conducive to the preservation of peace and unity in the empire, in the middle of the time of the Concilii, but rather strictly contrary to it, is also clear from the fact that, as reported above, it is stated in the first point that those who until now have remained with the imperial edict shall now also remain with it, that those who until now have adhered to the imperial edict should and will now also adhere to it, and no distinction is made therein as to whether and to what extent such obligation should extend to the penalties of the cited edict, as it cannot be understood otherwise according to the common words.

23 When some of our clergymen encountered other authorities under the pretense of the edict, because they, based on God's word and because of their conscience, did not comply with the edict, they were allowed to forcibly take and withhold from our subjects their tithe, rent, interest, debt, inheritance and other things, located in other jurisdictions and territories, without and against the law. And it is to be well observed what further such things, under the same assumed appearance, might be done, and give rise to counteraction; that ever little or nothing would prosper for the preservation of peace and unity, to say nothing of it, if anyone of your part would dare, in the appearance of the edict and alleged

We are not aware of the fact that it is a punishment for us to act violently against ourselves or against others of our part, and that we are supposed to be in need of doing what is against God, His holy word, our souls and good conscience. But everyone can well consider what is due to a Christian authority in such a case, for the preservation of God's word, honor and name, as well as for the pacification, protection and protection of themselves and their subjects' souls, bodies, lives and goods, for which reason it is only right in such cases to remain with the article written in the previous Speierian imperial treaty, which suspends and revokes the edict for the sake of peace and unity, as well as for other good Christian reasons.

(24) From all this, it is now noted and publicly proven that the previous Speierian imperial treaty is more conducive and conducive to peace and unity than the concept of the aforementioned article; as such a treaty, by virtue of the Instruction then issued to the Imperial Majesty, has been regarded as such by the Princes and all other estates. Majesty, by Princes, Princes and all other Estates of the Realm: And if, in spite of such a previous legal agreement, in which the imperial edict, as mentioned above, has been suspended, it has not remained, or has been omitted, in the supposed appearance of the same, to deprive ours of theirs by force, or without counsel, in other territories of authority, and to hold them back; What would happen now to our enemies, who in part, without this, seek reluctance, quarrels, strife, and no peace, if the door of the edict were opened to them again, as the term suggests, and the previous peaceful Speierian farewell were taken.

(25) Your Royal Serene Highness, Dear Sirs, and you, the others, cannot maintain, if the words, understood in the previous Speierian Imperial Decree, that each Imperial State with its subjects, in the meantime of the Concilii, in matters concerning the Edict, may live, govern and keep for itself in such a way, as it hopes and trusts to do against God (the Most High and in His Court), also here temporally against Imperial Majesty (as our ordinary temporal sovereignty), are not set now. Majesty (as our ordinary temporal sovereignty), but that the points or articles notified above be set so that the previous imperial decree is not thereby abrogated, but declared alone; for it would publicly be a complete abrogation of the previous article, and all Christian imperial estates would no longer be permitted to keep themselves in all things according to God's word and their right good conscience, as they may well answer for such against God and Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and may not be justified by any reason.

[316]{.underline} Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 820. w. xvi. 4m-4v4. 317

that these are the words that should allow each one, in the meantime of a council, to do everything according to his own discretion and pleasure, as some (who no doubt do not think or know much about God's courts and strict judgment, to which such responsibility belongs first of all) speak of it.

(26) Thus is also touched before, who has abused the Speierian farewell, or has acted contrary to it. We may also suffer justice and all fairness against anyone who thinks to interpret us as if the often reported imperial treaty had been abused by us, at all ends to which we properly belong, to which we hereby offer ourselves completely. Nor is it contrary to us if one were ever concerned that the article touched upon should be drawn to a cover of new unchristian doctrine, that the same, inasmuch as we have, at your love and the others' allowance, ingenuously made a Christian declaration and given it in great committee, be declared, and not, as your concept is capable of, have its right substance so completely abandoned, but remain according to the letter with dignities and powers.

27 And because we are confident of the Roman Imperial Majesty as a Christian Emperor and our most gracious Lord. Majesty, as a Christian Emperor and our most gracious Lord, of all undoubted and consoling confidence, where Her Imperial Majesty has been reported by us in part. Majesty of the things, as partly told by us now, and otherwise further with right reason would have been reported, Her Imperial Majesty would have decided on the, as a Christian Emperor and our most gracious Lord, the whole undoubted and consoling confidence. Majesty would not have been moved to do so, as the instruction read out, for the sake of the article touched upon, could not have been done, as then from Her Imperial Majesty's letter and authority, the Constitution of the Holy Roman Empire would have been passed. Majesty's decree and authority, as we do not know otherwise, it is found to be clear enough that it should be spoken of, acted upon and advised in all ways, so that peace and unity may be preserved in the realm, on which we, in addition to Your Royal Highness the Most Illustrious, Dearest, have the right to vote. In all our actions, we have sought nothing but God's glory above all things, and also the salvation of all our souls, Christian peace and unity, and still desire nothing else; we can and will testify to this with God, the almighty and unifying investigator and discerner of all hearts. Therefore, and if it had been the opinion that, because of the much reported article, it should have remained in the read instruction in a proper and convenient manner, it would not have been necessary for this case of the committee, nor for such a deliberation, movement and action, so that you could also have taken your part from the presented or read instruction, as well as from other imperial instructions. Majesty's instructions.

  1. after all this we want to give ourselves to your royal. Serene Majesty, dear ones, and you, the others, as our dear and gracious lords, grandparents, cousins, brothers-in-law, friends, and special loved ones, as we also kindly ask and kindly request again that you will and will take the opportunity of the matters once again to consider, and our complaint, and diligently consider the grounds and causes thereof, and not allow yourselves to be moved or to act contrary to the unanimously agreed upon, obligated, securitized, and sealed parting, as no one has the right, power, or authority to do so for the reasons suggested or otherwise justified, which we refrain from reporting this time for the sake of the best.

29 And where ever this third report of our noticeable complaints, with your Royal Serene Highness and you the others, would not take place. Serene Majesty, dear ones, and you, the others, would neither find nor have any place: we hereby publicly protest and testify before God, our united Creator, Sustainer, Redeemer and Beatificator (who, as stated above, alone searches and knows the hearts of all of us, and will also judge accordingly), and before all men and creatures, that we, for ourselves, ours, and for the sake of all men, in all actions and supposed departures, as aforesaid, in the aforesaid or other matters against God, his holy word, the salvation of all our souls and good conscience, also against the aforesaid Speierian imperial treaty, we do not agree nor consent, but consider it null and void and unbundled due to preordained and other honestly founded reasons; that we also publicly declare our necessity against it, and that we declare to the Roman Imperial Majesty, our allies, that we do not agree with it. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, a thorough and truthful report in this matter, as we had it publicly heard yesterday after the alleged parting of the ways, by our protestation made in haste, which we also hereby renew, and have offered to do so, that we nevertheless, in the meantime, with the help of divine assistance, by virtue and content of the much-touched previous Speierian imperial treaty, keep, live and govern ourselves in our sovereignties, also with and with our subjects and relatives, as we have done in the face of the Almighty God, and Roman Imperial Majesty, our Allies. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, as a Christian Emperor, as we hope and trust to answer for; which also concerns the ecclesiastical rent, interest, validity, tithes, and peace,

[318]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. w. xvi, 404-4v6. 319

as it is written and expressed in the previous Speier Imperial Decree, that we also adhere to and show ourselves to be faithful to it. And in the same way we also want to agree with Your Royal Serene Highness and you, the others, on the following points concerning rebaptism and printing, as we have always understood at this Imperial Diet, and we also know how to keep the content of these points in all due respects. We also reserve the right to further extend our complaints and protests, and whatever else our further needs may require in all this, and we want to take care and comfort of all this without doubt, that the Roman Imperial Majesty will not take any action against us. Majesty, as a Christian, God-loving (above all things) Emperor, and our most gracious Lord, will graciously keep and show himself in regard to our Christian, honorable, honest and unwavering mind and owed obedience. In which we would like to do and prove to Your Royal Serene Highness, dear ones, and to you, the others, as our dear and gracious lords, grandparents, cousins, brothers-in-law, friends and special loved ones, otherwise friendly and benevolent service, favorable and gracious will, which we are willing and inclined to do out of friendship, also benevolent obedience, graciousness and Christian love and duty.

30 And when we now had to provide ourselves with no more change nor relief of our complaints, it is not without reason that nevertheless the Royal Serene Highness, together with the orators and commissaries, also Electors, Princes and Estates, sent some of their advisors to us on Thursday after Jubilate, the 22nd day of April, with verbal advertisement, which we have understood to be harmless in the following opinion:

Request Royal Serene Highness, Imperial Majesty Orator and Commissars. Majesty Orators and Commissaries, also Princes, Princes, Estates and Skilled Persons re.

1 On Monday next April 19 our most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony, Brandenburg, Lüneburg, Hesse and Anhalt would have kindly requested the Royal Serene Highness, Imperial Majesty, Orator and Commissaries. Majesty, orators and commissioners, with the indication that their electoral and princely graces wished to be with their electoral and princely graces, and that an hour had been appointed for the following day at six o'clock, and that their electoral and princely graces, together with the orators and commissioners, would come together, confident that their electoral and princely graces would come to their electoral and princely graces and to the others.

but their graces would have apologized to their Royal Serene Highnesses at the same hour with the request to set another hour, which the Royal Highnesses did in the confidence that their Electoral and Princely Graces would come themselves. and Princely Graces would come themselves: however, since it was not convenient for Their Electoral and Princely Graces to come themselves, it was not possible for them to do so. Since it was not convenient for their electoral and princely graces to come themselves, they have ordered theirs with a document to the royal sovereignty, the orator and commissioners. However, since the royal dukes considered that nothing fruitful could be done by writing, the royal dukes and commissars had our most gracious and gracious lords announce that they would be at hand in the house today between eight and nine o'clock, and had them request that the many noble princes and princes would also dispose of them there, so that for the sake of the conflict that has occurred, 1) and otherwise, action should be taken for a decision, so that the royal dukes, as imperial sovereigns, may decide on the matter. Serene Highness, as Imperial Majesty's Governor, together with the Commissars, Princes, Princes and Estates, compared with each other on all sides, and not thus divided.

(2) However, their Electoral and Princely Graces had been excused, and had ordered theirs to hear the same from the Royal Highnesses; but after the Royal Highnesses had considered that it would be unfruitful to deal with the envoys, therefore their Royal Highnesses, together with the orators, commissioners, also Electors, Princes and Estates, had sent them off to their Electoral and Princely Graces, and had ordered their Electoral and Princely Highnesses to hear the same from their Royal Highnesses. and ordered to report the following opinion to their electoral and princely graces. They are ordered to report the following opinion to their electoral and princely graces:

After this Imperial Diet had been somewhat protracted, and much dispute had arisen on account of the faith, but the majority had decided on a single opinion, the Royal Highnesses and Commissars, on account of the Imperial Majesty, also the Electors, Princes and Estates, wanted to take care of the matter. Majesty, as well as Princes, Princes and Estates, will, in the movement of all kinds of action, and as it is customary that the lesser part always follows the greater, also show themselves in such a way, and accept that which the greater part has decided, so that no discord appears.

4 Nevertheless, their Electoral and Princely Graces had also made a protestation, in which they complained of the farewell to the highest degree, and requested that such a protestation be placed in the parting of this Imperial Diet; for if this did not happen, their

  1. "half" put by us instead of: have.

[320]{.underline} Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 820. w. xvi. E-E. 321

Their Electoral and Princely Graces would know, however, that no such thing had existed until now, although one part had protested that such a protestation had been made in the treaty, and if it were to be made now, it would give rise to an entrance that would cause a great deal of trouble. Therefore, His Royal Serene Highness, on account of His Roman Imperial Majesty, will not provide for it in any way. Majesty, did not want to provide for it at all, but rather that the Electors and Princes would once again accept the parting, as it was decided by the several parts; If, however, the said Electors and Princes should decide to do the same, it would still not be possible, as requested, to insert the protestation into the treaty, since it is not customary to do so, but rather to refrain from inserting their Electoral and Princely Graces into the said treaty, and not to insert their Graces into it: If now their electoral and princely graces would further extend and write out their given intention about it, then it would be the wish of Imperial Majesty, our Allies. Majesty, our most gracious lord, to a noticeable grievance and to the detriment of Her Majesty's Highness, and in addition to this to a noticeable disadvantage for royal sovereigns and commissaries, also for princes, princes and estates; but in order that no unfriendliness should result from this, royal sovereignty and the commissaries would have to be informed in writing. Serene Highness and the Commissaries, also Princes and Estates, and the other official requests that the Princes and Estates of the said extension, and that the protestation should go out publicly, wanted to abstain, so that Serene Highness, together with the Commissaries and Estates, would not also be caused to go out for this reason, which would give unfriendliness.

(5) And so that their electoral and princely graces would not think as if this action were aimed at something more severe, or would carry an unfriendly opinion, their royal highnesses, together with the commissaries, have also given orders to the electors, princes, and estates to continue talking about this, as follows, and to inform their highnesses, as well as those in authority, whether their electoral and princely graces want to keep peace with the royal highnesses, the commissaries, and all estates for the sake of faith and all temporal actions. If their Serene Highnesses, the commissioners and all the estates want to keep peace for the sake of faith and all temporal actions, then their Serene Highnesses, the commissioners and the estates also want to keep it that way, and not to make any trouble because of it; for their Serene Highnesses would not be of the same mind as the commissioners and the estates.

Princes, princes and the estates to stand in peace and unity with many affected princes and princes until a concilium, in the confidence that thereafter things should improve and good things should come about, and peace should be made with all elders, with the final request that they, the princes and princes, Royal Serene Highness, and the others, should be heard with a friendly answer, and theirs, the skilled ones, with a gracious answer.

From this, however, it is easy to hear how we have been further and more adversely affected, and especially in that our protestation has been refused to be brought to the presumed conclusion of this Diet, and on the other hand, that we have wanted to be adversely affected, if we were to let our protest go out in public, when our high and unavoidable necessity requires it, and rightly, 1) also otherwise justifiably, unreprimandable, especially for reasons which, together with what we have further and more to say on the above-mentioned royal, imperial, and imperial sovereignty, are not to be found. Serene Majesty, Imperial. Majesty, orators and commissioners, also princes, princes and the others sent by the estates, and what has been indicated by us on both sides furthermore against each other in writings, all of which will be found recorded hereafter, is to be heard actually and at length.

Response of the Protestant princes to the remonstrances made to them yesterday by the royal dukes of Hungary and Bohemia, as the imperial majesty's governor, orator and commissioners. Majesty's governors, orators and commissioners, as well as princes, princes and estates, made to them yesterday.

1 We remember that on Monday next we sent some of our people to the royal sovereign and asked them to set an hour for the following Tuesday, so that we could inform their sovereign and imperial majesty's orator and commissaries of some of our complaints and needs. Majesty's Orator and Commissars some of our complaints and necessities; but that we could not send our councillors to the Royal Sovereignty and their dears on the aforementioned Tuesday morning to request our necessities was due to an impediment, as ours, which we had ordered at the same hour in the Royal Sovereignty's Court, could not do. You, Mr. Jörgen Truchsess, have reported this to us, and you have also brought it to the Royal Sovereigns, and it may not be without reason that you, Mr. Jörg, have brought it back to us for an answer, three Royal Sovereigns together with Imperial Majesty Orator and Commissary. Majesty's orators and commissaries would be excused.

  1. In Walch's old edition: "zurecht".

[322]{.underline} Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses of 1525-1529. w. xvi, e-in. 323

We are satisfied with the agreement, but their Serene Highnesses and loved ones would suffer well, if it were convenient for us to appear at two o'clock in the afternoon with our own persons at their Serene Highnesses and loved ones; but after the matters were concerned, because of which the Royal Highness, together with the Imperial Majesty, the Orator and the Commissars, would not be satisfied with the agreement. Majesty's orator and commissioners on a certain Monday (about which we would have had no other means, since their royal Highnesses and sweethearts would have resorted to a convenient and inexpensive settlement because of the discord that had arisen between princes and princes, as well as others of the estates and us, just as the trade with their royal Highnesses and sweethearts would not have been otherwise. (As the dealings with their royal sovereigns and dears have not been otherwise), they have had their opinion from a document, almost in the form of a presumed instruction, read out publicly before the said princes and princes, and also the estates, and thereafter have answered to the kingdom's dealings, and since their royal sovereigns and dears, when we responded to them, had not been able to do so, we have not been able to do so. and dear ones, when we then declined to hold a short conversation with each other, unexpectedly withdrew our request, even over our friendly plea, which we had some of ours make to their Serene Highnesses and dear ones on that account, and, as if such a deal had been decided, did not want to hear us: It is therefore not without reason that we deem it useful and convenient to have our protestations, complaints and needs answered in writing to Your Serene Highness and Dearest, in the same manner as was previously done with the Electors, Princes and Estates; At the appointed hour our councillors to Royal Serene Highnesses orators and commissioners have also dealt with it, but to previous complaints, which we encountered in these actions in more than one way, Their Serene Highnesses and Loved Ones did not want to accept the same our written protest and necessity, but to send it again to our councillors, and after the same refused to take back such writing for lack of their command, and asked for it, it was brought back to us by her Serene Highness and beloved envoys, and nevertheless, what we have indicated with constant reason, also out of unavoidable necessity, therein, we do not want to be considered or regarded at all, that we, and that in the place of the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, should have encountered such a thing, less than not at all, also know with special glory that we did not give cause for this, and do not doubt that the Roman Imperial Majesty, the most gracious Lord, would not have given us a reason for it. Imperial Majesty, as a most gracious, high-souled Emperor, had been present at this Imperial Diet himself, we would have graciously tolerated it or the like.

  1. It is also not without that Royal Serene Highness sent to us, the Elector of Saxony, on the next Wednesday evening and let indicate that Her Serene Highness would be willing, together with Imperial Majesty Commissars and Orators, to be on the following Thursday between eight and nine o'clock at the house of the Elector, Her Serene Highness, together with the Council and the Commissioners, would be willing to act on account of the protestation that has been made and for the resolution of this Imperial Diet; We gave the same sent ones, among others, the answer, and especially because we heard that they had no order to ask the others, our friends, we wanted to talk with their loved ones about it, and Royal Highness, for this reason, before the Imperial Diet, we would like to ask them to act on our behalf. Serene Highness a reply before the time. Thereupon we have sent all our councillors to Her Serene Highness, and had Her Royal Highness reminded, among other things, that in response to the letter sent to us in the name of the Roman Imperial Majesty, we have sent a letter to His Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, our most gracious Lord, to obediently attend this Imperial Diet in our own person, in the opinion that, along with other princes, rulers and estates, we would help to act and conclude in such a way as to promote God's honor, and also to bring peace, welfare and all good to the Empire. However, how the matters concerning the discord of faith, peace and unity in the realm in the middle period of the Concilii have occurred here, have been dealt with until the sixth week, and what we have encountered of manifold complaints would not be concealed from His Royal Serene Highness himself. However, since we have encountered such complaints about all of our established submissions, and that we now know how to take little more advantageous action, and our uncle and cousin, Duke Henry of Brunswick, and Margrave Philip of Baden, have suggested negotiating with us on account of the aforementioned discord, we have reported our feelings to their loved ones, as much as we could have done in conscience; and after their loved ones had offered to act on it with princes, princes and estates: We would like to await their reply, with this appendix, if their loved ones were to take action with the aforementioned princes, princes and estates, so that we would let the matters rest, due to our next protest, with the agreement made at the previous Imperial Diet here at Speier, but if it were other matters, of which the royal decree would be the only one. By-

324 Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 820. W. xvi, 4n-"4. 325

If we wanted to talk to us, or had to talk to us, we wanted to be lighthearted about their nobility.

(3) In addition, we, the Elector of Saxony, because His Royal Serene Highness has informed the Councilors that His Royal Serene Highness would have to speak to us about matters, and especially concerning this Imperial Diet, in which there is a noticeable and great interest, some of our councillors, to his Royal Serene Highness for the above. Serene Highness at the above-mentioned hour, with orders to apologize kindly to His Serene Highness that we would not come up ourselves, and also to indicate where His Serene Highness wanted to report matters to them that they should report them to us; But how fruitful and useful it would have been if we had gone up again in our own person, about which we had previously taken our leave with the Electors, Princes and Estates after making our protest, and also how further action might have been taken, because beforehand, for a convenient settlement, so that we on all sides do not depart from this Imperial Diet in such a divided state, we do not want to dispute any further, but rather let the decision and the answer be pointed out and told to us, which the above-mentioned our grandparents and cousins of Brunswick and Baden had indicated to us yesterday afternoon, on account of the action they had taken, what they might have obtained from the Royal Serenity, the Orators and Commissars, also the Princes and other Estates, in response to their proposals, which we had made in order to prevent an ambiguous farewell.

  1. there is also no small confirmation to our now made statement, as you have further advertised among others, because the majority decided on account of the discord: if royal sovereignty, together with the commissaries, also electors, princes and estates wanted to provide themselves, we would also accept the same 2c., if their Serene Highnesses, dear Sirs, and the other Estates have often heard at this Imperial Diet, for what high, brave and well-founded reasons we do not know, nor would we be obliged (for which we again respect it without any doubt), to grant it, as if a greater one should, beforehand, in such matters, and on the ways, and on the ways in which the inferior part will face God's eternal wrath and destruction of themselves and of many of God's chosen souls, against the inferior, and to bind and ensnare the latter to God's disobedience to human obedience, if in human actions and things the multiple does not want to prevail against the inferior, since the thing is not

But that these are things which concern each one in particular, no one will doubtless contradict, for the divine Scripture says that each one will bear his own burden.

  1. And we consider that, even if we had consented to such actions, or had consented to them, that nevertheless, in the sight of God and the world, nothing else is due to us, except to renounce our obligation to them without delay, and to abide by his divine word; These are matters in which there are not the least points of disagreement, which are now before us, but which are to be dealt with in a future, common, free, Christian concilio, and if such a presumptive imposition of the majority were to be the result of our discretion, it would be nothing else, of our discretion, would be nothing other than whether princes, rulers and estates, outside of the aforementioned concilii and the opinion that it is therefore necessary to carry it out, should have to judge against the aforementioned articles and especially as the one and counterpart.

Item 6: It would be contrary not only to law, but also to all natural equity, if two parties to a transaction were to dispute that one part should be the judge and arbiter of the other, and should have to prevail over the other with the greater or otherwise, and there would be no doubt, if the matter were to be thoroughly considered, that their loved ones and the estates would not be of the same mind and opinion.

  1. We also want to think that, if at this Diet the consolation had not been so complete, our divine, constant and well-founded statement, which we have made many times because of the burdensome articles, would have been better received, and would have caused less such discord on the other side; To which part also, if a discord should arise in the realm, it would be most reasonable to interpret that it was the cause of it, we want to have placed, after all, as indicated, in our own and each one's own conscience; Nor would we have provided that the Royal Serene Highness, together with the Commissars and Estates, should have refused to grant our protestation/if we had done so out of great and pressing necessity; For even though we are not to be placed in the parting, as you have indicated, since it is again thought that, by virtue of your advertising, we are to be held liable, and then such more can easily be noted from the names of the estates underwritten, which have consented to it: You, and first of all the Royal Serene Highness,

326 Cap. 11. of the imperial diets of 1525-1529. m. xvi, 414-417. 327

Together with the commissioners, also princes, princes and those of the estates, it would be easy for us to consider for ourselves how we would be provided for in this way.

8 Item, it could also be said and reproached by our unfavorable ones, who do not have knowledge of the form and occasion of the things, that we would have refused to agree to the much-touched burdensome articles unfairly and without due and constant causes, from which then noticeable annoyance, unhappiness and imposition would follow us, which we want to prevent as much as possible.

  1. Thus our mind, will nor opinion is not to cause or diminish anyone to be unfriendly with it, and before that to act contrary to the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Highness, but only to seek the glory of God, his holy word, and the salvation of all our souls, nor to do anything else with it than what our conscience knows; and since we would have wanted to be discharged of the burdensome causation, there should have been no lack of us to refrain from the same or the like.

(10) The Royal Highness and Orator, together with the Commissars, also the Princes and Estates, know the nature of the protest. Serene Highness and Orator, together with the Commissars, also the Princes, Princes and Estates, know what the nature and quality of the protestation is, also why the same has been invented and in the rights of the Imperial Majesty, that we hope we are not to be blamed for it, it is also unreproachable for us by the Imperial Majesty and only for all fairness, whether we will let our protestation, and with the narration of the needy and knowledgeable occasion of the trade that has taken place, go out in such a way.

  1. But when finally and lastly you advertised, lest we should think that the advertisement made was a little sharp, and carried an unfriendly opinion: so Royal Serene Highness, together with the Commissaries, also Princes, Princes and the other Estates, would have given you orders to continue talking, and to inform you as skilful ones: If we keep peace with their Serene Highnesses, beloved ones and estates on all sides of faith and all temporal actions, then Royal Highness and the Commissaries, also the other princes, princes and estates, will also keep peace against us, and will neither undertake nor act anything offensive against us, until the future Concilium, in the hope that then God would give better peace and unity than has been the case so far. To this we give you this answer: that we are as high as anyone to peace and harmony.

We are inclined to unity, and in all our actions here we seek nothing more than the glory of God and the salvation of all people, peace and unity; and because we now note from the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, the invitation to this Imperial Diet and elsewhere, that Her Imperial Majesty would like to see and know peace and unity maintained in the Empire, and Royal Serene Highness and the other Imperial Majesties, Commissars and rulers, as well as all other Princes, Princes and Estates, have promised us through you peace with us for the sake of faith and all temporal matters. Majesty's commissioners and rulers, as well as all other princes, rulers and estates, have promised us through you to keep peace and unity with us for the sake of faith and all temporal matters: Therefore, and since we, together with ours, and males related to this part and to the Gospel, and having jurisdiction and government, have and obtain peace on account of the faith, and also on account of those things which are included in the articles to be dealt with in the future council, and are dependent on and related to the same, or flow and result therefrom, and also on account of all other temporal things; We herewith wish to have promised and consented to the peace of the Royal Serene Highness, the Imperial Majesty, the Commissioners decreed, and also the Princes, Princes and all the Estates, and to keep ourselves peaceful and moderate, as we all do in such a case before God, also the Roman Imperial Majesty, our Allies, and the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, because we are willing and completely inclined to show friendly and benevolent service, favor, grace and goodwill to the High Imperial Majesty and to all Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire.

Final Conclusion of Imperial Maj. Governors, Orators and Commissars, Princes and Estates.

Kaiserl. Majesty Governor, Royal Duke of Hungary and Bohemia 2c.., also Her Maj. Orator and Commissaries, Princes, Prelates, Counts, Free and Imperial Cities, are finally resolved and of mind that they will abide by the Holy Empire's orders and by the Peace of the Land established at Worms, as well as by the Imperial Treaty now made here, They will not violate anyone against this, and against the Elector of Saxony, the Duke of Lüneburg, Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the Princes of Anhalt, for the sake of the faith, they will not take any action against the future Concilio in bad faith,

[328]{.underline} Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 820. W. XVI. 417-419. 329

Now the above-mentioned princes and princes will in turn show obedience, peace and friendliness towards Imperial Majesty, princes and the common estates of the empire for the sake of peace and faith. Majesty, Princes, Princes and common estates of the Empire obediently, peacefully, kindly and neighborly, and not to do anything unpleasant with the deed, and also to refrain from further tendering or spreading their protestation, which could then lead to further disputes and discord, and to be content to keep the reported protestation with the imperial action now being carried out, and to send it to Imperial Majesty. Maj. may be content and let it remain.

The Electors and Princes, Saxony, Brandenburg, Lüneburg, Hesse and Anhalt, final reply to the writing of the Royal Serene Highness, Imperial Majesty, orators and commissioners, also the Electors, Princes and Estates of the Empire, handed over today at one o'clock.

  1. to issue a protest, on opinion, as heard from the above-mentioned Electors and Princes yesterday's writing, they cannot refrain, also want to know how to keep themselves unprovoked of the fee with it, and provide that the Royal Highnesses together with the Imperial Highnesses and Princes of the Holy Roman Empire will be in agreement. Maj. Orator and Commissaries, as well as Princes, Princes and Estates against them and theirs, also masculinely, on their part and related to the Gospel, and having supremacy and government, for the sake of faith, also for the sake of those things which are included in the articles to be dealt with in the future Council, and which are pending and related to the same or flow and result from them, will keep unhindered, also for the sake of all other temporal things, peaceful, neighborly and friendly; and the above-mentioned Electors and Princes, Saxony, Brandenburg, Lüneburg, Hesse and Anhalt, Imperial Maj. Maj., for the sake of their most gracious lord, to all dutiful obedience submissively, against royal highness, kais. Orator, Commissars, and all other Electors, Princes and Estates of the Empire, by virtue of the Imperial Majesty's Land Peace, and in particular of the previous and next Speier Farewell, as also touched upon in their protestation, to again show themselves peaceful, neighborly and friendly, and also not to do anything unpleasant and in fact.

2 Although now also (as such to be clearly understood from the above-mentioned writings) the Royal Serene Highness, Imperial Majesty, Orator and Commissaries, also Electors, Princes and Estates, and we with and against each other agree and commit ourselves in the meantime to a future Council of Faith. Maj. Orator and Commissarien, also Electors, Princes and Estates, and we with and against each other agreed and committed ourselves, in the meantime of a future Concilii, for the sake of the faith in the unpleasant and with the deed

not to undertake anything on any part, but to keep us on all sides neighborly, peaceful and friendly towards each other, to which we are then most inclined, and provide ourselves again without doubt. Since, however, it is in accordance with justice and all equity that the main matter (as faith is in this case) is set in peace and decency, everything that depends on the main matter, or arises from it, should also rest, and the main matter's advantages and freedom should also be shared; If, however (as the above-mentioned writings indicate), we have not received a certain answer on account of such accessions, we shall be caused to decide whether anything should be done about them or against them, whether in or out of law, between us and the above-mentioned Council, to take such for our sake, and for the sake of all our present and future adherents, now as then, and then as now, for a valiant grievance which we thereby encounter, as we also do herewith, and from such grievance herewith also wish to protest.

  1. After all this, we, the above-mentioned Electors and Princes, protest, recuse, provoke, appeal, supplicate and call for ourselves, our subjects and relatives, also present and future supporters and adherents, in and with this present writing, in the best form and measure as we should and may, from all the above-mentioned complaints, which we have encountered from the beginning of this Imperial Diet to the end and with the supposed parting, also of all actions and all other complaints, as may arise therefrom, or may be drawn or followed hereunder, be they named herein or not, reserving their unsuitability and nullity in all ways, to and before the Roman Imperial and Christian Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, and the Holy Roman Emperor. and Christian Maj, our most gracious Lord, and in addition to that, at and for the next future free, Christian, common Concilium and Assembly of Holy Christendom, before our National Assembly, and in addition to that, a convenient, impartial and Christian judge for each of these matters; and submit ourselves, our principality, dominions, land and people, body and goods, also all present and future followers of this our appeal, to the Imperial Majesty and a Christian Concilium. Majesty and a Christian Concilii protection and umbrella. We hereupon request and ask from the Royal Serene Highness, Imperial Majesty, and also from the Princes, Princes, and the rest of you of the Holy Roman Empire, as well as from the two Notaries Public, or whoever has the power to do so, for the first, second, and third time, diligently, more diligently, and most diligently, to give us testimony of such our appeal, recusation, provocation, and supplication,

330Cap , 11. of the imperial diets 1525-1529. w. xvi, us-422. 331

We also reserve the right to increase, improve, diminish, or change such appeals, provocations, and supplications, and to file them anew, as soon as the usual form has brought and permitted them.

  1. Because the embassies sent by the honorable and free imperial cities named below, as Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Costnitz, Lindau, Memmingen, Kempten, Nördlingen, Heilbrunn, Reutlingen, Ißni, Sanct Gallen, Weißenburg and Windsheim, as the above-mentioned Electors and Princes Appeal, The same embassies have adhered at the time of this above-mentioned appeal by princes and rulers, and have indicated and stipulated that they and their lords and rulers adhere to the same appeal, nor do they wish to adhere to or be associated with or oppose any authority (so that and thereby they may be attested to and innovation made against the appealing princes and princes or against their appeal), and as councillors soon appointed by the aforementioned princes and princes, in place of their electoral and princely graces, the above-mentioned free and imperial cities' appeal, which they have done or will do in the future for the sake of more affected matters and grievances, are again also adhered to, and conditioned to adhere to the same, and to act nothing against it, without any danger.
  2. And from both of us according to written notaries, together with the witnesses of such made appeal, also attachment of the same, condition, protestation and reservation, letters of testimony, also one or more instruments, as much as would be necessary to their electoral and princely graces, we have not to refuse their electoral and princely graces, out of requirement of our notary office, letters of testimony and these our open testimonies.
  3. events at Speier, in the year, jndiction, day, time, hour and dwelling, as everything is further indicated above.
  4. the honorable and venerable Alexius Frauentraut, highly-named of our gracious lord, Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg 2c., secretary; Eucharius Ulrich, an honorable councilor of Nuremberg

War scribe and citizen there; Veit Kemerer, and others more enough credible.

  1. and after I Leonhard Stettner, Freisinger Bisthums Lai, from kais. Maj. power and authority, notary and tabulary, and now highly-named of my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony 2c., clerk of the chancellery; besides the honorable Pancratien Saltzmann, highly-named of my most gracious lord, Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg 2c, Secretarien, als mein Mitnotarien, und den obgenannten hierzu erforderlichen Gezeugen, bei angezeigter Erzählung der Beschwerungen, Provocation, Appellation, Supplication und Berufung, auch Bitte und Begehrung der Apostel, Abschieds- und Kundschaftsbriefe, sammt der obberührten ehrbaren und freien Reichsstädte Botschaften, I have personally been present at the above-mentioned admonitions, attachments and conditions, also the handing over of the writ, in which such complaints, appeals, and other things are enshrined, and other presentations, as expressed above, which I have thus heard and seen: I have, in addition to my fellow notaries, accepted the same document handed over, out of the requirement of my notarial office, and placed it in this open instrument and form, and by another notary (after I myself, for the sake of daily business in the presence of my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony 2c., Chancery, prevented from doing so) on twelve sheets of parchment, read over and executed the same with diligence, also signed and drawn my baptismal and surname, and usually notarial sign with this my own handwriting on this thirteenth and last sheet of parchment, for testimony and belief of all the above-mentioned things, especially appointed, required and requisitioned for this.

9 And because I Pancratius Saltzmann, Bamberger Bisthums Lai, from kais. Maj. power and authority, notary and tabler, above-mentioned of my gracious lord, Margrave Georgen zu Brandenburg 2c., Kammersecretarius, beside Leonharden Stettner, hochgedachten meines gnädigsten Herrn, des Churfürsten zu Sachsen, Kanzleischreiber, als mein Mitnotarien, auch bei angezeigten Erzählung solcher Beschwerungen krovoeatiou, ^.ppsliatiou, Supplication, Berufung, Begehrung der Apostel und Gezeugnißbriefe, sammt der bemeldten ehrbaren Frei- und Reichsstädte ^.äUasr6N2, condition, and fönst of all action, as above, beside above-mentioned my Mitnotarien, and for it required witnesses, personally present gewest, such everything, as therein found and indicated, seen and heard: therefore I have such complaint, all herein verleibt,

[332]{.underline} Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 820 ff. W. xvi, 422-424. 333

by preventing other of my business, have another one written on twelve sheets of parchment, and for this purpose have myself signed and designated on the last and thirteenth sheet, with my baptismal and surname and usual notary's signet, and this my own handwriting, and for the credibility of all such things have been specially appointed and required for this purpose.

821 Some new articles of composition not found in the Instrumentum Appellationis and drafted by Duke Henry of Brunswick and Margrave Philip of Baden.

From Müller's History 2c., p. 42.

And as the same article 1) has since been misunderstood by many and has been used to excuse all sorts of new doctrines and sects: so that such things may be cut off, and discord, strife and unrest prevented, and peace, unity and obedience of the subjects preserved between all the estates, in the meantime of the above-mentioned Concilii: The Princes, Princes and other Estates have resolved that the above article in the Speier Agreement shall be amended 2) with the following moderation and declaration, namely that the aforementioned Princes, Princes and Estates, who have hitherto kept and adhered to the traditional customs, ceremonies and other practices of the common church, may now remain and continue to do the same until the future Council, without male hindrance, violation and entry; Similarly, the other princes, rulers, and estates, among whom the other doctrine has arisen, and thus the above-mentioned traditional customs have come to an end, are also to be left without the other part's and beneficial prevention, violation, or entry, until the Concilio in question, but for now all further innovation or sectarianism in the Christian faith is to be prevented as much as possible and humanly possible until the future Concilio, and is not to be permitted by the authorities of any place. Otherwise, the keeping and hearing of the masses held by princes, princes and estates according to customary usage, as well as the masses held by princes, princes and others, where the other doctrine is in force, shall be prohibited.

  1. See Document No. 817, K 5 and No. 818, K 4.
  2. Instead of: "to improve" should probably be read: "to be improved".

The two Churches shall, by common peace, tolerate the practice of a different measure until the future Council (but without prejudice to any abuse), so that no prince, sovereign or other estate, outside of their temporal authorities, shall in any way violate, cause to violate or cause to be violated the other's old or new practice or observance of the Masses 3); and especially some doctrines and sects, as much as they belong to the venerable sacrament of the true Corpus Christi and blood of our Lord JEsu Christ, shall not be accepted by the estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, nor shall they be allowed or permitted to be preached in public, and none of the princes, rulers or estates shall force or hinder the other in any way on account of the faith, nor shall they deprive him of his pension, interest, tithes and goods; Likewise, none of the other's subjects and relatives in the other's secular authority, on account of faith and other causes, may take into their protection and shield against their authority; all this under penalty and punishment of the imperial decree. All this under penalty and punishment of the imperial peace established at Worms, which all its contents shall remain in dignity, be firmly held and enforced.

  1. Letter 4) of Elector John of Saxony, by which he announces the protestation in his lands and indicates its true causes. Dat. Weimar, the

May 9, 1529.

This document appeared in 1529 in both quarto and octavo under the title: "Des Churfürsten zu Sachsen Johannis Abschied auf jetzt gehaltenem Reichstag zu Speyer 1529." Reprinted in Hortleder, "Von den Ursachen des deutschen Kriegs," vol. I., enp. 4th, p. 43 and in Müller's Historie von der evangelischen Stände Protestation rc., lib. I, enp. 6, K 2, p. 126. In the collections: in the Eisleben one, vol. II, p. 14; in the Altenburg one, vol. IV, p. 799 and in the Leipzig one, vol. XXII, p. 27.

By the Grace of God, we John, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen 2c., declare and declare all men to know: After and as the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious

  1. Maybe: penetrate?
  2. Landgrave Philip of Hesse's letter is in complete agreement with this, both in words and in substance.

334 Cap. 11. of the imperial congresses of 1525-1529. w. xvi. 424-426. 335

Lord, a short time ago a common Imperial Diet was announced, and the Princes, Princes and Estates are required to convene on Sunday Reminiscere [21 Feb.We then, in obedience to their Imperial Majesty, have ordered ourselves in our own person, in the opinion of other Princes, Princes and Estates, to act in the matters expressed in the above-mentioned Imperial proclamation, to consider the same, and to help to deliberate. And by some of the aforementioned princes, princes and estates, for the sake of the article, how on account of the pending discord in our holy Christian faith, to maintain peace and unity in the meantime of a common, free and Christian concilii or national assembly, to act on the ways. Also subsequently, with the approval of Imperial Majesty the Governor, we are to act in peace and Christianity. Majesty's Governor, our special dear lord and uncle, Royal Serene Majesty of Hungary, Bohemia, and the orator and commissioners ordered by Her Imperial Majesty, thereby unanimously establishing and deciding on the article in question at the previous and next Imperial Diet held there at Speier, which has been more changed than declared. In addition, for many brave and important reasons, which concern our conscience and duty, so that we may be devoted to God our Creator, and that we, at the Imperial Diet now held, in addition to other friends of ours, namely, the Highborn Princes, Mr. Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., Mr. Ernsten and Mr. Franciscen, brothers, Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Mr. Philippsen, Landgrave of Hesse 2c, and Prince Wolfgangen zu Anhalt, our dear grandparents, cousins, cousins-in-law, have been presented, in the above-mentioned now taken farewell have not been able to approve or grant, and especially, because by the same farewell other states were obliged to join, not to accept the doctrine, which we know and believe Christian, right and necessary, also in our lands and territories hold and preach.

  1. that we have therefore publicly protested, together with our friends, against such a supposed change made to the previous Speier agreement and the other attached burdensome articles; to which protest several embassies sent by the honorable and free imperial cities have also joined, and the words of our protest, which we have also sent in writing to the imperial cities, are the same.

have had laid, among others, these, which follow, namely: 1)

(3) But because we have found that your beloved and you persist in your intention of trusting, and because of the brave causes and complaints which we have now raised and renewed, both for the sake of conscience, and also that such your beloved and your authorities, because of the above-mentioned pending discord, do not in any way comply with nor wish to do anything for the preservation of peace and unity in the meantime of the Council. The above-mentioned pending discord, for the preservation of peace and unity, in the meantime of the Council, does not want to serve, nor does it want to be done in any way, that we should heal or consent to it. In addition, according to the form of the treaty, and before the above-mentioned next Speier treaty, we are not obliged, especially without our consent, to leave the next reported treaty made here at Speier: We therefore consider that, because of the many difficulties involved, our high and unavoidable necessity requires us to publicly protest against your dear ones, and yours, as void and powerless on account of the aforementioned next farewell, and ours, as well as ours and our male representatives', unbundling. As we also do herewith at present; and that we do not know, nor can, nor may, for reasons aforesaid, heal, but reported your dear ones, and your. We have hereby protested against your beloved and you. And we nevertheless want to keep, live and govern ourselves in the matters of religion in our authorities, also with and with our subjects and relatives, by means of divine help, by virtue and content of the mentioned next Speierian decree, also with and with our subjects and relatives, as we trust to answer for it against God the Almighty and Roman imperial majesty, our most gracious Lord. What also concerns the ecclesiastical interest, rent, validity and tithes, also the peace, and is written and expressed in the much reported next Speierische Abschied, we want to show and keep ourselves in all ways also unobjectionable.

  1. because we now reserve the right, in addition to our protest, to submit the same, together with our complaints, which we have presented in writings, to the Roman imperial majesty, our most gracious lord, and also to let it go out publicly, so that men may have and receive knowledge that we have not agreed nor consented to the above-mentioned actions:
  1. The following is § 2 of the protestation in No. 820.

[336]{.underline} Section 2: Of the Reichst, at Regensb. 2c. No. 822 f. W. xvi, 426-429. 337

We therefore wish to have made our statement known with this open document, so that all men and everyone may be aware of it, and that we remained at the end of the previous Speier Diet, held in the twenty-sixth year, as we also do herewith. And with the help of the Almighty, in matters concerning our faith, for ourselves and with our subjects and relatives, we want to live, govern, and hold ourselves accountable to God Almighty and the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, in the meanwhile of the common, free, and Christian Concilii or National Assembly. In witness whereof, with our decree hereunto printed, sealed and given at Weimar, this Thursday after Exaudi May 9 Anno 1529.

823 Emperor Carl the Fifth's letter of warning to the imperial estates, which refused to accept the imperial treaty. Given at Barcelona, July 12, 1529.

In Müller's Historie 2c. p. 208 and in LUnigs ReichsArchiv, xurt. A6N. oont. Walch lets this be addressed in his superscription "to all imperial estates".

We Carl the Fifth, by the grace of God elected Roman Emperor, at all times Mehrer of the Empire 2c. Dear faithful! We have been informed of the departure of our imperial majesty, governor, orator and commissar at the next Imperial Diet held at Speier. We are reminded of this by the agreement made at the next Imperial Diet at Speier by our decreed Imperial Governor, Orator and Commissars with the Holy Roman Empire's churl and princes and other estates.

that you have not approved of the article concerning our holy Christian faith, which we are not a little displeased with: Considered that by the much greater part of all estates unanimously decided in such articles on means and measure, in which you should have sought no refusal; And since it is an old custom that what is decided in a common imperial assembly with the majority, the lesser part should not resist it, but, since it is placed at the service of peace and unity in the holy realm, should obediently comply with it, so that neither you nor yours do or act against it, as you are obliged to do out of your duty to us and the holy realm: We will not refuse to do this to you, for if you continue to be disobedient to this gracious warning of ours, we do not wish to avoid it, but would and must, in order to preserve your obedience to the holy kingdom, take serious punishment against you; 1) that it would not be good for anyone but yourselves, if you were obedient as mentioned above, if we did not want to behave towards you, and you do so in our serious opinion. Given in our city of Barcelona, the 12th day of July, Anno 2c. 29, of our Roman Empire in the 12th year and of all others in the 14th year.

Carl.

Ad Mandatum Caesareae Cathol. Majestatis proprium.

Alexander Sweat.

  1. The following is placed by us instead of the meaningless sentence: "that no one but yourselves, if you conduct yourselves as described above, may be good for you, wanted" 2c.

[338]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 429 f. 339

The twelfth chapter.

The first part of the book is a description of some of the covenants made by papal princes against the confessors of the Protestant doctrine, as well as of the conventions of the Protestant princes and estates at Torgau, Rodach, Schleiz, Schwabach, Schmalkalden, and Nuremberg.

First section.

About the Mainzian Council and the so-called Pack Alliance.

824 Aurifaber's Report of the Mainz Council Battle against the Adherents of the Lutheran Doctrine. Anno 1526.

In the Eisleben Collection, vol. I, p. 273; in the Altenburger, vol. Ill, p. 520 and in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 555. Aurifaber mixes both, the Mainzer Rathschlag and the later, so-called Packsche Bündniß.

In this 1526th year, a secret meeting is said to have been held in Mainz, where it was discussed how the Elector of Saxony, Duke Johannsen, and the Landgrave Philip of Hesse could be attacked by war and how the Lutheran doctrine could be eradicated. But who was in this alliance and unity relatives, is reported later in the short report, what had happened with Doctor Martin Luther and his teaching Anno six and twenty.

When, however, by one of the nobility, called Pack, this practice and proposal 1) was first revealed to the Landgrave of Hesse, who then attributed it to the Elector: then, in the following 1527th year, both the Elector and the Princes entered into a considerable armament, which, however, was again settled peacefully by negotiation.

  1. since Doctor Martinus Luther has been in the process of writing a serious, sharp booklet 2) in the'
  1. Pack informed the Landgrave of Hesse as late as 1527 that an alliance had been concluded by the Catholic princes at Breslau on May 13, 1527. It was not until March 1528 that the Landgrave made a counter-alliance with the Elector. See St. Louis Edition, Vol. XIX, Ein!, p. I7sf.

2s This goes back to the Mainz Rathschlag. The first "printed sheet" is included in No.826, perhaps even the whole "booklet".

The booklet was printed against this Mainzian alliance, and one sheet of it had already been produced; but due to the abolition of the Elector of Saxony, the booklet was withheld and the single printed sheet was taken away from the printing press, so that it was not published. However, N. Georg Spalatinus has marked a short extract or excerpt from the same printed sheet with his own hand, which was found in his Liberei, and has therefore been printed in this work, so that the Christian reader may learn about the Mainzian Covenant, which is often found in D. Luther's books and writings. Luther's books and writings, could have a brief instruction and teaching.

4 In such matters, some of Martin Luther's concerns, subsequently printed, will also be set forth, from which the laudable Elector of Saxony's godliness will be felt that he did nothing in high secular matters, since he had also consulted Os Domini beforehand.

Luther's account of this in a letter to Spalatin, at the same time reporting that he already had a paper against the Mainz Rathschlag under the press.

See Vol. XV, Appendix, No. 128.

826 Luther's intended rebuttal to the Mainz Rathschlag. March 1526.

This writing, published only recently by Seidemann in Niedners Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, Jahrgang 1847, p. 663 ff. from a manuscript, is published in older editions under the title: "Titel des Büchleins, so Lutherus wider das Mainzische Bündniß aus-.

340 Erl. 65, W-25, Sect. 1, Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 826, W. XVI, 430. 341

The first time, the book was published in the Eisleben Collection, Vol. I, p. 273; then in the Altenburg Collection, Vol. Ill, p. 520; in the Leipzig Collection, Vol. XIX, p. 366. First in the Eisleben Collection, vol. I, p. 274; then in the Altenburger, vol. Ill, p. 520; in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 536 and in Walch. The so-called "Extract" is limited to individual sentences taken out of context and individual expletives, which, however, we believe, are not limited to the first arc, as Aurifaber indicates, but encompass our entire writing, for the last sentence of the extract is also the last sentence of the writing as we communicate it here according to the Erlangen edition, vol. 65, p. 22 to 46. However, this does not seem to be just the first sheet, but almost the complete booklet, which contains the whole Rathschlag together with Luther's preface and epilogue. The latter will have been somewhat lacking in print, since Luther (after March 27, 1526, De Wette, Vol. Ill, p. 99) writes to the Elector: "Where it would please E. C. F. G. to abstain and not to express fully, I would be satisfied with half of it." However, in the same letter, Luther does not speak of the first sheet, but of the "closest printed quatern", which is also still contained in our writing.

Against the right seditious, treacherous and murderous advice of the whole Mainzian clergy Instruction and warning

M. L. 1526.

To my dear lords and friends, to all pious Germans, I wish, M. Luther, much grace and peace from God our Father and Lord Jesus Christ our Savior.

Satan has not had enough of the fact that he has caused such great misery in German lands this past year through the peasants' rebellion, and still daily attacks the holy divine Word (which God, out of unspeakable grace, has let shine again for us after the horrible, miserable darkness under the troublesome papacy) both with the sword of worldly supremacy and with the sects of some wild enthusiasts, He blasphemes and defiles them, but intends to attack them with all his power, as he would like to push them to the ground in a moment. For this he needs his servants, namely the idolaters of the whole Mainzian mob and priesthood, who have made a council out of his suggestion, in which they have also undertaken the two knavery, firstly to blaspheme the gospel as a seditious doctrine, and secondly to incite the princes of German lands into one another, and to drown the whole of Germany in blood, only to preserve their belly and blasphemous evil life and unchristian splendor. For this

This treacherous advice gives everyone enough to understand that they are not interested in anything, although no prince would still be lord in German lands, and everything would flow in blood, if they would only lead their tyranny, godless, shameful life. Notice and take note of the fact that in the whole council they do not think with a single letter how to improve their life and being, as if there were nothing but vain holiness with them, or how to get rid of the burden and displeasure that was done against them at Worms, but they call the food bad and insolent, and everything is to do with the belly.

However, for my own part, I would like to watch and be quiet, as such advice, even if it were to take place, since God is for it, cannot harm me, because it would happen without my knowledge and will, and would even go against me; Therefore, my conscience would be innocent before God of all that would result from it, moreover, that he could not do more to me if he did the most to me than to take my life, which is the least harm from God's grace, that can be done to me, indeed the greatest service, because I am such a person, who until now has always been doomed to death and is miraculously preserved in life by God's power alone, in defiance of all the wrath of both the devil and his saints; for here stands my defiance, since the prophet says Ps. 2, that the nations rage in vain, kings revolt, and princes counsel with one another in vain, and all this against God and His anointed, for the Lord laughs at them, and He who dwells in heaven mocks them; at last He speaks to them in anger and terrifies them with His fury. These and similar words are my rock, because I know that they are true, that I do not give much to a little lord, yes, I respect the wrath of all devils, bishops and princes as much as the foot of a dove.

Such, I say, would be enough for my person, and let the devil rage with his own as he would, it must still be dead; then it is a matter of a moment that those who are now lords and bishops would like to be our servants, if it could come to that for them; but while I am in life, God has decreed me,

342 Erl. 65,25-27. cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. XVI, 420. 343

To be everyone's servant as much as I can, to teach, instruct, warn and admonish what is useful and blessed, so that if I wanted to boast, I would still boast about the apostles and evangelists in German lands, even if the devil and all his bishops and tyrants were sorry; For I know that I have learned the faith and the truth, and still teach by the grace of God, which name the devil shall not destroy nor take from me for ever. I am sure that he will blaspheme, shout and reproach me with his mouths and feathers, however high and lofty he may be, it will not help him. For this reason and for the sake of others, especially to answer for my teachings, I should not and cannot be silent nor stand by, but must expose the devil's butt once again, so that everyone can see how ugly, black and horrible he is, so that he may become even more angry with me. So I will bring to light and expose the counsel of Mainz, which has come to me strangely, and have kept it secretly and in the back of those whom they mean by it, as traitors and murderers are wont to do, without public warning, admonition or complaint, as not only Christian, but also pagan and natural laws teach. I thought the happy episcopal day would add something to the fire, well, let the porridge boil, God will give it, who should prepare it and who must burn the mouth on it.

For the fact that they blaspheme my life so shamefully, and I have to be unchaste, stingy, hopeful, or else, I am glad with all my heart and it is just right that such great masters' mouths, who desecrate God's word, have to feed in my muck; For what is such a man different, who so gladly seeks to shake other people's sin, and does this not at all for the purpose of punishing it and making it better, that is, to sweep it out and cleanse it or cover it up, but only so that it stinks, and he may laugh at the stink and be in good spirits, than a foul-mouthed sow's nose, which, if it finds its jelly under a fence, mows in it with all the joy it can get and makes a living with it 2c.? Just for such service I need the devil and his servants, when they are most angry and blaspheme my life to the highest and so sweet.

laugh about it, I do not speak more than: Eat, dear pig, it is cooked for you, as the guest is, so is the cake; although I do not want to leave the defiance in them, because I would not like to change my life with the most holy Papist. No one can blame me, praise God, for having violated someone's wife or child, or for having been too close to their honor with words or deeds, so I have also taken from no one what is his, except that I was a monk in error, and fed on alms with the damned spiritual life and masses, so I have also killed no one, nor beaten, nor helped or advised to kill. But this is my sin, that I eat flesh on the fast days of the papacy, and see no evil, but am merry, that is to say, I eat and live in luxury.

But no one can be a pope, he must at least be a murderer, robber, persecutor, because he must agree to do right to him whom the pope and his mob burns, chases away, takes his own and persecutes in all ways, without which they themselves still need all their foundation in the ungodly being unjustly. If one is to know the tree by its fruit, I think it is sufficiently obvious where the true Christians are; we neither kill nor chase away nor persecute anyone who teaches differently than we do, or causes sects, but fight against them with the word of God alone; if they do not want to, we let them go and let them stay in whatever faith they want, but still do the best we can for them, let them live and work and live among us; to whom does Pabst's mob do this? Yes, they fight with the sword alone, like the Turk, and not with God's word, and can defend their faith in no other way than by killing, burning, chasing and persecuting, and yet they want to be called Christians. So then the fruits of their faith are: Murdering, burning, chasing away, persecuting, and everyone must approve of this who wants to be a papal Christian, it is, I think, clear enough that they are the devil's Christians, and, as I have said, that I did not want to interpret 1)

  1. interpret - exchange.

344 Erl. 65, S7-2S. Section I. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 826. W. XVI, 43V. 345

with the most holy pope, if he would do miraculous signs; for it is they on whom all innocent blood will come, as Christ says, which has been shed since the time of Habel.

I do not say this to justify myself, even if I were more holy, for Christ shall remain my righteousness, but that I do not want to let the papists everywhere be right in their defiance, neither before God nor before the world, and that, just as our heretical teaching is in one piece better than all their best teaching, so also our life, since it stinks most sinfully, is better than all their holiness, since it is like vain balm. But enough of that for now. Let us hear her praiseworthy advice and tell it word for word, as it has been delivered to me, and then we will go on with it.

If the council of the Mainz priesthood follows the articles by a reverend chapter at Mainz, the twelve Mainz provinces, the cathedral chapter and the common clergy, the ordered and skilled ones, are to be held in contempt, the following measure is proposed by a common assembly.

First of all, since without the grace of the Almighty God nothing good can be obtained, it is the good concern of all of them that through the ordinary offices of the masses or otherwise, as may ever be the occasion of the cathedral chapter, the Almighty should be most humbly invoked and asked to acquire and obtain divine grace, and this complaint 1) desired and useful endowment.

Item, the following, that each cathedral chapter, for measurable, courageous reasons, of which the authorities here in Mainz have received sufficient report, shall work with archbishops or bishops, princes or rulers, with serious diligence, to withdraw from them those whom they find adherent to the Lutheran doctrine and sect, of ecclesiastical or secular status, in their courts or otherwise in offices, and instruct them to abstain from it; If, however, they do not do so, they shall then suspend the same, remove them, and no longer keep them with them; they shall also order the same to be done with their subjects.

  1. In the original: "weighted down, coveted".

Item, every cathedral chapter, also other chapters, if some person among them would be dependent on or suspected of this seditious sect, shall turn them away from it and avert them; but if they would not let go of it or would not purgirate themselves of the suspicion, then they shall no longer tolerate or suffer the same with them.

Item, it is considered necessary and almost conducive to the cause that each cathedral chapter apply to its archbishop or bishop with special diligence, and also decree for itself, as far as it is concerned, without any omission, that the rebellious Lutheran preachers everywhere in their bishopric, principality, crescent, territories and churches be expelled, and that they no longer be permitted to preach, even if a secular authority has ordered the same preachers to be expelled from their districts of their crescent or bishopric, contrary to Kais. Maj. mandates, edicts and orders, 2) that the same superiors be described and admonished to no longer tolerate or hold such preachers, but to take them into custody by Kais. Maj.'s order to take them into custody and to keep them.

Item, for the sake of the grievance and repugnance which the common clergy and ecclesiastical state of the Mainz diocese and province have evidently encountered from ecclesiastical and secular authorities, and which they have also been more than deceptively oppressed 3), the Assembly has commonly considered, for the averting of the same, with temporal counsel, that through each cathedral chapter its archbishop or bishop be called upon, admonished, and requested with the utmost diligence, that their Elector and F. G.., as it is their duty and obligation to do so, will show and communicate gracious help, advice and support, and as they consider it should be done accordingly:

Firstly, that Archduke Ferdinandus, as Governor of the Holy Roman Empire, should by no means be circumvented, but should be petitioned with intercessors of reported archbishops and bishops for 4) intercession and promotion to Emperor. Maj., because his F. G. has little consequence or obedience with the secular authorities.

  1. advance - advance.
  2. "oppressed" is put by us instead of: oppressed. It would also like to be read "oppressed".
  3. "um" put by us instead of: and.

346 Erl. 65, ss-31. cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. XVI, 430. 347

Item, that thereafter two embassies would be ordered and chosen in the most beneficial way, which with the advice and help of the archbishops and bishops from the common of the ordinaries and chapters together with the common clergy of the Mainz monastery and provinces would be sent to present, bag and board to a papal holiness the improvement, and especially the Mainz monastery and provinces, and to ask for gracious paternal guidance, counsel and consolation, and because at this time and in the course of the see of Rome jurisdiction, supremacy and authority are unfortunately held in low esteem by the German nation, humbly request that His Holiness write to our most gracious Lord, the Roman Emperor, and paternally admonish him as supreme bailiff and protector of the Roman Church, and enable him to appear with gracious assistance to the common clergy and the German nation, and especially to the province of Mainz, and to decree by serious mandate that the complaints, harassment and oppression inflicted and daily inflicted on the clergy of the German nation by secular and ecclesiastical authorities be completely averted, refrained from and abolished.

That also another embassy be ordered and sent to Kais. Maj. in Hispania be ordered and sent, with sufficient instruction, to attract in the most submissive and movable manner the trouble, affliction and repugnance so common clerics encounter and are daily inflicted by the sovereignty of the temporal and ecclesiastical state, and for this reason to request assistance and counsel and gracious provision in the most submissive manner; and for improvement and temporal counsel the deputies of the committee pay attention that the instruction is to be put in this form, as follows:

Instruction, what the deeds of the cathedral chapters and common clerics of the archdiocese and other monastery churches and bishops of the provinces of Mainz should request from Kais. Maj., our most gracious Lord, what they are to request, solicit, and request most humbly:

First of all, they shall announce to Kais. Maj., our most gracious Lord, our subservient, guilty and entirely willing services in all obedience, with the wish that the Almighty God may grant His Kais. Maj. blissful government,

We hope that you will graciously grant us long-lasting health and the victories and triumphs we desire against your enemies, the enemies of the Holy Roman Empire, and the enemies of the Christian name, with joy and gladness, and with the offering of our humble prayers to God.

After that they shall tell Kais. Majesty and most humbly state that we have no doubt that His Imperial Majesty has knowledge of what one of the Augustinian monks called M. Luther has been doing for some years now. Maj. has knowledge of what one, called M. Luther, of the Augustinian order, has now for some years been stirring up in Christian doctrine and writings against the holy Christian orders and faith, previously condemned and rejected by common concilia, thereby seducing many more pious, also great violent hearts, and making them adherent to his heretical, stirring doctrine, for which reason, at the Imperial Diet held at Worms, His Imperial Majesty issued public mandates and edicts against Martin. Luther, his teachings and followers at the Imperial Diet in Worms. But, these mandates and edicts notwithstanding, the common clergy in the archdiocese of Mainz and its provinces were viciously harassed by the secular authorities out of Lutheran doctrine and teachings with unmistakable difficulties, led to ruin, and were obliged to be completely driven out and exterminated. Therefore, we, the clergy, declare to S. Kais. Maj., as the supreme protector and protector of the Holy Christian Church, the common clergy and the whole of Christendom, to appeal for help and to ask for rejection of the inflicted grievances most humbly and diligently, "most humbly" trusting, S. Kais. Maj, out of innate Christian virtue, which His Maj. from the most noble, most powerful Roman Emperors, from the House of Austria and Burgundy, also Christian Kings of Hispania, Jerusalem and Sicily, from paternal and maternal nature, will graciously move and take to heart such un-Christian behaviour, burdening and oppression, and will so see to it and seriously procure that we common clergy will be relieved of it and, contrary to equity 1) and Christian order, will no longer be burdened or oppressed. So that also Kais. Maj.

  1. In our template: "Willfulness".

348 Erl. 6S, 31-33. sec. 1. Mainzer Rathschl. w. Packsches Bündn. No. 826, W. XVI, 430. 349

In order that we may have a clear knowledge and understanding of the harassment and rape, as well as the repulsions, which we of the common clergy encounter daily, H. K. M. the competent persons shall report such harassment and distress 1) from article to article, as follows:

First, that the secular authorities, adhering to the Lutheran doctrine, contain preachers who preach against all Christian order, that priests take wives, and that monks and nuns are eavesdropped from the monasteries; 2) that one should not baptize and say mass according to the Christian order, as before, but in German, 2) that they communicate each person under both forms of the sacrament without prior confession, that one should not grasp, not confess, not pray, nor keep vows and oaths made and taken, not call upon nor honor the Mother of God and other saints, demolish and completely destroy churches, cloisters and monasteries, as well as other many heresies to the people; If this were to happen, it would be extremely dangerous that riots, revolts and the complete destruction and annihilation of the clergy would ensue, as some secular authorities tore down such monasteries, took out the monks and drove them away, giving them Victualia for the rest of their lives, and otherwise appropriating to them all pensions and tributes.

Item, that some secular sovereigns of the ecclesiastics burden and occupy properties, tithe, interest, manure and other fees with secular burdens, unlawful impositions and burdens, which they force and coerce the ecclesiastics to pay and give by their own force.

Item, that at some ends they appropriate and take the tithes and other goods of the clergy for themselves, and do not want to give or let give them to those to whom it is rightfully due.

Item, that some secular authorities forbid the giving of small tithes to their subjects, and also burden the large tithes and other estates with secular burdens and impositions to such an extent that the ecclesiastics are completely deprived of them.

  1. In our presentation: Amount nut.
  2. "run" set by us; in our template: "buy".

is infallible; all against common law, customary usage and spiritual freedom.

Item, some secular authorities take the tithes of the new or novalien violently to them and in their use, keep the same to the pastors and to whom it is entitled by right, own authority.

Item, some secular authorities take to them and to their power monasteries, convents and all incomes and pensions of the same, some inventory and describe all interest, pensions and fees, also jewels of the sanctuary, chalices and other things, in charge of the monasteries, convents and churches, which they decide to their liking and partly take away, all for the destruction of spiritual life and reduction of worship.

Item, ut supra, deprive and expel the right pastors and parish lords and put others there by their own force, dependent on Lutheran doctrine and sect, since it cannot be known whether they have ever been ordained or ordained to pastoral dignities and office, who set, undertake and accomplish their sermons and other works for nothing 3) else than riots, repulsions and outrages.

Item, the ecclesiastical ordinaries are prevented from keeping the holy broadcast, in which the vices and transgressions are to be punished, as by ancient custom, by some secular authorities, who do not want to allow such a broadcast to be kept in their territories.

Some secular authorities impose personal and civil burdens on all ecclesiastical persons in their territories, such as guarding, keeping watch over the gates, and all other duties, which they also impose by force and require against ecclesiastical freedom and custom.

Some secular rulers have abolished all religious services and offices and want that in a city, even where a large number of people live, no more than one mass should be held during the day, which is nevertheless difficult to maintain over time.

Item, the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and compulsion are completely suppressed and abolished by secular authorities in that they do not want to suffer, tolerate or permit such jurisdiction in their jurisdictions and territories,

  1. "to nothing" put by us instead of: so not.

350 Erl. 65, 33-35. cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. XVI, 430. 351

urge the clergy, without distinction, to seek, give and receive justice in all matters before their secular courts or tribunals, since the clergy are slowly being helped to any beneficial right.

Although it is well provided by common imperial law and the order is that to the right 1) sufficiently prescribed possessions, as law is presented and produced, are considered and held for true title, as if letters and seals were indicated over it, nevertheless such prescriptions are considered and held for null and void by some secular authorities, who want to have presented and produced letters and seals all the way, and do not judge on the prescriptions based on imperial law.

Item, some secular authorities forbid that their subjects are not allowed to shred or lay anything in the churches, their construction and otherwise for the preservation of good works, that also the church courts are not held for this purpose.

Because now everything and anything is done for the suppression and extermination of Christian faith and common spiritual status, and the spiritual persons, where they are deprived of temporal nourishment, are completely suppressed, and can also no longer abstain, who nevertheless have obeyed Kais. Maj. and other Roman Emperors, his Maj. ancestors, of high noble memory, have in all respects rendered submissive obedience, and have also been wary of others with mature 2) services and other presentations, as a common clergy of the German nation is once again obliged and willing to do, and then Kais. Maj. if the clergy of the German nation were thus exterminated, not a small part of the obedience would be withdrawn, we, the clergy, in these remote great adversities and distresses, would have no one else but S. Kais. Maj. as our most gracious Lord, supreme bailiff and protector of the church and the Christian faith, to whom we place all our comfort, hope and welfare. Maj., our most gracious Lord, most humbly and diligently request-

  1. In our original: "to the right", and immediately following: "right". For understanding, compare in the 15th volume of our edition the 722nd document, the 61st complaint.
  2. Maybe: prepare?

that his Kais. Maj. the common clergy of the German nation, and especially here with gracious assistance, graciously wished to abolish and prevent such harassment, oppression, and rapacious oppression, and for this reason he has issued serious mandates, orders, and letters of command against some secular authorities, who were to be denounced by the deputies, especially under high penalties, namely upon forfeiture of all their regalia, privileges, dignities, fiefs and rights, also upon eight and eight with deputation of some executors, In which the same rulers are commanded with great seriousness to put an end to the harassment, oppression, rape and suppression against the clergy and theirs, and to decree immediately that they also deprive the clergy, monasteries, convents and churches of interest, pensions, income, tithes and dues, or otherwise inflict damage, to restore them to their hands and to restore them to their former status and to let them remain there, and also otherwise, as Kais. Ma;. out of high intellect and princely mind, and graciously help and see to it that we remain with our spiritual liberties and food and are henceforth no longer harassed or violated by the secular authorities. For the sake of His Kais. Maj. we, the common clergy, in all submissiveness and obedience, to the best of our ability, also with humble prayer to God and His Maj. with blessed government and long-lasting health, with desired victories and overcoming of their adversaries and enemies, and otherwise to earn in the most submissive manner, to be always eager, willing and undaunted.

Item, it has been deliberated by common assembly and deemed good that the skillful embassies name the following 3) Electors and Princes as executors and ask them to give this matter before Kais. Maj., 4) namely the three Electors on the Rhine, Cologne, Trier and Palatinate, also Margrave Joachim of Brandenburg, Electors, also Archduke Ferdinan-

  1. In our template: "post-named".
  2. Thus placed by us instead of: "and ask these things before Kais. Maj. to admit".

352 Erl. 68, 35-38. sec. 1. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 826. W. XVI. 430. 353

dus, Duke Wilhelm and Ludwig of Bavaria, Duke Jörgen of Saxony and the Dukes of Eleve.

Because also this rebellious, heretical doctrine originates and begins mostly from the four mendicant orders exuberant 1) freedom, so that they are gifted by the See of Rome, called mare magnum, in which they are exiled and deprived of all ordinary jurisdiction, because of which they are completely subject to no one, They are free to live, and to preach, perform and act everything according to their will and good pleasure, caused and grown up, as it is obvious and undeniable, even in the future time, when it would remain so and would not degenerate with timely advice, there is still greater harm to fear: The skilful Emperor Maj. Maj. most earnestly request and ask that His Majesty most earnestly and diligently request and exhort Papal Holiness to pass and revoke such privileges of the four mendicant orders, called magnum mare, and to completely abolish them, to make the said four orders subject to diocesaria and ordinaries.

Item, in addition to the given instruction, the skillful shall also work with Kais. Maj. with great diligence that the complaint of a venerable cathedral chapter at Hildesheim by Kais. Maj. will be graciously heeded, and they will be relieved of the burden imposed by Kais. Maj.'s fatigue be shown and communicated, namely that Kais. Maj. has appointed and deputized two commissioners or interrogators to hear the matters between the bishop and the monastery of Hildesheim on the one hand and his opponents on the other hand, and also to help them to the right with the suspension of the eight and eight, issued against the bishop and the monastery of Hildesheim, all according to the content of the information, by a venerable cathedral chapter of Hildesheim.

Item: For the sake of the prebend recently incorporated by papal sanctity into the University of Ingolstadt in the cathedral chapter of Augsburg; because the rebellious heretical teachings and sects, which in many cases come from the universities, have been planted and practiced there.

  1. "exuberant" put by us instead of: "more effusive".

If the incorporation is to be revoked, the authorities shall report to the Emperor. Maj. and request most humbly that His Maj. through their Oratores make and act upon an appeal to Papal Holiness to revoke and approve such incorporation, and not to further burden the Emperor's Cathedral Chapter 2) of Augsburg with it, and also to further act upon the information of a venerable Cathedral Chapter of Augsburg.

Item, it is decided by common collection that to this sending and other emergency needs a common stop of the archbishopric Mainz and provinces is to be put.

As both the monasteries of Bamberg and Basel, although they are partly exempt and do not belong to the Province of Mainz, have previously been dependent on the Province for common ecclesiastical complaints and have contributed, it is considered good that both of the above-mentioned cathedral monasteries be described and requested by message to hear from them what they want to do in this regard.

It is also considered necessary that the Instruction to Kais. Maj. in Latin and that the two, one in Latin and one in German, be sealed with the insignia of three bishops.

Item, common assembly have also decided and decreed unanimously in view of the fact that some cathedral churches of this province of Mainz are far away from Mainz, that every skilful person shall bring this action and advice to his cathedral chapter, the answer and what they will obtain from their bishops and princes, together with the money which they would be obliged to give, between here and the new year's day to a venerable cathedral chapter at Mainz without delay or hindrance, namely Mainz three hundred florins, Würzburg one and a half hundred florins, Constance one and a half hundred florins, Eystett one hundred florins, Worms one hundred florins, Halberstadt one hundred florins, Verden one hundred florins, Augsburg one hundred florins, Hildesheim one hundred florins, Chur 4) fifty florins, Summarum 1500 and 7 florins.

  1. It will be read either: "the emperor's" or: "the imperial cathedral chapter".
  2. In the original: "butt nut".
  3. In the manuscript: "Caur.

354 Erl. 65,38-40. cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. XVI, 430. 355

Well, that is a wise piece of advice. If the bishop of Strasbourg had been there, who would have thought that the devil could make such wise people? But methinks one thing has been forgotten, which is noticeable, and if I had been in the council, it would also have had to be included; but it does no harm if I still report it afterwards, and it is just that, because the spiritual state is so utterly despised everywhere because of its shameful life and seductive doctrine, that even the children in the street make a carnival play out of it, and everyone now understands that they are a useless people, who only feed their belly and serve no one, and that they are an unmistakable burden and burden to country and people, so that the saying Psalm 105 Ps. 107, 40. goes mightily over them: "God pours contempt on princes," would have been considered good, or still almost good, but that two embassies were erected, one to Kais. Maj. complaining how the common piety is so miserably despised in all hearts and is taken for nothing but idols, so that even the princes and lords who are on their side do not think anything of him, if they do not have a good greave on their cabbage to make it fat, for God's sake they let them have everything that the soldiers use to pray. Therefore, Kais. Maj. graciously helped that all the world would not have to think less of them than of St. Peter 2) and St. Paul, regardless of the fact that they are public desperate boys and murderers, and the apostles were holy people.

The other one would have to be sent to God in heaven and let him say that he wanted to revoke his word in the above-mentioned psalm, and not pour contempt but honor upon them. To such a message would be good St. Christoffel and the great Carolus, especially if St. Christoffel came with a great, great sack full of masses and rosaries, and Carolus with his great sword, perhaps God would be afraid of such giants and would turn back his word and not let it go so brutally over the poor clergy. These two messages would be more necessary and all costs and efforts would have to be spent on them.

  1. Set by us instead of: "Kol...."
  2. "Peter" is missing from the manuscript.

turn. For what good would it be, if piety had all the good in the world, if they were despised by everyone and kept like dung on the gaff? One should rather be a bully than a great rich priest, who would have to be everyone's idol and proverb.

This would have been my advice, but they would have thought that I was mocking them and would have burned me as a Lutheran and thrown me into hell, because it is not good to joke with such clever gentlemen. But what shall I do? I would not look at the clergy all in one heap with all their angry patrons, that I should write a word for their sake, for I despise them ever so highly, as highly as they are hostile to me. But because I see that Satan, through them, as through his larvae, so shamefully lies, blasphemes and is angry, and also likes to cause great misery, I will again mock him and expose him with his lies behind and in front, so that everyone may beware, and see what kind of boys my ungracious masters are in the skin.

First of all, it is not to be concealed from me, 3) that they call my teaching heretical and seditious. For Christ also would not keep silent, since the Jews give John 8 his teaching to the devil, but excuses it. So I also say here that my masters lie, and there is also no honest man who can accuse me of this, that I have preached heretically and seditiously. Nor can anyone teach me that I am justified in defying God, if it be emperor, king, pope, prince or bishop, it is a lie when they say it. This is known not only in German lands, but also in foreign kingdoms, that I was freely condemned at the Diet of Worms, even though I appeared there and offered myself for interrogation and justice, but there was priestly power and no justice. You have, dear lords, done a piece with me that is written in Adamant and will never be erased, nor will you be silent until you all become dust that the wind scatters. Imperial escort you left me not quite, and sat there like the larvae and

  1. Erlanger: "concealed".
  2. In our template: "still say".

356 Erl. 65, 40-42. sec. 1. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 826, W. XVI, 430. 357

Idols around the youngest man, Emperor Charles, who did not understand such things, had to do what you liked, and condemned me without any right, as your consciences are my witnesses, unheard, unrecognized. So many idols did not have so much sense that they could have answered or let hear, (let alone 1) report or overcome a single poor beggar, whom they had in their hands. Pooh to the eternal shame of all priests and pontiffs!

It is well known that not all the estates of the empire agreed to my doctrine of condemnation, but the best heads, especially of the secular estates, did not sign; You larvae, however, butted heads with some lords, like a mob, and drove the emperor to such a sacrilegious judgment that the laudable Duke Friederich of Saxony, Elector, of blessed memory, said in one place that he had never seen a more childish thing in his life than in such dealings at Worms, and could now well realize how one acts in the churches, namely that the clergy ruled. For this reason, although he kept silent, he no longer thought much of the churches. There were also many other great lords who were sorry for such trade, and yet they could not oppose it, as I have heard myself, so that I may say with joy: I am not condemned at Worms by the Reich's verdict as a heretic; for it was not a common unanimous verdict. It was not a common, unanimous sentence passed and signed by all the estates, as was proper, because the estates did not agree on which of them was most important in the whole empire, but there was a council of princes and bishops, who needed the emperor for their courage. Therefore, the same commandment was not strong, because the consciences were caught when they knew that it was unjust and a pure priest's act, so also that it was almost alleviated and tempered by another commandment at Nuremberg, because the consciences could not stand it. This is also proven by fruit and experience; for soon after this false judgment of the clergy, my doctrine really began,

  1. Erlanger: "silent".
  2. Maybe: vain?

and came on, and was brighter than it had ever been, until even monasteries and masses were overthrown, and the heresy became such a despised thing, as before the eyes, that one may grasp how God has made my cause righteous, which is condemned by the devil and his idols. This is what I want to say about the lies that they call my doctrine heretical, because they cannot prove that it is condemned by the judgment of human authority (I will keep silent about the divine judgment) as by the unanimous judgment of the kingdom. But that some princes of the Romans and bishops of the Reds have condemned me, I wipe my shoes.

But the fact that they blaspheme my doctrine in a rebellious way is also their pure courageous will to adorn themselves and to receive discredit against me, because they do not know how to raise anything else, because they will never be able to prove it, so they know it differently themselves. And indeed, if it were only up to me, I would keep quiet about it, and rejoice in their wanton lies, and be satisfied with their own conscience, which knows otherwise. For the gospel must have the name in the world that it is called rebellious and blasphemed, although everyone knows that it is not so, so that they may flux and confidently sin in the Holy Spirit and be hardened, so that they may not repent and be completely corrupted. So Christ himself had to be accused of sedition and brought before Pilate, even though Pilate knew and found in the interrogation that it was not true; but it did not help, he had to die as a seditionist and be counted among the murderers, so that a seditious title was also written over him. They wanted to make it so certain and firm among the people that he was seditious. But what did it help the Jews? Elijah the prophet also had to be called rebellious, because he preached against King Ahab. St. Paul and his followers were also called rebellious, as Lucas writes in actis. Since our Head Jesus Christ with his prophets and apostles himself had to tolerate rebellion, we should not be afraid that we are also rebelliously reproached, but be glad that we suffer the same from our Satan that Christ suffered with his apostles, because not only ours, but also ours and our apostles are rebellious.

358 Erl. SS, 42-44. cap. 12. on the covenants of the papists. W. XVI, 430. 359

even the enemy's own conscience knows well that

we are innocent.

But for the sake of others and to harden the mad idols the more, I will answer for such blasphemy. For the more the vipers hear the truth, the more blind they become. And indeed, a few pieces should also calm a blinded and obdurate heart sufficiently, so that they must confess, see and grasp that here in Wittenberg and where I preach, there has been no rebellion, and still, by God's grace, it is as quiet as in no place in the world. Where I now teach, there should be the most turmoil and unrest, and it should begin there, since my teachings are most powerful on a daily basis, and I myself am present. But that does not help, such public truth and proof is too strong against their lies and makes them ashamed, therefore it must not apply, their lies should and must be right. Now now, what they will help such blasphemy, shall come to day in time, as it is written to the Jews. So three years ago I wrote the booklet on worldly authority, long before the uprising came, in which I established and confirmed worldly authority and obedience from Scripture in such a way that it alone is strong enough testimony for me against such blasphemy. For I respect that no teacher before me has ever written so powerfully about worldly authority that even my enemies must thank me for it. And if some of the authorities had not been strengthened by this when the riots were raging, they would have been despondent and would have continued to concede to the peasants. There are many more books and writings, also with names against the rebellion. Thus, the book to the German nobility is still available, in which I admonish the nobility, and that through prayer to God, for the reformation of the German country. With all this, the mouth of the blasphemers 1) is shut enough and I am amply excused.

And who stood stronger against the peasants with writings and preaching than I? I have been among them and passed through them with my life and limb. They never let me tell them that they had it from me. So also in Frankenhaufen and Mühl-

  1. In the manuscript: "blasphemy".

Hausen, that the coiner did not have anything to do with me. Yes, he was more violent and bitter toward me than toward any other person. What the devil was doing through him was also most of all directed at my 2) head. But I put a block in front of him by God's grace, even before worldly authority came. And if it should be a boast, I still do not know who would have beaten the peasants first and more. Now those take the glory who have done the least; and those who have done the best must now have the reward that they have rebellious doctrine. But it is right. Go, go, you are on the right track, so one must run if one wants to break the neck.

So it is also publicly true that the coiner, although he began in Alstädt in our prince's land, God drove him away so that he had to leave, and came into Duke Jörgen's land to Mühlhausen and caused such misery in his principality. Where were there angry princes and lords who defended him? So it is true that the rebellion did not arise in our principality nor in Hesse, but came from Franconia over 4) the forest and from Mühlhausen and the line here on Duke Jörgen's soil, and thus also threw down and set fire to our prince's land as the border. Yes, that is why the rebellion has come to us, since the gospel has been rejected to the highest degree. I must tell the truth, and if 5) Count Albrecht of Mansfeld, who at that time was the first to put on the armor, had not done so, 6) it would have been Duke

  1. In our template: "my".
  2. This is the passage that Luther remembers in the above-mentioned letter to the Elector: "I had resolved not to remember Duke George any further, because his thought is in the closest printed copies of the "Rathschlag". Duke Georg had known how to obtain a copy of the "Rathschlag", and this prompted a lengthy correspondence between him and the Elector.
  3. Manuscript: "ober".
  4. It is highly probable that instead of "hätt", which the Erlanger offers here, "thät" (thet or thett) will be found in the original; this means: "if Count Albrecht were not there". We have refrained from a change, because the reading we assume is incomprehensible today not only to laymen, but also to highly learned people. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. V, 668, K 34, note and idiae, Col. 1191, 8 28. Of course, with the reading "thäte" the made addition would be omitted.
  5. "nicht gethan" is missing in the original. (Erlang. Ausg.)

360 Erl. SS, 4^-48. sec. 1. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 826. W. XVI, 430. 361

In eight days, Jörge had as little power up to Bohemia as none of the other lords who were overwhelmed; so horribly dwindling ran the tiresome fire. But then it gained a push and resistance, because the praiseworthy count intervened; now, in time, one should also give him his reward and thanks, as the wolf gave to the crane, and as the world is wont to reward all honest, pious people who do the best by it, according to the saying: He who helps the thief from the gallows, the thief gladly brought him up. He must also become rebellious and teach rebellious doctrine, regardless of the fact that he has done the first and best against rebellion and punishes its blasphemous mouth with undeniable work. 2)

But if we want to hear the truth, I would like to say who is the cause of this uproar and lamentation. The first is that God was angry with the 3) priests at Worms, since they also condemned me 4) outrageously, against natural law, and blasphemed and desecrated God's word, after which they chased away and persecuted the evangelical preachers. Because they did not want to suffer God's word and right preachers, God did as was just and right and sent rebellious preachers, who under the appearance of the gospel, like the false apostles, caused such misery, to bring punishment on the clergy and clergymen, even though many innocent people had to pay 5) because they were neighbors of the wicked and kept silent about such clergy outrages and did not support the truth. For the peasants' rebellion was only a beginning of punishment and God's wrath, and a warning that they should desist from their bluster and blasphemy and let God's word go; if not, He would seek them out with a sharp rod. I am not saying that they should believe me, but only that they should become more hardened 6) and not believe until they know. For God is just and cannot do wrong.

  1. Manuscript: "ledige"; analogous is: wegern instead of: weigern.
  2. So put by us instead of: "incredulous" and "punish".
  3. In our template: "des".
  4. Original: not.
  5. Here we have deleted a superfluous "beside". 6) In our original: "vorstecken" instead of: verstocken.

And as he was able to bring punishment on the peasants in a flash, so he can still come behind them unawares, so that they will perish before they realize it, as it says in Job.

In addition to this, the evil that the life of the priests was evil, diabolical, tyrannical, was unmistakable to all the world, so that even the secular nobility of Worms acted before the emperor himself; there was no thought of improving or abating anything, but was constantly pressed, beaten, scraped, so that no one was safe from his wife, child, property, body, and the secular lords were not much more pious. Because they themselves would not desist from their shameful, abominable, tyrannical nature, and in addition would not allow others to hear the gospel and teach them to live well, but oppressed both body and soul of their subjects with all injustice, iniquity and violence, they pressed and forced the rebellion out by force, and went, as Solomon says Proverb. 31 30, 33: "He who blows the nose too hard forces blood out. For then the mob became unwilling, and could not endure the bullies' courage.

But that such pieces had been the cause of the riot, no one can deny, because the peasants listed them publicly in their note, so everyone knows that it is true how innumerable the tyranny of the priests and their followers has been. Now the kittens adorn themselves finely, would like to hide such pieces, do not intend to let go even today, now blame the Gospel for what they have caused by their intolerable nature. God must bear it and be wrong, so that their evil may remain right. Well, he will put it away in time and excuse himself in such a way that neither the priests nor the priest's servants will remain. This shall be my prophecy.

And look at their fine prudence, 7) they have led it out! They have forbidden my teaching because they were afraid of rebellion, and would like to remain firmly seated and keep the mob in check. That was the pretty advice

  1. Thus set by us, instead of, "And yet they of their no prudence."

362 Erl. 53,449 f. Cap. 12. Of the covenants of the papists. W. XVI, 430-433. 363

blow. Have they not met with it? Yes, just as Solomon says, "What the wicked fears will come upon him," just as the Jews also met with it, because 1) they followed the wise counsel of Caiaphas; lest the Romans come and take away their land and people, they had to kill Christ. It is the same.

(So much for the handwriting.)

827 Luther's concerns about what the Elector of Saxony should do about the Catholic bishops. 1526 or later.

This concern is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. I, p. 276; in the Altenburger, vol. Ill, p. 520; in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 556; in De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 315 and in the Erlanger, vol. 53, p. 449. The Eisleben edition places it above the Mainzer Rathschlag (1526), De Wette and the Erlanger above the Packsche Bündniß (1528). We find in the same neither for the one nor the other a clue.

(1) Whether it should not be good that my most gracious lord should take such an action against the bishops who are encroaching on his electoral grace's lands, and should petition them in writing and have them denounced, since they have done nothing in the evangelical cause up to now, and have failed to provide his electoral grace's lands and subjects with God's word. The court would then be forced to prevent riots, discord, and all kinds of trouble (arising from unequal doctrine), even to the best of their ability, as in the greatest need.

2 But that they might still see to their abundance that his electoral grace sought nothing but only that in his electoral grace lands the same gospel was held for the salvation of the poor souls. But that they might still see for abundance that his electoral grace sought nothing but that in his electoral grace's lands, for the salvation of the poor souls, the gospel and the same doctrine might be held, and lived peacefully, in harmony: then his electoral grace would still be inclined or desirous that they themselves, the bishops, might cultivate their office, 1 Timothy 1:1, and promote and help such gospel in his electoral grace's lands. 1, and in the lands of his princely grace promote and help to teach such gospel and to keep peace, as they owe before God and the world, because they want to be bishops and shepherds.

  1. however, where they did not want that they would then have to mean that it could be his churfürst-
  1. "there" put by us instead of: the.

The bishops, as a secular prince, suffer as little in his electoral lands discord and unequal teaching contrary to the Gospel, as little as they themselves can suffer in their dioceses 2c.., and urge them, the bishops, to see to it that C.F.G. himself is not found guilty before God of such neglect by the bishops of his electoral subjects.

  1. such, I think, should not be useless for more glimpses before the world and for more consolation of the conscience: so that one could boast that all ways are tried to please the bishops, as much as God's word suffers 2c.

828 King Ferdinand of Hungary and Bohemia, Archduke of Austria 2c, Mandate against the Lutherans 2c. Ofen, 20 Aug. 1527.

This mandate first appeared individually in 1527, and was subsequently included in the Eisleben edition, vol. I, p. 394; in the Altenburg edition, vol. Ill, p. 757; and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XIX, p. 594.

  1. we Ferdinandus, by the grace of God, of Hungary and Bohemia 2c. King, Infante in Hispania, Archduke in Austria, Duke in Burgundy, Styria, Carinthia, Craine, and Würtenberg^) 2c., Count of Tyrol 2c.: To the venerable, our dear devotees, noble, honorable, clergy, and our dear faithful, N., all and every one of our prelates, counts, barons, knights, land marshals, land governors, administrators, bailiffs, governors, mayors, judges, councilors, municipalities, and otherwise in general to all our and our principality and lands subjects, we offer our grace and all our goods.
  1. We have no doubt that you all still know and remember how the most noble, most powerful prince and lord, Lord Carolus, elected Roman emperor, our dear brother and gracious lord (as is due to his imperial majesty as the Christian head and protector of our Christian faith), has been and will continue to be in the footsteps of his majesty's ancestors, the Roman Christian emperor. Majesty, as the Christian head and protector of our Christian faith, following and remaining in the footsteps of his Majesty's ancestors, Roman Christian Emperor), to all Christian believing souls dangerousness, there-.
  2. In the old edition: "Wittenberg".

364 Sect. I. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 828. W. xvi, 433-435. 365

that those who have not been led astray from the right path to salvation by some seductive heretical sects and doctrines, which began at that time and which some have attempted to spread, and who, under a pretense of good instruction, have been directed to eternal damnation by mixing poison, will be mercifully heeded, and such seductive doctrine will be prevented and stopped from taking root more deeply:

  1. The 1) Origin and beginning, of which the first flowed most and highest, Martin Luther, out of imperial clemency before his imperial majesty, other princes, princes and estates of the holy empire, to Worms to the imperial diet, in the escort and most gracious good security (although his imperial majesty, over previous amicable and gracious admonition, by papal sanctity to the same Martin Luther, was not guilty of this) to the responsibility graciously; there, after recounting some of his "most false and seductive" articles in imperial majesty's name, 2) and subsequently by a prince and other honorable learned persons, graciously and brotherly instructed, to refrain from such his unrighteous behavior, to consider himself, and to revoke his outgoing unchristian books and writings, which would certainly follow him, from laudable examples of the holy fathers, for the preservation of his soul, honor and body,

4 All of this, however, was disregarded and unnoticed by him, and he let himself be heard about it with unseemly words. Therefore, the Imperial Majesty, together with all princes, rulers, and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, as mentioned above, have, with timely counsel and good forethought, considered separating Martin Luther from the community of Christian believers, rejecting him, confiscating him, and putting him under guard, because of his booklets and unchristian teachings; Also to forbid his and his followers' and successors' books, along with other unseemly paintings and letters, to be printed, sold, bought, read, and kept, in case of severe penalties,

  1. How all this and more is shown and explained at length and with more expression in the same edicts of His Imperial Majesty. We hereby draw to this and wish to have the same edicts renewed again, which we are also commanded to keep by our subsidiary mandates; to this end, the following,
  2. In the old edition: "Dem".
  3. Added by us.

Together with other princes and several embassies at Regensburg, to comply with the same edicts and to live in all other of our lands, and therefore to issue orders, comparing and resolving the contents of our mandates and the union incorporated therein; as has been done by us, and such mandates have been published several times.

(6) According to the same, we have provided ourselves completely to all and every one of you, as our obedient and obligated subjects, and have placed yourselves in no doubt that you will thus, as is well befitting and granted to you, show yourselves obediently and in accordance with such Imperial Majesty's mandates. Maj. also in accordance with our mandates. We are told, and it is almost a fact, that in some and many places the seductive, foreign doctrines that have been touched before have not only not been stopped, but have grown in constant increase and uptake.

  1. And especially new, frightening, outrageous doctrines, which are not to be revealed nor reported to us because of the impudent blasphemy, and which we have heard with quite a heavy mind, are arising, among which the regeneration of baptism and abuse of the reverend sacrament of the tender Corpus Christi:And, what is even worse, by some who follow Carolostadio, Zwinglio, and Oecolampadio, and their followers, they even reject, deny, and speak of it in a vicious and contemptuous manner, that neither the holy body of Christ nor his blood is in the sacrament of the altar under the form of bread and wine.
  2. But since it is now evident and in the light of day that baptism from the time of the apostles in the fellowship of the holy Christian church, as still practiced by all Christendom, is not contrary to but in harmony with the Gospel, and since two hundred years ago rebaptism was condemned not only by the holy fathers, who proved their faith with their honorable good Christian lives and bloodshed, but also by the imperial authorities (as their Scriptures indicate) as heretical, the Church of God is not to be condemned, who have proved their faith with their honorable, good, Christian life and bloodshed, but also by the imperial laws (as their scripture indicates) for heretical condemnation, but on the other hand of the children's baptism, as coming to us from distant parents and forefathers, for Christian allowed and approved. Thus also the holy sacrament of the altar, worthy of Christ, true God and man, our Redeemer, at His last supper, instituted for us to partake of in remembrance of His suffering and for the forgiveness of our sins, is finally given, and His body and blood are confessed. This also the four Gospels, together with St. Paul, express in many places clearly and undoubtedly, and our parents, when Christianity stood long.

366 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. E. xvi, 435-438. 367

with all devotion, have used, believed, given and received. Also, out of contempt for it, many long and short years ago, considerable signs have followed and happened.

  1. Where you as believers in Christ despise, scorn, abuse or do not keep such things, you must consider that such things, together with the highest blasphemy, would certainly be enough to endanger your souls, honor and body, even in all your lives, that you (as unfortunately appears in many places) would fall into much more and severe error, deception and blasphemy against our holy faith, and, as to be feared, would finally live without all knowledge of God, our Savior, like the cattle on earth, and would complete your time. Because, as mentioned above, such articles were considered heretical and condemned many hundreds of years ago, and were prevented and forbidden not only by ecclesiastical, but also by imperial laws, at grave and highest penalties of honor, body, life and property.

(10) Namely, that you may receive remembrance and knowledge of them in part, as is reported. Whoever freely and persistently holds and believes against the twelve articles of our holy Christian faith, 1) also against the seven sacraments of the common, holy Christian church, is thereby duly recognized as a heretic. That he may be punished in body and life according to the occasion and magnitude of his sacrilege, hardening, blasphemy and heresy; item, who in the above 2) opinion is found to be a heretic, as is due, and is recognized that his goods are forfeited and confiscated according to the order and difference of rights; item, that every heretic, as recognized above, is put to death; item, that he loses all freedoms given to Christians; item, that he is dishonorable and therefore not fit for any honest office, nor may he be used; item, that no one is obligated to hold or execute bonds or other bonds; item, that he does not have the power to buy, sell, or engage in any trade or commerce; item, that he does not have to testify, 3) or make business and last will and testament, nor to make other 4) testaments and last will and testament, which may be of use to him.

  1. That is, the apostolic creed. Compare Table Talks, Cap. 54, 8 13. St. Louis Edition, Vol. XXII, 1358.
  2. In the old edition: "transcribed".
  3. According to 8 16 this is to be understood as "bearing witness".
  4. In the old edition: "other".

The same is true of the right of a Christian father to disinherit his son, who is a heretic, of all paternal property, and of a son to disinherit his father in the same case.

(11) Since such penalties and punishments have been imposed on the chief heretics alone, and other new and unchristian articles are being written and used against our holy faith and holy Christian order, and since the authorities do not doubt, misunderstand, or question the punishments imposed in such cases, we have graciously considered attaching and determining the punishments due to some of the transgressions. We earnestly admonish and wish to punish with fire, without any mercy, those who, with impious speeches, sermons, and writings, question or despise the divinity or humanity of Christ, or the birth, passion, resurrection, ascension, and other such articles of the same. Those who despise, disgrace or revile the eternal, pure, chosen Queen Virgin Mary, so that they say, hold, write or preach that she was a woman, as another woman is now on earth, that she was a mortal sinner, that she did not remain an eternal virgin after birth, that she did not give birth to God, that she did not come to heaven, shall be punished for these and such heresies and errors in body, life or property, according to the occasion and the magnitude of the offense.

(12) Those who despise, reject, and speak shamefully of the Mother of God, Mary, apostles, evangelists, martyrs, and other dear saints of God, as well as their merit, intercession, and proven miraculous signs, shall be punished with imprisonment, banishment from the country, and other punishments, according to the occasion of the crime. If anyone changes the form or order of baptism, mass, or holy chrismation, other than that which has been practiced in the Christian church from time immemorial, he shall be punished by imprisonment, banishment from the country, or other punishment, according to the form of the change. Item, who, according to heretical opinion, commit the Lord's supper (as they call it) in such a way that they give and take bread and wine to each other, they shall be punished as heretics in body, life and goods, also the houses, in which such is committed, shall be confiscated, or, according to our pleasure, torn down for eternal remembrance.

  1. The places where the baptismal fonts, sacramental houses and altars have been demolished shall be restored to their original state, with the loss of all freedom.

368 Section 1: Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 828. W. xvi, 438-441. 369

The time limit shall be set up. All those who have not been ordained priests according to the order of the Christian Church, and who nevertheless consider themselves to have the power to consecrate the reverend Sacrament, as has unfortunately happened in many places in a wanton and premeditated manner: if they overcome this, they shall be punished with fire, sword, or water, according to the judgment of the judges. Anyone who despises priestly confession and does not do so at least once a year according to the order of the church, or who goes to the sacrament without priestly confession, shall be punished with imprisonment, banishment from the place of his residence, or other penalties on the property. Any monk or priest who has thrown away his habit or priestly habit, or who has let it become overgrown, or who has taken wives, and who is not found to be a priest, shall be imprisoned for one month with water and bread, after which the priests shall be deprived of their benefices (whether or not they have them); the monks who have entered the country where they have fallen out of their orders shall be sent back to their authorities for further punishment according to their orders and rules. But those who had fallen out of the country, in addition the priests mentioned above, according to the recent Regensburg order, would be expelled from the country forever. The same shall be done with their wives. Unless they fall into other heresies, they shall receive the punishment like other heretics, according to the occasion of their crime.

Item 14: Any husband who has taken or will take more than one wife, and any wife who has taken more than one husband, shall be punished according to the custom and usage of the land. Nor shall anyone who, contrary to the order of the Christian church, dwells with one another in forbidden degrees of friendship, kinship, or affinity, be punished, but shall be expelled from the country. If anyone destroys, burns, or otherwise changes the image of our Lord Jesus Christ on the altar, or the like of our Lady and other saints, he shall be punished according to his misdeed in body or goods. Those who during the forty days of the holy fast, on Fridays or Saturdays, or other forbidden fast days, eat meat unlawfully to the annoyance of their neighbors, shall be punished in prison with water and bread for as many days as they have done so.

(15) He who preaches and holds that no Christian should or must go and fight against the Turks or other unbelievers shall be punished by law.

and otherwise be punished. Anyone who holds and defends that nothing good should happen to the poor souls, nor bring them merit or benefit, should be chased out of the country and driven away. And when in various times great outrages and terrible bloodshed arose from the fact that Christian liberty was spread among the common people with false doctrine, as if all things were common and no authority should be, which doctrine is then in many places again imagined in the corners of the poor unintelligent: therefore we set and will whoever holds or teaches such, and is convicted of it, that he shall be judged with the sword, as such the imperial rights otherwise express and are able to do.

16 We also want to remind you of the penalties and punishments imposed by secular law on those who contain, house, defend, protect and protect such heretics. Namely and first of all, that they are under ban, where they despise amicable admonition, do not accept it, and after such admonition remain for more than a year, ipso facto, and are in footsteps, infamous and deprived of all honors, are not admitted to honest public offices, nor to council, are not admitted to any testimony, may not make any transaction nor last will, which is decided for them, nor be capable of any other inheritance. No one is obliged to give them an answer in court about whatever matter, but only the right is open against them, that such a person is neither an advocate nor an orator, and does no assistance before the court; item, not to be a notary public, and the same instruments shall not apply.

  1. According to such recognized and still much higher penalties and punishments, which are contained in written, 1) especially in ecclesiastical laws, and which we have now and then refrained from reporting, and only the imperial ones to comply with, we might well have proceeded against those who knowingly violated this and made themselves liable to punishment, and also as a praiseworthy Christian prince and king not only ought to do, but also ought not to change, 2) we have nevertheless not given the poor unintelligent and simple, ignorant Christian people, who alone are seduced by some evil, un-Christian persons, and are thus falsely and fraudulently instructed under the appearance of the Gospel, the right to be punished by the Emperor.
  1. In the old edition: "Penalties, nor those written in" 2c.
  2. So put by us instead of: "not only not well befitting, but also not due to others" 2c.

370Cap . 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, m-E. 371

We have graciously taken pity and compassion on them, the gracious confidence that our open prohibition reminds them to stand by and avoid such erroneous, seductive articles.

  1. Therefore, out of innate weariness and mercy, we graciously consider to once again send out the most gracious warning to all of you, that such seductive teachings and heretical sects, which mostly happen in the corners and secret schools and assemblies of some wicked, wanton, reckless persons, do not satisfy us; and who are not satisfied with the great, miserable bloodshed that results from it every year, but still new mutinies and practices, for the awakening of all disobedience and sedition, from which nothing good ever comes, but all evil, as fire, murder, robbery, and extortion, The authorities are not obliged to tolerate it, nor to let it go on without punishment, but to have the necessary understanding, and are obligated to do so.

(19) Accordingly, we wish to remind all of you, and each of you in particular, of the above-mentioned Imperial Majesty, our dear brothers and most gracious Lord, Edict. Majesty, our dear brothers and most gracious Lord, Edict, also reminded you of our mandate, and thereupon graciously admonished you to live, comply with and execute the same in all its contents and understandings, and especially the rebaptism (after the holy baptism has been unitedly instituted by God Almighty, and thus, as it stands before, has been kept for many hundred years from the time of the holy apostles), also of blasphemy, contempt and abuse of the reverend Sacrament of the Altar, other than that accepted and used by the holy Christian Church; In addition, the contemptible speeches, which are made because of it, and other heretical articles, which result from it, and are spread at this time, and some of which have been reported above, have to be prevented, but have not left unindicated in the most gracious opinion, for admonition and warning.

20 For whoever among you, of high or low rank, does not obey our gracious warning, but surrenders to the seductive sects and doctrines mentioned above, or awakens other unheard-of, damned ones anew, or keeps, defends, and protects the awakened ones, thus showing himself repugnant to our holy faith, as that of Christian church fellowship has been in use up to now, also to these mandates of ours, and would not turn away or turn back from it, against him or her we will by ourselves and ours according to our wills, give up the faith of ours.

The court shall hold the court in accordance with the written, especially imperial and secular rights, also the imperial edict and our declared predecessors,

  1. but against the disobedient, our subjects, who witness and permit such, to proceed with punishment according to the following measure. Thus, if such a person is one of our officers, councillors, servants, custodians or bailiffs, and such a person is transferred, he shall be deprived of his service, office, custodianship, or any other provision he may have from us from that time on. If it were another of our countrymen or subjects who had to administer the court or the authorities, we would reserve our punishment against him, and at any time determine and require him to commit the same crime and infraction in our chamber. If they were mayors or judges in cities or markets, deprive them of their offices and henceforth not allow them to come and be suitable for this purpose. If, however, the cities or town councils in which the mayors and judges are present, and do not admonish and hold them to the execution of our mandates, deprive these cities of all their privileges and revoke them, and otherwise commonly harbor and detain heresies against all authorities subject to us (if they do not repent of them in due time after this gracious admonition), we reserve the right to punish them.
  2. In order that such errors and heresies may be prevented from causing the most irritation and cause, and that men may be all the more careful to guard against them and to take precautions against them, we herewith earnestly desire and command that no one in the hereditary and other lands of ours shall print, write, sell, buy, read, or keep books, writings, paintings, or other unseemly interpretations of Lutheran, Zwinglian, Oecolampadian, or any other of their followers and successors; and who, no one excluded, have in their power the same books, writings, paintings, or the like meanings, as they may be called, that they deliver and hand over all of them from the date of these mandates to the authorities and court to which he is dedicated, seated and belonging, within two months of the next coming. But whoever does not do so, and we are reminded of this, we will also proceed and act against him with due punishment.
  3. and for the sake of a good and thorough investigation and experience of such interested traders, we have granted, as we do herewith: Whoever has

[372]{.underline} Section 1: Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 828 f. W. xvi, 443-445. 373

  1. Whoever uses the above-mentioned or other Lutheran, heretical and seductive articles, and does not want to be reprimanded, so that he would fall under our punishment and would be recognized for this reason, notifies the authorities that we want to follow and give the third part of such punishments, which or as much as has happened to the property, to the person who reported it. We hereby give notice to all our governors, governments, land marshals, governors, administrators, caretakers, bailiffs, mayors, judges, and all others who have jurisdiction, court and authority, and sincerely wish that all and any of them who, in one or more of the reported unchristian, heretical articles, have acted contrary to the outgoing imperial edict and this our mandate, be punished. Edict and this our mandate, as mentioned above, and be referred to them as is due, and brought to them, that you then act and proceed against them from that time on, and without any further notice, according to the penalties and punishments explained above.
  1. And in good knowledge, investigate everywhere in your courts and territories with all diligence, make inquiries about them, order the same also through others, where someone would enter such as is indicated, have him or her taken into custody from the beginning, order the same to be done with others, keep them well, and act with them according to our opinion as described above, and in other ways live and comply with these mandates of ours, only if some grave article, but not reported, should occur to you, then report it to us or to our governors and government of our lands, where such a thing has happened, so that we, or they for our sake, may further order and command the punishment of it.

25 We also want you to be ten years, the next after this opening of our mandate, with all parish lords in our lands and decree that they read out the yearly twelve, namely at the high time feasts, Easter and Christmas, each of his parish crowd on the pulpit, and proclaim it publicly. To this all of you and everyone in particular do our part. Given in our city of Ofen on the twentieth day of August in the fifteen hundred and seven and twentieth year of our reign.

Ad Mandatum Domini Regis proprium.

  1. "Who someone" put by us instead of: "Would someone".

829 The formula of the alleged alliance communicated by Otto von Pack to Landgrave Philip of Hesse, dated Breslau, May 15, 1527.

In Spalatin's Annals, p. 102. Also in Hortleder, "von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges," vol. I, Ub. II, eap. I, p. 579. On Pack's Handel, see St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, Einleituug, p. 17 ff. There, in the note, "IndUats is to be read twice" instead of Invocavit. The date given is correct, by the way.

By the Grace of God, we Ferdinand, King of Bohemia, Roman Imperial Majesty in the Holy Empire Governor, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy and Würtemberg, Count of Tyrol 2c.

And we Albrecht, of the Holy Roman Church of the title Sancti Petri ad Vincula Priest-Cardinal, Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, Archchancellor of the Holy Roman Empire, in Germania Churfürst and Primas, Administrator of the Abbey of Halberstadt.

And we Joachim, Arch Chamberlain and Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, both Margraves of Brandenburg, Szczecin, Pomerania, Dukes of the Cassubians and Wends, Burgraves of Nuremberg and Princes of Rügen.

And we Matthew, of the Holy Roman Church Tituli Sancti Angeli Priest-Cardinal, Archbishop of Salzburg, Papal Holiness and of the See of Rome Legatus natus, etc., are the only ones who have been given this title.

We Wigand, Bishop of Bamberg, and we Conrad, Bishop of Würzburg, and Duke of Franconia.

And by the same graces we George, Duke of Saxony, and Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen.

We, Wilhelm and Ludwig, brothers, Dukes of Upper and Lower Bavaria, Palatine Counts of the Rhine, hereby publicly confess and declare on our behalf by virtue of this letter:

  1. Since, in these weak, disgusting runs, which the Almighty God imposes on the human race on account of sin and iniquity, much blasphemy and dishonor, as well as annoyance of neighbor, has arisen, so that God not only in His sacraments, which He instituted on earth for the correction and strengthening of our weak consciences, but also in his own omnipotence and divinity, to the extent that churches and cloisters have been spoliated and destroyed, persons given to God have been expelled from his service, cast out to dishonest authorities, their rent and interest have been violently taken, and they have been deprived of them, and, most dreadful of all, the office of the holy mass has been taken away.

374 Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 445-448. 375

is not only repudiated, but also considered idolatrous and sinful: We, as Christian king, electors, archbishops, bishops, and princes, want to be considered as sinful because of the vows and pledges we have made to God our Creator, to whom we, as the creature to its Creator, are to submit ourselves by all means, and to place ourselves under His holy feet; Likewise, on account of the oath and duty which we have taken, in part, to Papal Holiness and all Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, to which we, as our authorities, should and must render submissive obedience, nothing else is due, except to counter such blasphemy as described above, as much as we, as men, are able to do by means of divine assistance, to avert it, and to amend it; Likewise, the good, blessed church ordinances and ceremonies, which the holy church, being a bride of Christ, invented and ordered for our betterment and blessedness, and which have now for a time been cast out and suppressed, are to be renewed again and restored to their former status, so that the will of God (who undoubtedly wants to preserve his bride) may be lived, and the mandate of the Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious Lord, may be protected and administered. In order that we may or may be able to do this the more effectively and the more nobly (but not otherwise than by the help of God), we the above-named, King, Electors, Archbishops, Bishops and Princes, have agreed, united, sworn and promised to give birth in the manner and measure that follows.

For the first, it is considered that after the death of the Highborn Prince, Lord Louis, formerly King of Hungary and Bohemia, our friendly dear brother-in-law, lord, friend and gracious lord, the Kingdom of Hungary belongs to no one cheaper than to us, Ferdinand, King of Bohemia, Archduke of Austria 2c., on account of our friendly dear husband, by God, nature, and all rights, is considered good, and it is also agreed and promised, that the next-described Electors, Archbishops, Bishops and Princes shall and will do us a goodly assistance, with men or money, contents of the articles, which have therefore been made, granted, pledged, sealed and accepted; so that we may conquer the above-mentioned kingdom all the better and more effectively, and force the alleged Count Johannsen of Rutzfchin, who maliciously betrayed our ancestor, King Ludwigen, and aroused the Turks against him and the Christian blood, out of it with power, and calmly sit down in it, and when we have such

If, after the will of God has come to an end, our power and reception is thus increased by the Kingdom of Hungary, we shall then be well advised to seek out the heretics and blasphemers in their abstinence among the princes, lords and communes where they are housed, etched and harbored.

  1. and then, upon the serious order which the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious brother and gracious lord, will send us from Hispania, we will command the Elector of Saxony to hand over to us Martin Luther, the arch-heretic, together with all heretical preachers, priests, runaway monks, nuns, and other clergy who have changed their habit, religion, and spiritual nature. In addition, he is to reestablish the office of the holy mass, all ceremonies, vigils and masses of the soul, as they may be called and have been brought from time immemorial, as well as churches, monasteries and cloisters. And if he should be in want thereof, and would not render obedience to Imperial Majesty in this, then we Ferdinand, King of Bohemia, Archduke of Austria 2c, we Albrecht, Cardinal, Archbishop, Elector 2c, the said Electors of Saxony with our highest and strongest power, according to the following articles, in his Saxon, Meissen and Thuringian lands; and we Wigand, and Conrad, Bishops, the said Electors in his Frankish lands, also with the strongest and highest power, to seize his castles, cities, towns, to drive him out of them, and never again to let him or his children come into them, now and forever. And when we have finished this, after those of Magdeburg have become renegades and disloyal to the Holy Roman Church, to the Imperial Majesty and to the Magdeburg Monastery, we also want to overtake them, to bring them to obedience to the Church and to submission.
  1. And so that we, George, Duke of Saxony 2c., do not note to act against the heredity (therein papal holiness and imperial majesty with clear words excepted), or against the Elector of Saxony, although we are caused to do so by the said Elector, of which we would also have good reason and right. However, since the lands of Moravia, Silesia and Lusatia confer the Six Cities, 1) together with many princes and others, therein, which without any means are attached to the Crown of Bohemia, on the part of the
  2. The six cities in Upper Lusatia are Bautzen, Zittau, Camenz, Löbau, Görlitz and Lauban. They were so named because in 1346 they had made a covenant against the robber barons of that area.

376 Sect. I. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 829. W. xvi, 448-451. 377

If the people of Bohemia have fallen away from the obedience of the Christian Church, sunk into the Martinic arch heresy, thereby depriving the clergy of all their rent and interest, and also depriving them of the holy masses, monasteries, and ceremonies, then we want to overtake them with our supreme power and, as much as possible, bring them to the obedience of the Christian Church, and to the submission of the Royal Serenity of Bohemia 1).

5 And what we Ferdinand, King of Bohemia, Archduke of Austria 2c., we Albrecht, Cardinal, Archbishop 2c., and we Joachim, both Margraves of Brandenburg and Electors 2c.., in the lands of Saxony, Meissen and Thuringia, we want to gain towns, castles, villages and villages, uses and income, which are in the jurisdiction of the Elector of Saxony, all of which we want to hand over to our friendly dear prince, uncle, brother-in-law and sister-in-law, Duke Georgen of Saxony, together with all regalia, dignities and dignities, 2) which Joachim, Margrave of Brandenburg, Elector, has entrusted to us in our principalities and which are in fief from the Crown of Bohemia, and which shall remain to us and our heirs, for our cost and presentation. However, the city of Magdeburg, after having belonged to the Magdeburg Monastery without any means, shall be returned to the same with all courts, rights, usufructuaries, and righteousnesses, reserving only to the Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire its righteousness in fief, tax, and consequence. What we George, Duke of Saxony, conquer and gain in the principalities, castles, towns, villages, annuities, interests and usufruct in Moravia, Silesia and in Lusatia, in the jurisdiction of the Crown of Hungary or Bohemia, we want to hand over and deliver to our kind and gracious Lord, Royal Serene Majesty of Bohemia, everything and anything, nothing excluded.

What we Wigand and Conrad, bishops of Bamberg and Würzburg 2c., will gain in the land of Franconia in castles, towns and villages and all benefits, the Elector of Saxony responsible, that we shall keep. However, if our friend, Duke George of Saxony, wants to impose and pay the costs against us or ours, and on the other hand wants to take the won castles and towns in Franconia, this shall be reserved for his love, and we shall be indebted,

  1. Here we have deleted "to".
  2. Storkow and Beeskow, two dominions located respectively 7 and 10 miles southeast of Berlin.

his Liebd to the case and to concede.

If, according to the will of God, the above-mentioned Elector of Saxony is punished for his disobedience, then the Landgrave of Hesse, having allowed himself to be seduced by manifold faithful admonitions, and having presumed the same heresy, and having offended papal holiness, first of all imperial majesty, with many abusive words, shall also be requested and admonished in the same way to desist from his error. If, however, he persists in his presumption and again does not want to compare himself with the obedience of the Christian church, he shall be punished to the same extent as has been indicated above by the Elector. However, his spouse, our friendly dear wife, mother, daughter and friend, to her beloved personal property and legacy without harm, and with the appendix, as often as he, the Landgrave, will turn from his error and again submit to the obedience of the Christian church, that then, in view of his youth, and that he is inflamed by others, his land and people should be delivered to him again, without payment, so that our undertaking should not be considered as if we had begun it more for the sake of temporal goods or honor than for the salvation of souls.

If, however, the said Landgrave persists in his intention and does not wish to return, and if he were to depart in death for his disobedience, then his principality, land and people, shall be due to Duke George of Saxony and shall be handed over; however, his love shall reimburse the two bishops, Bamberg and Würzburg, for the costs they have incurred for this reason.

(9) And the appointed King, the Electors, the Archbishops, the Bishops and the Princes shall all attack at the same time on one day, as it shall be notified to each of them three months beforehand by us Ferdinand King of Bohemia, and one shall not withdraw without the knowledge and consent of the other.

(10) And shall spare with such a train only men, outside of the appointed princes and rulers and their assistants, so that nothing but what is honest and Christian alone may be felt in us.

(11) Furthermore, it is considered good and advisable that the other princes, counts and lords, who have not been brought into this treaty, be requested by negotiation, and as much as possible persuaded and collected, that they give us help and tax for this honest Christian undertaking, or else stand still at the least and give the Elector of Saxony or

[378]{.underline} Cap. 12 Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 451-453. 37A

Landgraves of Hesse neither help nor support; and the appointed bishops of Franconia shall be able to help the Margrave there, at the written request of both Electors of Mainz and Brandenburg, as well as Count Wilhelm of Henneberg, or they shall persuade him to stand still.

In the same way, Duke George of Saxony shall act with both Dukes of Brunswick and Duke Henry of Mecklenburg, but all in secret, unnoticed, so that this trade, before it matures, does not become loud. The Elector of Mainz shall also deliver his brave message to the Archbishop and Elector of Cologne, act with his love on the instruction given, and diligently persevere, in the confidence that, since this our beginning and undertaking has first of all begun in praise of God, and for the benefit of the spiritual state, his love, as the Christian Prelate and Elector, will show itself willingly. For this reason, his love should also make an effort with the Dutch Counts, the Count of Nassau and others, and what his love obtains in response, it should show to us Ferdinand, King of Bohemia, Archduke of Austria, in the most beneficial way.

However, so that this action of ours will not be regarded by many, who are not aware of our mind and opinion, as seditious or contrary to the imperial peace. So that this action of ours may not be regarded by many who are not aware of our mind and opinion as rebellious or contrary to the imperial peace, we will soon in the beginning, when we are all about to go into the field, send out and publicly post a common notice throughout the Roman Empire, together with a copy of the imperial mandate, so that everyone may learn the reason for our beginning, and that we may obtain so much more favor and applause from the spiritual and Christian, pious, faithful hearts that God still maintains in the gathering of His holy Church, and victory and triumph from God, our Redeemer, against His enemies in His name.

  1. We, the above-named King, Princes, Archbishops, Bishops and Princes, have taken a physical oath, as far as they are personally present, to keep the above-named points, here and in the Letter of Articles, steadily, firmly and unbrokenly; Those, however, who are not personally present, the same authorized and skilful embassy have sworn an oath into the souls of their masters, namely and thus, on their expressed order, which they have presented and delivered to us:

15 We Ferdinandus, King of Bohemia, Roman Imperial Governor, Archbishop of the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty in the Holy Empire Governor, Archbishop of Bohemia

Duke of Austria 2c. We Joachim, Margrave of Brandenburg, Elector 2c. We George, Duke of Saxony 2c., have sworn a bodily oath and have affixed our seal to this letter. And the rest of us, our most gracious and gracious lords of Mainz, Salzburg, Bamberg, Wuerzburg and Bavaria, sent and decreed councillors, have, upon our mandate and command, which we have from our most gracious and gracious lords, hereby delivered to the Royal Serenity of Bohemia, the Elector of Brandenburg and Duke George of Saxony, our most gracious and gracious lords, to the souls of our lords and rulers, that their electoral and princely graces shall and will keep all the above articles, together with that which is written in the letter of articles, steadfastly, firmly and unbreakably, sworn a physical oath, and have placed this letter in eight forms of one volume, and have delivered one to each part, signed with our own handwriting and hand sign.

Done to the glory of God at Breslau, Wednesday after Jubilate May 15, in the fifteenth, and thereafter in the seventh and twentieth year.

Article 830, granted, bequeathed, pledged and promised by the above-mentioned Royal Serenity of Bohemia, Electors, Archbishops, Bishops and Princes.

This document immediately follows the previous number at the locations indicated therein.

On the train against Hungary.

The Archbishop of Mainz, Elector 2c., wants to give ten thousand florins to Royal Serenity for the welfare of the train.

The Elector of Brandenburg, Margrave Joachim, wants to send two hundred horses for three months.

The Archbishop of Salzburg eight thousand florins.

The bishop of Würzburg and Bamberg want to give eight thousand florins each.

Duke George of Saxony one hundred horses, for six months.

The dukes of Bavaria want to give to their royal sovereignty one thousand servants, six months, or so much money, namely four guilders per man per month.

On the move against the Elector and Prince.

Royal Serenity of Bohemia wants to move in its own person, and have eight thousand men on foot and fifteen hundred on horseback.

[380]{.underline} Sect. I. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 830 f. W. xvi, 453-455. 381

The two Electors of Mainz and Brandenburg want to have six thousand men on foot and one thousand horses; the Elector of Brandenburg wants to go in his own person.

The bishop of Wuerzburg wants to go in his own person, as a duke of Franconia, and have together with the bishop of Bamberg four hundred on foot and eight hundred on horseback.

The Archbishop of Salzburg and the Dukes of Bavaria want to send four thousand servants to the Bishop of Wuerzburg, or if they cannot have them, as many Swiss.

Duke George of Saxony wants to take so many people that he is strong enough for his enemies.

And every prince shall arm himself with artillery for the field and the storm, to the best of his ability, setting no measure therein.

It is considered good, also spoken, vowed and promised that the above-mentioned covenant princes shall draw other princes, counts and lords, namely the Margrave of Franconia, Count Wilhelm of Henneberg, the Abbot of Fulda, also other bishops to their course, or to sit quietly, especially the Dutch counts, who have a large covenant, and are opposed to the landgrave without that, on account of the von Nassau.

Item, that the imperial cities be spared all the same (outside Magdeburg) with writings, words and deeds, and in no way offend them or their inhabitants, until such time as the appointed two princes are punished, so that they do not cause the same to be applauded. But when the princes receive their punishment, the imperial cities may well be made obedient without some military action, with laying down of the streets, taking possession of the estates, and that imperial majesty decerns reprisals against them, and with other many ways, which are not yet necessary to discuss.

831: Letter from Landgrave Philip of Hesse to his father-in-law, Duke George of Saxony, sending him a copy of the alleged alliance. May 17, 1528.

Duke George had this letter sent out in quarto together with his reply to it in Dresden in 1528. Both letters are reprinted from this original edition in Hortleder, "Von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges", vol. II, aax" 2, p. 583 f.

Highborn prince, kind, dear grandfather and father. I do not want to hide your beloved, as I am obliged to do: your beloved has good knowledge, how your beloved is to the thicker one.

times 1) and would have liked to know what my planned armor was; since I then have to give your beloved an answer, as your beloved will still have it with him without doubt.

2 But so that I may now actually tell your beloved what has caused me such armor and distinction, it is in this form:

I have come into certain experience to the extent that I have not only heard it from hearsay, but also want to believe on bad copies that Ferdinand, King 2c, and likewise several princes have joined together; which is the most unfortunate thing that God knows that I would like to have a limb taken from my body for this, that your beloved is also in such a covenant that I would never have hoped that your beloved would have allowed himself to be used for such a counsel against me. But I nevertheless find that your beloved still has a kinder heart towards me than towards others in such an alliance. Therefore I must reckon it to your beloved that your beloved is of the opinion that we others should be such evil heretics that your beloved would like to see them turned away. Now God knows that I am sorry that your beloved perhaps does not want to enlighten God to His knowledge; but your beloved can easily understand, because I must stand in danger and cheek by jowl, that I should deny God's word and adhere to the devil's service, or must let myself be chased away from the land and the people. If I now sit quietly and contribute 2) until those who have such noble intentions against me overtake me, then I have slept through the mornings. And therefore my final mind is that I do not want to look at either body or goods, and in the name of God I want to bring others who intend such things against me and others, with God's help, to refrain from such unchristian, unjust actions, with the assurance that I will no longer look at such things.

4 And so that your beloved may see that I actually know the matter, I am sending your beloved a copy of such a covenant. But since your beloved did me good in my childhood days, likewise I also helped your beloved against the rebellious peasants, likewise I have your beloved's daughter, and your beloved's son my biological sister: so I consider that I should be heartily sorry that your beloved and I should grow in ill-will towards each other. Also the Elector is so related to your beloved.

  1. "zu dem dickermal" - often, frequently. With Walch: "to the Dickermal".
  2. "beiten" - to wait. In the old edition: "beut". But "beuten" means: to exchange.

[382]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 455-458. 383

is that I truly know that he would also like to be on friendly terms with your beloved, if it would always be so. So now is my friendly, official, and for God's sake request to your beloved, that he write to me by this messenger that your beloved renounce the alliance, as your beloved may well do with honor, and not act or act in unfriendship against the Elector and me, and also not help such others against us: I hereby decree to your beloved that the Elector, or I, your beloved, or yours, shall do no harm or injustice, not even a chicken, as they say, shall squawk, and if your beloved wishes to do so, if your beloved ascribes this to me, as has been said, place my life and property with them. What does it help your beloved, if your beloved drives us away, although it could still be lacking, if God wills it, because your beloved chases away their own flesh and blood and good friends. So your beloved can well mean that as little as your beloved deviates from their faith, so much less will we deviate from ours; for this your beloved will not give account for us, and we for them. And finally, I ask your beloved to give me a friendly and correct answer here, your beloved, and for the benefit of all of us, also of the country and the people, in the most beneficial way by this messenger. I want to deserve this; so be your beloved God Almighty. Date Homburg, Sunday Vocem Jucunditatis May 17 2c.

Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. > > To the Highborn Prince, Lord George, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of > Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, our dearest uncle and cousin, > > at his own hands.

832 Duke George's immediate answer to this, in which he denies the concluded alliance and asks to report the author of such falsehood. May 21, 1528.

The location of this letter is indicated at the previous number.

  1. highborn prince, kind dear uncle and son: Today I received a letter from your love, in which your love announces, that the alliance against my cousin, the elector to
  1. "someone it" (namely Leides) put by us instead of: "someone's".

Saxony, and thereafter against you, in which I was also involved; that your love was faithfully sorry, and would rather that you lost a member of your body, than to learn such from me, with request in the kindest and most official way for God's sake, that I give your love an answer, in which I renounce not to be in the alliance, against my cousin and not to do you 2c., I have read further contents, and add your love hereupon know: Although I am simple-minded and clumsy, your beloved shall nevertheless note me of pride, if something true were to happen from me in the matter, I would not deny it before your beloved, or before anyone else, since I would certainly have more fear of it than of you. But since this fictitious copy, which your beloved sent me, contains so much falsehood, it can never be produced or displayed with the original: I am not a little astonished that your beloved believes it and complains to me about it; rather, I pity your beloved, as my blood relative and son, that your beloved allows himself to be seduced by such unfounded, untruthful lies and to be moved into rebellion, from which your beloved, wife and child, country and people may suffer ruin and harm; I say and write that whoever has told your beloved such things, whoever has seen such an original, on which my hand sign or seal is, or whoever has read or heard the same original, that he is a desperate, dishonorable, perjured villain, therefore I will stand silent before everyone. I also want to ask your beloved kindly, and, as your beloved, for God's sake, your beloved want to approach your things with better care than has been done, and do not want to be rushed on the journey, since another is chasing ahead; and your beloved also want to inform me of the lying man, that I have to beware of him, and manly of him: For if it did not happen from your beloved, I would be caused to think that your beloved was inventing it himself, and would thus take cause to start your unkind will against me, poor old man.

I will also not refrain from writing to those who are supposed to be in copies of the covenants made in Breslau, send them to them, have no doubt, they will excuse themselves and me according to necessity; for I know well that there were not many of them, nor did they have their message. Because I do not know of any alliance, nor can it ever be brought to my attention that I have any knowledge of it; for that which is stated in such a copy of the other half is a public untruth, but what I do not know is not true.

[384 Section l. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 832 f. W. xvi. 458-460. 385]{.underline}

I have even lied to you. Therefore, if your beloved has given away a member of your body, I promise you that your beloved will be sorry that it has been done in vain and for nothing. Nor may I step away from that which is not in itself, and renounce it. I will, if God wills, keep myself against your love and manhood in such a way that I know how to answer for it with honor to God, my authority, and all the world.

I have not wished to keep this as an answer to your beloved, whom I am inclined to serve. Given in haste at Dresden on the day of the Ascension of Christ ^21 May^, Anno Domini in the fifteen hundred and in the eight and twentieth.

I will also not fail to report this to my cousin, from which his beloved will have excused me. Date ut supra.

George, Duke of Saxony 2c. > > To the Highborn Prince, our dear son and Oheimen, Mr. Philippsen, > Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen, of Dietz, Ziegenhain and > Nidda 2c.,

at your own hands.

833: The Landgrave's manifest, before he received the answer from Duke George and before the Elector agreed to it, publicized for his excuse, because of the armor taken. May 22, 1528.

From the original edition cited in von der Hardt, ^uto^r. iMtk., Theil II, p. 147, reprinted in Hortleder, "Von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges," Vol. I, lib. II, eax. 2, p. 577.

By the Grace of God, we Philips, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen, of Dietz, of Ziegenhain and of Nidda. To all and everyone, high, middle and lower estates, so this our responsibility and tender occurs, we offer against each fee, our servitude, and all Christian friendly good will. And hereby add manly to know:

I. After our and also our lords' and friends' application and armament, not a little displeasure is spread by our detractors and repugnants, on the following articles, to the most annoying and quite detrimental way.

  1. for the time being, as if we should be of the intention to encamp before Frankfurt, and subject to become Roman king.
  1. "Application" here will mean: Recruiting people for military service.

Item 3: That we should have displeased and disobeyed the King of France. Maj., our most gracious lord, to displeasure and disobedience in the service of the King of France.

Item 4: That we should be willing and intend to stir up the common man and reinstate the Highborn Prince, Lord Ulrich, Duke of Würtenberg, our dear cousins.

  1. to reject such fictitious, grave misfortune, our high necessity will require to do the thing of our cheap application and armor on day.

(6) And hereupon offer to know manfully, that because of such untruthful statement it happens to us quite unpleasantly, and we are lied to shamefully in the same. For we have never been of the will or mind, know ourselves to report that such or such a thing will not happen to us. And we are also of the clear conscience that we have always been loyal to His Imperial Majesty, our allies. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, to all due obedience. Likewise, we have also shown all fairness to the Confederation of Swabia, as an obedient prince related to the Confederation, as we intend, by God's bestowal, to observe all irrevocability and thus to keep it against God, Imperial Majesty, the Confederation of Swabia. Maj., the Confederation of Swabia, all impartial Imperial Estates and manly honorable minds.

7 And in order that we may be rid of such suspicions, it is in the form of the Highborn Prince, Lord Johansen, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, our kindly dear uncle, brother-in-law, and father-in-law, and for the sake of our nobility:

8 Although the common estates of the Empire unanimously decided at the last Imperial Diet held at Speier that we should keep peace among ourselves by virtue of the Imperial Peace, no one should overreach the other. The Imperial Council at Speier has unanimously resolved that we will keep the peace among ourselves, in virtue of the Imperial Peace, and that none of us will overreach the other, and that it is the duty of any authority to act in matters concerning the Imperial Edict of Worms. Worms Edict, until a common Christian concilium, as they hoped to answer to God and the Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

  1. That also for the prevention of outrage in the empire a stately embassy should be dispatched to the imperial majesty in Hispania to report to her majesty of the touched Speier action and farewell, which dispatch, by slight cause, was prevented, no doubt from the fact that some bishops, monks, a long time ago, now by advice, then by this and other manifold deliberation and assembly, were eager,

386Cap . 12 Of the Covenants of the Papists. W. xvi, 460-462. 387

Until finally God Almighty decrees a heavy fall upon them, that they have moved some great princes into alliance with their practices, against the living, gracious Word of God and His followers, that they have entered into alliance with them, sworn together, and have sworn by oath, as can be seen pathetically in the print. 1)

(10) Now that all things should and must be done and accomplished by God our Creator according to His divine will, all to His praise and glory, in that we always want to stand in humble supplication to His fear, we have undoubtedly also come by God's sending into the experience of such covenants, which are not only against God, nature, Christian love, but also against the holy Roman Empire's peace, against the covenant of Swabia, common order, against all Nuremberg, Augsburg and Speier agreements of the Empire. We have, to our knowledge, not given anyone cause to do so, and would do so unwillingly.

  1. Because God Almighty has appointed us to govern our lands and people with Christian faith and the right truth of His divine word, in which alone we have our salvation, and not to be dissuaded from it unrecognized, but to protect ours in doing so, and to defend them as much as possible, and God gives assistance, and to defend them from pernicious harm; 2) and we are then in danger with ours, if our enemies see their advantage, that they must await our grandparents, the Elector of Saxony, and invade us with the strongest and greatest power, and thus the capture and expulsion of land and people, every day:
  2. We therefore believe that every pious person who has sense and an impartial and honest mind, considering that in natural and established rights, and therefore in the imperial peace, necessity and resistance are not forbidden, will easily be able to judge and not disapprove, against such a swift alliance and undertakings to make our emergency and counter-defense in time, so that we may withstand the unchristian, unlawful violence, which we shall encounter in an unheard-of matter, and protect ours in equity and justice. And in this
  1. From this it is clear that this manifesto is actually only the preface to the text of the covenant printed by the landgrave, No. 829.
  2. The thread of connection will be this: Because God has set us before our lands as regents.

We do not seek anything else (that we are called to testify to God), but His, the Lord's, honor, praise and glory, so that His word may remain unpressed, and we and our subjects may remain peaceful.

  1. According to all this, we want to have asked manly, of what rank and dignity each is, by God's and the truth's will, with great diligence, if it should be granted to us that we should, for other reasons than those mentioned, stand in armor and for a stubborn restraint of force, so that our people might be secured in peace and be protected from sorrow and suffering, to excuse us from doing so; For we have no desire nor will to arouse rebellion, and would much rather live with our people in peace and Christian unity, and await the outcome of our actions and proceedings in a public hearing, as befits our obedience. But if peace may not befall us in response to our request and entreaty, we will turn the matter over to God and our resistance, and in a cheerful suit we will command ourselves and our fellow warriors to His omnipotence in victory. We also want to ask manfully, that this our letter has been made in no other form, than out of this urgent high necessity, that such misfortune will be granted to us, to reject the same with it. Given under our secret expressed above, on Friday after Vocem Jucunditatis May 22 Anno 1528.

834. D. Martin Luther's, Melanchthon's, and Bugenhagen's concerns about Pack's alliance. Between May 6 and 12, 1528.

On March 9, 1528, a defensive alliance was concluded in Weimar between the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave against the Catholic princes. Luther had expressed reservations about this on March 28, 1528 (Walch, St. Louiser Ausg, Vol. X, 548, with the too general heading: "von der Gegenwehr" and the wrong year 1539; in the Erlangen double, once Vol. 54, p. 1 with your date "May? 1528" and Vol. 55, p. 264 "without date 1539"; likewise with De Wette, Vol. Ill, p. 319 and Vol. V, p. 247. The correct date is given and motivated in the Erlangen correspondence, Vol. VI, p. 231). The Landgrave of Hesse had objected to this in a letter dated April II, 1528 (Kolde, Analecta, p. 100 and Erl. Briefw., vol. VI, p. 238). Now another objection arose, for the sake of which the Elector summoned the Wittenberg theologians to Torgau, where they stayed from mid-April to April 21. After that, the Elector and his theologians left for Weimar to conduct negotiations with the Landgrave. On May 5, the

[388]{.underline} Eri. 53,447-449. sec. 1. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 834 f. W. XVI, 462-464. 389

The theologians had probably returned to Wittenberg on May 6, and this raised concerns for the Elector. Since in it the sending of envoys to the "murder princes" is demanded, and the Elector's request for the envoy to Würzburg is dated May 14, our concern must have been written before this date (Erl. Briefw., Vol. VI, 259). A copy of our letter is in the Weimar Archives, ReA. H, toi. 29. Printed in the Eisleben edition, vol. I, p. 270C; in the Altenburger, vol. Ill, p. 522; in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 559 and by Walch; in all these editions erroneously attributed to the year 1526. In De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 314 and in the Erlanger, vol. 53, p. 447. Already Seckendorf, Üi8t. CMC, Cd. II, p. 51 u, has recognized that this concern belongs to Pack's alliance. In Walch, this document has the heading: "D. M. Luther's, D. Pomerani's and Melanchthon's Concerns on the Landgrave's Replica, on the Mainzian Alliance."

First of all, we are almost pleased that the attack from this side will continue, for this makes our certainties all the more secure, since we have not yet begun to shed blood, and the world is all the more pleased that we have waited for the attack, and have suffered all sorts of sin] patience, and have sought ways to keep the peace.

  1. On the other hand, that a message be sent to His Imperial Majesty in the most conducive manner. Maj. who carry out such treacherous plots, behind his Imperial Majesty's knowledge and will, against his Imperial Majesty's subjects 2c., and ask to omit a commandment and to order such murderous princes to stand still?)

Thirdly, however, let the same murder princes request and ask to refrain from such action, because it is against God and law and imperial majesty; as such should be done in the most powerful way with reason and causes. But that it be left to the outside world to reimburse the costs, lest one think that one is seeking war or strife. God will repay us a hundredfold what we have offered for his sake, if we are obliged to do it without that; so that our conscience and happiness will be all the better, since we seek nothing but peace.

  1. Fourthly, to do our part, to arm ourselves, to encourage and visit other princes and cities, as God has commanded us, who has done everything without our help.
  2. De Wette and the Erlanger: "forbid".

power and counsel, and yet by our fist, tongue and heart, will think, speak and create, as by instruments of His divine wisdom and power.

First, it is not advisable to let the armor come together. For such people are not to be kept; they are falling and spreading.

6th On the other hand, whether one would like to act through other princes or imperial estates with them, so that they would remain silent; and is hope, according to which the people would be, should the answer be given.

  1. thirdly, that such a matter be dealt with at the Imperial Diet, and that it be complained of and reported to the other estates what would follow from it.
  2. to the fourth, responsio infinita: Our Lord God commanded, as one should do, so they

steis1

j §l answer 2c., quia discordia po-

nothing / test inter responsiones

835. the excuses of the Churumaints that the specified alliance was a purely fictitious matter. Dated May 27, 1528.

From Hortleder, "Von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges," Cd. II, Cup. 3, p. 585, where this document is printed from the single edition.

I. We, Albrecht von GOttes Gnaden, of the Holy Roman Church with the title Sancti Petri ad Vincula Cardinal, of the Holy See of Mainz and of the Chapter of Magdeburg Archbishop, Prince, of the Holy Roman Empire through Germania Archchancellor and Primate, Administrator of Halberstadt, Margrave of Brandenburg, of Stettin, Pomerania, Duke of the Cassuben and Wenden, Burgrave of Nuremberg, and Prince of Rügen: We offer our friendly service, greetings, grace and all the best to everyone, regardless of his dignity, rank or nature, and we ask and desire that everyone read, hear and hear this following apology and responsibility, which we, out of our great necessity and no other opinion, hereby testify to, have the utmost cause to do, and to deliver it without any doubts.

(2) And thus: Although there has been a public rumor about the land for a long time, and we have

390 Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 464-467. 391

We have been kindly and faithfully warned by various high and low people, how the highborn prince, Mr. Philipp, landgrave of Hesse, is to overrun us and our archbishopric in brave, serious armor and business, 2c., but which we at all times, considering many high and constant causes, give no credence to, and especially to those: Firstly, that for the sake of all error and infirmity, pending between the two of us, we stand in amicable action before the most venerable in GOD Father, Lord Reicharten, Archbishop of Trier, Elector, our dear friend. Secondly, that we are bound and obligated to each other in the union of the laudable alliance of Swabia, which gives a special form and measure, so that one would have a say and demand to the other, how he should seek the same. Thirdly, that Landgrave Philip has granted us a brave and respectable fiefdom. And fourthly, with regard to the common, public, proclaimed land peace, also the unanimous agreement made at Speier, which we have agreed to, established, sealed, and committed ourselves to keep. Thus, we cannot or may not consider or remember for what causes or reasons the aforementioned our uncle, Landgrave Philip, could or may have overreached us or our archbishopric and monastery.

  1. About this, and in order that we should never feel anything lacking, which would serve for peace and unity, prevention of rebellion in the holy realm, and for the prevention of Christian bloodshed, we have, in response to the common rumor and manifold credible warnings that have ever reached us with greater difficulty, sent our ambassadors to our dear grandfather, Landgrave Philippsen, with credence and instructions, we have sent our ambassadors to our dear grandfather, Landgrave Philippsen, with credence and instruction, and have kindly requested and asked him to inform us that we should provide him with such his armor and common rumor and excellent warning 2c. Our envoys, however, did not receive a more vocal answer about their vehement persistence, whereupon security of the attack could have been felt, much less is some cause of discord indicated.

4th And so we were in doubt for and for, and did not know what we should provide for our grandfather, the landgrave, until Saturday, the third and twentieth day of the month of May, of the present year, we were informed by the well-born, worthy, strict, firm, highly learned and honorable, Roman, imperial majesty, office administrators and councillors of the

Imperial Regiment, now at Speier, a writing and besides a copy of a supposed alliance, so the noble, highborn prince, Mr. Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia 2c., imperial majesty governor in the holy empire 2c., our dear lord and uncle, together with several princes and princes, ecclesiastical and secular, should have entered into and undertaken to overrun and overwhelm, to drive out and to expel the highborn princes, Mr. Hansen, Duke of Saxony, Elector 2c., and Mr. Philippsen, Landgrave of Hesse, obgemeldt 2c. In addition, we have received a public notice, under the above-mentioned Landgrave Philippsen's name and title, in print, in which it is stated in no uncertain terms that the above-mentioned supposed alliance is to be the cause of their, the two Electors and Princes', trade, armament and plans.

  1. Since we are also named and specified in the copy of the alleged alliance, and the imperial regiment indicates in the above-mentioned letter attached to us that the above-mentioned alleged alliance is the cause of the armament and trade in which both princes, Saxony and Hesse, stand: Our high necessity requires "that it may be publicly and clearly understood that such an accusation of the alleged alliance is wholly innocent of us, and that the two princes and sovereigns have no reason or justification to make our excuses.

6 And thereupon say, in true faith and belief, by our electoral honors and dignities, that to hear such a covenant is strange and weird to us, and we bear no knowledge of it. Nor have we ever spoken or acted with anyone, high or low, about it, nor have we given anyone any order about it, orally or in writing, nor have we had or arranged for anyone to come to the place where the above-mentioned supposed covenant was to be established, nor have we therefore ever been spoken to or requested by anyone, before or after. To which it is not found that this alleged covenant was sealed with our seal, or that the one who, as the copy indicates, should have been ordered by us to do so, was designated or named for this purpose. About this, no one in life may truthfully say that anyone of us has ever had any command for this reason. And of this for our several true excuses we refer to our friend, the Archbishop of Cologne, Elector 2c., that of Nassau and the Dutch Counts with whom

392 Section 1: Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 835. W. xvi, 467-470. 393

As the copy of the alleged alliance shows, we should act to help or stop them, that for this reason nothing has come to them from us, neither in writing, orally or in any other way; so that we know ourselves completely free and certain of the same accusation of the alleged alliance drawn up, from which they derive the causes of their war. Therefore we can and may say with constant truth, and publicly declare, that such accusation of the alliance is imputed to us. For we have never taken or thought such a thing in our mind and spirit, let alone in fact.

  1. And if we had ever been confident, even entirely confident, that such a supposed alliance, or something like it, would have reached the two Electors and Princes, Saxony and Hesse, against us: Considering the friendship, kinship, covenant and feudal relationship in which they stand and stand by us, they should not immediately and easily give credence to this, have taken it into their serious minds, have behaved and acted in such a way behind them, have put on their armor and have let us know with a ready and armed hand: but have asked us beforehand for a friendly opinion, as they would have liked, and inquired about the true reason, or at least, when we sent the landgrave through our councillors, as reported above, and met him with a straight answer of peace, and the same our councillors, for the sake of all claims and demands, which he, the landgrave, thinks he has on us, have turned to the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord 2c., royal dignity of Hungary and Bohemia 2c. , her majesty's governor, regiment, chamber court, all princes, princes and estates of the empire, the laudable alliance of Swabia and the burgomaster or builder of the castle of Friedburg; they should have given us notice and report of such cause of their intended move, or have accepted the superfluous legal bid at the least. Thereupon we wanted to meet them with a princely, friendly and amicable answer (where they otherwise loved peace and were not inclined to arouse any uproar in the realm for the purpose of maintaining the peace of the land), so that such armament and trade on our part should have been completely unnecessary for them. Therefore, in the letter sent out by Landgrave Philippsen in print, we are unjustly (as can only be judged by men) so highly urged, and it is reported as a cause of their armament, that peace may not be granted to them upon their request and entreaty.
  2. When, however, our friendly request and offer of rights, also unification and relationship, and everything as mentioned above, did not take place or help, and the Landgrave sent himself the longer the more in armor on horseback and on foot, the common rumor spread the more diligently, and we received something, First of all, we have been warned by high, middle and lower estates of a swift move to the friendliest, most faithful and serious, that we also received a strong suspicion and belief that such a trade on foot of three thousand strong, was first placed on our land, the Ringgaw 1), and there re-mustered:

In the end, we are highly induced and urged to send and place ourselves in counter-armament for our, our foundation's and subjects' stay and protection, shield and defense, not at little cost and burden to our and our poor subjects. Not to overreach, insult or damage anyone, against the common law, the imperial peace and the taken leave of Speier, but, as mentioned above, to keep him from unreasonable force. For we, as a prince of the Holy Roman Empire, intend to abide by the land peace, imperial decrees and farewells established by the Emperor, our most gracious lord, as well as by the covenants, obediently, in accordance with and in all fairness, as we have lived and followed them in all due obedience, as may not otherwise be imposed upon us in truth, in all matters, points and articles, to the best of our ability.

  1. It has also never been our mind, will and opinion, and not yet, to suppress or prevent the divine word, and what may serve for the honor and praise of God the Almighty, also for the promotion of the love of neighbor in some way, as we have also never been contrary to it, as we may in all innocence wish to do, but our highest mind and thoughts, as a Christian prince, are always directed and inclined towards planting, increasing and promoting the same, as far as our reason and ability extend. Where it also comes about that order and reformation of the Christian religion is undertaken, of which we have never been lacking, nor should we be, we want to show ourselves in such a way, prove and hold that our just mind, will and good opinion shall be felt and found in the works. No less are our inclination, diligence and desire, peace
  1. Rheingau?

[394]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 470-472. 395

and unity in the Holy Empire as much as possible, and to promote the common good and welfare of the entire German nation, as we owe it as a member of the Empire, and have done in all our actions and changes up to now, and hopefully have not been noted otherwise by men. We also want to act and do this faithfully, as far as our property extends.

11 After all this, we ask, remind and request everyone, as stated above, most kindly, graciously and graciously, to attribute this letter of ours first of all to our great need, and to no other form or opinion, and to give complete credence to our needy excuse, as it is in truth. That we have also sent ourselves alone to defend ourselves and to stay in armor, not in the mood to overreach anyone, but to keep the imperial peace and the imperial treaty at Speier. And with this, we wish to reiterate all claims and demands that the above-mentioned two princes think they have on us or our] 1) subjects, concerning the above-mentioned supposed alliance, which is innocently made to us, or whatever it may be, on Roman. Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, Her Majesty's Governor in the Holy Empire, and the Imperial Regiment, Court of Appeal, also all impartial princes, ecclesiastical and secular princes, prelates, counts, knights, in addition the laudable Union of Swabia, the free and imperial cities, and otherwise all impartial respectability, due justice and all equity;

And therefore we have asked and admonished everyone, whatever his dignity and standing, finally and most kindly, not to be moved by anyone to take any action or attack against us, our monasteries and subjects, to some advice or help, beyond our truthful apology and superfluous offer of rights. We want to take comfort and care of each one of them according to all respectability and fairness, and in turn we want to earn, settle, blame and be unforgiven to recognize this kindly, amicably and graciously. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our seal in this letter, which is given at St. Martin's Castle in our city of Mainz, the seventh and twentieth day of May, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo vicesimo octavo.

  1. Added by us.

836: Prince Joachim's responsibility against Hesse and Saxony for the alleged alliance. May 25, 1528.

In Spalatin's Annals, p. 120 and Hortleder, l. c. S. 588.

a) Our most gracious lord, the Elector of Brandenburg, writing to the Count of

Hesse went out.

  1. our friendly services, and what we are able to do dear and good, always before that highborn prince, dear grandfather! The Highborn Prince, Mr. George, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave in Thuringia, Margrave of Meissen, our friendly dear uncle, brother-in-law and sister-in-law, has informed us today by message from his love, that your love has sent to his love a copy of a supposed alliance, which has been signed by the Royal Serene Highness of Hungary and Bohemia, also by our friendly dear lord and brother, the Cardinal, Archbishop and Elector of Mainz 2c.., his beloved, us and other princes, ecclesiastical and secular, recorded in the notel of the same covenant, against our uncle, brother-in-law and brother, the Elector of Saxony and your beloved, at Breslau, to be erected, securitized, sealed and sworn, written: for this reason your beloved have put on armor, sent to defend themselves, and do not want to wait for the cheek strike, with further contents, we have received in instruction.

Now it is not without, various legends have reached us because of your love's armor, and namely that your love is supposed to be meant to touch our friendly dear lord and brother, the Cardinal; but we have not been able to find out what causes your love to do so, and now note from this that it should also apply to the rest of us. If, however, your beloved has no other motive for rebellion than the alleged fabricated alliance, it would have been proper for your beloved, before they burdened themselves with such expenses, to ask us and the other electors and princes about it and to hear our answer, so your beloved shall certainly have it for what has happened to it; it shall also not have been denied for our part, but shall have been reported without fear. Likewise, the other princes and rulers, whom you reported, would have known how to keep to the fee; but if such a fictitious, unstable copy, which your beloved sent to her grandfather and father, has so much falsehood in it, it can never be produced or reported with any truthful original:

396 Section 1: Mainzer Rathschl.u. Packsches Bündn. No. 836. W. xvi, 472-474. 397

  1. Thus we bear no small complaint and dismay that your beloved, unhearing the rest of us, gives credence to the inconstant request, and so accuses us with inconstancy, to denigrate us against males; yet we bear pity that your beloved thus lets itself be seduced to sedition with inconstant, untrue lies, from which your beloved, her lands and people, may arise ruin and harm; and may not refrain from answering for such unfounded impositions in this way: That he who has told your beloved of such a fictitious covenant, has seen the original, has found our names, handwriting and seals therein, or has read the same, or has understood the copies, is a desperate, dishonorable, perjured villain, and may never make this true with truth; and ask your beloved to know who the lying man is, who has invented such things and told you, so that we may know to beware of such a lying villain; for if it should not happen, we would be caused to think that your beloved had invented it himself, and would seek cause for unkind will against us. 1) If this cannot be otherwise, although we are not inclined to rebellion, but would rather have peace, we must therefore take it for granted, and find counsel with our lords and friends to send against it; provide us, the other princes and princes, as reported in the fabricated alliance, if such reaches their love, they will know well how to keep to the truth with a due answer. For the majority of them have not been to Breslau, nor to our knowledge have had their message there; we may also not remember that your love, nor even the Elector of Saxony in disgrace (2) has been thought of by royal majesty, nor by the rest of us, much less that an alliance has been set up against you. Therefore, it is well due to your love, according to our friendly, documented, sealed and sworn pledge and alliance, to inform us in time and of such unfounded, untrue statements of their concerns and intentions, and to inquire about the truth. Accordingly, our friendly request is that your beloved inform us by this messenger that our friendly dear brother, the Cardinal, Archbishop and Elector of Mainz, and we, to your beloved, are in agreement.
  1. As can be seen here, there is such a great similarity between this letter to the Landgrave and that of Duke George (No. 832) that it must be assumed that Joachim received a copy of it before he wrote this letter.
  2. In Spalatin: "not" instead of: "ever".

For this reason, we should finally provide ourselves with the opportunity and need to keep up our efforts. For if we should be overtaken by your love with action unawares and through sworn alliance and agreement, we would almost be run over. And our necessity, together with our lords and friends, requires us to use our resistance against this, although we are kindly inclined to serve your love in other ways, as long as we can be assured of this again from your love. We request a reliable answer to this. Date Cologne on the Spree, 3) on Monday after Exaudi May 25 Anno 2c. 28.

To the Landgrave of Hesse.

b. Des Churfürsten zu Brandenburg Schrift, an den Churfürsten zu Sachsen ausgangen.

  1. our friendly services and what we can do dear and good always before. Highborn Prince, dear uncle, brother-in-law and brother! The Highborn Prince, Mr. George, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave in Thuringia, and Margrave of Meissen, our friendly dear uncle and brother-in-law, has informed us today by his dear message that the Highborn Prince, our dear uncle, the Landgrave of Hesse, to his dear one, with the transmission of a copy of a supposed alliance, so from Royal Serenity to Hungary and Bohemia, also to our friendly dear Lord and brother, the Cardinal, Archbishop and Elector of Mainz 2c., his love, us and other princes, ecclesiastical and secular, in the notel of the same covenant, against your and his loved ones shall be set up, sealed and sworn, written, therefore his love put on armor and sent to counterattack. And although various tales of his love's armor have come to us, namely that his love is meant to attack our friendly dear lord and brother, we have not been able to find out what causes his love to do so, and now note from this that it should also apply to the rest of us. But if his love has no other motive for the rebellion than the alleged, fabricated alliance, then it would have been well for his love, before it loaded itself with such armor and indignation, to send it to us and the other princes and princes, and to hear our answer. His love should certainly have it for that, if it happens, it should not be denied to him by us.
  1. Both here and in the following" letter, Spalatin says "Sprew" and Walch "Spreu".

[398]{.underline} Cap. 13: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 474-477. 399

The other princes and sovereigns should also have been aware of the fee. For it can never be shown with credible appearance that at Breslau or elsewhere such a fictitious alliance has ever been proposed or spoken of in any way, much less approved, established and executed. For it is entirely an untrue and fictitious statement, and neither the original nor a permanent copy of the fictitious alliance, which we should have approved, may be shown. Therefore, his beloved has refrained from unsteady instruction, by false, fabricated letters, to induce us, unheard, to such armament, as indicated to us, but has, according to our attested, sealed and sworn agreement and covenant, so that we are close to each other, reported this, and has not so notorious us along with others, perhaps in the opinion to disparage us against males by this, which, however, his beloved has neither reason nor cause for fairness.

(2) Accordingly, we want to take care that your love does not give any place or credence to such unfounded claims, which will never be found to have any reason or truth, and that we reject them from our elders, the landgraves, in the same way as we take care of your love according to our kinship. For we are kindly inclined to serve your love. Date Cologne on the Spree, on Monday after Exaudi May 25 Anno 2c. 28.

To the Elector of Saxony.

Also, kind dear uncle, brother-in-law and brother, we send to E. L. herewith closed for copying, that we, according to our necessity, have written this matter to our uncle, the landgrave, from which E. L. may find out truth, reason and occasion of the matters. Date ut sup.

837. apology of the bishop of Würzburg. May 28, 1528.

This document was published under the title: "Entschuldigung Hrn. Conraden, Bischof zu Würzburg und Herzog zu Francken, aus die vermeinte und erdichte Verbündnis, welcher Copey lulich ausgegangen ist". Quarto. Reprinted in Hortleder, 1.0. p. 590.

  1. to all and any, ecclesiastical and secular, of the Holy Roman Empire, princes, prelates, counts, freemen, knights, servants, officials, guardians, governors, mayors, burgesses, and all other persons of the Holy Roman Empire.

We offer Conrad von GOttes Gnaden, Bishop of Würzburg, and Duke of Franconia, our friendly service, friendship, friendly and favorable greeting beforehand.

  1. venerable in God fathers, highborn, reverend, and highborn princes; venerable, wellborn, dignified, noble, strict, highly learned, seste, honorable and wise, special dear lords, friends, and dear special ones! Your loved ones and you are undoubtedly well aware and unaware of the fact that for some time there has been a noticeable trade of soldiers and footmen among some estates in the Holy Roman Empire, and especially the highborn princes, our special dear lords and friends, Mr. John, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshal of the Holy Roman Empire. Roman Empire's Archmarshall, Elector, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen, of Ziegenhain, Dietz and Nidda, have taken up great and public arms.
  2. Although there has been much and various talk about these trades and armaments, and the common clamor and the landlubbers have rung out loudly in more than one place, it has been reported that our lords and friends from Saxony and Hesse are planning to overrun and rape us and our monastery: Nevertheless, considering that we did not know how to send anything unpleasant with their loved ones, we did not give them any cause for displeasure and unfriendship, and then we came to a friendly agreement with our friend from Hesse, and his love is our and our monastery's obligated vassal; and especially because in the name of and on account of the Roman Emperor, we are not able to do anything against them. kais. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, a common public mandate has gone out, and with excellent pleadings it has been commanded that every imperial state refrain completely from any violent action and attack against the imperial peace. They should not want to give any credence to it, but rather, if they thought they had some demands and sayings to us, our monastery or ours, that they would do so, by virtue of the Holy Roman Empire's order and the imperial peace, which is guaranteed by their own laws, in the name of the Holy Roman Empire. They have sought this against us through their love and other princes and estates at the most recent Imperial Diet held at Worms, and have granted, promised and accepted it, so that we should have no lack of justice and all equity.

400Section 1. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 837. W. xvi, 477-479. 401

  1. But when we received that the above-mentioned lords and friends of Saxony and Hesse strengthened themselves for and for, we also received one warning over the other, how such of their dear intentions would certainly go against us and our foundation; And our friend from Hesse, as we received the credible report, let himself be heard openly, as he should have good reason and justification for his intention, and as soon as he had horse and foot in considerable numbers, and a good cannon, he encamped in and on the borders, very soon at our foundation, for the strongest. Therefore we, on such approach, have humbly and humbly requested help and rescue by our subjects, with the indication that they have been credibly reported and seriously warned by their brothers-in-law and friends, if they were seated among the above-mentioned our lords and friends of Saxony and Hesse, that a military campaign should pass over us and our subjects. So that we do not leave our subjects with help, we have, out of necessity, not in the opinion of overrunning, raping or damaging anyone, but, if we or our subjects wanted to be overrun, raped or damaged by someone, we had to take on some warriors to protect and shield us from such violence, and to send and arm ourselves for resistance; As we are also required to do by the captains and councilors of the laudable League of Swabia, on account of the proper handling of the Holy Roman Empire's land peace and full powers. We have been admonished and requested to do so by the captains and councillors of the noble League of Swabia on account of the proper handling of the Holy Roman Empire's land peace and the implementation of the aforementioned agreement.

(5) It has come to pass that we have been asked by our Lord and friend of Saxony, Elector 2c, his dear, and also our Lord and friend, the Landgrave of Hesse 2c, Councillors, for the sake of some incidental matters, on account of both their dear ones, to advertise with us, to conduct them, whereupon we have had their councillors conducted here to our city of Wuerzburg with written and live escort as a friendly favor to their dear ones. And when they, the councilors, arrived, they appeared before us, our cathedral chaplains, knighthood and some of our countryside, at our request, and in a free public interrogation they made their advertisement, according to an instruction, which instruction they handed over to us in writings and had it read out. And reads from word to word thus:

Instruction, what our, by God's Grace Johann, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c., and Philippsen, Landgraves of Hesse, Councillors and dear faithful, Hans von Minckwitz, Knight 2c., and Contz Gotzman, Werner von Waldenstein and Jörg Nuß

bicker, the younger, to the most reverend in God and special dear friend, Conrad, Bishop of Wuerzburg and Duke of Franconia.

First, to report our kind service to his love, as usual, and then to speak the following opinion:

1st Gracious Prince and Lord! Our most gracious and gracious Lords have commanded us to inform E. F. G. that although their Electoral and Princely Grace and glory know that and Princely Grace know that their Electoral and Princely Grace has no one. Although their electoral and princely graces know with special honor that their electoral and princely graces have not been subject to anyone, and previously to F. G., to ordinary law or other equity, and that they have never shown any other than friendly, neighborly and good will to F. G., as their friend and neighbor, their electoral and princely graces are nevertheless in credible certainty. Their Electoral and Princely Graces have come into credible and certain experience, to the effect that all sorts of things have happened and occurred for some time, from which their C. F. and F. G. have received such strong suspicions that Their Electoral and Princely Graces are justifiably and unquestionably aware of this. They also hope to make it appear necessary to do so at his and the appropriate time.

(2) Namely, that the Holy Roman Empire has entered into an alliance and obligation with some of its C.F. and F.G. through their authorized councils, and among others against the proclaimed imperial peace and especially against the treaty that was unanimously decided at the Imperial Diet at Speier. They are of the opinion that the Holy Roman Emperor and the Holy Roman Emperor, together with others of their kinsmen, have committed themselves to a covenant on matters concerning the holy divine word and gospel, which their electoral and princely graces have conferred upon them by the granting of the Holy Roman Emperor and the Holy Roman Emperor. Grace by bestowal of the graces of Almighty God in their C. F. and F. G. lands and principalities, in praise of God and out of his divine obedience (which their C. F. and F. G., like every Christian, owe and are owed obedience to all others) have had preached for some time, and ceremonies held in accordance with the same, in such a way that their C. F. and F. G., by virtue of the Speierian farewell touched upon, are obliged to trust God and Imperial Majesty and their male counterparts. Maj. and male trust, to attack and overrun their C. F. and F. G. and their country and people with war and feud, and to deprive C. F. and F. G. of their rights. F. and F. G. from the land and people miserably, wretchedly, unaccused, innocently, and without any previous proper interrogation, and in such a way that such unkind and powerful authorities hardly experience more, wanted to help to chase away: all

402 Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 479-482. 403

according to the further contents of the same covenant, which we have been ordered to send to E. F. G. Copei.

  1. And although it would not have been unreasonable for her electoral and princely graces that she would have done so, and on such pledged and bonded enmity. and Princely Graces, that they thereupon and upon such vowed and joined enmity, for the protection, protection and salvation of their Electoral and Princely Graces and their country and people. and their country and people's best and advantage, they would have stopped the same action by force, also to reach E. F. G. Landschaft and to complain to E. F. G. about the same: nevertheless, and irrespective of how unkindly they acted against their Electorate and Princely Grace in this matter, they have acted in the same way. and Princely Grace, their Electoral and Princely Grace have, firstly, acted unkindly against their Electoral and Princely Grace. and Princely Grace have first of all acted in a manner befitting in the sight of God for the prevention of rising and other troublesome complaints, and subsequently Roman Imperial Majesty, their All-Gracious Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty, their most gracious Lord, and for the third (although this has been considered little or not at all by their C. F. and F. Gn.) the neighborhood, and especially so that it may be noted how much more their Elector and Princely Grace are in favor of peace than of discord. and Princely Grace are more inclined to peace than to discord, and E. F. G. nor anyone honorable. F. G. does not desire anyone's honor, goods, land or people, and for this reason intends to have us, as the skilful and for this purpose with full power dispatched councillors, deal with E. F. G. by way of peace.

(4) For if we note that the F. G. will refrain from many of the covenants and undertakings touched upon and will be inclined to do to their C. F. and F. G. such assurance and assecuration, together with their chapter and estates of their countryside, as the F. G. will in equity, according to the form and occasion of this transaction, be inclined to do, and we have further and special orders for the sake of such articles of peace and assecuration that the F. G. will refrain from such and such undertakings on account of this or other matters, but will not be subject to any further action against their C. F. and F. G. and the heirs of the same. F. G. refrain from such and suchlike actions for the sake of this or any other matter, but rather, against their C.F. and F. Gn. and their heirs, as well as against your Grace's land and people, to be content with equal rights for themselves, their chapter, and also their descendants, and to renounce and renounce the much touched connection; in addition, their Electoral and Princely Graces are to be relieved of the damage caused by this. and Princely Graces the damage to which their Electoral and Princely Graces are entitled. We have the order, also the power and authority from our C. F. and F. G., with E. F. G., that such peace and assurance be finally executed and established with us without delay,

  1. to act on this and in this way to let us be heard further, so that for the sake of their C. F. and F. G., there should be no lack of that which is useful for the prevention of harm and other troublesome complaints and for lasting peace and rights in the realm, also that in all of this their C. F. and F. G. love for peace 1) should be felt.

6 And their C. F. and F. G. have not wished to leave this undisclosed to E. F. G. for the best and for peace, nor to notice the same in any other way than that it requires great necessity on the part of their C. F. and F. G.; which their C. F. and F. Graces are kindly inclined to deserve in this case.

To such we reply and let action take care as follows:

  1. the most reverend prince and lord, lord Conrad, bishop of Wuerzburg and duke of Franconia, my most gracious lord, has commanded me to send you, the strict, honorable and firm, most noble, highborn princes and lords, lord Johansen, duke of Saxony 2c., and Mr. Philipsen, Landgrave of Hesse, my most gracious and gracious lords, ordered councilors and embassies, on applications and advertisements, which they have received by virtue of the churfürstl. and Princely Credence and Instruction, and to my keeping, that, although my most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and of Hesse, behave towards my most gracious Lord of Wuerzburg 2c. with all kindness and good neighborly will, and provide again, also law and all things against S. 2) F. Gn., and have never been: they have nevertheless come into credible experience, and have also received good reason to believe that the said my gracious Lord of Wuerzburg, of the Holy Roman Empire, has not violated the land peace established by the Holy Roman Empire. The church and the church of the Holy Roman Empire, and the recently made and unanimously approved treaty at Speier, have entered into an alliance in the opinion that they, along with several others, have joined together with their F. G. in order that their C. F. and F. G. may preach the Holy Gospel more loudly. They want to expel them from their country without being accused or prosecuted, and to expel them in such a wretched form as has ever been heard, all according to the copy of the agreement that was handed over. And although their C. F. and F. G. immediately without any further
  1. Added by us.
  2. Walch: "E." instead of: "S."

404 Section 1: Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 837. w. xvi. 482-484. 405

The C.F. and the F.G., considering what great bloodshed, death and evil would result from this, have ordered you and your embassy to request permanent peace from my gracious Lord of Würzburg, considering what great bloodshed, death, destruction and harm would result from this, have ordered you, their embassy, and will not refrain from requesting my gracious Lord of Wuerzburg for permanent peace, with notice where my gracious Lord of Wuerzburg again renounces and refuses the alliance made against them, and of this sufficient assurance and assurance, together with their F. G. cathedral chapters, also estates of the countryside, for their princely lords. G., all their descendants and foundation, that they will not take any action against my most gracious and gracious Lord of Saxony and Hesse and their heirs in perpetuity, and that they will also relinquish and pay the expired war costs, their C. F. and F. G. want to accept the peace later, and give this as an answer in accordance with the advertising and instructions that have been given, which I do not want to have diminished or increased:

  1. his F. G. cannot and do not know anything else to hear from the aforementioned advertisement and instruction, except that my most gracious and gracious Lord of Saxony and Hesse has been reported by my gracious Lord of Würzburg 2c. If this were not the case, my gracious Lord of Wuerzburg does not doubt that such advertising and instructions have been omitted by their C. F. and F. G.; for His Princely Grace, without glory, is the only one who has been informed of this. Gnaden know that during their reign, as befits a laudable, honorable, ecclesiastical prince of the Holy Roman Empire, and that they have kept the established peace of the country, order, and agreements, as diligently as possible, and that their F. G. Nor have his sovereigns placed in any mountain that it is their right and due, as a spiritual prince of the Holy Roman Empire, to keep peace before others, and that if there should ever be strife and discord, they should use diligence to turn it to peaceful ways. For this reason, His Grace has always and in all cases, when matters have arisen between my most gracious and gracious lords and you, allowed them to act by friendly letters and messages, as you, the envoys, have knowledge of, and can prove with writings, and have sought nothing more than peace, and still want peace.

have nothing dearer than peace, have also never been willing to overdraw their C. F. and F. Gn. or to weigh them down in other unfair ways.

(3) The aforementioned my gracious Lord of Würzburg has neither received nor heard of the alleged covenant, the copy of which has been handed over, until this day, when it was handed over by you, the envoys; and is therefore not unaware of it, first of all also and because it is stated therein in a common way that his F. Gn. at Breslau by one of the same councillors, who, however, is not named, shall have accepted and sworn to the same agreement; which, without doubt, has been done and brought about in a malicious manner, but for the benefit of my most gracious lord of Wuerzburg, who would like to cause discord between my most gracious lords of Saxony and Hesse and my most gracious lord of Wuerzburg, as well as other members of the Holy Roman Empire; for my gracious lord of Wuerzburg cannot remember that they have ever seen one of his F. Gn. Gn. Councillors to Breslau, and even less to the time, as the supposed copy reads, as one has to inquire about it with those of Breslau. My most gracious lord of Würzburg also says, with his princely dignities and true words, that his Grace not only did not accept or make an alliance according to the alleged copy, but never took such in mind nor thought to do so; and that is even more, such was not even sought from his Grace. Gn. has not been sought at all. And so that my most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and Hesse may have sufficient faith in this, His Grace hereby undertakes and binds Himself: where it is shown, and as is justly enough proven, that His Grace has made or accepted such a covenant, they will suffer punishment for it, to life and limb and to property, as is recognized, and for this reason have justly offered to Their Grace. and F. Gn., have justly offered to the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, the Majesty's Governor and Regiment in the Holy Roman Empire, also to the Chamber Court and before the Estates of the noble Union of Swabia, also before the most reverend, most illustrious, high-born Princes, Mr. Reicharten, Archbishop of Trier, and Mr. Ludwigen, Count Palatine of the Rhine, both Electors, my most gracious lords, as well as other impartial princes of the Holy Roman Empire, such as and, in addition, before all the counts, lords and knights of the Holy Roman Empire.

406 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi. 484-487. 407

in Saxony, Hesse, Trier, the Palatinate, Swabia and Franconia.

  1. besides, my gracious lord of Wuerzburg does not want you to behave that the royal dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, as they want to move into the country of Hungary, let his sovereign lords by their noble embassy, the noble, strict, and firm lords Albrechten of Wolfstein and lord Dilmann of Breme, knight 2c., for a rifle service and help on credence and instruction, which his Grace, however, for obvious reasons, may not grant and refused, nor did their royal dignities provide any help, neither with money nor otherwise, but only lent two rifle masters, on their royal dignities' entertainment, for their campaign in Hungary. In this context, it must again be assumed that the alleged copy, which reports eight thousand guilders, has or may have no reason.

5 And because of all this, my gracious Lord of Würzburg will provide that my most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and Hesse will keep to the proposed holy imperial peace and unanimously approved imperial farewell at Speier; as then his F. Gn. to do, and to promote the word of God, not only willingly, but also to be guilty, and have so far done possible diligence, by virtue of the aforementioned farewell, and thus his F. Gn. Their subjects uncovered and undamaged, and also their supposed attitude of peace assurance and assurance, since his Grace has not broken the same peace, and even less overcome any breach, but has kept and still intends to do so in accordance with the peace of the land and the alliance agreement, such as for the sake of the desired war costs, refrain from such presumptuous demands, since his Grace has not given any reason for this. Gn. have no cause for this, and are not at all to blame for it, nor have my most gracious and gracious Lord of Saxony and Hesse been willing to spend the same on account of his F. Gn. For their C. F. and F. Gn., if they had let such things reach his F. Gn. with a bad letter, might well have received this truthful answer, and that his F. Gn. would be inclined to keep nothing but peace, and to show their C. and F. Gn. friendly service; this my gracious Lord of Würzburg will gladly and willingly earn for their C. and F. Gn.

6th And since my most gracious and gracious lords of Saxony and Hesse report more than once that their C. and F. Gn. seek nothing more than peace: for this my gracious lord of Würzburg is

with diligence, but knows of no better measure than the Holy Roman Empire's established land peace to speak or act. But if my most gracious and gracious lords of Saxony and Hesse know of a better one, and indicate it to His Grace, they will hear it, consider it, and allow themselves to be heard in all fairness and equity.

The envoys took this into consideration until future Wednesdays, and so on the same day presented it to us again in public interrogation, as follows:

Reverend in GOD, gracious Prince and Lord! We have heard the content of the answer which Your Grace gave yesterday to our instruction and advertisement on behalf of the most noble, highborn Princes and Lords, our most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and Hesse. Gn. again, as Your Grace heard yesterday from the aforementioned advertisement and instruction of ours, that our most gracious and gracious Lords, among other things, have instructed us to act primarily for peace and good will with Your Grace. Therefore, once again, our humble request that E.F.Gn. will engage in the action of the articles that we have indicated and ordered to be discovered, as far as they concern peace and assurance; however, where E.F.Gn. wanted to insist on the given answer is not without, we have orders to further indicate to our most gracious and gracious lords.

2 Since we are concerned that this will do little for peace and unity, we have decided, in order to prevent all kinds of harm and mischief that might result from this, to report such an answer given to our most gracious and gracious lords verbally and to report it, and then to hand it over in writing. The opinion and opportunity of their C. and F. Grace shall then be made known in writing. Furthermore, as far as peace is concerned, we cannot report or act on anything, with the humble request that Your Grace will excuse us for our person in this matter.

Then we let it be said that we had heard the present argument, which was even to the effect that they, the envoys, were ready to seek peace and security, which peace we, no less than they, were inclined to seek and keep. But because the words of peace and security were somewhat broad, we asked for a brief consideration; and after that we had

408 Section 1: Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 837. W. xvi, 437-490. 409

The court will continue to allow this opinion to be expressed by considering and repeating the requests made by the envoys:

The most reverend Prince and Lord, my gracious Lord of Wuerzburg, commands me to speak this opinion: it was heard yesterday in the answer given by his F. Gn. that his F. Gn. sought and still seeks and desires nothing more than to keep the peace, that also S. F. Gn. has never been willing, and still is not willing, to do or act anything unpleasant against my most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and Hesse, but rather to remain with the Imperial Peace and the most recent Speier Peace. Thus, the mind and opinion of his F. Grace would still be in favor of everything that would promote peace and unity, as well as friendly service and neighborliness to both my most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and Hesse. However, since the article concerning peace and security is in need of purification, and H.F.G. is reluctant to refuse peace, it should be understood, as heard yesterday, that H.F.G. should undertake to give assurance, and thus understood and judged as if H.F.G. had violated the peace and not acted as befits a prince of the Holy Roman Empire, and thus had imposed something on H.F.G.. F. Gnie. something that they are innocent of, because they have always behaved princely and well, and not otherwise than according to the imperial peace. My most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and Hesse will not think, think, or do anything against his F. Grace, because she has always been princely and well, and not in any other way than according to the imperial peace. neither want nor intend nor desire to commit themselves to a thing of which they are innocent, and thus impose upon themselves that which they have not done; but where the peace is meant to be made and established, his Grace let themselves be heard yesterday in the answer that they know of no better peace than the land peace established by the Emperor; but where they otherwise want a peace and agreement which is first of all of Papal Holiness, of Imperial Highness, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire, of the Holy Roman Empire. Holiness, Imperial Majesty Majesty, the land peace and order of the empire, the laudable union of Swabia, and other princes with whom His Grace is in friendly agreement, His Grace will gladly hear about it, and will be pleased to hear about it. will be pleased to hear of it, and to show and hold themselves in such a way to my most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and Hesse for friendly, official experience that it should be felt that his F. Grace seek, desire, have and hold peace, and in all that which is equal, right and proper, that they are in peace.

and justly, do not want to get anything. And after they, the envoys, have indicated that they will bring his F. Grace's answer to my most gracious and gracious Lords of Saxony and Hesse. And after they, the envoys, have indicated that they will bring an answer to my most gracious and gracious lords of Saxony and Hesse, and that their minds will be on letting their f. gn. know in writings, his f. gn. express their highest gratitude to them, the envoys, and want to recognize this in their gracious will; and they hope that my most gracious and gracious lords of Saxony and Hesse will offer their f. gn. more than sufficient assistance and let them know of the open mind that they have. They will understand the open mind that leads to peace, and will be satisfied with this answer, and will not take any unpleasant action against their F. Grace or their kinsmen, but will keep and show themselves in accordance with the order of the realm and the peace of the land, and especially my gracious Lord Landgrave Philip of Hesse 2c. will keep and show himself in accordance with the covenant agreement. This is what his F. Gn. want to kindly earn and owe against their C. and F. Gn.

Accordingly, the Saxon and Hessian envoys 2c.They wish, as they have previously offered, to faithfully and diligently present to our lords and friends of Saxony and Hesse the oral and written answer they have given, and they have no doubt that their love will be shown and acted upon, as is due and well suited to them, and will also be irrevocable; They therefore want to have taken their leave and thanked all graciousness with a humble request to escort them again with a living escort to the places where they were accepted into the escort, and to offer that they may act for the benefit of their persons in these matters between our lords and friends of Saxony and Hesse and us, which they wanted to do most humbly and not let anything happen to them.

Hereupon we let say to them: We accepted their good-willed offer as a gracious favor, to recognize them, the envoys, to the highest asking and requesting to apply our given answer and innocence to the best and most faithful, if we were of the opinion that our lords and friends of Saxony and Hesse would be satiated with it, and would not be moved in evil or further development against us and our foundation or ours, but would behave all friendly and neighborly will towards us. We want to do the same and not be felt otherwise. For the sake of the seduction, we consider it unnecessary to give thanks, since we are inclined to do so for ourselves, and would like to have them escorted back to us by our foundation, land, and people.

410 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. w. xvi, "so-"sr. 411

and territory in places where we have to guide, because where something repugnant would be due to them, we would be heartily sorry.

And from this, in view of the fairness, rightfulness and our excessive request, which we, as heard here above, have made in addition to the display of our obvious innocence, we want to make sure that our lords and friends from Salmon and Hesse do not overreach us or ours, nor do they burden us in any other way, nor damage them, but shall keep the peace of the Holy Roman Empire and the treaty made between the German and the Hessian Empire, as well as the alliance agreement, which is most dear to us, and we, in turn, are quite willing and inclined to be friendly to their loved ones and to settle the matter.

But if this does not happen, and we are overrun, attacked and damaged by their loved ones, and against all this, our most friendly and favorable request is made to your love, and to all of you in particular, that your love and you will not give them and yours any help, assistance, advice or encouragement against us and our foundation. Whether your love and you also have some of your own with them, order them away and home, also handle, protect and shield us, as a prince of the Holy Roman Empire, and our monastery's subjects and relatives in the established peace, imperial orders and imperial treaties. And whether the matters have reached your love and you in a different form than is truly indicated herein, or would still reach you, we do not give credence to them, nor do we settle them, but have completely and utterly excused ourselves, as we are innocent in the right truth of the matters involved. This we, together with equity, are willing and inclined to do in order to deserve, instruct and recognize your love and the rest of you altogether, and each one in particular, according to each one's dignity, standing and character, kindly, favorably and graciously. Given under our secret preprinted at the end of the writing, on Thursday after Exaudi May 28 Anno 2c. in the 28th year.

838. the Archbishop of Salzburg's brief apology to the imperial regiment at

Speier. June 3, 1528.

In Hortleder I. c. S. 596.

Issued by our most gracious Lord of Salzburg rc. to the Imperial > Regiment at Speier.

Dear, noble, honorable, highly educated, and especially beloved ones! We have your friendship and your letter, which date stands on the 25th day

Maji, together with the enclosed copy of a supposed, fictitious union, which is supposed to be contrary to the Highborn Princes, our dear lords and friends, the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse 2c.., with about much narration, what has been done so far by you in the matters with the reported Elector and Landgrave, also what is against it your two dearest indications and requests, with the unattached request that we take action on our part for the most beneficial of the things and have appointment, so that further mischief and outrage will be prevented, further contents understood. And thereupon we give your friendship and your love in good opinion, and with the truth to recognize that we have no knowledge at all of such a fictitious union. We have never been to Breslau, neither at the time when such a union is to be established, nor ever come otherwise, nor have we had any of our embassies there, nor have we ever thought of such an action and undertaking, nor have we taken it into our minds; which will never be otherwise invented with any truth. No one so ignorant of our and our convent's occasion, and especially of the great ruin into which we have been led by the two past uprisings, entirely through no fault of our own, can appreciate how utterly unrighteous and untruthful we are being drawn into the untruthful alliance mentioned, along with the fact that we desire nothing better than peace and unity in the holy kingdom and in all Christendom. Therefore, your friendship and you must understand that it is not necessary for us to take any action or make any request, but our request and plea is to your friendship and to you, that you will excuse us and talk to you and to men about such things and imaginary covenants. To this end, we provide that you, in the place of the Emperor's Majesty, will, in the form of these highly important matters and the swift and dangerous runs, take such measures as will put an end to such dangerous armaments, applications and exercises, as well as to the imperial peace and the peace of the Holy Roman Empire, We would like to thank you for your friendship, your support, and your support, and we would like to thank you for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support, and for your support; we do not want to behave your friendship and you on the same letter friendly and gracious opinion. Date in our city of Salzburg, on the Wednesday after the Holy Day of Pentecost June 3 Anno Domini 1528.

412 Section l. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 839. W. xvi, "se- 412

839 King Ferdinand's apology for the alliance. June 1, 1528.

This document appeared under a similar title as the 837th document. After that, Hortleder I. e. p. 596.

  1. we Ferdinand of God's grace, to Hungary and Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia 2c. King, Infante in Hispania, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Styria, Carinthia, Crain and Würtemberg rc., Count of Tyrol rc., Roman Imperial Majesty, Governor of the Holy Roman Empire 2c. 2c., to all and any Princes, Princes, ecclesiastical and secular, Prelates, Counts, Freemen, Lords, Knights, Servants, Captains, Vassals, 1) Bailiffs, Stewards, Administrators, Schultheiss, Mayors, Judges, Councillors, Citizens and Municipalities, and otherwise to all others of the Holy Roman Empire, also of our Kingdoms. We wish to express our special love, friendship, affectionate will, grace and all good things to the subjects and faithful of our kingdom, principality and country, in whatever dignity, status or being they may be, to whom this letter is addressed. High and venerable, high-born princes, well-born, strict, noble, honorable, honorable, learned, renowned dear friends, uncle, cousin, brother-in-law, special love and faithful!

(2) Although we learned a good while ago that the highborn princes, our dear uncle and friend, Lord John, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, and Lord Philip, Landgrave of Hefsen, 2c., had engaged in some application and armament of a war party, and that there had been an outcry in the country, as if such armament had been made on some estates of the Holy Roman Empire. Therefore, as the imperial governor, we have diligently taken notice of the matter, and have had amicable negotiations conducted in many ways by notable persons of high princely and other rank, in order to learn what nobility the above-mentioned two sovereigns and princes would be, so that such an application would be put to rest and peace: We could not have been reminded of the right reason for such armament sooner, because until the last days the mentioned Elector of Saxony had his embassy with us in our Kingdom of Bohemia, the same has brought us, among other things, a copy of an alleged, fictitious, untrue alliance or agreement, as it is to be called, which in the beginning was directed to us, and in the following order to the high and venerable princes of Saxony,

  1. In the old edition": "Bißthumen".

High-born Princes, our dear Oheime, Cousins and Friends, Mr. Albrechten, Cardinals, Archbishops and Electors of Mainz; Mr. Joachim, Arch Chamberlain and Elector of the Holy Empire, both Margraves of Brandenburg rc.; Mr. Matthäus, 2) Cardinals and Archbishops" of Salzburg rc.; Herr Weiganden, at Bamberg, and Herr Conraden, at Würzberg; Bishops"; Herr Georgen, Dukes of Saxony, Landgraves in Thuringia, and Margraves at Meissen; Mr. Wilhelmen and Mr. Ludewigen, brothers, Palgraves of the Rhine, Dukes of Upper and Lower Bavaria, and which last year against the said Electors of Saxony and Landgraves of Hesse, and their two Electorates, Principalities and Lands shall be established, sealed, pledged, and sworn; that after the reading of the same imagined union we receive not only astonishment, but also the highest complaint.

3 And thereupon we have sent our answer in writing to the Elector with a true denial and contradiction of such fictitious facts, and have requested that his dear uncle, the Landgrave, be informed of them, since his love also understands them, and that they be dismissed from their nobility with their armor. But before such our responsibility reaches the said Landgrave, we have received from the Imperial Government in the Holy Roman Empire a copy of such a document. The same is true for a copy of the alleged alliance, which the said Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave sent to the same government;

  1. and subsequently, from another place, a copy of a letter of invitation, which is to be issued to all states under the above-mentioned Landgrave's imprinted secret, is received, which, among other things, refers to the above-mentioned alleged, fabricated, untruthful alliance, and which the above-mentioned Elector of Saxony and Landgrave intend to make use of, to excuse their dear armament and application of the people of war. And because we, along with other aforementioned princes and princes, are accused of the same fictitious union or alliance in the most unjust and untruthful way, and because of the intended landgrave's letter, which is based on the above-mentioned untruthful agreement, as if we and the princes and chieftains, as reported above, were to be in the act of opposing and suppressing the living, gracious Word of God and the Holy Roman Empire. Roman Empire's established land peace, also the unification of the Union of Swabia,
  1. In the old edition: "Mattheusen" == Matthaussen.

414 Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 495-498. 415

all Nuremberg, Augsburg and Speier agreements made in the empire, and all fairness, to chase away and expel their love of the same churality and principality, as well as land and people; as the letter of the often-counted fictitious, untrue covenant, and now the landgrave's letter, indicates by length:

(5) Thus we are urged and induced to take our responsibility against such a proclamation in the following manner, until it can be further and with more execution by the other sovereigns and princes, besides us all, according to all our necessity. And therefore report to your beloved, and to you the others, also manly, with right reason and truth, that we know ourselves to be quite free against God and the world of such fictitious, untruthful alliance, and to be accused of and to declare it untruthful; For it shall never be shown by anyone, whoever he may be, with truth that we have thought to establish such a union, or such a supposed one, let alone that we have sworn, pledged and sealed it with the princes and sovereigns; and can understand nothing else with us, but that such a pretended notel or copy of the untruthful union is a fictitious thing, and brought on the way by him or by those, which not only between our, and the other Electors and Princes, obgemeldt, and the said Duke John of Saxony and the Landgrave 2c. The result is not only discord and enmity, but also rebellion, insurrection and disobedience in the Holy Roman Empire for their own benefit. They are therefore desirous of nothing better than this; Therefore, we would like nothing better than to have the person or persons who have thus subjected themselves to this heated, insubstantial practice, which is untruthful, presented and denounced to us, so that we may thus take action against him or them who are guilty of the matter, If we were to be presented with a counter-answer against the same or those who are guilty of the matter, then we would hold and show ourselves to be manly with honor and praise, and the opposite to be untrue, and that he has done and made this of himself, to his advantage and benefit, and to a disruption of all honorable conduct and being in the holy kingdom. He should recognize that he has done and made this out of himself to his advantage and benefit and to the disruption of all honorable conduct and being in the holy kingdom. For your loved ones and you must well consider that if the supposed, imagined alliance should be true, as it is not, we would not have endeavored so much to refuse the armor and application, as has happened, in many ways, but rather, due to the cause of the said Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave's armor, we, along with the other unreasonably accused electors and princes, would also have been involved in armor and counter-armor.

We have, however, for our part, not undertaken any defense, but what has happened in our principality of Würtemberg through our government there from the fact that it has come to light that Ulrich, who calls himself Duke of Würtemberg, should have had the audacity to invade our principality with his relatives: Let your beloved and you, the others, and only us recognize this in a sincere, honorable mind, and that, if God wills, we will walk in the right way according to the praise of God, and do our things in the light and not in secret, or do them in this way and commit ourselves to it, that (as the supposed imaginary agreement and the mentioned Landgrave's letter should be understood) should be to the subversion of the true word of God, and against the imperial peace, the agreement of the Union of Swabia, and all the agreements made by the Empire. For we may well talk and discuss this without glory, nor shall it ever be brought upon us that we have ever been present to this, as has been foretold; so we also intend to keep ourselves Christian and unprovable in such things as befits a just king, and as our ancestors, Roman emperors, kings, and archdukes of Austria, have commendably brought upon us.

  1. And therefore it is our friendly and gracious request, request and desire to your love and you, where the said fictitious covenant, likewise the mentioned landgrave's letter would be printed, or would otherwise occur in other ways to your love and you, or would still be indicated, you will not give credence to it, but will regard and consider such alleged alliance as a fabricated, untrue matter (as it is), as it will be brought to light in time by our and the other sovereigns and princes named with us more clearly and unambiguously. Therefore, according to our answer, given to the said Elector, his beloved, the Landgrave of Hesse, nor their relatives, need not be in any danger or worry because of such fictitious alliance, for our sake and ours, if we are powerful; For we, not only as imperial governor, but also for ourselves, as a Christian king and an obeyer of the said imperial majesty, do not wish to endanger the aforementioned imperial peace, nor peace, justice and unity in the Holy Roman Empire. May you always be willing, eager and inclined to handle, plant and preserve the said imperial peace, justice and peace in the Holy Roman Empire, only for comfort and good, to help our property. May your loved ones and you be completely satisfied and provided for us.

[416]{.underline} Ahschn. 1. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 839 f. W. xvi, 498-soo. 417

Your love and you show us in such that they do not give credence to the aforementioned fictitious covenant, together with the equity, especially friendly and pleasant pleasure, which we want to recognize in such and more about the same your love and you, the others, in friendship and gracious will. Given on St. Wenceslas Hill, in our royal city of Prague, the first day of the month of June, after the birth of Christ fifteen hundred and in the eighth and twentieth, of our kingdoms in the other year.

  1. the dukes in Bavaria, Wilhelm and Ludwig, public writing, which they have let go out for their apology. June 5, 1528.

In Hortleder I. c. S. 398.

To all and every prince, prince, ecclesiastical and secular, and to all other relatives and subjects of the Holy Roman Empire, in whatever dignities, status and nature they may be, we, William and Ludwig, Palgraves of the Rhine, Dukes of Upper and Lower Bavaria, brothers, by the grace of God, offer our friendly service, and what we are able to do in honor, love and good, friendship, friendly and favorable greetings beforehand.

(2) We have been informed in the past days by the most noble, most great prince and lord, Mr. Carl 2c, Roman emperor, our most gracious dear lord and cousin, imperial and his majesty and of the Holy Roman Empire. Reichs Regiment, now at Speier, also from other places, and lastly by the Highborn Prince, our Oheim, Herr Philipsen, Landgrave of Hesse 2c., Copies of a print, of which, in his dear missive, to us, report happened of a fictitious, supposed alliance, so by the noble prince, our friendly dear lord and cousin, Mr. Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, Infante in Hispania, Archduke of Austria 2c., Imperial. Majesty Governor in the Empire, and other Electors and Princes, as they are indicated by name therein, should be issued by us at Breslau, on Wednesday after the Sunday Jubilate May 15 of the past seven and twentieth years, against the Highborn Prince, our dear cousin, Mr. Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, Elector 2c., and the said Landgrave of Hesse.

  1. besides, it has also been reported that now thought, Elector and Prince of Saxony and Hesse,

The German government has put such a supposed alliance into print and sent it to many states of the Holy Roman Empire. They have thus excused their dear armor, craft, and dress, as if such a thing were to be done for a counter-defense. And although we fully respect that the royal dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, our friendly dear lord and cousin, as well as other attracted princes and princes, have sufficiently indicated, and the truth from the work will seemingly reveal itself from day to day, that the presumed alliance not only has not been decided or established, but also has never been made by the named, their royal dignity, princes, princes and princesses. We have also sent our reply to the Imperial Regiment, and likewise to our uncle, the Landgrave, and are partly excused in such a way of his dear letter of the proposed alliance and appendix; for which reason some further apology or responsibility on our part would be unnecessary; as your love and friendship must also be understood from our writings and replies, such as those that follow. And initially from our answer, attributed to the imperial regiment, as follows:

By the Grace of God, Wilhelm and Ludwig, brothers, Palgraves of the Rhine, Dukes of Upper and Lower Bavaria 2c.

Our favorable greetings beforehand, most gracious, noble and learned, especially dear! We have read your letter, together with the copy of a covenant, which should have been established by our friendly dear lord and cousin, Mr. Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and several other princes, princes and us at Breslau, and cannot wonder enough, nor consider on what opinion we should understand such a pretence on our part; For we have had no knowledge of such an alliance up to this time, nor have we received our messages and advice from the royal authorities in Breslau on this or other matters. Therefore, you may understand that it is unnecessary for us to ask for the abrogation and enactment of these covenants and for peace, since we, as Christian princes, would like nothing better than to see unity in the holy Christian faith, peace and acceptance of the German nation, and to help to achieve this. Our gracious request and plea to you is also that you not give any credence to such charges of ours, and that you also give us no credence with yourselves and others in these matters.

418 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 500-503. 419

We apologize to you for the enclosure and the covenant you have made and wish to discuss it. It is a special favor to us to acknowledge our favorable and gracious will towards you. Date Munich, 28 May Anno 2c. in the 28th year.

To the well-born, noble and highly learned, our special beloved, > imperial governor, official administrator, and other decreed > councilors of the imperial regiment in the holy empire, now at Speier.

Thus reads our uncle, the landgrave's, missive, which he has given us in this, as follows:

Our friendly service, and what we are able to do dear and good, always before, highborn princes, friendly dear homes! We have come to credible experience that a covenant is to be established between the Highborn Prince, Mr. Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, our friendly dear uncle, brother-in-law and godfather, and us, that we send an imprint to your beloved; and after we have also been credibly reported that your beloved shall have written down such alliance in time 1). Wherefore, when we, according to the report we have received, have fully provided for it, we should have had no ill will towards your beloved, and should have waited for your beloved to touch our grandfather, brother-in-law and godfather, and us, but rather for service and friendship. We ask, after all this, your dearest kind, correct, described, conducive reply, at this our messenger. Date in our camp at Herrenbreitingen, on the Thursday after Exaudi May 28 Anno Christi 1528.

Schedula.

We also do not want to hold back your love, that we ever and always have provided ourselves with all friendship and friendly good will to them, comfort us also still, and are completely confident, your love will not let themselves be moved in such unfair things against us to ill-will; the same answer asking. Date ut in litteris.

Philips Landgrave of Hesse 2c. ss. z. t. = subscripsit.

To the Highborn Princes, Mr. Wilhelmen and Mr. Ludwigen, brothers, > dukes of Upper and Lower Bavaria, counts palatine of the Rhine, our > friendly dear grandparents.

  1. "Written out," that is, as we can see from the answer, cancelled the alliance.

Our Duke Wilhelm's reply to this, which we gave to the Landgrave of Hesse in response to his letter.

Highborn prince, dear uncle! We have received your dear letter, addressed to us in their camp at Herrenbreitingen, on Thursday after Exaudi, yesterday outside of the print of the supposed suggested covenant, of which there is a report in your dear missive, in the absence of the Highborn Prince, our dear brother, Duke Ludwig; and nevertheless a few days ago we received from the imperial regiment at Speier a copy of a covenant, which the noble Prince, our dear Lord and cousin, Lord Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, together with several other princes, princes and us, established at Breslau a year ago against the Elector of Saxony 2c. and your love should have been established; to which we, according to the enclosed copy, have given them an answer, marked A. and leave it at that 2); and give your love this answer to their request: that your love reports this alliance with untruth, and that it is fabricated by a dishonorable man, who is inclined to sedition, war and shedding Christian blood, and to lead your love and other princes to ruin; For we have no knowledge of such fictitious, untruthful alliance, nor have we been accused of it by others, to the effect that at the same or other times we have not had our counsels and embassies at Breslau for the sake of this untruthful alliance, or for the sake of other alliances or things, with royal dignity; otherwise no one, whoever he may be, will be able to say or pretend of us with truth. Your love shall also recognize us of the princely mind, where your love requests us of that or otherwise, as acted by us, we do not want to have the truth kept, also do not desire to keep all our doings secret, but may well suffer the light. But we would have provided ourselves to your love completely, the same should not give credence to the untruthful report against us, but reminded us beforehand, and learned our answer and the truth; likewise, not so in the print, as we may think, spread out everywhere, drawn in and named beside others, but still ascribe your love to us, that the same reports credibly that we are no longer related to the drawn alliance. And although we respect the royal dignity and other princes and rulers, they are aware of this supplement, of their opportunity, and of the fact that we are no longer related to the alliance.

  1. In the old edition: "touch".

420 Section 1: Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 840. W. xvi, 503-505. 421

If we do not want to save your love from its letter, your love will undoubtedly find the reason for the truth from this answer of ours in the same and masculine. Date in our city Munich, the third day of June, Anno 1528.

By the Grace of God, William, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Upper and Lower Bapern 2c.

To the Highborn Prince, our dear Oheim, Mr. Philipsen, Landgrave of > Hesse and Count of Katzenelnbogen 2c.

Nevertheless, since we have carried out all our doings with the help of the Almighty, as befits honest, pious, Christian princes, and inherited from our honest forefathers, during the time of our lives, and intend to continue in this, that we have also been included in the sent out pressure without any constant causes, besides royal dignity, our friendly dear lord and cousin and other princes and princes: so our princely honors require high and unavoidable necessity, our innocence not only against the imperial regiment, Electors of Saxony and Landgraves of Hesse, but rather and solely so that with all other honor-loving states, with which we might have grown into suspicion with an untrue poem, our reported responsibilities would not come to hand, We must show our innocence, and with constant, firm reason and truth, so that our detractors may decide their untruthful mouths, and the pious may see and feel into what dangerous times we have fallen, and that the father of all lies would ever like to incite disgust, outrage, destruction, bloodshed, and, most burdensome, eternal damnable judgment of many Christian souls. And, after all, we may not conceal from your love, friendship, and all the rest of you, that we have so far shown and kept ourselves so neighborly with all our neighboring kings, princes, communes, and others (without reporting glory) in the time of our government, that we shall be blameless of our hopes of such intentions, and of other unjust complaints from all of them; we are also still of that mind, and not only against our neighbors, but against male ones. From this is to be deduced what favor, will, or disposition we bear for ourselves to the covenant drawn up, where the same should be established. And therefore, whoever, be he of high or low rank, shall be in our

To our cousin and uncle, the Elector of Saxony and Landgrave of Hesse, by your love, friendship, and all of you others, we have heard in a different form than now, and especially that we have had some favor or knowledge of, adhered to, or agreed to the covenant indicated above, or who have decreed one through our councils, or who have had one at the same time or at other times at the royal dignity in Breslau, or who have been suggested such a covenant by someone, falsely reported and issued by us: The same has acted, speaks and says as a dishonorable, mendacious man; we also know ourselves so free before God and man that all this should never be said, proven or laid open by us with the least indication and truth. That also the suggested alliance, on our part, is an inhuman, let us say unchristian, dishonorable, lying poem. We also hope, in all respectability, that the above-mentioned cousins and uncle, the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse, as honest princes of the Holy Roman Empire, will know how to denounce the author and promoter of the often-mentioned untruthful covenant, and the royal dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as the other princes, princes and us, in addition to all and every honorable people, who are annoyed by this denunciation, more than to have the same dishonest, lying man before their eyes; From this, then, constant peace will ensue, and such unheard-of wickedness in the German nation will be put to rest, and the right, true reason will be reported, and the distrust that arises from it among all potentates, even the common man, will be rejected unquestioningly and with the truth. We have also, and especially about our grandfather, the landgrave, letter, in which his love reports that the same credibly reported that we should have written out such alliance in time, not provided that we should, through his love, and even less the Elector of Saxony, as we are related to close blood kinship, our unsolicited and unaccountable, in the outgoing print and writings, and then this excuse is the fair truth: Accordingly, to your love, friendship, and you, all others to whom this print and reply of ours comes to be read, our friendly request, amicable request, and gracious request is that you give full credence to such our truthful apology, and to our repugnants and the lying poet, or others who accuse us of the lying alliance.

[422]{.underline} Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 505-507. 423

And even if this responsibility of ours is sharpened with somewhat heated words by someone, we still ask him to consider our princely tradition, and that we want to be infamous and brought into disrepute with males, and for this reason may not have to circumvent our need for honor, just as everyone is obliged to save his honor in the same case. For the sake of your love and friendship, and for the sake of each one of you, whatever his status and nature, we kindly owe and recognize this. Date in our city of Munich, under our preprinted Secret, on the fifth day of June, Domini fifteen hundred and in the eighth and twentieth.

841. Duke George of Saxony's responsibility for the above-mentioned alliance. December 19, 1528.

This document was first published under the title: "IVElcher gestalt wir Georg von gots gnaden Hertzog zu Sachssen Landtgraff in Duringen vnd Marggraff zu Meysfen von Martins Luther, des getichten Bündtnüs halben inn schriefften vnerfindlich angegeben, Vnd darauff vnnßere antwort." 10 quarto. At the end: "Gedruckt zu Dreßden durch Wolffgang Stöckel." After that in the Eisleben edition, vol. I, 423; in the Altenburg, vol. IV, p. 457 and in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 669. Duke George had Luther's letter to Wenceslaus Link printed both in Latin and (translated by himself) in German in his edition according to his copy. It is found in Latin in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 385 d; in De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 340; in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VI, p. 290 and in Seidemann's "Erläuterungen," p. 131. German in the above-mentioned collective editions; in Hortleder, "Von den Ursachen des deutschen Kriegs," vol. I, p. 602 and in Seidemann's "Erläuterungen," p. 132. - The Bries of Duke George to Luther is found in the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 292; in the Jena (1566), vol. IV, p. 532; in the Altenburg, vol. IV, p. 458; in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. II; in Keil, "Luthers merkwürdige Lebensumstände," vol. II, p. 20; and in Seidemann's "Erläuterungen," p. 133. Latin in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 391l>. - The original of Luther's reply to Duke George is in the Dresden Hauptstaatsarchiv. After that, printed in Seidemann's "Lutherbriefe", p. 35. Then in the aforementioned Gesammtausgahen, in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 48 and vol. 31, p. 3; in De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 397 and in Seidemann's "Erläuterungen", p. 133. Latin in Aurifaber, vol. II,

In what way we, George, by the grace of God Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia, and Margrave of Meissen, have been accused by Martin Luther of being a

The first is a poetic covenant in writings unintelligible, and our response.

(1) Although we have herebefore, when we at the beginning of the written alliance, which against the high-born princes, our friendly dear cousins, uncle and sons, Mr. Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, Elector 2c., and Mr. Philippen, Landgrave of Hesse 2c, shall be set up, accused, have the answer heard and put in print, also answer against the presented of the same alliance announcer, Otten Pack, and have our innocence brought to light, so that no honest man with some credible appearance will have or know to attribute to us even with the very least that we ever advised or acted of the intention, of which the fabricated alliance does report; Let alone that we should have something written about it in a note, or otherwise have some science about it; for which reason we should also not be unreasonably relieved of all suspicion, accusation and slander, even further responsibility.

  1. However, because Martin Luther may not have tolerated such a thing from his conceived envy,' nor recognize the truth of our public innocence, but such a poetic alliance, and on it especially us, now and then attracts in his writings and forms in the people, and we note that this man, and we note that this man, without all distinction and attention to his actions, is given faith and coincidence by many, so our necessity demands that we neither pass over this tacitly nor leave it unanswered, but merely indicate with what consistency and reason Luther held himself in such his pretence.
  2. Initially, we are reminded of the words that he uses in the preface of the booklet, based on the mandate of the venerable in God, our special dear friend Mr. Johannsen, Bishop of Meissen, namely: 1) "Our Lutheran princes do not have to come to such honor, indeed, everyone must be hostile to them, and for this purpose seek treacherous plots and alliances against them, of which they must be ashamed themselves afterwards; as also happened to the plot at Mainz" 2c.

(4) With these words, everyone will know that he has made a covenant, and that he would like to make people believe it, but in a hidden way. And in general, so that if he is called to account on the basis of these words, he may say that he has this

  1. St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 1349, § 11.

424 Sect. 1 MainzerRathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 841. w.xvi.507-509. 425

This is the reason why we cannot assume that such a word will be used soon.

5 A few days ago, however, we received a Latin letter that Luther wrote to Wenceslaum Linken against Nuremberg, not only about this covenant, but also about our apology that had gone out, attacking it and us somewhat violently, and it reads as follows:

D. Martin Luther's writing to Wenceslaus Link. 1)

Grace and peace. You know more of the new newspaper than I can write. The alliance of the godless princes, which they deny, you see what motive it made, but 2) Duke George's very coldest excuse, which I interpret almost as a confession. Well, they deny it, excuse it, or make it up, so I know that the covenant is not nothing, or a chimera, although it is a miracle, and sufficiently miraculous, as the whole world knows, that they have publicly tried, done, and still do such things with the mind, with the deed, with the commandment, 3) with stubborn diligence, up to this point: for they want to have destroyed the gospel, no one can deny that.

But what is it to you, who are undoubtedly sure of all this? Only that you know that even we do not believe the wicked, although we offer, desire and give them peace. God disgraces the most foolish of fools ,

than Moab, is more audacious than he is able, and does not court according to his strength, as he has done in every way. Let us pray against these death-defying men, and so far let them be forgiven. If, however, they will again be subjected to something, we will pray to God and then admonish the rulers that they may be destroyed without mercy; for the insatiable bloodsuckers do not want to have rest, but they find that Germany is moistened with blood.

We are now working in the prophets to make them

  1. According to Seidemann's "Erläuterungen," 1. c.
  2. In Latin: sed - but.
  3. In Seidemann: "gebeth". If otherwise this reading is correct, "gebeth" stands for areas. Latin: käieto.

Germanize. Oh God, what a great and annoying work it is to force the Hebrew scribes to speak German; how they resist and do not want to leave their Hebrew way at all, and follow the coarse German. As if the nightingale hurried to meet the cuckoo singing in unison, it should leave its lovely melody and sing after the cuckoo. See you in good health, and pray to God for us. Sunday after Barnabas June 14 1528. Martin Luther.

To the very best and God-fearing man, Wenceslao Linken, a servant of > Christ in the Gospel at Nuremberg, his brother.

(6) Although it is easy to sense from the poem and other circumstances that such writing originated from him, we have not failed to find out thoroughly from him whether he intended to insist on such writing or to give it another interpretation and excuse, and what caused him to do so, to inform us, and to have him write for this reason, as follows:

Writing of Duke George of Saxony to D. Martin Luther. 4)

By the Grace of God George, Duke of Saxony 2c.

A copy of a letter sent by you to Wenceslao Linken against Nuremberg not long ago occurred to us yesterday before date 5), as you have to determine in the present. Although we would like to give credence to this, our need requires us to know this from you as well, and therefore request that you inform us clearly in writing to our messenger whether you have sent such a letter to the above-mentioned Linken according to this one. Given at Dresden, Wednesday Simon and Jude Oct. 28 An. 2c. 28.

Martin's Luther at Wittenberg.

  1. According to Seidemann's "Erläuterungen," 1. c.
  2. that is the 27th of October. Strange is therefore the remark, which, as Seidemann, "Lutherbriefe", p, 34, states, Thomas von der Heiden is supposed to have put on the back of the copy of the previous letter, that the same was made "hewt Samptags nach Martins (14. November)". Here is either a typing error of von der Heiden or a reading error of Seidemann. We assume that "Saturday after Severini", that is October 24, is to be read. The Erlanger Briefwechsel, Vol. VI, p. 289, has printed the above remark from Seidemann without expressing any concern about it.

426 Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 509-512. 427

(7) And we would have provided, since we desired to know nothing but the truth about him, that he should at least have allowed himself to be heard with a correct answer, yes or no. But we have received a broad answer, according to the following:

D. Martin Luther's reply to Duke George of Saxony. 1)

Grace and peace in Christ. I have received E. F. G.'s writing, in which E. F. G. requests from me a note or copy of half an answer, whether I am aware of such writing; and such, as if I, like the least obligated or prisoner, had to sit here waiting. To this is my short answer: Since E. F. G. is well aware of my great patience, which I have borne up to now over the preface to the New Testament of Emser, and the answer to my heartfelt humble writing; so I will also have patience this time over this piece, which E. F. G. considers a great and severe challenge. And I humbly ask E. F. G. to leave me untried with such notes or copies. E. F. G. will undoubtedly find out from those who have received and handed such notes, even without Luther's help, what such writing is, which E. F. G., more than I, is related to or affiliated with. I do not want to have written anything harder this time against such pious people. For I would be Christianly inclined to have mercy and to plead for E. F. G.'s affliction, if E. F. G. could suffer it. Hiemit GOtt befohlen, Amen. At Wittenberg, Saturday of the last of October 1528.

E. F. G.

willing Martinus Luther.

To the illustrious, highborn prince and lord, Lord George, Duke of > Saxony, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my gracious > lord.

8 From this we could not clearly determine that he wanted to confess to such writing or deny it; thus we were caused to find out about it further and at the council in Nuremberg, where we then found,

  1. According to Seidemann's "Lutherbriefe," p. 34.

that Wenceslaus Linke has been confessed, and still is, that such a Latin writing, as indicated, come to him from Martin Luther.

(9) But how it is fitting and proper for an honorable man, and first of all for one who claims to be evangelical, to flee the truth in response to such a writing, in which he attacks us with invective more favorably than others, and not to confess clearly to that which he may easily be convicted of, is for men to judge, and whether to say yes or no to the teaching of Christ, which interprets us, will be determined.

  1. From this it should be felt sufficiently what good one has to provide for such a one, especially because he did not leave it at that, but about that, that he had no doubt, how we have shown our innocence against the presented announcer of this poetic alliance, he has otherwise brought to the common man the previously indicated words, in the booklet of both forms, so that one should ever have it and believe that at least such a covenant was made, and thus something true about it and in front of the hand.

But we are, praise God, certain of this, and that such a writing is a public lie, that Martin Luther with all his followers will not know or be able to show the slightest semblance of it, from which it could be taken with certainty, or be considered and made credible, that we have ever talked and acted about, or even thought about, the things of which such a poetic covenant is said.

12 But nevertheless this evangelical man is so bold and impudent, and may spread such an exuberant lie, not only as if he had it from hearsay, but about that, that all those, who attracted such poem half, answered with no, for a solid truth, and write namely so from us:

"Duke Georgen's very coldest apology I interpret almost as a confession."

13 How cold our apology would have been, that is what the letter says, nor would we yet know how to make a more vehement and heated denial to such an accusation. If it had been so cold and similar to a confession, as Luther presents it, it would not have brought out the announcer of such a poem. Therefore, it has even more warmth than Luther's, Pack's, and all the others' accusations and attributions. Which have nothing more than the most bare, coldest, and most lying words, and no one even knows who to indicate the time as such.

428 Sect. I. Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 841. w. xvi. 512-sis. 429

gedichte Bündniß soll zu Breslau verfaßt sein, mit Wahrheit sagen könnte, oder auch je gesagt hätte, daß sie von solchem Vornehmen etwas gehört, oder auch die Note! gesehen. However, we have all those who were in Wroclaw at the same time, among whom none of us will say such a thing with certainty, and that he wants to be known, and will blame us.

14 Pack initially, in order to give shape to his lie, referred to the Highborn Prince, Henry the Younger, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg, 2c., our friendly dear Lord, that his love should have seen a copy of this covenant with us. However, on the day when he presented himself as the announcer of this covenant, he not only did not admit it, but also when his previous fame and calling were held up to him, he silently passed over it and did not know how to insist on it. However, we have requested and asked that Duke Henry of Brunswick be questioned about it; if his love, or anyone else, can credibly say with truth that something, and even the least part of it, was seen with or around us with our knowledge before the copy of such a poem was sent, then we will say that Luther did not do us an injustice by calling our excuse the coldest.

15 Without this, however, it is necessary for our honor to say that Luther is the coldest liar that we can think of, and that he cannot give his lie any warmth or form, and without any cause or necessity must always mix it in. And since he boasts of a spirit, as it is also attributed to him by his followers, it is truly not he who teaches him to recognize and state lies for lies and truth for truth, but precisely the contradiction. And for this reason he had to regard our truthful apology as a lie, and say: he interprets it and interprets it as a confession of the covenant.

16 From this, everyone can see how many such false interpretations he has taught and imagined in the Holy Scriptures, previously from the poor simple-minded man. After he has also now let himself be heard that he wants to write Eccles. Hist. about the miraculous works that happened in his Gospel, he may well put this lie of his into it; for it is well lost for one, and almost well adorns the others.

(17) And if he had the spirit of truth with him, he would give him no doubt from many apparent indications, which can also be obtained from natural indications.

The author of the book, who is a member of the "German Catholic Church," has been a member of the "German Catholic Church," the "German Catholic Church," the "German Catholic Church," the "German Catholic Church," the "German Catholic Church," the "German Catholic Church," and the "German Catholic Church. It may well be, however, that because they burned Luther, that grace did not unreasonably deprive him of this knowledge.

18 And although such a falsehood can be noted in many ways, it appears in particular, first of all, from the title of the Royal Serenity of Hungary and Bohemia, which time also wrote itself King of Hungary, and yet in this poem it alone is given the title "of Bohemia. 1)

  1. On the other hand, Royal Serene Highnesses of their ancestors, Kings of Hungary and Bohemia, are not used to mention them with the title common to princes, but to call them Serene Highnesses, and King Ludewig, more blessed, their brother; all of which is omitted here, not only in Royal Serene Highnesses, but also in the names of the other princes and princes, and nevertheless High King Ludwig is called "gracious lord", 2) quite contrary to the usage of the chanceries.

Thirdly, in the words: "our most gracious dear brother and gracious lord", 3) the right chancery order is not kept, but according to the status of the persons mentioning the Imperial Majesty, the chancery would have made it thus: our dear lord brother, gracious and most gracious lord.

Fourth, the princes of Saxony tend to place the Thuringian land before the Meissen land; this is not always respected, but is sometimes inverted. 4)

  1. The fifth, for the sake of exaggeration, is more imposed on us, 5) than otherwise two or three; in which one should ever have felt the poem.
  2. Sixthly, the Royal Serene Highness of Hungary and Bohemia does not presume to write or name "her prince" 6) to us, as we have indicated in this poem; in doing so, the error is to be noted in particular.
  3. For the seventh, it is public on the day, that Storkau and Besko are not principalities, but two dominions, 7) and our cousin, the Elector of Saxony, have not been for twenty years; but are nevertheless so constituted, as other falsehoods more.
  4. No. 829, § 1 and? 2 2c.
  5. No. 829, s 2.
  6. No. 829, s 3.
  7. No. 829, U 3 and 5.
  8. Jn No. 830.
  9. No. 829, s 5.
  10. No. 829, 8 5.

430 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi. 515-517. 431

25 To the eighth, we shall "deal with both Dukes of Brunswick"; 1) and yet it is on the day that Duke Erich of Brunswick is equal in time to us at Breslau; 2) therefore, if something had been before hand, his love would also have been drawn to it.

26 From all of which, and especially because none of the skilled men were named, and yet stated, as if they had been present, they had only apparently felt, and as it were grasped, that this alliance is nothing other than a completely false poem.

27 Nevertheless, Luther, by inspiration of his spirit, may write of himself that it was sought against his princes, and that he must now be ashamed of it, and that they deny it, excuse it, or deny it, so that he knows that the crime is not vain nothingness nor a chimera.

(28) Whoever boasts that he knows something, especially if he claims to know it knowingly, must show an external cause of which he has such knowledge, other than that he has seen or heard it himself, or at least that he has heard it from two unsuspected persons who have seen or heard it.

Now it may well be that Luther saw such a poem, or made it heard, perhaps also made it part of himself, or gave advice on it; and thus it could well be believed that he knew it knowingly. And not to refrain from it, because he showed consistent, credible causes in his stated science, which should have moved everyone to such a testimony, and that he had to write it from himself. Or, for the sake of such an accusation, he would make a public contradiction, and spread the truth as wide as his lies, and confess that he knowingly lied to us about this fictitious alliance, and that he knowingly knew that it was a vain nothing, fictitious chimera, and one of the greatest lies ever told or heard.

(30) And since this is not done by him, we do not know how to make it warmer for him than we did in our apology. And we must say and write of him that the apostate monk leans on us as a desperate, honorless, perjured wicked man; as such our apology, which was considered the coldest of all by him, is male, who gave us such an apology.

  1. No. 829, § 12.
  2. Here, in the Altenburg edition, Vol. IV, p. 160, according to which Walch gave the text, are the words: "nicht gegenwärtig gewesen", which, as Seidemann, "Erläuterungen", p. 132, note, says, are to be deleted.

The law of the covenant is not to be enacted, assigned, or blamed without a word, and it is not to be found (whether God wills it) who carries it out or makes it credible (that anything has ever been done on our part).

And because Luther himself subsequently states it to be a sufficiently strange miracle, it would ever have been proper, and greatly deserved, for him to find out about it thoroughly, because he thus, and above all our denials, gave a false, unknowable testimony to such a public lie with his knowing science. Which he also dares to affirm with a completely unfounded reason, saying that the world knows that we and others, stated in the poetic covenant, have done and still do such things publicly with mind, deed, commandment and all diligence.

  1. But if by the word talia, or such things, it is understood that this covenant is said, as he uses it, it is no less a lie than the covenant itself; and there is no one in the whole world who would say and prove with certainty that we have shown ourselves to be the least bit unfriendly to our cousins, the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse, in our will and spirit, as the covenant attributes to us, or that we have even given some cause for this, that one would have suspected such a thing to us. However, the fact that we have otherwise not wanted to let the Lutheran sect collapse in our countries, but have been most vehemently in favor of it, cannot at all follow from this that which the sealed alliance indicates. And Luther himself should be ashamed of such a childish introduction.

(33) As we have also shown him sufficient causes before, on account of which we have not yet been able to regard and hold his seductive teaching as the true gospel, or that it is according to the same; to which he now gives us much more cause, through his above-mentioned public lie, to persist and remain completely in our former opinion. For we have not yet learned from Scripture that Christ, our Savior, used such a public and deliberate liar as his apostle, and through him had the gospel preached and spread throughout the world.

34/ Therefore, where Luther refers to the gospel of Christ in the following words of his writing, it is just as true and believable that he admits to us that we would like to see it destroyed, than that he blames us for the fictitious covenant. He has previously charged us with such outrages and fictitious falsehoods, that we have been deprived of the gospel.

[432]{.underline} Section 1: Mainzer Rathschl. u. Packsches Bündn. No. 841 f. W. xvi, 517-519. 433

and otherwise insulted us with a variety of abusive words, and would have thought that he should one day be satisfied with his lust and desire to insult us in such a shameful way; but there will be no end to it.

For the fact that he mixed into his writing some Greek words, which (as we have reported) are almost shameful, has the appearance of touching us with them, and wanting God to disgrace us, as the most foolish of fools, because of our boldness and pride, in which he compares us to Moab; which is the usual meaning of his gospel. From the gospel of Christ, and that the apostles used such, it is not yet indicated to us. And Luther would easily have commanded God Almighty something better than this, for it is ever said: God does not desecrate anyone.

(36) We have never claimed to have any special wisdom, but God willing, Luther should not bring us into foolishness, that he should persuade us to believe lies for truth, or that we should let lies remain unaccountable to us, even if he pledged us more than his conscience.

37 Because this, as man's best treasure, is found to be false in him, and because of hope, envy and zeal he cannot recognize lies alone, but as soon as it serves his purpose, he proclaims it to be true, and commits his science to it: so it does not matter much to us that he almost boasts of his prayer and insists on it. If it had been according to his will, his cursing, scolding and praying would have had much more power and apparent effect.

In his writing, he also calls the others and us death throes and insatiable bloodsuckers, who would like to see bloodshed in German lands. But for our part, praise God, if we pass over his other manifold, bloodthirsty writings, there is not so much indication of this as is found in his own writing, where he says: that he would admonish the princes that we should be driven out without all mercy.

39 In which words we cannot feel the peaceful gospel of Christ, but rather that he desires our blood and destruction.

40 And although he, praise God, is too weak to do so, he does not rely on his prayer, as he otherwise insists, but on some princes whom he thinks he can bring to it. Now whoever has these princes?

He knows best what he thinks he is capable of. We hope that they will ever get to know him, and that they will see his lies for what they are. He will not frighten us with this, nor will he put us in some fear that we should abandon our plans and make ourselves dependent on his sect.

(41) For we are undoubtedly confident of all and every ruler that they will not allow such a lying man to provoke or seduce them into unseemly behavior. We do not want (if God wills) to give cause for this on our part, but know how to behave toward males in such a way that it should be unobjectionable to us at all times and answerable with the truth. And therefore, to all men, and to each one according to his position, we make our friendly request, our gracious intention, and our kind request that they not give Martin Luther any credence or faith in what he has written about us because of the poetic covenant, but that we lack all suspicion because of it,

  1. Luther is also to be respected and held in high esteem for someone who, without any reason or consistent cause, gave such a lying testimony to such a public poem and wrote it about himself, using 1) his knowledgeable science. For the sake of each and every one of us, we want to deserve this willingly and kindly, to compare and recognize it in grace and all good.

We have had our secret expressed in writing, and give it at Dresden, Saturday after Luciä 49 Dec. Anno Domini 2c. 28.

842: Otto von Pack's letter to Martin Luther about the fictitious alliance.

Dat. Cassel, 23 Jan. 1529.

The original of this letter is in Hamburg, DIs. I, toi. 76; subsequently printed in Kolde, ^.nnloota, p. 110 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 48. Earlier it is already, as also Walch reports, printed in OoorFÜ Ollristiani ckonnnis IntnUnrum litornrurnquo votorumnonckuin ockitururn KpioiloAium,

x. 548.

Translated from Latin.

To the venerable father, Mr. Martin Luther, the drommeter > (bueeiriutori) of the divine Word, his most sacred friend.

Hail, my dear Martin, in Jesus Christ our Lord, amen.

  1. In the old edition: "vorfändung".

[434]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 519-522. 435

The other day I read Duke George's tragedy, or rather diatribe, and then your answer, which pleased me and all honest people particularly. For how far does not Satan go? He not only blinds people with his seeing eyes, but also makes them mad and crazy with good sense. That is how he uses to deceive his own. But in a short time you shall know the bright and right truth, and at the same time my innocence. Ever since the light of evangelical truth began to shine on me, it has never occurred to me to deceive even one person, let alone to cause such a great disturbance in all of Christendom. God is my witness that I have wanted to appease the anger of the wicked, but not to provoke it even more; the intended agitating

I want to discover evil actions, but not to sow new ones; I want to warn the pious lovingly and make them cautious, but not to incite them to war or rebellion. I leave it to the divine will that the matter has turned out differently than I thought; but it is quite enough for me and my conscience that I have preserved so many righteous and godly people through my disgrace and through the exceedingly great loss of all my property (for I have nothing more than an unharmed conscience). Other things you will learn from this messenger, who is an honest and God's word loving man. Fare well and be well with me. Farewell in Christ with your whole house. Given at Cassel, 23 Jan. Anno 1529.

Otto von Pack, Doctor.

The second section of the twelfth chapter.

Of the Convertions of the Protestant Princes and Estates at Torgau, Rodach, Schleiz, Schwabach, Schmalkalden and Nuremberg.

  1. from the convent at Torgau.

843 The Mayor and Council of the City of Nuremberg apologize to Saxony and Hesse for not being able to take any decisive action before the upcoming Diet of Speier regarding the intended alliance for the protection of religion. Feb. 15, 1526.

From Hortleder, "Von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges," Vol. I, Book VIII, Cap. I, P. 1312.

Most Serene, Most Illustrious, Highborn Princes and Lords! Our subservient and willing services are ready and waiting for Your Electoral and Princely Grace. Grace with diligence. Most gracious, gracious lords! E. C. and F. G. have sent a letter to us, the three elders of the council, with notification and designations of a day which E. C. and F. G. have set for Torgau on account of the divine word, also its resistance and handling, and the gracious request that we should, on such a day, order our embassy, with full authority, to help to establish an understanding in such matters 2c.

Introduction to all kinds of Christian memoirs, its content quite subserviently heard.

2 Our desire and inclination is not only to stand and stay by his holy word as the foundation of our salvation, but also to faithfully protect and handle it, as much as it is proper and always possible for us humans to do. May the Almighty graciously give us his divine assistance in this matter (as we do not doubt) and confirm that which he has begun to work in us.

It may be, and public daily history 1) gives irrefutable testimony, that, according to E. C. and F.G. letters, the clergy have hitherto subjected themselves to pursue this light of divine word by manifold ways and practices. But whether their actions have not served more for the benefit and acceptance of the Christian congregation, the promotion and expansion of the same Word of God, than for its prevention, we, praise God, find this out every day; we are also still of the consoling, undoubted confidence that He, who has made His divine Word glorious

  1. History - what is happening, events.

436 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 843. W. xvr. 522-524. 4Z7

He will also break the intention of those who oppose him and show himself as a mighty God, who is also the Lord of his enemies, so that they will have to recognize him as a Lord, whether they want to or not.

(4) Although, in our opinion, it is quite wise and prudent, and the duty of all Christian authorities, to take faithful precautions, so that the subjects are not only fed with the word of God, but are also provided with it, so that they remain with it, live peacefully among themselves, and are protected and preserved from the violence of the unpleasant, we nevertheless consider it difficult to place the handling of the divine word on temporal or physical assistance. For since the Word of God is the most powerful and mighty thing in heaven and on earth, and therefore mighty enough to sustain itself without the protection and help of all men, it will not, in our opinion, require any human intervention.

(5) We will not mention the difficulty of seeking other bodily comfort and help besides God (in whom alone trust must be placed), which is either not necessary or useful.

But now E. C. and F. G. are unaware that this matter. are unaware that this matter, which concerns the Word of God and our faith, as well as its handling and protection, whatever may be attached to it, is not only a common matter that affects all Christian persons and estates separately, but is also, above all other matters incumbent upon the kingdom, the most important and most excellent, of which, according to our convenience, a reasonable equality should be sought and something unanimous and permanent established, by special persons, regardless of how Christian and good it is meant by them, something fruitful to be tractiren and to decide, difficult to send, as also E. C. and F. G. as praiseworthy, reasonable princes before us. And take care that the complaints of which some estates, inclined to the Word of God, have to be concerned in this respect, are prevented and stopped, that (to speak humanly of it) it must be necessary and the most noble main thing to promote with the highest diligence, so that in a common imperial or other Christian assembly, it is initially acted upon and decided not only to preach the holy gospel clearly, loudly and purely, as was done at the recent imperial diet in Augsburg, and in

The only way to do this would be, according to our opinion, to make an equal effort to abolish, change and eradicate the many abuses that have been introduced, which are publicly contrary to God's word and the salvation of one's neighbor, and which are not to be tolerated in the Christian assembly without danger to the conscience, and to allow all Christian authorities to abolish those things that are contrary to God's word, and to carry out in their territories those things that the holy gospel will bring about. This would be, in our opinion, the only way to promote God's word, to live peacefully and unitedly, to preserve the country and its people quietly, and to avoid the danger ahead, if only the honor of God and the salvation of the subjects, and not one's own benefit, were sought in such a thing. For without this, as we fear, and as every reasonable Christian may judge from the divine word and reason, a divided kingdom will hardly endure, and all means sought outside this proper path will not only be unfruitful or unstable, but will rather give cause to strengthen the wicked in their pretensions, and to induce them, as much as possible, to further discontent and subjection.

7 Thus also E. C. and F. G. know and see this every day irrefutably at work, that the punishment of the rebellious subjects has given the clergy and those who have been opposed to the word of God up to now, a noticeable comfort of their intention, and has caused this courage in them, as if they now have the victory in their hands, and are so powerful of fortune, of time, that there is no longer any danger for them. What these repugnants have practiced in many ways before the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, in order to prevent the divine word and to preserve many of their abuses, status and nature, and what, without a doubt, they are practicing more and more every day to disgrace their imperial majesty against us and other statuses that have a desire and inclination for the word of God and would like to see things Christian and good, is E. C.'s and F. G.'s business. C. and F. G. unconcealed. Therefore, we, as a community of the Holy Roman Empire, which has to expect much evil from others, who are also obliged to keep a strict watch on the Imperial Majesty, as their rightful, unified, temporal lord and sovereign, in all temporal things, according to divine command, are well advised to act carefully and in such a way that the Imperial Majesty does not have cause to show his disfavor on us more than on other imperial estates.

[438]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 524-527. 439

and that others do not draw glimpses and impulses from this to revolt against us, who have now been sitting for about many years in various troubles, challenges and persecution of our enemies, and therefore have all the more cause for danger, and to shoot at us like a target.

(8) But we do not point this out to EC and FG because we are fainthearted or fearful in some ways because of these things (for we are sure that we have God for our helper, and so He for us, on whom we in this matter, being without remedy, are justly defiant, who then may be against us?), but so that E.C. and F.G. may remember it, so that in this matter, as men, we may not be moved untimely.

  1. So then, and with all diligence, we have so far worked for ourselves and with the help of others, to move the Princely Serene Highness of our most gracious Lord, and by His Serene Highness' encouragement, the Imperial Majesty and other estates of the Empire, so that at the future Imperial Diets, or by a free Christian Concilium, these excellent things, Christian, constant unity, orderly handling and fair equality of the Word of God and its fruit, would be acted upon; Just as recently at Augsburg, to our eighth, not an unskillful way and beginning was made for such a thing, and therefore it is a good consolation that God Almighty, at the next coming Imperial Diet, will communicate His grace even more abundantly to carry out this work in a more stately manner, and to bring it into orderly execution: Therefore, for all the Christian reasons and causes mentioned, it is indeed somewhat difficult for us to enter into some decisive action or understanding at this time, before the future and the appearance of this Imperial Diet, because it is so close at hand, and because it will be considered somewhat hateful not only by the Emperor's Majesty, but also by many other estates, to which we are bound with alliance.
  2. provide us with all of this according to E. C. and F. They will not take this notice of ours, which is based on reported and all Christian good causes and our mere need, to their disgrace, nor will they point out to us that in these important matters we are still looking to the Emperor's Majesty, our rightful Lord, and this Imperial Diet held by His Majesty, and that we place our comfort, trust and hope in Him who has graciously called us into the wonderful light of His holy Word.

(11) Thus we are confident, without doubt, that God, the Father of all comfort and mercy, who has not considered and has not used E. F. G. as the least instrument, promoter and handler of His divine truth for the comfort of His Christian community, will also strengthen and handle them, E. C. and F. G., and will abundantly communicate His divine mercy to them. and to communicate his divine mercy abundantly, to continue in such Christian conduct boldly and manfully, and to walk among their adversaries without fear, steadily and in such a way that not only country and people are peacefully governed, protected and sheltered, but also the enemies of the divine word receive through this a great horror, and the pious a cheap consolation, heart and courage; which we also wish E. C. and F. G. to do. C. and F. G. from God heartily and eagerly, and in God, because he is faithful, do not doubt at all. What we, then, as Christian people and a member of the Holy Kingdom, can always promote, advise and help in the future Diet and in other ways for the glory of God and His Holy Word, also for Christian unity and the salvation of all Christian subjects, should be done by us with all possible and faithful diligence, not only by E. C. C. and F. G., their subjects and us for good, but in general for the benefit of the whole of Christendom.

  1. that we do not want to hold E. C. and F. G. in subservience; for we are inclined to show E. F. G. subservient will, and also want the love of divine word, us and common our city, E. C. and F. graces faithfully and subserviently, and have ordered the same E. F. G. in the protection of the Most High. Date on the 15th day of Februarii Anno 26.

Mayor and Council of Nuremberg 2c.

To Duke Johannsen of Saxony, Elector, and Landgrave Philippsen of > Hesse.

844 First alliance between the Elector John of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, for the protection of religion and Christian ceremonies, established at Torgau, May 2, 1526.

In Hortleder, "Von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges," p. 1314 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, purtis speoiul. oout. II, x. 36.

By the Grace of God, we John, Duke of Saxony 2c. and Elector 2c., and we Philip, by the same Grace Landgrave of Hesse, confess: After God the Almighty, out of special providence

440Section 2: Of the Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 844. W. xvi, 527-529. 441

In the light of the Holy Spirit's blessing, and through his mild grace and unspeakable mercy, his holy, eternal and pure Word, as the only consolation for us, the food for our souls and the highest treasure on earth, of which we should be justly grateful to his divine graces for eternity, and, whether God wills it or not, it is nevertheless, unfortunately, openly known in the daytime, what many and various practices have been sought and undertaken for some time, especially by the clergy and their followers in the holy kingdom, to suppress and destroy this same holy divine word again, and to tear it completely out of the hearts and consciences of men, if it had been possible.

  1. And although up to now they have not been able to do anything against this with their obstructive attempts, but the more they have striven, acted and practiced against it, the further, by the miraculous effect of God Almighty, this action of theirs has served for the benefit and reception of the Christian congregation, the promotion and expansion of the divine word, as this is still seen daily before our eyes, in quite undoubted and firm confidence, that he who has sent his divine word for the glory and honor of his holy name, for the salvation and enlightenment of his Christian congregation in this world, will continue to break the intention of those who oppose his word, as has happened up to now, and show himself to them as a mighty, powerful God in such a way that they must recognize him, willingly or unwillingly, for a mighty God and Lord, so that they do not have anything to say: Where is now their divine word and gospel, of which they have held so much?
  2. Also, although Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, next appointed and announced an Imperial Diet in Augsburg, which we (because we ourselves were prevented from appearing due to noticeable marriage and causes) were confident would have been and still want to be of the highest necessity, both from the things and from manifold brave causes, The imperial mandate was also understood by many as if the letter gave and brought it, that such innovations and doctrines, contrary to the old customs, and in addition to the deficiencies and complaints, which the secular had against the clergy, and again, should be advised and acted upon; Thus also that the entire messages of the secular estates, ours and others, and of the greater part, out of unavoidable necessity, to prevent further disunity, bloodshed, and other grievances, are to be discussed in the Mei

It has been the duty of the Emperor and the Empress to apply for this article, as the main piece of all imperial action, in which the honor of God and the eternal and temporal welfare of all Christian estates and subjects depend, and to have a Christian understanding in these matters. However, due to the fact that the Imperial Diet proclaimed by Imperial Majesty did not take place this time, but was extended to the first day of May, next to Augsburg, and was held at Speier, it had to remain, confident that there, for the reasons considered (as it should have taken place next to Augsburg), according to the Imperial Majesty's writing and mandate, it would again be judged.

  1. And although we are quite inclined to unite with other estates on such an Imperial Diet of Christian equality in everything that is in accordance with the Word of God and the true understanding of His Holy Gospel, we also most gladly see that equality according to right and Christian understanding may be made by the bestowal of divine graces, and we hope for special glory, that we ever and always show ourselves to be obedient Electors and Princes towards the Roman Imperial Majesty, as we are inclined to do now and to our end, and do not want to be found otherwise, and that we may tolerate and suffer the knowledge and instruction of the Imperial Majesty, Electors, Princes and other estates of the Empire in all matters in which we are obligated to follow out of dutiful obedience; We also hereby declare against everyone that, God willing, no one shall have cause to complain against us, as if he did not receive justice against us, and therefore have cause to act against us, our country and people.
  2. Now that we have been informed, and we have been given many warnings, that the public and daily actions give some indication that, notwithstanding all that has been said, and especially that at the next Imperial Diet at Speier, of Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, by mandate and according to the agreement made on this matter next at Augsburg, the matters concerning the divine word and the spiritual and worldly afflictions against each other shall be discussed out of unavoidable necessity; We have also, in part, allowed ourselves to be heard by our skilful persons next to Augsburg, and are once again requested to compare ourselves with other states of the empire in accordance with right and Christian understanding 2c., by the

[442]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 529-532. 443

The churchmen and others, who are dependent on them, unexpectedly practiced the Reichstag and whatever was decided there or might be considered good and convenient, further and with assiduous diligence, also established a covenant of them, and of their highest fortune, which they could not accomplish with it, that such should be subdued with the extension and transfer of much money, to keep their old hitherto conducted burdensome abuses, against the divine word and gospel, in pregnancy, and to suppress the truth of God and his word; and to do so in such a way that those who, by the grace of God, allow his holy word to be preached and other things according to it in ceremonies and other things in their lands (as they are guilty before God and their consciences), and allow them to go against the customary abuses that have been touched upon, should be overrun by their practices and instigation, and by their money, and their land and people damaged, attacked and ruined because of it.

  1. Now that it would be burdensome, even frightening and pathetic to all Christian hearts, that truth should be suppressed and untruth take its place, and that these things should befit us and every Christian authority otherwise; We do not want to say that we should rather call upon God daily and ask Him to lead us further to the knowledge of His divine word, light and will, because we should not allow what is done according to the given grace of God in sermons, ceremonies and other such things (even if it is against many touched abuses) and be against it in some ways: Therefore, we do not give any cause for such actions, and for the sake of our office, for which we have been provided by God Almighty, we owe and are obligated to protect our subjects from unreasonable violence, and also to take faithful precautions, so that our subjects may not only be further protected with the Word of God, 1) but also be provided in such a way that they may remain so, and be protected and saved from the violence of the unrighteous:

(7) Therefore, considering that necessity requires it, and touching our duty, that we may be related to our own and others who depend on the divine word, we will require ourselves, even from the causes above mentioned and from the offerings made to men, to be unrefusable to that end.

  1. "bewiedemt" will probably be as much as: grazed.

so that our people may be protected from unreasonable, unprovoked war, violent and ungodly harassment, remain unoffended by the Word and all the more peaceful: now and herewith in the name of God, in honor and praise of His holy name and word, out of Christian mind, heart and right faithfulness, also to no one's chagrin, nor contrary, but solely for the protection and salvation of ours and others who are of the same mind about much touched matters, as our understanding is able to do, who we are also inclined to take into agreement with us in the same form, have united, assembled, and given each other in understanding as we do and want to have done herewith, thus:

  1. Where the above-mentioned adversaries and their followers, on account of the divine word and those things which, in accordance with it, are carried out and held against the above-mentioned abuses in our principalities and lands, or also want to use other things as a pretence, since it is meant in principle on account of the divine word mentioned, and each of us could tolerate knowledge and instruction about such pretended pretence things, as mentioned above: That we add body and goods, land and people, and all assets to each other, and that one of us wants to harm the other, who wants to be attacked, overdrawn, or burdened, as strongly as we can, at our own expense and damage, and to come to help and rescue.

(9) But in all this our trust is not in ourselves or in our country and people, but in God the Almighty, according to His divine will, revealed through us as His instruments and instruments, to whom it is little to conquer with many or few against the enemies, humbly and with devotion placed and set. All with faithful, Christian and right opinion, and without all danger.

(10) And that this agreement and understanding of ours in all its points and articles may be the more steadily and unalterably kept and lived, we Duke John, Elector, have hereunto knowingly affixed our seal, and signed it with our own hand. Done at Torgau, Wednesday after the Sunday Cantate 2 May, after the birth of Christ our dear Lord in the year 1526 2c.

845 Repetition, extension and renewal of the agreement concluded at Torgau between the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse.

** **[444]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 845 ff. W. xvi, 532-534. 445

The first of these is a covenant made for the sake of protecting the faith. Done at Magdeburg, June 12, 1526.

In Hortleder l. c. p. 1317 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv 1. e. p. 38.

1st By the Grace of God, we John, Elector, and John Frederick, father and son, Dukes of Saxony 2c., Philip, Otto, Ernst and Franciscus, brothers and cousins, all Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen 2c., Heinrich, Duke of Mecklenburg, Prince of Wenden 2c., Wolf, Prince of Anhalt, Count of Ascanien, and Lord of Bernburg, Gebhard and Albrecht, brothers, counts and lords of Mansfeld, confess: After God the Almighty, by special providence and by good, mild grace and unspeakable mercy, has made His holy, eternal and pure Word, as the only consolation for us, the food for the souls and the highest treasure on earth, that we should be thankful to His divine grace for eternity, and, if God wills, wills, has made it appear to men again: so, unfortunately, it is publicly known on the day what 2c.

The further content of this document is identical with that of the preceding one (No. 844) from word to word up to the end, therefore only § 10 is added here.

(10) And that this agreement and understanding of ours in all its points and articles may be kept the more steadfastly and unalterably, and be lived up to, we the above-mentioned Electors, Princes and Counts, each of us, as Duke John, Elector, for us and our son, Duke Hans Frederick 2c., and we Duke Otto and Duke Ernst, for us and Duke Franciscus, our brother, have knowingly affixed his own seal to this letter, and have signed it with our own hands. Done at Magdeburg, on the twelfth day of the fallow month after the birth of Christ our Lord, one thousand five hundred and six and twentieth year.

  1. Admission of the old city of Magdeburg to the alliance agreed upon there between the Elector of Saxony and several other princes and counts, for the protection of the true pure religion and what is dependent on it. Done at Magdeburg, June 14, 1526.

From Hortleder I. e. p. 1319.

By the Grace of God, we John, Archmarshall of the Holy Roman Empire, Elector, and John Frederick, father and son, Dukes of Saxony, Landgraves of Thuringia and Margraves of Meissen, Philip, Otto, Ernst and Franciscus, brothers and cousins, all Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen 2c, Henry, Duke of Mecklenburg 2c., Wolf, Prince of Anhalt 2c., Gebhard and Albrecht, brothers, Counts of Mansfeld, confess that we have taken the honorable and wise, our dear specials, council, Jnnungsmeister and community of the old city of Magdeburg and their descendants into the understanding and agreement, which we, by the bestowal of divine graces, for the promotion and propagation of his holy word and gospel, and what depends on it, out of Christian goodwill, we have resolved and united with one another, at their special submissive request, entreaty, and petition, they also hereby, at such their request and entreaty, enter into it.

And because the prescription of such understanding and agreement could not be executed here now due to lack of time, and for other reasons, we want to prepare the same in our above-mentioned name, and have it sealed and sent to those of Magdeburg, from date in four weeks, the next approximate. On the other hand, they shall again hand over a reversal to our messenger, as a copy was sent to them, all without danger.

In witness whereof we have hereunto set our seal, and given at Magdeburg, this fourteenth day of the fallow month, Anno Domini 1526.

847 Execution of the acceptance of the old city of Magdeburg into the understanding and agreement, which the Elector of Saxony and several other princes and counts, for the protection of the true pure religion and what is pending, along with the city of Magdeburg reversal letter about it. Given June 25, 1526.

From Hortleder I. c. S. 1319.

By the Grace of God, we John, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, and John Frederick, father and son, Dukes of Saxony, Landgraves of Thuringia and Margraves of Meissen 2c., Philip, Otto, Ernst and Franciscus, brothers and cousins, all Dukes of

446 Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 534-537. 447

Brunswick and Lüneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen, of Dietz, Ziegen, Hain and Nidda, Henry, Duke of Mecklenburg, Prince of Wenden, Count of Schwerin, Lord of the Lands of Rostock and Stargard, Wolf, Prince of Anhalt, Count of Ascanien, and Lord of Bernburg, Gebhard and Albrecht, brothers, Counts and Lords of Mansfeld, hereby declare: After we, out of Christian, princely and good opinion, for the promotion and spreading of God's word, His holy gospel and what is pending on the same, by the bestowal of divine grace, have resolved and united with each other in a special understanding and agreement, all according to sound and content, as follows from word to word:

By the grace of God, we Johann, Elector, and Johann Friedrich, father and son, Dukes of Saxony 2c, Philip, Otto, Ernst and Franciscus, brothers and cousins, all Dukes of Brunswick 2c, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse 2c, Henry, Duke of Mecklenburg 2c, Wolf, Prince of Anhalt 2c, Gebhard and Albrecht, brothers, Counts of Mansfeld 2c, confess: Since God the Almighty by special providence and by good, mild grace and unspeakable mercy has given His holy, eternal and pure Word as the only comfort for us, the food for souls and the highest treasure on earth 2c..,

  1. And because the honorable and wise people of Magdeburg, our beloved specials, mayors, councillors, jnnungsmeister and congregation of the old city, as those who bear to God's Word, His holy Gospel, and what depends on the same, by the bestowal of divine grace, inclination and will, have humbly and diligently urged and requested of us that we take them with and beside us into such our understanding and agreement, with the humble and Christian supplication that they and their descendants, to the understanding and agreement of God's Word, His holy Gospel, and what depends on the same, that we will graciously and favorably take them into our understanding and agreement with and beside us, with the submissive and Christian submission that they and their descendants, at all times, as far as the divine word, the holy gospel, and what depends on it, is concerned, will commit to us all their property, as far as such extends, and will not seek any help, withdrawal or refusal therein; As they have pledged themselves against us in a letter of reversal under the city's seal.
  2. at such their submissive request and inheritance, we, the Reigning Prince, Princes and Counts, confess that we, the mayor, council, mayor and community of the old city of Magdeburg and their descendants have taken with and beside us into our above-mentioned understanding and agreement, and therefore hereby, by virtue of this letter, take them in, where they and their descendants are

If they also suffer persecution, adversity and affliction on account of the divine word and what depends on it, and are therefore attacked, overdrawn or burdened by someone, that we then draw upon them to the greatest extent possible and at our own expense, and thus come to their rescue and help; But that they shall at all times, as far as the divine word is concerned, and as far as the same is concerned, again contribute all their property, as far as this extends, according to their prescription, to us; all faithfully and safely. In witness whereof we, the Reigning Prince, Princes and Counts, have each hereunto set our seal, as we Duke John, Elector, for ourselves and our son, and we Duke Otto and Ernst, for ourselves and our brother, Lord Franciscum, knowingly affixed to this letter. Given on the fifth and twentieth day of fallow month, Anno Domini 1526.

Reversal of the House of Magdeburg.

  1. we mayors, council, Jnnungsmeister and community of the old city of Magdeburg 2c. As the most illustrious, noble, highborn princes and lords, Mr. Johann, Duke of Saxony and Elector, Mr. Johann Friedrich, father and son 2c., Mr. Philipp, Mr. Otto, Mr. Ernst and Mr. Franciscus, brothers and cousins, all Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Mr. Philipp, Landgrave of Hesse 2c., Mr. Heinrich, Duke of Mecklenburg 2c., Mr. Wolf, Prince of Anhalt 2c., and the noble, well-born, Mr. Gebhard and Mr. Albrecht, brothers, counts and lords of Mansfeld 2c., our most gracious and gracious lords, out of princely, Christian and good opinion, for the promotion and spreading of God's Almighty Word, and what depends on it, resolved and united to a special understanding and agreement, all according to sound and content, as is reported above in their chur- and princely graces.

(2) Because we are so much in God's grace that such actions of their sovereign, princely, and royal graces are blessed, Christian, and just, and the salvation of all our souls finally rests in the Word of God. Since, by the grace of God, we find so much with us that such a thing as their sovereign, princely, and royal conduct is blessed, Christian, and just, and the salvation of all our souls finally rests in the word of God, their sovereign, royal, and royal families have, at our humble and diligent request and entreaty, graciously accepted us with and beside them in such an understanding and agreement with their sovereign, royal, and royal families, F. G. and G. have graciously taken us into their understanding and agreement; with gracious entreaties to us and our descendants, where we suffer persecution, repugnance and affliction on account of the divine word and what depends on it, and would therefore be attacked, overdrawn and burdened by someone, that their churf.

[448]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 847 f. W. xvi, 537-539. 449

G. wanted to come to our rescue and help in the strongest possible way, at their own expense and damage.

  1. Accordingly, and in consideration of the foregoing of our most gracious and gracious lords, the electors, princes and counts, gracious and Christian will, we confess for ourselves and our descendants that we will at all times, as far as the divine word, the Holy Gospel and all that depends on it, we will again place all our assets, as far as this extends, with our most gracious and merciful lords, and will not seek any help, withdrawal or refusal in this, all faithfully and safely.

And in witness whereof we have hereunto set our seal, which was given after the birth of Christ our dear Lord, in the year six and twentieth, on the 25th day of the fallow month, 2c.

848: Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg, Duke of Prussia, has established a special alliance with Prince John of Saxony for the protection of the faith and all that depends on it. At Königsberg in Prussia. September 29, 1526.

In Hortleder 1. e. Cap. 6, p. 1321 and in Lünig's ReichsArchiv, pari. spse. eont. Ill, p. 310.

By the Grace of God, we Albrecht, Margrave of Brandenburg, Prussia, Szczecin, Pomerania, Duke of the Cassubians and Wends, Burgrave of Nuremberg and Prince of Rügen: After God the Almighty, out of His special providence and through His good merciful grace and unspeakable mercy, has made His eternal, holy and pure Word, as the only consolation for us, the food for our souls and the highest treasure on earth, of which we should be thankful to His divine grace for eternity, and whether God wills it or not, has again made it appear to men: But it is plain to see what many and various practices have been sought and undertaken for some time by some of the aforementioned clergy and their followers in the holy realm, in order to suppress and destroy this same holy divine word, and to tear it completely out of the hearts and consciences of men, if it had been possible.

  1. And although they could not have done anything against it with such deceitful plots, but the more they acted, practiced and strove against it, the further, by the miraculous effect of God Almighty, their action served for the benefit and reception of the Christian assembly, the promotion and expansion of the same word; As this is also seen daily before our eyes, in quite undoubted and firm confidence that he who has sent his divine word into this world for the glory and honor of his holy name, for the salvation and enlightenment of his Christian congregation, will for the sake of his word continue to break those who oppose their intention, as has happened up to now, and show himself to them as a mighty, powerful God in such a way that they must recognize him, willingly or unwillingly, for a mighty God and Lord, so that they do not have to say: Where is now their divine word and gospel, of which they have thought so much?

(3) And although we, for our own glory, hope that we will ever and always show and keep all due obedience to Roman. Imperial Majesty all due obedience, as we are then inclined to do for the time being and to our end, nor do we wish to be found otherwise, shown and held, also in due places, in all matters in which we are obliged to follow out of due obedience, We will tolerate and suffer knowledge and instruction, as we have also commanded ourselves against everyone, so that, if God wills, no one shall have cause to complain against us, as if he would not receive justice against us, and therefore have cause to act violently against us, our land and people.

  1. But since we are told, and have been made to believe by various warnings, that the public and physical actions give some indication that, notwithstanding all that has been said, they will continue to practice with diligent diligence, and that the adversaries will also set up alliances, of their highest ability, which they cannot accomplish with it, that such will be subdued with the expenditure and transfer of much money, in order to keep up their old, hitherto practiced, burdensome abuses against the divine word and gospel, and to suppress the truth of God and the word as much as is in them, against the divine Word and Gospel, and to suppress the truth of God and His Word as much as is in them, and to do so in such a way that those who, by the bestowal of God's grace, allow His holy Word to be preached, and other things according to it in ceremonies and other things, in their countries, as they are guilty of before God and for the sake of conscience, and allow it to be preached against traditional abuses, may, by their own means, be allowed to do so.

450 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W.xvi,539-542. 451

practices and incitement, and on account of their money should be overdrawn and their land and people damaged, attacked and spoiled because of it.

  1. Since it would be burdensome, and frightening and pathetic to all Christian hearts, that truth should be suppressed (although it is in no one's power), and that untruth should prevail, and with these things the occasion arises that something else befits us and every Christian authority, we will remain silent, that we should rather call upon God daily and ask Him to lead us further to the knowledge of His divine word, light and will, because we should not allow what is done according to the granted grace of God in sermons, ceremonies and others in accordance with the same (even if it is against many touched abuses), and be against it in some ways; For this reason, we do not give anyone cause to take any offensive action, and we are obligated and obligated by virtue of our office, for which we have been provided by God Almighty, to protect our subjects from unjust violence, and also to take faithful precautions, so that our subjects are not only further protected with the Word of God, but are also provided in such a way that they remain in it, and may be protected and saved from the violence of the unrighteous.
  2. Accordingly, we confess and declare in this letter that in the name of God, to the honor and praise of His holy name and word, out of Christian mind, heart, and right loyalty, and also to no one's annoyance or offence, but only for the protection and salvation of ours, we hereby unite with the Highborn Prince, Our kind and dear Lord and Grandfather, Mr. Johann, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, united as follows, and given in an understanding, as we also hereby do, and want to have done.
  3. Thus: Where the above-mentioned adversaries and their followers, on account of the divine word, or on account of changes that have followed or are still to follow from the word of God, and the things that, according to it, are carried out and held against the above-mentioned abuses in his beloved principality and lands, or also other things for the sake of appearances, since the divine word touched upon would be meant in principle, and his loved ones could tolerate knowledge and instruction for such pretended appearances, as touched upon above, that we may then have S. L. help, advice and assistance, namely:

If his loved ones or the S.L.'s land and people would be overrun, burdened or attacked for this reason, we will send his loved ones a hundred armed soldiers at the S.L.'s request for help, at our own expense, until they reach his loved ones' land, and if they reach their land, they shall be maintained by the S.L. with a fair amount of transfer, fodder and costs, but at our pay and expense.

(9) Since it has been agreed and granted between the aforementioned our dear lord and uncle and us that each of us can bring other more Christian princes and states into this Christian, friendly, prescribed union, that we both have the diligence and power to do so, and whether one or more of them commit themselves against us with less help than has been foreseen, that on the other hand each of us shall not owe him any more than he grants himself against us, 2c. Whether now after this more princes or other states would come to us in this prescribed Christian, friendly union, and we therefore from their one, before from the above-mentioned our dear lord and uncle, the Elector of Saxony 2c., and send it, and thereafter also be requested by the said dear lord and uncle, on account of the help prescribed herein: as much as we have then sent for help on the first admonition of the other contracting relative, we shall not be deprived of the help requested thereafter, as long as we are burdened with it, and furthermore; and that such and everything else between us be understood and kept Christian, friendly, faithful and harmless.

(10) But in all things we will not put our trust in such our covenants, or in ourselves, but in and upon God the Almighty, according to His divine will, through us as His instrument and instrumentality, to whom it is also little to conquer with many or few against the enemies, humbly and with devotion, all with faithful right Christian opinion and without all danger.

  1. and that this our agreement and understanding in all its points and articles be kept the more constant and unaltered, we have attached our seal to it, and signed it with our own hand 2c. Given in Prussia, at our castle Königsberg, Saturday on the day Michaelmas Sept. 29 Anno 1526 2c.

[452 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 849 f. W. xvi, 542-544. 453]{.underline}

  1. Of the Protestant Estates' Legation to Emperor Carl the Fifth, and the Convention established at Rodach 1).
  1. compulsory note for the envoys to be sent by the protesting Electors and Estates to Emperor Carl the Fifth. The 26th of May, Anno 1529.

From Müller's Historie von der evangelischen Stände Protestation, Book II, Cap. I, § 4, P. 146.

After my most gracious and gracious lords, the Elector and the Princes of Saxony, Brandenburg, Lüneburg, Hesse and Anhalt, also the honorable free and imperial cities, which adhere to their Electoral and Princely Grace Protestation, have ordered you, my lords and friends, as their Princely Grace Embassy and Advocates to ride in Hispania to the Imperial Majesty. The noble and princely graces, as well as the honorable free and imperial cities, are much interested in this trade: so our, their princely and princely graces, have ordered you, my lords and friends, to be their princely embassy and advocates, to ride in Hispania to the imperial majesty. [Therefore, we, their electoral and princely graces and favors, kindly request and ask you to promise us, in place of their electoral and princely graces, and on behalf of the honorable cities, in good faith, that you will act faithfully and diligently in the matters in question, according to the instruction you have given and the order you have received, and deal with the allowance in the most faithful and exact manner, and that you will neither give away nor honor anything beyond the granted sum of two hundred florins, if a good parting is given in this matter, without our most gracious, gracious and favorable lords and friends' good knowledge and will; That neither of you without the knowledge and will of the other will take up or spend anything, and that you will faithfully account for your expenditures, and that you will also show and keep yourselves in all this as faithful messages and attorneys of our most gracious, gracious and favorable lords, as their graces and favors and our trust stand in you. Actum on 26 May Anno 1529.

  1. Thus Ungewitter, "Geographisch-statistisch-historisches Handbuch", vol. I, p. 294, writes this name, likewise Guericke, Kirchengeschichte (7), vol. Ill, p. 165; against it Walch "Rotach" and likewise the Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 110. De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 465 writes "Rothach", likewise Seckendorf, List. Imtü., lib. II, § 46, ^.ää. L.
  1. instruction on what our envoys to the following princes, princes, and cities are to present, solicit, and act upon the surrender of our sealed document of credence to the Roman imperial and Hispanic royal majesty, our most gracious lord. May 27, 1529.

In Müller 1. e. Book II, Cap. 2, Z1, p. 147 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, pari. Zsn. oout. II, x>. Walch notes that this instruction was also written in Latin and French, which is also evident from the following document.

I. First of all, to express to Her Imperial Majesty our most subservient, owing obedience and most willing service, as our most gracious Emperor and Lord.

(2) And then to tell Her Imperial Majesty the following opinion: After Her Imperial Majesty had undertaken to hold a common Diet at Speier on the other day of the month of February, no doubt not without special cause, and had it advertised and proclaimed in the Holy Empire, which Diet was immediately extended and adjourned until the first and twentieth day of the same month, in addition to such advertisement:

  1. Thus we, the Elector and the princes, in our own persons, and we, the free and imperial cities, by our stately embassies, as obedient members of the holy empire, have joined together in a certain imperial diet, and have no other opinion than to help to discuss everything at such imperial diet, to act and to decide, which might always have served to promote God's honor, the welfare and acceptance of common Christendom, the Holy Empire and Her Imperial Majesty, as well as the increase and preservation of common peace and justice.

(4) As we have noted each time from the most recent and other notices of Imperial Diet held by Her Imperial Majesty, that Her Imperial Majesty, as a praiseworthy, peaceful Emperor, would finally direct his mind and highest inclination to the effect that, through such Imperial Assemblies, things should be considered, tractted, and carried out that would prosper the peaceful, Christian harmony of all high and low estates in the Holy Empire. For what else would the manifold imperial diets be either useful or necessary for, if the grievances and deficiencies incumbent upon the Holy Roman Empire were not remedied, and if that which is necessary for all estates and subjects were not to be

454 Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 544-547. 455

Peace, tranquility and absorbing would like to promote, taken in hand, and as much as possible should be brought into the work?

(5) But we could not avoid to inform Her Imperial Majesty, as a Roman Emperor, protector and guardian of the Holy Roman Empire, also our most gracious right Lord and by God decreed temporal authority, not only out of our, but also of all relatives of the Empire preceding high necessity, the following opinion in highest submissiveness.

(6) Although Her Imperial Majesty has appointed a common Diet in Speier for the past six and twentieth years. The same way her Imperial Majesty of the past six and twentieth years appointed and announced a common Imperial Diet at Speier, out of the remote necessity of the Holy Roman Empire and its members, and there appointed her Imperial Majesty's brother and governor in the Empire, our dear lord, uncle, brother-in-law and most gracious lord, the King of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as other commissars of her Imperial Majesty, namely the venerable, high and gracious King of Hungary and Bohemia, brother-in-law and most gracious lord, the King of Hungary and Bohemia, also other commissars of her Imperial Majesty, namely the venerable, reverend, noble and high-born princes, dear lords, friends, uncle, brothers, brothers-in-law and gracious lords, Mr. Bernhard, bishops of Trent; Mr. Casimir, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., of blessed memory; Mr. Erich, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg 2c., and Lord Philip, Margrave of Baden 2c., decreed: Who then, in virtue and by virtue of their plenipotentiary power and command, delivered to them by their Imperial Majesty, with all the Princes, Princes and other Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, but among others, and most especially in matters concerning our holy faith, religion and the ceremonies thereof, after due deliberation and advice, that they have unanimously agreed and decided that, for the sake of such high, important matters, an application should be made to Her Majesty for a common, free, Christian concilium, or at least a national assembly, where the same matters would be dealt with in the most equitable manner, by means of an embassy decreed at that time by the common estates of the empire. And that in the meantime all Princes, Princes and other Imperial Estates, and each one for himself, with his subjects, in all and so much as the Edict, by their Imperial Majesty, is to be applied for. Majesty at the first Diet held by Her Imperial Majesty at Worms. Majesty's Diet at Worms, should and would live, govern and conduct themselves as each one hoped and trusted against God and Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty and trusted to answer for it.

7 As the common imperial decree of the Speier Diet clearly states, which was also unanimously accepted by all the estates of the empire, and which they agreed to keep.

  1. Whereupon we Ferdinand, Prince and Infante in Hispania, Archduke of Austria, of Burgundy 2c., Imperial Majesty's Governor, and we the appointed commissioners, above mentioned, by virtue of our power, on account of the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious and most merciful Lord, do and promise to keep and perform everything and anything that is written above and may affect Imperial Majesty. Majesty, steadfastly, firmly, and unbreakably, and sincerely, to keep and perform it, to comply with it strictly and without refusal, and to live it, not to do anything contrary to it, to perform it, to act on it, or to let it go forth, nor to permit anyone else to do anything on its account, except all danger.

(8) And we, Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts and Lords, also of the Electors, Princes, Counts and of the Holy Roman Empire, envoys, embassies and authorities, as named. We, the Electors, Prelates, Counts and Lords, as well as the Electors, Princes, Counts and the Imperial and Free Cities of the Holy Roman Empire, envoys, embassies and rulers, as they are called, also publicly confess with this letter that all and every of the above-mentioned points and articles have been made and decided with our good knowledge, will and counsel, and that the same, all together and especially, hereby and in virtue of this letter, consent to the same, do speak and promise by right, good, true faithfulness, which, as much as each of his sovereigns or friends, by whom he is sent or has authority, concerns or may concern, to keep and perform truly, steadily, firmly, sincerely and unbreakably, and to comply and live with it to the best of our ability, without danger.

(9) And let such farewell be sealed by their Imperial Majesty's rulers, governors and commissars, also princes, princes and other estates of the empire with their seals, as is due, and confirmed for necessity; so that such stately acts shall be confirmed in good faith, and as much as possible, according to the same printed farewell.

(10) Notwithstanding such unanimous and credible union, and the accepted consent and resolution of all the Imperial Estates, it has been prevented and abolished by some of the lesser part, that all the Imperial Estates have not sent their decreed embassies to their Imperial Majesty, no doubt for no other reason than that they have feared when such embassies come to their Imperial Majesty. The Imperial States were prevented by some of the lesser part from riding to their Imperial Majesty with messages ordered by them, no doubt for no other reason than that they feared and worried, when such messages came to their Imperial Majesty, that their Majesty would report the form and occasion of the matters with reason of truth, and otherwise than as and hitherto done by the counterpart.

  1. Document No.809, §§31, 32.

456 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 850. W. xvi, 547-549. 457

The court has also warned and persuaded the people not to obey or comply with the other party's objectionable request.

11 When at this Imperial Diet at Speier an Instruction was presented in Her Imperial Majesty's name. In this instruction, among other things, it was stated that it should be the mind and opinion of Her Imperial Majesty to rescind the article now reported, which was decided upon in the previous Speierian Convention, and which she promised to uphold, and which she had sealed and confirmed, and to return the matter to the old, erroneous and dangerous status; which, however, for the reasons hereafter mentioned and other excellent causes, we do not at all provide to Her Imperial Majesty, but doubtlessly consider it, even though such instruction should have emanated from Her Imperial Majesty, that this is the case. that this is either due to an unequal report of those who concealed the opportunity of this important trade, or to the previous action of some who might be inclined to cause even more proliferation in the Holy Empire: confident that if Her Imperial Majesty had had a sufficient report of the reason for such matters, or of the previous Speierian and other imperial treaties decided before it, which complaints would certainly have resulted from it, if they were to be annulled and passed in such a manner, Her Imperial Majesty would not have been induced to issue such an instruction; because we have committed ourselves to Her Imperial Majesty as a just person, and because we have not been able to do so. Majesty, as a just, Christian and honor-loving Emperor, that Her Imperial Majesty's heart, mind and soul will not be moved to such an instruction. We have no intention to act against what has been unanimously decided, accepted and ratified by Her Majesty's duly authorized commanders and commissars, in addition to all other Imperial Estates, or to rescind, change or allow someone else to do, without the prior consent of all Imperial Estates, so that this act may affect all of them and each of them in particular: Therefore, out of necessity, Christian good opinion, not only for our own and our conscience's sake, but also for the sake of God Almighty and Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty, for praise, honor and dignity, for the prevention of further disturbances and displeasure in the Empire, and also for the sake of the preservation of common peace, we have submitted our advice and objections at the above-mentioned Imperial Diet to the effect that the other princes, princes and estates of the Holy Empire, in the case of the articles mentioned above, drawn up in the previous Speier Agreement, shall, out of appropriate

The people of the city of Vienna, who have been informed by us of the reasons for this, their loves, favors and graces at that time, will remain a Christian council until a future one, and no evil should be decided against them.

  1. And when, by some repugnant action, the article indicated, in the pretense that therein alone should consist a brighter declaration and purification, was completely abolished, and in its place some burdensome, unpleasant articles were put in, which would rather lead to discord, division, and presumably to further unity than to peace and goodness, which, for our and our subjects' souls and consciences' sake, would be completely inconclusive in many ways, and presumed further development than unity, peace and good, which would also be quite infallible to us and our subjects' souls and consciences in many ways, if we had given their imperial majesty's governors, orators and commissars, as well as the other imperial states, our manifold shortcomings and complaints, our manifold deficiencies and complaints, in a friendly, good and subservient opinion, and made several honorable, reasonable suggestions, so that the much reported article of the previous Speierian farewell, if it should ever be misunderstood by some, would be more equanimous, more equitable and more reasonable, should be explained in an equitable, reasonable and fair manner, without any other oversight, because all princes, princes and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire would not have made any mistake with us, but would have settled it without any great hindrance or objection.
  2. But when princes, princes and other estates of the empire had insisted on their undertaking, and had not accepted our proposals, in the opinion of deciding in this matter by a majority: If the previous agreement of the empire, also its unanimous decision, the approval, acceptance, high obligation and victory of all the imperial estates, had been brought to their remembrance by us, with the further reminder that it would not be due to them at all, to change or rescind such unanimous imperial agreement in the appearance of a majority, because out of the assets of all equity and human right 1) such a unanimous decision of the imperial estates should and must be changed again by a unanimous approval of the same: For if it were in accordance with right and all reasonable order that in temporal worldly affairs, since the matter does not concern many of them in common, but each one in particular, some resolution of the more part against the others and diminish and one of their special approval should not take place, it would be much more reasonable, lawful and orderly,
  1. "Rightly" put by us instead of: Judging.

458 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W.xvi. 549-552. 459

to act in this most supreme, most excellent matter, since it does not concern the temporal, but fundamentally and without means the glory of God, the salvation of souls and consciences, for which reason every person, high and low, for the sake of his faith, life, deeds and actions, must give a serious account and responsibility for himself before God the Almighty and His just, unchanging judgment, and his righteous, unchanging, serious judgment, must give account and responsibility for himself, and in this no man would help, be relevant to, or support any other order, even of the greater or lesser part, along with other more excellent high movements, which we would have indicated to the common estates for the purpose of putting an end to their intention in the most modest and friendly way. But in spite of all this, and notwithstanding our faithful request, exhortation, entreaty, proposal and reminder, the other imperial estates would have persevered in their undertaking and decided in favor of an imperial treaty; But that we, for the following and other obvious and necessary reasons, complained to the highest degree, would not have been able to accept or approve the same resolution and farewell in any way, but would have publicly protested against it out of pressing necessity, of no other opinion, than that our conscience should not only be clear for ourselves, but also for the sake of our commanded subjects, to whom we have been ordered by God, according to their Majesty, to be sovereigns and regents. to whom we are ordered by God to be superiors and regents, as is only fair, to save also Her Imperial Majesty. Maj., as in this matter reported badly and unequally, to report the matter with better true reason, as we hereby do to Her Majesty. Maj. in the shortest possible time in all submissive obedience, thus:

  1. Majesty that during the time of Her Imperial Majesty's reign and before that a good while ago, many contentious articles and errors had occurred on account of our holy faith. Maj.'s reign, and before that a good while ago, there had been many contentious articles and errors on account of our holy faith; so, too, through the public teaching, preaching and proclamation of the holy gospel, things had reached the point where the same doctrine had spread everywhere in Christendom, but before that in the German nation, and had come so far that it had been accepted by many estates in Christendom as just, true and Christian, and had hitherto been held and advocated for it without means.

(15) Although many a splendid council and action to counter such divisions and to move the Christian estates into unity had been undertaken and put into effect during the many imperial congresses that had been held so far, daily experience would have taught us so much about this.

that Her Imperial Majesty's governors, decreed commissars and commanders The Holy Roman Emperor has indicated that His Majesty's governors, decreed commissioners and commanders, in addition to princes, rulers and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire, may not find a more feasible, more constant and less burdensome way to help this matter in the Christian action of pending confusion, than that a common, free Christian concilium be held and announced by His Majesty's help, as has always happened in the Christian Church up to now in such disputes of our faith. This is what has happened in the Christian church up to now in such disputes of our faith. Not only all the imperial states, but also the majority of all the empire's relatives and subjects, and especially their Imperial Majesty, would have supported them in this way. And some of the most recent imperial agreements, 1) especially the one at Speier of the sixth and twentieth year, as reported above, would have been seriously put to the test, that their Imperial Majesty would have asked for a conducive approach. Majesty should be requested in the most favorable manner for the conducive scheduling of such concilii, to which also the majority of all those who would be attached to the Gospel and inclined to it, and to whom the opposite of it would have appealed and offered themselves. Although we, together with others, certainly provide that this means and decision of an approved and accepted Christian council should remain valid, and that no one should be obliged to determine, act, and deliberate on it by any other repugnant means, the other princes, rulers and estates of the empire had undertaken at this imperial diet at Speier to take action on all the exhortations and notices that had been given, and also on several important main points of these important matters of our faith, by their resolution and agreement; But how just, could her Majesty., as a Christian, praiseworthy and understanding Emperor, can judge for himself. For since the same imperial estates before and now considered it useful, necessary and fruitful to hold a Christian concilium for the best, they would have declared loudly and more than enough that in no other place than in a free Christian concilium would it be proper to act justly in this matter, and thus they would have surrendered the power of their determination, resolution and judgment, even if they had had some, without means. How then could one thing always suffer alongside the other? For if these matters had been put to the action of a concilii, the estates of the empire would not have been able to act with any

  1. In Walch's old edition: "des jüngsten Reichsabschied".

460 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 850, W. xvi, ssr-ssi. 461

If they have the right to subject themselves to some action, however small it may be, and if they have the right to do so, what need would there be for a council?

16 Secondly, in a crazy time, namely in the 24th year, her Majesty had planned to hold an Imperial Diet at Speier; but when it reached her Majesty that many of the princes, princedoms and other imperial estates had made themselves skilful with some brave counsels, in the opinion that in matters of the Gospel and of our faith they should act there the more nobly, her Majesty had forbidden such plans to the imperial estates by written order issued by her Majesty. Her Majesty had most seriously forbidden such plans to the Imperial Estates by written order issued by Her Majesty, with these reasons attached, that such important matters should be dealt with in a Christian common council and in the presence of Her Imperial Majesty. This would have left not only such action in matters of faith, but also the entire Imperial Diet to be held. From this we could draw this undoubtedly certain reason that Her Majesty would not be of any other mind than that this trade, and what may be attached to it, should not be traded and acted upon by some special imperial estates, as is now done, but by a common Christian council; and that Her Majesty's mind, commission and order would not be placed there at all, in this matter, beforehand without Her Majesty's and other Christian estates' presence. and other Christian estates, although it was said that only the time between here and the Concilii should be kept that way. For so, according to Her Imperial Majesty Majesty. Opinion and command, outside of a Christian Concilii and Her Imperial Majesty's Majesty. If, according to the opinion and command of Her Imperial Majesty, no action is taken on such important matters outside of a Christian Council and Her Imperial Majesty's presence, then neither now nor in the meantime of a Council shall anything be traced or carried out by the Estates in these matters as for a general resolution.

17 Thirdly, because Her Imperial Majesty has given the Commission and Instruction Maj.'s invitation to this Imperial Diet, as well as the commission and instructions submitted to their commissioners at this Imperial Diet, it is clear that Her Imperial Majesty has promised and promised what will be decided at this Imperial Diet for the honor, benefit and welfare of the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty has promised and pledged that whatever is resolved at this Diet for the honor, benefit and welfare of the Holy Roman Empire, Her Imperial Majesty will faithfully observe and uphold. If, as a result of the cassation of the previous Speierian imperial treaty, there should be some discord, strife and further development in the Holy Roman Empire, we could by no means presume that Her Majesty would be inclined to enforce the same treaty for herself, or with the help of some of the

The imperial estates, without the consent of the others, which would have helped to decide the same beforehand, and to cause something more burdensome for it. For which imperial state would want to respect their Imperial Maj. Majesty's mind that she would have given her commissioners the power and command to do and decide what might presumably result in mischief, harm and discord in the Holy Empire? In addition, we had no doubt that the commission, authority and instruction given to her Majesty was not based on a final command, i.e. that the content and letter of the same should be strictly followed and lived, but on a useful, fruitful concern of all imperial estates in general; as princes, princes and the other estates of the empire understood this in the same way, and therefore made several changes against the letter of the instruction. For if it had been the strict opinion of Her Imperial Majesty If it had been her Majesty's strict opinion to act entirely in accordance with the Instruction and not otherwise, what would have been necessary for her Majesty's authority and commission, given to her Majesty's Commissars? What use would this Imperial Diet and all the Imperial Estates described therein have been for their presence, concerns, advice and decisions? From this we can sufficiently remember ourselves that the other imperial estates, by assuming some force or command to contravene the previous imperial treaty at Speier or to cause other complaints in the empire with it, would have had no cause from their Imperial Majesty. Maj. had no cause to presume.

(18) Fourthly, whether we can expect the Imperial Majesty to be satisfied with the articles that the other imperial estates have adopted at this Diet. Maj. in the articles that the other imperial estates had decided upon at the previous Speier Agreement at this Imperial Diet, and to indicate to each of them, in particular, a great deal of our high complaints, where we should accept and agree to the articles, in a different way and as a matter of necessity: we would nevertheless like to make such an arrangement until Her Majesty's happy future in the Empire, which we would expect with great joy and satisfaction, or at another suitable time. We would, however, like to make such an arrangement until her Majesty's happy future in the realm, which we would expect with but joy and desire, or at another more opportune time, but nevertheless, before others, inform her Majesty of this subsequent high complaint, and what would have driven us to our protestation in particular: namely, that some of the same articles have been placed where we should accept and consent to them, that we would have to act against our conscience without any means. We wanted to keep silent of all our subjects and dependents, on whom we imposed an equally burdensome and unmistakable burden on their conscience by our approval; and where no other cause but this should be in view:

462 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 554-557. 463

we respect the same more than enough, that the imperial estates would have had a reasonable, guilty motion, not to knowingly oblige us by their resolution to that which we would never want to answer to God for the sake of our conscience. For since it would ever be obvious, and irrefutable among all Christians, that if a man considers something to be wrong, and acts on it, if it were otherwise right in himself, it would be sin and damnable; Should we now, by granting the same burdensome articles, or in other ways, be compelled to do that which, from the indication of the divine word, we considered either unjust or a public error in our hearts and consciences, it would not only be most burdensome, injurious, and damnable to us, as Christians, but also, in the case of men, believers and unbelievers, reproachable, and most shameful to our holy faith. We also fully consider that it would be more beneficial, less dangerous and detrimental for us to put the temporal in danger, than to fall into the hands of the Almighty God by such approval of public damnable sins. Moreover, we have always desired from the bottom of our hearts, and we still do, since our minds would never stray, either with knowledge or out of willfulness, not even for our own benefit or piety, but only to seek the glory of God and His holy Gospel, and the salvation of our pious subjects; If anyone from the imperial estates, spiritual or secular, should suspect us of some unchristian insanity, action or misbelief, and want to report all this to us with divine truth: We would be inclined to refrain from such errors, of which we have none in ourselves, without hindrance, just as we would still be without means. For no man on earth could ever deny this with truth; even the clergy themselves would have to confess it. Thus, Pope Hadrianus, through a papal commission and instruction, which he gave to his orator at the recently held Imperial Diet at Nuremberg, would have freely confessed in the same way and announced that there were many certain infirmities and abuses in the Roman Church, 1) moreover, that these abuses were also reported at the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg to one hundred of their Imperial Majesty and the papal authorities. Maj. and the papal orators in writings). From this their

  1. In Document No. 718 of the 15th volume of our edition.
  2. Document No. 722 in the 15th volume of our edition.

Imperial Maj. Maj. himself, as a highly understanding Christian Emperor, graciously remind us that we also have sufficient cause from the public abuses before our eyes, although the Word of God does not bear witness to them, and that we are also obligated to pacify our consciences in all of this in such a way that we should not, with knowledge, permit, accept or approve anything objectionable against them. It also behooves every Christian, in matters concerning the salvation of souls and our faith, to look neither to the crowd, nor to old habits, nor to repugnant customs, nor to the great multitude, nor to a greater number, but without means to the truth of their God, from whom they have received soul, body, honor and goods, government and all being, as not only the holy divine Scriptures, but also the ecclesiastical papal laws themselves are clearly and expressly able to do.

  1. Fifthly, we should not unreasonably consider the impossibility and what might result from the execution of a burdensome and repugnant parting in this great important trade, above and beyond the aforementioned excellent causes: for although our subjects knew, and were told by God's word of necessity, that they owed obedience to the authorities, they were also unaware that they would need some coercion by which to sin and act against their conscience, no less than we were: But besides this, it is also not known to them that they are not obliged to grant a certain compulsion, by which they are required to sin and act against their conscience, no less than we are; that in this case, too, and since it concerns God's strict command without means, all obedience to man would cease. If we now fall into this blindness, that we want to consent for ourselves to what would be burdensome for our souls and consciences, and knowingly sin for ourselves (from which God Almighty mercifully wanted to protect us), our subjects would not accept this as certain to be done, but, as can undoubtedly be seen from the previous action, would show themselves to be opposed to it, so that it would be impossible for us to obtain it and bring it to fruition. What further development, aggravation, disobedience, apostasy, and separation of all civil order 3) and common peace would cause, how far this burdensome plague would spread in the holy realm, whether it would not cause public irreparable riots, revolts, and all indecencies, which one would want to prevent, and whether the last days would become worse than the first, which we would like to prevent according to our highest ability, would not be a problem for us.
  1. Inserted by us.

464Section 2: Of the Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 850. W. xvi, 557-559. 465

less to her Imperial Majesty. Mas., as the highest promoter of all peace and justice, holder of the common peace of the land, and a ruler of the Holy Roman Empire, than to graciously consider us, on whose backs the highest burden would be placed. For the subjects of the holy realm are now instructed this year that they do not want to be instructed in these important high matters, since it concerns the honor of God and His holy gospel and the salvation of their souls and consciences, by any other means than by the certain word of God. If we were now to depart from the previous imperial decree at Speier, and fall into such burdensome articles, and were also to undertake to impose them on ours, without a prior thorough presentation of divine truth, or before a free Christian council, for which all the imperial estates had hitherto urged the highest discord in favor of a just action, it would be certain that such a thing would be impossible to raise among the common man and subjects. Since no man, to whom this would not be in his power, from which he could expect nothing but a final ruin and all danger, should be urged or be obliged to accept it, this movement would be so brave and respectable, notwithstanding all the other causes mentioned above, that the Imperial Majesty, as we have no doubt, would not have given us the opportunity to take it up. Maj. would not, as we do not doubt, refer our refusal and non-consent to any disgrace, and, besides the impossibility of our doing so, would not consider it of little benefit and promotion of the common welfare of the Holy Roman Empire that, by such protesting and non-consenting, we would have prevented a troublesome beginning of greater unpleasant uprisings and revolts, and much more a frightening and irretrievable outcome of the same.

  1. It is certainly not in our mind, will and opinion to give any cause for discord, division, apostasy, revolt and repugnance in the holy realm by these or other actions of ours, but rather to devote all our diligence, effort and labor of our highest fortune to faithfully prevent such things, as we would not have been less willing to do in the same way than our forefathers did; That all our actions and what we have suffered because of them, where they are presented to Her Imperial Majesty with reason and truth, should also be considered. Majesty should be presented with reason of truth, would give obvious testimony. But what has been achieved in this matter by the recent Speierische

If we were to take leave, the way would certainly not be, as one would think, to cause much future harm, but, as we have heard, the only way to cause the greatest harm; but we, as the obedient Christian members of the holy kingdom, inasmuch as we also recognize ourselves guilty, would much rather and more cheaply see this prevented with the utmost diligence, and for our part we would not like to lose anything from it 1).

(21) The Imperial Majesty should also take care of all of us. Majesty should therefore take care of all of us, both universally and in particular, that we do not only owe it to Her Imperial Majesty, as our rightful united Lord, to be ordained on earth by God, but that we also owe it to Her Imperial Majesty, as our rightful united Lord, to be ordained on earth by God. Majesty. and faithfully promote everything that may always serve the dignity, honor, welfare and reception of divine truth, of the holy empire and of common Christianity, but also to join with our subjects and relatives in the meantime in a common concilii or national assembly, in matters concerning our holy faith and the same religion, by means of divine assistance, so that, whether God wills it, nothing else but an honorable, princely and Christian mind, love and inclination towards God, Her Imperial Majesty, common Christendom and the Holy Empire shall be publicly felt, and doubtless no one shall have cause to blame or accuse us all of some unchristian action, rebellion and disobedience in some way; Nor would it be in our minds to refuse or protest in others, where these matters of conscience, faith and Christian religion, and what therefore might be a common grievance to us all, are not concerned, but would in such cases, where it is the necessary help against the Turk, The Imperial Majesty at Worms has established the necessary assistance against the Turks, the maintenance of the regiment and chamber court, as long as it is in accordance with the order of the Empire, the handling of peace and justice, and other such matters, and to live faithfully, and to act, perform, and execute everything that is due to obedient members of the Empire.

22 And thereupon our envoys shall petition the Imperial Majesty in the highest respect. Majesty with the utmost submission on our behalf, whether these things and actions have so far been communicated to Her Imperial Majesty by anyone. Majesty by anyone so far.

  1. "erwinden" == lack, lacking; put by us instead of: "erwenden".

[466]{.underline} Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi.sss-sW. 467

of any other form than that which is in the ground, or that we would be disparaged and registered, either collectively or especially, with Her Imperial Majesty or in some other way. If we were disparaged and registered in some way or other, or if we were to be discredited and registered in some way or other, Her Majesty would not give any chance or credence to this, but would graciously be mindful of our true Christian and well-founded excuses and not be moved to do us any harm. For we are of no other mind, intention, or will than that we like to be Christians, to do right and to act right, and to be obedient members of the holy Christian church, of its imperial majesty, and of the holy empire. Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire, and faithfully place our property at the disposal of their Imperial Majesty, and also give to God what belongs to God, and to their Imperial Majesty what belongs to their Majesty. Majesty, what is rightfully and obligatorily due to Her Majesty, inasmuch as our forefathers, brothers and ancestors had also done everything of their property up to now. With further most humbly request that also her imperial majesty will graciously promote and be concerned that a common free Christian concilium be held as soon as possible, of the "most humbly" understanding that her imperial majesty would find this our apology and statement so important and respectable that we would have urged to our protestation and non-approval out of unavoidable necessity, and therefore we do not deny ourselves that we would not allow such a thing, which would be quite burdensome to us, our souls and consciences, as well as to our country, people and subjects, but would want to prevent it as much as possible, considering how quite burdensome and frightening it would be for all Christians to fall into deliberate sins, God's wrath, punishment and disgrace, and to cause others to do the same in the same way; Again, with the Christian's most humble request, if we or ours have erred in anything up to now, or should still err, that we then let ourselves be instructed with holy divine Scripture in a completely obedient, willing and inclined manner, and insist on nothing that should be repugnant to our holy faith, Christian religion, or God's Word in some way.

  1. we also wish to submit ourselves most humbly to her imperial majesty, as our most gracious lord and emperor, in all owed obedience, and have commanded her imperial majesty's protection, protection and imperial handling most humbly, with most humbly humble request to inform us hereupon of her imperial majesty's gracious answer; that we would be all and one.

each especially for the sake of Her Imperial Majesty, as our most gracious Lord, Emperor and Ruler, to earn in dutiful obedience all submissive diligence, most eager, inclined and willing.

  1. this is our Instruction with ours, by God's Grace Johannsen of Saxony, Archmarshall of the Holy Empire, Elector 2c., Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., and Philippsen, Landgrave of Hesse 2c., for ourselves and on behalf of the Highborn Princes, our Oheim and brothers-in-law, Ernsten and Franciscen, Dukes of Lüneburg 2c., and Wölfen, Princes of Anhalt; and then by us Mayors and Council of Nuremberg, for ourselves, and those of Strasbourg, Costnitz, Ulm, Memmingen, Nördlingen, St. Gallen, Lindau, and other free and imperial cities of the Holy Roman Empire, adhering to us in obberührtem Handel, Insiegeln, aufgedruckt bei Ende der Schrift, besiegelt. Done and given at Nuremberg, on Thursday, May 27, 1529.

851 The Protesting Princes, Princes and Estates' Supplementary Instruction for their Envoys to be Sent to Emperor Carl the Fifth. May 1529.

In Müller I. e. p. 167 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, part. Z6n. eont. II, p. 320.

(1) In addition to this sealed instruction of ours, which is also to be delivered to the Imperial Majesty in German, Latin, and French, our envoys are commanded to act in the same way before Imperial Majesty the Grand Chancellor, the Grand Chamberlain, Count Heinrichen von Nassau, and Alexander Schweiß on our letters of credence. Majesty's Grand Chancellor, Grand Chamberlain, Count Henry of Nassau and Alexander Sweat, to act in the same way on our letters of credence, and to tell them orally these matters of our protestation and the causes of the same in the shortest possible time, and where it is necessary, and, where necessary, have copies of our instructions read to them, to learn from them the principles of the matter, and thereupon to request them altogether and especially implore them, in view of our highest pressing need, truly our excuse and Christian honorable request, to appeal to Imperial Majesty for faithful, good and faithful assistance. Majesty's faithful, good and gracious supporters, and to help entreat their Imperial Majesty to support us, as obedient members of the Holy Roman Empire, the Christian Church and their Imperial Majesty, in their highest mercy. Majesty, to whose highest possible servitude we offer ourselves in all ways, not to be moved, but rather to send our envoys with a gracious written

468 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 851. w. xvi. 562-564. 469

We are ready to answer all of them. That we would also be quite inclined and willing to blame, deserve, and graciously recognize all of them, and each one in particular.

2 Likewise, Ulrich Ehinger is to be used as a faithful assistant and solicitor to His Imperial Majesty in the name of all of us. Majesty in the name of all of us, and the envoys shall diligently request this.

  1. but if our envoys should meet with some opposition from Imperial Majesty or from other persons by disparaging and repugnant actions, we shall be entitled to the same. Majesty, or other persons, if they should apply for promotion on our behalf, as if we should not have some just cause or reason for our action and conduct: Our envoys are to explain our reasons, goodwill and necessity, but not in any other way than in general, to the best of their ability from the acts passed at Speier, also from our protest and appeal, among other things, as they know and have heard at Speier itself, and are not to engage in some special article with answer and dispute. With the further indication that any reasonable Christian would find our undoubted oversight out of our responsibility so much more courageous, respectable and well-founded that he would not blame us in such an unjust, clumsy or wanton action 1). We would refrain from all of our Christian prayers and other more valiant causes, if we were to further harm the Emperor's Majesty in time. We would refrain from all our Christian appeals and other more valiant causes, if we hoped in time to present to Your Majesty even more and with such important prestige that Your Majesty would undoubtedly be graciously satisfied 2c.

4 If the envoys receive a gracious answer and farewell from His Imperial Majesty for all their actions, they must work diligently to communicate it to them in credible writings. If the envoys receive a gracious answer and farewell from His Majesty for all their actions, which they should also work diligently to communicate to them in credible writings, then they will have their way.

    1. If, however, the Imperial Majesty should ever refuse to accept this noble apology, responsibility, and entreaty of ours, and should be so ungracious to our envoys that they would not have to put up with a more gracious and tolerable discharge, they shall "most humbly" inform the Imperial Majesty that this and other matters incumbent upon the common Christianity and the Holy Roman Empire, such as the following, are not to be considered.
  1. "think" put by us instead of: "think up".

We would like to testify with God and our conscience that we all meant nothing else but the most Christian and faithful; we would like nothing better than that among all Christian states, first of all the German ones, a unanimous will, peace and unity, and a confidential mind should be found, to which we would gladly and faithfully promote, and in such we would not spare our fortune; this shall also, if God wills, be evidently decided by Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty and all men shall find this to be true. We would also have provided ourselves completely, our true well-founded excuse, also the therein embodied noble causes and heritages, should have had such a standing with Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty should have had such a reputation that Her Imperial Majesty would have accepted our emergency measures. Majesty would have graciously, and at the least not less, respected and accepted our needy responsibility than their statements, which might have been repugnant to us, and without reason in the eyes of Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty without reason, as God wills, to disparage us and to make an ungracious emperor. However, we initially consoled ourselves of our innocence and of the fact that we considered Her Imperial Majesty to be a praiseworthy emperor. Majesty for a praiseworthy, pious, just, Christian emperor, who, as we have no doubt, would allow himself to be instructed in time, and would fall in with the right truth and uphold it, without any means. Since this transaction affects not only our persons, our country, people and subjects, and thus the temporal, but rather our faith, souls and consciences, as the eternal; in which, even in the case of loss of souls and punishment of eternal damnation, we must look only to the strict command of God, who will be the certain right judge of all men, high and low: Therefore, we, as those who would like to be Christians and prevent a common and even more burdensome adversity, strife and division in the Holy Empire, as well as a pernicious and irreparable damage to our principality and subjects, as each one is obliged to do according to his duties, would have appealed to the youngest of the other imperial estates, out of the greatest need, and not contrary to any man, nor out of any will of courage, for a decision and for the dismissal of this case; how Her Imperial Majesty would graciously hear from the instrument of such appeal, 2) which our envoys were to deliver to Her Majesty in German and Latin, that they, the envoys, are to be considered by Her Imperial Majesty as a Roman emissary. Majesty, as Roman Emperor, Lord of us all and temporal sovereignty, from our command,

  1. Document No. 820 in this volume.

[470]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 564-567. 471

with the most humble reverence and reverence, as is rightly due, with the request that we want to follow up our needy and highly caused appeal in due time, and to comply with it as is due and right. Her Imperial Majesty should also be pleased. Majesty, notwithstanding this appeal of ours, should never look to all of us and to each of us in particular for anything other than faithful, dutiful obedience, willing submission and peaceful, united action, as much as is always possible for us, as to obedient, obligated members and estates of the Holy Christian Church, Her Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire. And if we did not have the highest desire and inclination for such a thing, but that our mind should be set on causing some displeasure, discord or dissension, however slight it might be, in the Holy Empire, we would certainly not want to be sent to Her Imperial Majesty. We certainly did not want to send to Her Imperial Majesty, and to have indicated our submissive obedience to her in such a tolerant manner, with a submissive, humble request that Her Imperial Majesty may not disobey us. Majesty will not be moved to disfavor us, but to have us in her Majesty's most gracious protection, protection and command. We wish to do this for the sake of Her Imperial Majesty, as our gracious Majesty. Majesty, as our most gracious Lord and Emperor, with all submissiveness and obedient diligence.

(6) And the envoys shall again act with all diligence, of their highest ability, also by the support of Imperial Majesty's Councils, for a gracious farewell and credible answer. Majesty's councils, act for a gracious farewell and credible answer; as we then graciously and favorably trust in the said our envoys; this shall not remain unrecognized and undeserved against their persons.

7 In addition, it is also considered and ordered to the envoys, if Imperial Majesty does not want to lead them, the envoys. Majesty does not want to mislead them, the envoys, that they then send their letter of credence, as well as the instruction and appeal in German, Latin and French to Ulrich Ehinger's hand, to the imperial majesty and the same councilors, and write next to it how they have been dispatched to ride to their imperial majesty and make a submissive request to the same. But since they have been refused an escort, it would be quite burdensome and inconvenient for them to ride into Hispania in these swift heats without a necessary escort; and so that their Imperial Majesty would nevertheless be informed of their command. Majesty of their command, they send their letters of credence, instructions, and our appeal herewith to their Imperial Majesty in all due respect.

With most humbly request, Her Imperial Majesty would again send us a gracious reply in writing and have us in gracious command, protection and protection. Majesty would like to send us again a gracious answer in writing, and have us in gracious command, protection and protection; we would quite willingly deserve this against Her Imperial Majesty in subservience. Majesty in subservience quite willingly. And our envoys shall then ride home again.

852. power of attorney for the envoys sent by the protesting Electors, Princes and Estates to Emperor Carl the Fifth.

Nuremberg, May 1529.

See No. 851.

Before the Most Serene 2c., our most gracious Lord, and otherwise manly, we, by the Grace of God Johann, Duke of Saxony et alii 2c., and we mayors and councillors of the Holy Empire's free and imperial cities, Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Gall, Nördlingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Heilbrunn,. Kempten, Ißnau Jsny, Reutlingen, Windsheim and Weißenburg, that we have appointed and ordered as our attorneys in all matters of great importance and necessity, as we have appointed and ordered them all and especially herewith, our dear special and faithful ones, Hansen Ehinger, Mayor of Memmingen, Alexium Frauentraudt, and Master Micheln von Kaden, with orders to appear before His Imperial Majesty, our Allies. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, or His Imperial Majesty's commanders. Majesty's commanders, our well-founded and consistent reason why we could not, due to our conscience and other excellent causes, have granted the leave, assembled by the majority of the estates of the Holy Empire at that time, in matters concerning religion and the Christian faith, to present them together with other necessities after the occasion of these matters: and hereby give them full power to present and act upon our necessity and advertisement, upon our received order, through themselves, or, their all or one hindrance, their subordinate attorneys, whom they may also substitute according to their necessity. Thereupon we the above-mentioned Princes, Reigning Princes, and Estates, speak and pledge to do everything that the above-mentioned our attorneys, or their subordinate one or more commanders, have to do on our behalf in the above-mentioned matters, for which reason they have been summoned by us to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, that we shall have all this approved, and that we shall and will keep it steadily and firmly.

[472]{.underline} Section 2: The Convents at Torgau 2c. No. 852 f. W. XVI, 867-669. 47Z

faithfully and approximately. 1) We, the electors and princes, and we, the Nurembergers, on account of all other free and imperial cities, and by their order, have had our petitions knowingly printed hereon. Actum Nuremberg.

853. draft of the oral presentation Lei the imperial audience.

In Müller l. c. S. 174.

What the deputies are to present orally before His Imperial Majesty after transfer of the credentials and due service. Majesty orally.

1st Most Gracious Emperor! At the recently held Imperial Diet at Speier, which was called by Your Imperial Majesty for moving reasons, a discord of religion has arisen, together with that which is to be held in the meantime of a concilii with peace; Therefore our most gracious and gracious lords, princes and princes, and the free and imperial cities have protested, out of urgent necessity, against the other parting made, on account of their consciences, with notice that they wish to have this brought to your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, as follows:

2 It is unknown to Your Imperial Majesty. It is not known to Your Majesty what disputed articles of divine doctrine have occurred for a long time in Germany and other countries, which have been accepted in part by some estates and their subjects, and contested by other estates whose subjects are eager for the same doctrine, Therefore, much error, strife and ill will has arisen among them, and has always been considered by all parts and still is, that these things could not be dealt with more effectively than by a free, Christian, common council or national assembly, as was done at the Imperial Diet by Your Imperial Highness. Imperial. Majesty in the 26th year at Speier, considered good, necessary and convenient, deliberated and resolved that a council be held as closely as possible, and that in the meantime each governed and held with his subjects as he trusted to answer to God and to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and that no other suitable way be devised for the preservation of peace and unity; as was resolved and promised at the same Imperial Diet not to act contrary to this.

  1. about - without danger.

all according to the printed farewell.

When, however, in this year another Imperial Diet was again called at Speier by Your Imperial Majesty for moving reasons, their Electoral and Princely Majesties, with notice of the future Council and other necessities of the Empire, deliberated and decided. Majesty, with the indication to act, to deliberate and to decide on the future Concilio and other necessities of the Empire, Her Electoral and Princely Grace in their own persons and the cities by their stately embassies went there. Their Electoral and Princely Graces, in their own persons, and the cities, through their noble embassies, have gone there, in the opinion that everything that serves the honor of God and His Holy Word, the preservation of good peace and the noble welfare of His Imperial Majesty and the Empire, should be done. Majesty and the Empire, to seek and promote.

  1. and although in the name of Your Imperial Majesty an Instruction has been read by the same Commissars 2c. Majesty, an Instruction has been read out by the same Commissioners 2c. in which the previous decree at Speier, concerning the Edict at Worms, has been passed, rescinded and annulled, these causes that a misunderstanding would have arisen with some from it.

5 However, their Electoral and Princely Grace and the others of this part have shown good reasons. Graces, and the others of this part, have shown well-founded reasons why it would be fair to remain with the first Speier parting, and that no better way could be found to avert the anxious upheaval, to calm all repugnance, than that it should be kept as previously reported.

  1. there is also no doubt if Your Imperial Majesty would be thoroughly informed of the matter. Majesty had been thoroughly informed of the matter, out of what high and unanimous concern the previous Speierian treaty would have been decided, certified, and sealed; what disruption and careful complication in the Holy Roman Empire would have resulted from its repeal, if His Imperial Majesty had not been moved to the cassation; as well as the opinion that the matter should not have been discussed in the first place. Majesty would not have been moved to the cassation; just as it would have been of the opinion that the matters should not first be discussed, so the imperial diets that had been announced would, in their opinion, have been in vain and fruitless. As, without this, it may well be assumed that it would certainly and finally be in the mind of His Imperial Majesty. Majesty would certainly and finally not have been in the mood to decide on the affected opinion of the submitted Instruction, so nevertheless His Imperial Majesty's letter and mandate would have been in vain. Majesty's decree and mandate do not entail such a thing, but extend to prior consultation and consideration of the above-mentioned affairs of the realm alone.

(7) Although this and other things have been objected to, especially that it would not be proper to do what has been unanimously decided with the approval and promise of Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty's grant and promise not to act contrary to this, has been unanimously decided with the estates, such by the several, in divine matters, our

474 Cap. 12: Of the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, ss9-s72. 475

They know for certain that they have not acted contrary to the same parting; and although a misunderstanding would have been taken of it in the case of some, they have intended to act from a declaration and mitigation, but they have not acted contrary to the same parting. To this end, they know for certain that they have done nothing contrary to the same ordinance; and although a misunderstanding would have been taken from it in the case of some, they have nevertheless wished to act by way of explanation and mitigation, and have proposed several honorable and inexpensive means. But in spite of these, and of all admonition, friendly and submissive request and reminder, the other Electors, Princes and Estates, out of one majority, contrary to the previous unanimous agreement, have decided on a different opinion, and in religion have introduced several burdensome articles, regardless of Your Imperial Majesty's prohibition and permission. Majesty's prohibition and approval of the Concilii. This part, as complainants, protested against this, so that they could not have agreed to it for the following reasons and others; and especially because it is not proper for them, even as a majority, to set and establish anything in the meantime of the Council in matters concerning religion and faith, against the other few parts who hope to have the Holy Scriptures for themselves; first of all, because one should expect the same Council in the future, otherwise one would not be in need of it. Furthermore, in the 24th year an Imperial Diet was called by Your Imperial Majesty at Speier. Majesty to Speier, to separate the evil from the good, and that subsequently, at Speier in the 26th year, the abuses to which Pope Adrian and other clerics had confessed, were to be dealt with and ordered, as the Estates have therefore been well prepared and skilful with their advice in such matters with their university scholars, but one Imperial Diet has remained; so Your Imperial Majesty has seriously ordered the other Imperial Diet to be held in Speier. Majesty had the other one seriously enjoined to abstain from matters concerning religion without the presence of Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and of the Concilio 1) neither to act nor to decide.

8 In addition, their electoral and princely graces and others may indicate in truth that it is not only burdensome for them in their consciences, but also impossible against the world. and others indicate in truth that it is not only burdensome for them in their consciences, but also impossible for the world to persuade the subjects to a different doctrine than the one they have been instructed in, and that it would be

  1. "and of the Concilio" put by us instead of: "and its Concilii". Compare Document No. 816 in this volume, Col. 251, § 2.

It is to be feared that where something is done against it because of this, and especially in cities where the same doctrine has gained the upper hand, that much more trouble and indignation than ever before may result and arise from it.

9 Therefore, Their Electoral and Princely Graces, and the others. Graces, and the other, humbly and most humbly request that Your Imperial Majesty will not take an ungracious will. Majesty, for the reasons mentioned and others, do not wish to take an ungracious will to the protestation and refusal made against the same, but rather to assign this to the unimportant, urgent and great necessity: considering that the eternal, and thus the salvation of souls, must and should be placed before the temporal and the teachings of men; that it should not be assumed that anyone, out of presumption, would want to place the salvation of his soul in danger and oblivion; moreover, their Electoral and Princely Graces and others, who have been granted the right to do so, are mindful of this. Furthermore, their electoral and princely graces, and others, by means of divine assistance, intend in the meantime to show themselves, to hold, to govern and to live in their jurisdictions and territories in matters concerning our faith and the same religion, as their electoral and princely graces, together with the electoral and princely graces, do. The Holy Roman Emperor, together with the honorable free cities and imperial towns, are obliged to do so in the face of God and His Imperial Majesty, as a Christian. Majesty, as a Christian Emperor, the supreme authority ordered by God, our most gracious Lord, that nothing unreasonable or unjust may be imposed on them because of it; as they also hope that, like their ancestors, parents and brothers, nothing else has been felt or found among them, except that their Electoral and Princely Graces, and the others, have been able to find their way to the Holy Land. Graces, and the others, will work with obedient diligence towards Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty submissively and obediently; and first of all, as far as the temporal is concerned, with the emergency aid against the Turks, also with the assigned maintenance of His Imperial Majesty's regiment, chamber, and army. Majesty's regiment, chamber court and other things that are necessary for the honor and welfare of His Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire, for which we, as the competent authorities, humbly ask your graces and favors.

(10) And whether the matters would reach Your Imperial Majesty in another form. Majesty, His Imperial Majesty does not wish to give the same unequal report or disparagement. Majesty will not give the same unequal report or disparagement, but will grant this truthful request and apology, without a necessary and thorough hearing of both parties, and our most gracious, gracious, favorable lords' answer, which they would be well advised to do by God's grace before His Imperial Majesty and other men. Majesty and other masters, their

[476]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 853 f. W. xvi, 572-S74. 477

and Princely Graces, and the others of the cities and followers. The new law will not allow the city and its supporters to be moved in any way whatsoever.

(11) Since they have also appealed, where they have reported and overcome with divine truthful writing of another and certain, they wanted to have their graces and the others duly measured; and do hereby, as the submissive, obedient, command in Your Imperial Majesty as our right lord the protection and defense of Your Majesty the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty, as our rightful lord, protection, protection and defense, again humbly requesting that Your Imperial Majesty grant them the right to be treated with dignity and respect. Majesty to give them a gracious answer; this is what Their Graces and the others around Their Imperial Majesty, as their allies, wish to do. Majesty, as their most gracious lord.

854 Three letters of credence or promotorial, which were given to the envoys to some imperial ministers. May 27, 1529.

The three letters of credence are to be found in Müller l. c. p.180ff., the first in Latin, the other two in German. We have set the date after the second letter.

I.

Promotorial letter to Margrave Mercurinus, imperial supreme chancellor.

Item inutat. mut. to the second Imperial Grand Chamberlain.

Translated from Latin.

Johannes von GOttes Gnaden, Herzog zu Sachsen, des heiligen römischen Reichs Churfürst, Georg, Markgraf zu Brandenburg, Ernst und Franciscus, Herzoge zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg, Philipp, Landgraf zu Hessen, und Wolfgang, Fürst zu Anhalt, wünschen dem Hochgebornen und vortrefflichen Herrn Mercurinus, Markgrafen 2c., Heil.

We have no doubt that the actions of the princes and the German nation, which took place at the last meeting, will have been presented to His Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, from which His Imperial Majesty will assume that we are in agreement with others of the Roman Empire. Majesty will accept that we have not been in agreement with other princes and estates of the Roman Empire on all points concerning the faith. So that Imperial Majesty will not doubt our obedience due to her, we have agreed to have certain delegates indicate to Imperial Majesty how we have had very important and substantial causes for our deliberations, which we hope will be of interest to Imperial Majesty.

will be enough, and prove that we owe obedience in all things to His Imperial Majesty, as our most gracious lord, and seek the general tranquility of this realm with great zeal. Accordingly, we have written to you, and for the sake of your peculiar mind and reputation, we wish to entrust our cause to you, not doubting that you also wish with all your heart that there may be peace in the Roman Empire. We therefore implore you to help us to obtain from His Imperial Majesty that peace be restored to the Roman Empire. Majesty that, in accordance with their highest grace, they will listen most graciously to our apology why we have carried some reservations in the article concerning the disputed points of religion and give us a gracious answer, which we are prepared to convey to Imperial Majesty with all obedient respect. Majesty with all obedient services; you, however, will be able to render yourselves the best service for the entire German nation in this imminent great danger, if you will endeavor to preserve the general peace by your power and good counsel; for which favor we want to thank you at all times and show you on occasion that you recognize that your good deed has not been used on any ingrates. Be well. Given 2c.

II.

Promotorial letter to Ulrich Ehinger, imperial council.

By the Grace of God John, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall of the Holy Roman Empire, Elector 2c., George, Margrave of Brandenburg, and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse 2c.

Our favorable will, friendly and willing services before, special dear, also special trusted lord and friend. We have dispatched your brother, our special dear, also trusted friend and relative, Hansen Ehinger, mayor of Memmingen, also our secretary and syndic, Alexien Frauentraut, and Master Micheln von Caden, to the Roman imperial and Hispanic royal majesty, our most gracious lord, with order and instruction, as you will hear from them verbally. Now we are nevertheless careful, and have more than one good reason to suspect that our friends and gracious lords, the bishops with their entourage, will not celebrate, not only the Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia, our friend, lord, and most gracious lord, as the Imperial Majesty's governor in the Holy Land. Majesty's governor in the Holy Roman Empire, to make this matter and action quite heated, and against the Christian

478 Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 574-577. 479

It is not only necessary to move as much as possible the estates who would like to adhere to the Gospel and be Christians, as we have felt such practices with complaints at the Imperial Diet now held, but also to form much in the Imperial Majesty through her writings and messages, which, whether God wills it, shall never be found with lasting reason among some of the same Christian estates. For this reason, it is necessary that the Imperial Majesty be informed of this high and important trade, which is important to all of us, who are related to and interested in such matters, as well as to the Holy Roman Empire and common Christianity, in many ways, more than can be considered, just as the envoys, at our hope, will not let anything happen to them because of all their faithful diligence. And if we have hitherto recognized you as a good Christian and townsman before others, you have also declared yourselves to be faithful to Imperial Majesty. Majesty as a faithful promoter and solicitator in our, the cities', matters: so out of special gracious and good trust, it is our very kind request, friendly and official request that you, as a Christian, in honor of God, for the welfare of the Christian community, also for the benefit of Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire, will faithfully submit to and accept this matter, and diligently solicit from Imperial Majesty. Majesty diligently, and promote that Her Imperial Majesty will no longer be denied to those who are in the way. Majesty no more give credence to those who actually seek themselves and their own advantage, and not at all the common benefit and salvation of souls, than to all of us who ever devote ourselves to the cause in a Christian, heartfelt and faithful manner, or allow ourselves to be persuaded to do something from which their Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire may benefit. Majesty and the Holy Empire with too late regrets, and all our envoys be dispatched with a gracious answer. For our mind is not at all disposed to give cause to any repugnance, disobedience or sedition in the holy realm, or ever to persist in it, in which we should lack Christian just cause, but rather to help to prevent all this to the best of our ability: so we have also always offered, and are still offering, where we should err in one or more articles, that we would almost gladly let ourselves be instructed not only a free Christian concilium, but each one with the Word of God. In this, we want you to show how we graciously and favorably trust you before others: we are inclined to earn this for you, to recognize you in grace, with all friendly servitude and inclined will. Date at Nuremberg, with the absence of the above-mentioned princes, and the of Nuremberg from the

other cities of all, Teeret sealed, on Thursday, 1) the 27th of May Anno 2c. in the ninth and twentieth.

Mayors and councils of the cities of Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Ulm, > Nördlingen, Memmingen, and others, of these matters pending. > > To our dear, special, honorable Ulrich Ehinger, Roman Imperial and > Hispanic Royal Majesty's Councillor.

III.

Promotorial letter to the imperial secretary sweat.

Similarly, mutatis mutandis to the Count of Nassau and Secretary Waldes.

Our greetings and friendly services beforehand, dear, special, favorable Lord and friend! We have no doubt that the action taken at the next Imperial Diet at Speier by the Roman Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Governor, Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, our special dear Lord and Grandfather and most gracious Lord, and Her Imperial Majesty's Orator, Commissars, also Electors, Princes and other Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, will now be brought to Her Imperial Majesty's attention. From this Her Majesty will hear how and for what reasons we, in this matter concerning our holy Christian faith and religion, may not at all consent to or heal the same, for the sake of our conscience. And although we have no doubt that Your Most Eminent Roman Imperial Majesty, as our Allies, will be pleased with this. Majesty, as our most gracious lord and emperor, be graciously confident that we are quite eager and inclined to render submissive obedience to her imperial majesty in all due and equitable matters, and especially for the preservation of peace and unity, and otherwise for the welfare and all good in the Holy Empire: Nevertheless, according to our necessity, we did not want to omit to inform Her Imperial Majesty of our moving and high causes, because of which we (as indicated) have taken such action, as far as our Christian faith and religion is concerned, until the future of a free common Christian religion.

  1. In the old edition of Walch: "on Pentecost (they) the 27th Mäh", which is in any case wrong, because in 1529 Pentecost was May 16. We have left the given date, May 27, because we are of the opinion that all previous documents, from No. 850 on, are drafted on the same day.

[480]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 854 f. W. xvi, S77-579. 481

We have not, however, consented to have the matter further brought forward and reported to you by our delegates. We therefore indicate this to you in our gracious and official opinion, so that we hope that you are inclined, as you can and do, to promote peace and unity in the Holy Roman Empire with the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. And therefore it is our gracious and favorable request and official request to you, that you may be helpful and conducive on our behalf to the Emperor's Majesty, that they may obtain from Her Majesty a gracious hearing and answer to their commanded advertisement and request, and that they may also have otherwise commanded us in the best possible way together with the matter in question. In this you show us favorable favor, which we are also inclined to recognize and owe you with graces and favors and willing services.

  1. instrument, which was erected because of the one envoy, Alexius Frauentraut, exoneration from the legation. October 7, 1529.

From Müller's Historie 2c, lib. II, enp. 7, p. 191 - Frauentraut had himself exonerated from the legation in order to be able to serve as notary public during the insinuation of the Speier appeal. See No. 857 and No. 863, 8 20.

I. In the Name of God, Amen. Let it be known and manifest to all men by this open instrument and document that in the year counted after the birth of Christ our dear Lord fifteen hundred and in the ninth and twentieth year, in the other Roman number of interest, called Indiction in Latin, in the reign and government of the Most Sublime, Lord Carol, elected Roman emperor, our most gracious lord, her imperial majesty's regiment, the Roman in the eleventh, and the other all in the fourteenth year, on a Thursday, which was the seventh day of the month Octobris, about the time of vespers, or even close to it, Alexius Frauentraut, margravial secretary, personally appeared before me here below written notaries, and credible witnesses, and had and held in his hands a paper note of his own handwriting, in which he indicates reason and cause, why he does not want to wait any longer for his legation and sending, in which he was at that time, but wants to renounce, with request and desire that I, as a notary, make him ex officio one or more open instruments and documents, as much as he would be in need of them, about it and

which note he also asked to be read out immediately, which was thus read out, and read from word to word, as actually follows:

Before you, Mr. Notary, and the present witnesses, I, Alexius Frauentraut, Margravial Secretary, appear today, the seventh day of Octobris, and say: After the most illustrious, noble, highborn princes and lords, Mr. Johann, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Duke of Saxony 2c., Mr. Georg, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., Mr. Philipp, Landgrave of Hesse 2c., Mr. Ernst and Mr. Franciscus, both Dukes of Lüneburg 2c., and Mr. Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt 2c., also the honorable free and imperial cities, Ulm, Nuremberg, Strasbourg, Costnitz, Lindau, Eyßna Isny, Kempten, Memmingen, St. Gallen, and others related to them, my most gracious, gracious and favorable lords, my fellow relatives, here present, namely, Hansen Ehinger and Micheln von Kaden, also me, to the most most noble, most great lord, Mr. Caroln, Roman Emperor and Hispanic King 2c.,our most gracious lord, all of us and in particular, have submitted to their imperial majesty, in the matter of a protest against the parting of this 29th year, decided at Speier, concerning, from their all electoral and princely graces, also on account of the other honorable free and imperial cities, advertising and action (content of our instruction). And because such my and my kinsmen's legation and sending is common and varied and in such a way that our one, two or all three may do the same our action and command common or varied: I take care that such my legation may prevent me from carrying out my intention, other necessary business and things, which are not possible to be carried out by others in these foreign lands; Therefore, for the sake of time, cause, and unavoidable necessity, I hereby and now want to dispense with and exonerate myself from such my legation, now as then and then as now, in the best form, measure, manner, and way, as that should, can, or may always be most effective and constant within or outside of law, and to place the others at the disposal of my fellow relatives to act, as they have then for themselves, as much as they have always had the power to do so, have willingly dispensed with such legation and action. However, I reserve the right to submit to this legation again at the opportunity of its time, as I have done before. About this my exoneration requirire, I require and ask from you, Mr. Notary, you want me about all this.

482 Cap. 12 Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 579-582. 483

make and give one or more authentic open instrument and deed, as much as I would be of need.

  1. These things happened in the city of Playsantin Hiacenza 1) in our Francisri Baunon's dwelling, in the year, month, day, hour and jndiction, as above reads, in the presence of the highly learned, honorable and firm and eightable, Johann Efeander, Magister Arnim Costnitzer, Marx Pfister the Younger, and Christoph Pissinger, both of Augsburg, of the same, 2) and Jeronimus Ebner the Younger, of the Bamberg diocese, as witnesses especially required and requested.
  2. and if I Johannes Boxhorn, of Brüffel, Cleric of the Bishopric of Camerich, Caiferl. Majesty's Capellan, and Commissioner, by papal and imperial power a manifest Notary Public, have been present at the above protestation, exoneration, acceptance, and all matters as stated above, together with the witnesses, and have thus seen, heard, and recorded such myself: I have written this present instrument by another's hand, preventing my business, and signed it with my own hand, and with my usual sign, which I use, signed it, in faith and sign of all the above mentioned things, required, requisitioned and requested.

856 Emperor Carl V's farewell to the envoys sent to him by the princes and estates of the empire protesting against the imperial treaty at Speier. Given at Placenz, October 12, 1529.

This document is found in Müller's Historie, lib. II, e^x. 8, p. 196 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, xurt. Mn. eont. I., x. 331.

Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has granted to the highborn, their beloved sovereigns, princes and rulers, Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall of the Holy Roman Empire 2c., Jörgen, Margrave of Brandenburg, Ernsten and Franciscen, Dukes of Lüneburg, Philippsen, Landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt; also the honorable mayors and councillors of the cities of Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Costnitz, Sanct Gallen, Nörd-

  1. That the incomprehensible: "Playsantin" is to be dissolved by: ?Iu66ntiu, proves the "Placenz" found at the end of the following document.
  2. Here, "Bisthums" will probably have to be added.

lingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Heilbrunn, Kempten, Jsnau, Reutlingen, Winsheim and Weißenburg, which they have had done to their Majesty by their envoys, Hansen Ehinger, Alexien Frauentraut, and Michaeln von Kadan: Namely, why they have not consented to the last agreement made at Speier by (not by them alone) all princes, lords and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, concerning the article of our holy Christian faith, with their attached petition, heard at length in their imperial council and sufficiently understood, and her Majesty has been reminded that they are therefore at odds with the estates, by the same agreement as that made by her Majesty's brother, orator and commissioners, with the Holy Roman Empire's sovereigns and princes and other estates at such Imperial Diet, before these their envoys arrived here with her Majesty. Which disagreement and discrepancy Her Majesty has heard with complaint, and of which she has been justly displeased, considering that from such disagreements and discrepancies nothing but disruption and much misfortune can be expected, which Her Majesty, in her capacity, has the right to prevent and to prevent, and which she is willing and able to do. For this reason, this matter has been discussed and considered in her Imperial Council to the highest degree, and as a result, she has been able to neither assess nor decide anything else, except that this decree has been passed by the much greater part of all the noble estates, not otherwise than solely for the prevention, from that time on, of all kinds of frightening innovations, doctrines and sects, and primarily for the preservation of peace and unity in the holy realm, and has been unanimously decided upon such means and measures: Her Majesty's Duke and Lord of Saxony, as well as princes and cities related to his love, should not have sought any refusal. For Her Majesty does not doubt that all these same noble princes, princes and estates want to act against their consciences and the salvation of their souls just as unwillingly as Her Majesty's dear grandfather and Elector of Saxony with his relatives; that they also ask for a concilium for the sake of the glory of God, and to make some Christian sense, and for the good of all beings, just as they do; which concilium may perhaps not seem necessary after all, as far as all that which was once unanimously decided by all the estates (as well as by her Majesty, with all princes, princes and estates, at her first Imperial Diet at Worms, and on which her edicts were then issued; as her Majesty's grandfather had said) is concerned.

484 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 856. W. xvi, 582-584. 485

and Elector of Saxony and his beloved kinsmen, that they shall be put off, with the parting of the Speier Diet in the year fifteen hundred and six and twenty, and a parting after change and requirement of the times and things should not be changed), had been or would be lived. And therefore Her Imperial Majesty has decreed, and because it is also customary from time immemorial, what is decided in the common imperial assembly with the majority, that the lesser part shall not resist such, but shall live obediently; and for many other honest motives and causes, to the above-mentioned their sovereign and Elector of Saxony, as well as to his related princes and cities, written and commanded, that they accept again such a resolution made, live obediently to it, and neither by themselves nor by their own do or act anything contrary to it: As they are bound by their duties to be loyal to their Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire. and the holy realm; with the gracious warning, where they would further appear disobedient, that her Majesty would not want to avoid taking serious punishment against them to preserve their obedience in the holy realm. With further contents of such a letter of her Majesty, which as her Majesty finally sees fit, they now receive or will receive within a short time, which they are also to comply with obediently, or which they will thus still do without refusal: That Her Majesty would have special joy to hear, especially so much more of these times, since Her Majesty is truly informed how the hereditary enemy of our holy Christian name and faith, the Turk, has come with his great power into the Christian kingdom of Hungary, intending to take his course from there further into Christendom, and especially the German nation, and to extend his empire by his usually tyrannical ravages; which can by no means be resisted without the same unanimous mind and a peaceful, unanimous being being made among the common estates of the holy empire (although her majesty's dear uncle and Elector of Saxony, and princes and cities related to his love, willingly give their share of resistance to the same Turk, together with entertainment regiment and chamber court, as they offer to do); as common princes, rulers and estates have themselves indicated to Her Majesty by their letter; which the Turk's terrible, cruel action, which affects not only one principality or country, but all of Christendom, and especially the

German nation, and of every one of its laudable members faith, honor, soul, body, wife, children and property; and that this must either be resisted in the most beneficial way with unanimous common power and force, or one must await its obvious and inevitable destruction. Even if there are still no other causes, by which her Majesty's grandson and Elector of Saxony, and princes and cities related to his love, would be obliged to accept this parting, as far as our holy faith is concerned, they should nevertheless move them to agree to it. Therefore, and altogether for the aforementioned and other honest reasons, Her Imperial Majesty hereby most earnestly requests of the aforementioned her dear grandfather and Elector of Saxony, and of his beloved kinsmen princes and cities, graciously beseeches them, and thereby also not least, the contents of her previous letter and order issued to them, otherwise commands and enjoins that they accept this farewell, as far as the article of faith is concerned, if this has not been done, and in no way do anything contrary to it, but rather, as Christian, noble, obedient and unanimous members of Her Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire, agree with all the other noble princes, princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, who undoubtedly want to be good Christians just as much as they do, all of them to sit down faithfully with one another and to deliberate and decide how they may best assist their Majesty's brother, the Christian King of Hungary, and themselves, and how they may withstand and resist the reported Turkish rage, and as much as their Majesty may on their part most beneficially meet with our Holy Father, the Pope, and deliberate and decide with his Holiness, all that she may consider, which in this place shall not only come to the stay and resistance of the hereditary enemy touched, the Turk, but also otherwise everywhere to the promotion, increase and permanence of the honor and service of our Lord God Almighty, our Christian religion and faith, and peace, tranquility, welfare and prosperity of all common laudable estates of the holy realm and of all Christendom. Her Majesty also intends to take care of the affairs of these Italian lands to the best of her ability, and to rise up in her own person as soon as possible, to offer the aforementioned Turk not only to her dear brother, but also to the praiseworthy German nation, the

[486]{.underline} Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvr, 584-587. 487

The Holy Roman Empire and the aforementioned Christianity for help and consolation, to resist this by the grace of God, and to bring all things to a divine, praiseworthy and Christian being, to do their utmost best and ability, and thus also not to abandon them; In the full confidence that her Majesty's dear grandfather and Elector of Saxony and his beloved princes and cities, to whom her Majesty has already written in large part for this reason, will take all the above-mentioned good causes and circumstances, form and opportunity of this difficult action and obligation to heart and consider them well, and will thank her Majesty for his support., as they owe obedience, and also to them themselves for good and welfare fammentally, and to each of them in particular, show themselves in this as benevolently as they wish, so that their Majesty may feel and recognize that they seek and desire nothing else but to promote the honor and service of Almighty God, The Holy See and the Christian faith, to be obedient to Her Majesty, as their supreme natural Lord and Emperor, and also to their own peace, tranquility, and comfort in the Holy Kingdom and Christendom, and to prove to them their imperial mercy in turn in a more lenient manner, and that they should also have cause to kindly recognize and blame them for this. Given at Placenz, under Her Imperial Majesty's usual sign of hand. Majesty's usual hand sign, on the 12th day of Octobr. An. 2c. in the ninth and twentieth, of the same her Imperial Majesty. Majest. The Roman Empire in the eleventh, and all the others in the fourteenth.

CAROL, Ad Mandatum Caesareae et Catholicae M. proprium.

Pro Waltkirch

Alexander Schweis

857 Instrument on the Insinuation of the Speier Appeal to the Emperor. Oct. 13, 1529.

From Müller I. c. S. 202.

  1. in the name of God, amen. Let it be known and manifest to all men by this open instrument and document that in the year counted after the birth of Christ our dear Lord, fifteen hundred, and in the ninth and twentieth, in the other Roman number of interest, called indictio in Latin, in the reign and government of the most noble, most powerful prince and lord, Lord Carl the Fifth, elected Roman emperor, at all times ruler of the empire, in Germania, at

Hispania, both Sicily, Jerusalem, Hungary, Dalmatia, Croatia 2c. King, Archduke of Austria and Duke of Burgundy 2c., Counts of Habsburg, Flanders and Tyrol 2c., of our most gracious Lord, His Imperial Majesty's Regiment of the Roman in the eleventh year, on a Wednesday, which was the thirteenth day of the month of October, at eight o'clock in the forenoon or even close to it, before me here below written notaries and the credible witnesses personally appeared the honorable and highly respectable Master Alexander Schwaiß, reported Imperial. Majesty's Secretary, had in his hands a paper document, with Imperial. Majesty's own hand, and also that of his secretary; saying and pretending that he had been appointed by Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty to send the same document and copy to the honorable and firm Hansen Ehinger and Micheln von Kaden, as the envoys of the princes, princes, and also honorable free and imperial cities, for which reason they were sent to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, to hand over their advertisement: which farewell the envoys then took with due reverence, as befits them, to their hands, read out with each other; which has been announced, as actually follows:

Nota: Here the above imperial farewell Document No. 856 has been mserirt.

  1. after the reading of such imperial documents. Majesty. The above-mentioned Hans Ehinger and Michel von Kaden presented the following opinion before their Imperial Maj. Maj. Secretari, and had the aforementioned Michel von Kaden speak, namely:

Respectable and honorable Mr. Secretary! Hans Ehinger and I, Michel von Kaden, as the envoys, have now heard the written farewell (which you have opened for us on behalf of and by order of Imperial Majesty, to bring to our most gracious, gracious and favorable lords) in all humility. Majesty, to be brought to our most gracious, gracious and favorable lords) in all submission; and our most gracious, gracious and favorable lords have provided that their true apology and well-founded reasons for their protestation (such as those given orally and in writing to Imperial Majesty himself in German, English and French) be accepted. Majesty himself in German, Latin and French) should have been held in such esteem by Her Majesty, or at least not less than the disparagement of the opposite, that Her Majesty should have given us a much more gracious and comfortable farewell.

Her Electoral, Princely Grace and Favor. Grace and favor, however, initially take comfort in their innocence and Christian benevolence, and that they consider the Imperial Majesty to be a praiseworthy, pious, and pious person.

488 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 857. W. xvi, 587-589. 489

The Emperor will recognize the Christian Emperor, who in time will also let himself be instructed and fall in with the right truth. Because this trade not only affects their electoral and princely graces, and the honorable free and imperial cities' persons, land and people, but also their souls and consciences, so that they, at the risk of losing their souls' bliss and damnation, can only rely on the strict command and word of God.] The people of the city, the country, and the free and imperial cities, but also their souls and consciences, so that they, in the danger of losing their souls' salvation and damnation, want to remain solely on the strict command and word of God, and ever willingly be and remain Christians:

Thus, their electoral and princely graces and the honorable free and imperial cities (to prevent even more serious hindrance to the honor of God, discord and desecration in the Holy Roman Empire) have appealed to Speier out of the greatest necessity and not against any human will. The Imperial Majesty, out of the greatest necessity and not contrary to any man, nor out of any will of courage, has appealed to Speier from the most recent of the other imperial estates' resolutions and decrees in this matter, in his will and opinion, to pursue the same appeal in due time, as is proper and right; as His Imperial Majesty graciously has to hear from this instrument, in German and Latin. Which appeal we therefore hereby make to your most respectable honor in place of Imperial Majesty, our allies. Majesty, our most gracious lord, with the transfer of the same appeal actis, and also copies of the same wording to our authority, most humbly insinuated, delivered and announced; humbly requesting that Her Imperial Majesty be notified of the same. Majesty and to request that Her Majesty may, without hindrance, insinuate these copies. without hindrance of this insinuated appeal, to all and sundry, in particular and in common, to our most gracious, gracious and favorable lords, princes and princes and the honorable cities, nothing else, but all faithful obedience, peace, submissiveness and entrustment (as happened in the advertisement) to be completely and in all ways well provided for; That also their electoral, princely graces and the respectable cities want to live, govern and keep themselves in this way, as they trust to answer for it against God the Almighty, their Creator, and against Imperial Majesty, their most gracious and supreme Lord on earth, and that with truth nothing unreasonable may be imposed on them.

With this, Her Electoral, Princely Grace and the honorable free and imperial cities in Her Imperial Majesty the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty. protection and protection, most humbly requesting that Her Majesty will not be moved against them with some disgraces; this is what Her Electoral, Princely Grace and the honorable Free and Imperial Cities want. Her Electoral and Princely Grace and the honorable free and imperial cities around Her Imperial Majesty, as their most gracious lord, will earn this with obedient diligence.

On account of such insinuation by our most gracious, gracious and favorable lords, princes, princes and the honorable free and imperial cities, we requisition you, Alexien Frauentraut, as notaries, that you give us ex officio one or more (and as much of their electoral and princely graces and the honorable free and imperial cities need) instruments and documents. We hereby requisition you as notaries to make, give and deliver to us ex officio one or more (and as much as their electoral and princely graces and the honorable free and imperial cities' necessity requires) instruments and documents. Which appeal was in German, as follows:

Nota: Here the Speierische Appellation has been indented, which is found above Cap. 11, No. 820.

(3) I, as notary public, have given them this answer to the envoys' arguments: Because a few days ago I had exonerated and renounced my legation, in which I would have been completely and irrevocably appointed and ordered, for mobile reasons, I could not avoid making and giving them, the envoys or their principals, the protesting Electors, Princes, also honorable free and imperial cities, my most gracious, gracious and favorable lords, one or more instruments and documents, as much as they would be necessary.

4 On such an insinuation of the appeal and the subsequent requisition, the said Alexander Schwais further said: "Although he had been ordered by Imperial Majesty to give written farewell to the envoys of Her Majesty, he had not been ordered to accept the appeal. Majesty to give the envoys written farewell, however, he would not have the order to accept the insinuated appeal. He gives the envoys leave by order of Imperial Majesty. Majesty's order, as it had been issued and signed by Her Majesty's hand. If they had some deficiency in it, they would like to address Her Majesty themselves, and he would like to indicate this to His Imperial Majesty. Majesty. For even if he had taken such an appeal into his hands, he did not want to have it accepted by taking it into his hands, but rather to report it to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. He requested and required me, a notary public written here, to make and give him one or more open instruments and documents about it, as much as he would be able to do so. To which I give him this answer: As much as I would be obliged to do.

(5) The above-mentioned Ehinger and Michel von Kaden further said: they did not doubt Imperial Majesty's decision at all. But because he, Master Alexander, had handed it over to them, they, the envoys, acted according to their instructions, and thus did not want to take back the handed-over appeal, but laid it down on the table.

[490]{.underline} Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi,s80-ss2. 491

These things happened at Plazentia, in the presence of the aforementioned master Alexander Schweißen, secretary, hostel, in the year, month, day and hour, as reported above, in the presence of Georgen von Wittich, Colniß-/) Jheronmus Ebner, the Younger, of Nuremberg, Bamberg, Jörgen Zenkel, of Plankstetten, Eisteter, and Wölfen, Count of Schwatz, Brichsner diocese, as witnesses, especially required and requested.

858 Report of the envoy Michael von Kaden to the Nuremberg City Council concerning the announced imperial arrest. October 13, 1529.

From Müller I. c. S. 211.

Favorable, commanding^Herren! I hereby hasten to inform E. W. that we, the envoys, have been summoned to this date by the Emperor. Majest. Alexander Schweis, and found the same to be such that the Imperial Majesty will accept the mandate, a copy of which I have sent to E. W. from Lyon; in sum, we ask, desire and give that our most gracious and gracious lords, princes, princes and the honorable cities, if this does not happen on the mandate that has gone out, should accept the Speierian farewell. Thereupon the farewell rests, containing long words: that one is well inclined to help the Turks 2c. Upon such farewell we have, according to our order, most humbly insinuated the appeal to the secretary Alexander, in the place of the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, so that he may open the parting to us and serve the appeal on him before notaries, in forma, as the actus is due, and E. W. may take notice of our relation. W. will hear from our relation. Alexander, badly frightened, protested: he had no order, did not want to accept the appeal, we should go to the Emperor 2c. We left him the Acta and went away. So he ran to the court to report this to the Emperor. Majesty. And while we are still sitting at home and deliberating about it, and where to go for security and war in the country, Master Alexander Schwais comes with notaries and witnesses, sits in our inn and asks for our three; he has an order to tell them from Imperial Majesty. Majesty to tell them. But I suspected that he would protest that the Imperial Majesty would not allow the appeal. Majesty did not want to dismiss the appeal. 2c,

  1. This is "Kölnischen Bisthums".

So I went out of the house. Alexander was waiting for Alexium Frauentraut and Hansen Ehinger, whom I had warned before, at home, and they were also waiting for me. But I had some business and did not come home, so it was dark and night. He informed the two of them before the notary that the imperial majesty would have them imprisoned. Majesty has them imprisoned, to stay in the inn, and not to leave it in case of loss of life, limb and property, nor to send some writings or messengers from themselves to our lords, or else by ourselves or other people; and he, Alexander, wants to await my arrival until midnight, if I come, it is good, if I do not come, he wants to report my disobedience to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. These tales were told to me by my servant; I considered it good to report such a case to E. W. in a custody and secret letter, before I would be forbidden to write, like the other two. I am still in doubt as to how to do it. I cannot leave the city this night; so I worry, if they guard the gates without me, that I will be able to do even less tomorrow; this is a bad way to hide from an emperor in a foreign city, and it is bad to come out of the country. If I am to be disobedient, I must appear before the Emperor. Majesty. If I am to go to prison as a freeman and not a prisoner, it will be painful, and no one knows what scorn may befall one with so many priests. In sum, I am afraid I will go to my companions; they want me to come shortly, otherwise I will burden them, as they think, with my evasion. If I were in Parma or Milan, I would not come; but I must, I worry, for the sake of the others; God help that it be done with grace. Also, E. W. know that Margrave Johann Albrecht has been ordered to a postal service by Imperial Majesty. Majesty to post in one or two days, together with the one from Waldkirch, to post from estates to estates, to work for help, there are many letters of credence written. Whether this deal was made because the Emperor's request and the promises of the Estates were made before the protesting Estates were aware of our departure, is a matter for E. W. to consider. However, I consider it necessary to be mindful of the imperial request for our farewell and how we are to be dealt with, and to act accordingly. I have still not yet caught the opportunity to inform E. W. and other protesters of this, and in a hurry I want to discover it as quickly as possible, and have delivered such a letter this evening to a Venetian messenger, who safely escorted us yesterday, and hastened to Venice to send it to Hans Fuwrer, without having to send a messenger and incur costs.

[492]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 858 ff. W. xvi, "92-594. 493

and to send you this letter urgently by your own messenger. Date Placenzia, 13 Octobris, at the third hour of the night, Anno 1529.

E. W.

willing servant Michel of Cadan.

To Nuremberg.

859: The protesting Electors, Princes and Estates appeal before a notary and witnesses against the Emperor's decision to grant them a free Christian concilium. October 14, 1529.

In Müller 1. e. p. 214 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, xart. A6n. eont. II, p. 332.

Before you, Mr. Notary, we, Hans Ehinger and Michel von Kaden, appear as envoys of the most illustrious 2c. Princes N., honorable free and imperial cities N., and show you: After we yesterday, the 13th Octobris, in the morning, by kais. Maj. command, by Master Alexander Schweiß, on our action, of our most gracious, gracious Lords, Princes, Princes and the honorable cities protesting against the Speierian farewell, a decree and farewell was opened, in which we found ourselves complained of because of our Lords. Accordingly, we provoke and appeal on behalf of our lords, from such a decree and farewell and to a free common Christian council, or where the matters belong, to the first, second and third; Diligently, diligently and most diligently requesting of you, Mr. Notari, Apostolos testimoniales, with reservation of our lords necessity and will, to extendir, increase, diminish, prosequir or drop this Provocation and Appeal according to their demand, according to all their occasion. Therefore we, the envoys, ad cautelam want to have this Provocation thus diligently interposed, publicly protesting and requesting about it; and requisition you, Mr. Notary, ex officio, to draw up for us one or more instruments about it in meliori forma. The envoys have also requested that the Notary Public of the Imperial Majesty be informed of the matter. Majesty. The envoys have also requested that the Notary put a notice and answer in the instrument, which the Notary has granted. Actum the 14th day of Octobris, at the fourth hour after noon, anno 2c. thousand five hundred and in the ninth and twentieth year.

860 Two petitions of the envoys to the emperor for the release of their arrest.

In Müller 1. e. p. 216.

First Supplication. Between October 13 and 21, 1529.

Most Sublime, Most Great, Most Gracious Emperor! Your Imperial Majesty's Majesty's imperial farewell, given to our most gracious and gracious lords, the electors, princes, honorable free and imperial cities, we heard last day in submission, and found so much in our most gracious, gracious lords and the honorable cities' written instruction that we must, by the same order, initiate the appeal, filed at Speier against the same farewell, against such farewell; as we have also done in all submission, with the entreaty that Your Imperial Majesty may, without hindrance, grant us the right of appeal. Majesty, without hindrance of such appeal, to our most gracious, gracious lords and honorable cities, nothing less than all obedience, submission, peace, unity, and legacy, as your Imperial Majesty was initially told. Majesty at the outset, and have issued such a document to Your Majesty's Secretaries in German and Latin. Secretari a German and Latin Appeal Libell.

However, we have immediately initiated the appeal of Speier alone upon the departure of Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, we have immediately initiated the appeal from Speier alone, and have not appealed; and whoever informs Your Imperial Majesty otherwise has informed wrongly. Majesty otherwise, he has informed wrongly, as evidenced by the insinuated acts, which are in the hands of the Secretary, Alexander Schweiß.

After all this, Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Secretari came, and has indicated to us by order of your Majesty to remain in the hostel, not to come out of it, not to write behind him 2c., until your Majesty further orders.

Thereupon we give your Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, that we, as envoys and obligated servants, will not do anything other than what our most gracious lords, princes, and the honorable cities have ordered and instructed in writing, as no doubt your Imperial Majesty's servants must also do according to the same order. Servants must also do according to the same order.

Since we then, by order alone, insinuate a lawful appeal, which has been interposed at Speier, as the imperial rights permit, in the most submissive manner, and your Imperial Majesty, in this respect, all obedience from our most gracious Majesty. Majesty all obedience from our most gracious Majesty,

[494]{.underline} Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, sn-sn. 495

and the honorable cities, and would like to do so, as pious, honorable messengers, also to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's command and obediently, as Michel von Kaden did when he was sent to your Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's order, and that his fellow relatives had been arrested, he went freely and willingly from his business to the inn, into such obedient arrest and detention. Majesty will graciously consider and count our long silence and innocence free of charge; or, if we would be otherwise disparaged, that we nevertheless know ourselves to be innocent, let us come to a personal gracious interrogation. Such mercy from Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, we want to praise our most gracious and gracious lords, princes and princes, also the honorable cities, and obediently earn it for ourselves in all submissiveness. Hereupon we hope for your gracious decision.

Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

most subservient > > of the Electors, Princes, honorable and free imperial cities envoys.

Second Supplication. October 21, 1529.

Most Sublime, Most Great Emperor, Most Gracious Lord! Now that we have entered the ninth day 1) of the Emperor's visit. Majest. Majesty's command, we lie arrested in the hostel with heavy costs, perhaps because Your Imperial Majesty is concerned about us. Majesty, of our concern, may have been moved to disgrace against us on unequal report. But if we have ever done nothing else than what we have to do as poor obligated servants, by order of our most gracious, gracious and favorable masters, as we can prove with our instructions and authority, we most humbly request that Your Imperial Majesty will graciously grant us the right to use the power of attorney. Majesty may graciously allow us to go home, or have us brought to interrogation, so that we may be released and bring the decision given to Your Imperial Majesty to our most gracious, gracious and favorable lords; and in such a way of their electoral, princely graces, even persons, also

  1. Since according to the letter of Michael von Kaden (No. 858) the arrest of the envoys began on October 13, this writing is to be set for October 21.

the respectable cities. We want to earn this in all submission. Request Your Imperial Majesty's most gracious reply. Majesty's most gracious reply.

E. kais. Maj.

most subservient

of the lords, princes, honorable

free and imperial cities envoys.

861 The answer given by the Count of Nassau and Alexander Schweiß to the envoys to the promotorial letters. October 30, 1529.

From Müller's History, Cap. 15, p. 222.

I.

The Imperial Grand Chamberlain, Grasen von Nassau, Reply to the Protesting Princes, Princes and Cities.

Most Serene and Serene, Highborn Elector, Princes and Lords, and Honorable, Prudent and Wise! Your churfürstl. And F. G. and you, be my very willing and kind service and greeting beforehand. Most gracious and gracious gentlemen and good friends! Your churfürstl. and princely. I have received and understood your letter from their embassies, Hansen Ehinger, Alexien Frauentraut, and Michael von Kaden, according to necessity and good measure; and although I have not had much desire, for the reason of some of the things reported in their letter, besides your Electoral and Royal Highnesses and you, 2) to accept these things of theirs, nevertheless, your Electoral and Royal Highnesses, and you, to your honor, service, and favor, and F. G., also in your honor, service and favor, and so that these envoys of theirs would not be held up here, I have asked Imperial Maj. Maj., our most gracious lord, for their best clearance, which they have also received from Her Majesty, as your Electoral and Imperial Highnesses and you will hear from them. Thus, for the sake of your Electoral and Imperial Highnesses and yourselves, I have subsequently, after receiving their notifications, announced an appeal in such a way that their Majesty may not have any gracious favor (which then, where I have previously reported such of their order, I have sent to them).

  1. This refers to Landgrave Philipp of Hesse, who is therefore omitted from the inscription of this letter. Compare Document No. 829, s 12 z. E. and No. 830 in the penultimate paragraph. Nuremberg is also meant. See No. 863, s 3.

496 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 861. W. xvi, sW-599. 497

Thus, that, nevertheless, your Electorate and the F. G. and your order should have been complied with by them, and that their request should have been accepted without hesitation for your gracious favor), have petitioned, requested, and received so much from Her Majesty that Her Majesty will release them from their arrest, which they will have done to them in their hostel for this reason, and that they may dispose of them again to Your Electorate and the F. G. and to you. and you, and may graciously permit them to report to Her Majesty of the most gracious good will, even for a short time in the future, which she has undertaken for her in the holy realm of the German nation. But 1) Her Majesty, Michael of Kaden, has ordered to bring a booklet, I do not know what, which he has handed over to Her Majesty, but 2) not to leave Her Majesty's Court without Her Majesty's permission and until further notice, 3) for which Michael, although he has not deserved it for me so far, I nevertheless, together with other my good friends, have given Her Majesty the permission to send him the booklet, and most faithfully, but nevertheless, until now, not otherwise than that he may have succeeded to Bononia Bologna, or by other order of her Majesty. For the sake of the German nation, for which I am inclined to love and serve, I will gladly do my utmost in the future. That I do not want to let E. churfürstl. and F. G. and you, service and friendly good opinion, on their letter done to me, again unindicated. Date at Parma, on the 30th day of October, Anno 2c. in the 29th year.

Heinrich, Grast zu Nassau, Margrave zu Zenete, Count zu > Katzenelnbogen, Vianden und Zied, Lord zu Breda, Diest und Grymbergen > 2c. H. G. z. Nassau. > > To the most illustrious and noble, highborn princes and lords, Mr. > Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman > Empire, Mr. Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg, Mr. Ernsten and Mr. > Franciscen, brothers, Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, and Mr. > Wolfgangen, Prince of Anhalt, my most gracious and gracious lords; and > the honorable, prudent and wise mayors and councillors of the free and > imperial cities of Strasbourg, Ulm, Costnitz, Nördlingen, and others > related to them.

  1. Here we have deleted "itself" because it seemed too much.
  2. "special" - in particular.
  3. That is, not to go away.

II.

Alexander Schweiß, imperial secretarii, answer to the protesting electors), princes and cities.),

Most Serene and Serene, Highborn, Elector, Princes and Lords, and honorable, prudent and wise dear Lords and good friends! Your churfürstl. and F. G. and W. my completely submissive, good-willing and friendly service with all faithful diligence before. Most gracious and gracious princes and lords, and dear lords and good friends! Your electoral and royal letters, addressed to Hansen Ehinger, Alexien Frauentraut and Michael von Kaden, in which they report how they have received the letter from the Emperor, my most gracious Majesty. Maj., my most gracious lord, their messages, to indicate their reasons why they have been included in the farewell, so at the next Imperial Diet at Speier, by her Imperial Maj. Maj. governor, orator, commissaries, also princes, princes and other estates of the holy empire, my most gracious, gracious and favorable lords, so far as the cause of our holy Christian faith is concerned, may not have healed nor approved; with the gracious request and entreaty that I may have such E. and F. G. also W.'s action to her Majesty, and that the aforementioned have their messages in favorable order, so that they may be dispatched to her Majesty with the most gracious response 2c., I have received and heard them humbly and willingly, and have reported them to Her Majesty's electoral and royal envoys; whereupon Her Majesty has also graciously given them an audience. graciously granted them an audience, and subsequently, for the best possible benefit of their then present, many, considerable other affairs, dispatched them, and had their answer given to them by me in writings, signed by Her Majesty herself; just as the Elector and His Holiness will also hear from the same envoys of theirs. Now, however, when the aforementioned your Electors and the F. G. have also given messages to W., after receiving such their reply, that they would have given them to me, as the one who would have given them such messages by imperial order. Maj. had ordered them to do so, that they announce the appeal to me: then the Elector and the F. G. can also graciously and favorably judge that I, if I had not received an order from Imperial Maj. Maj., it was not proper for me to accept it, and that I should not do less, nor could I do less, than to help Maj. Maj.'s request to the best of my ability, and that Michael von Kaden, as I have been informed, immediately thereafter

[498]{.underline} Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi,59s-6oi. 499

I have received an order from the Emperor himself, who had handed over a booklet, in which I was to tell them not to leave their hostel without her Majesty's permission, and where they should continue to stay, which, God knows, was heartily repugnant to me. But I did not discharge myself from this by my most humble and most submissive request, but, since I had previously dealt with this matter by Her Imperial Maj. Maj.'s command and who thus knew, I had to do so obediently as a servant. As I have no doubt that the Elector and the Imperial Guards will be able to judge this: I therefore inform the Elector and the Imperial Guards that, if my gracious Prince and Lord of Nassau, Margrave of Zenetes, or I, have reported such a matter to the Elector and the Imperial Guards beforehand, I shall not be held responsible for it. and W.'s order had been reported somewhat earlier, that I have no doubt that his F. G. would have directed all matters to such good, so that E. churfürstl. and F. G. would have carried out W.'s order nevertheless, and this of their entanglement would have been without necessity; wherefore I have also reported this to his F. G., and where it would have seemed necessary and good to me, I would have faithfully held his hand. But now like this: The said my gracious Lord of Nassau, together with other friends of his F. G., whom she has taken to honor, serve and please the Elector and F. G. and W., has nevertheless done the best, which I have also faithfully reminded her of, so much so that her F. G. has requested of her Maj. that the two envoys of your Electorate and F. G. and W., Ehinger and Frauentraut, have been released from their arrest; but her Majesty has not yet wanted to release Kaden, as E. Electorate and F. G. and W. will hear about all this from the two envoys mentioned above. I hope, however, for the gracious and faithful diligence, which I do not doubt, that my gracious Lord of Nassau will continue to do in the matter, and that I can count on his F. G. and the Lord of Grandvelle, Imperial Maj. Maj. Counselor, when he gave them this last farewell of their settlement and stay, with farther appendix, as much as any concerns, in my presence, in all E. Electoral and F. G. also W. three envoys themselves presence, submissively and diligently asked that they want to have ordered said Kaden in this graciously and for the best, that his cause also to good endschaft at Imperial Maj. Maj. still attains and brings. Therefore, that it be done, no effort nor trouble shall be spared on me of my small fortune, without doubt, that I will give E. all Electorate and

  1. "To ensnare" or "to bestricken" - to hold in. Detain.

F. G. and W. would also do me a pleasant service and favor; humbly and favorably requesting that E. churfürstl. and F. G. also W. graciously and favorably excuse me of that which I had to do as a servant herein, as reported above. For as far as I may serve them humbly and acceptably and prove love and friendship, E. churfürstl. and F. G. also W., to whom I hereby, as my most gracious and gracious dear lord, and favorable lords and friends, shall command me humbly and favorably, shall find me on all accounts quite agreeable. Date at Parma, on the 30th day of October, Anno 2c. in the 29th year.

E. churf. and F. G. and W. quite subservient and benevolent

Alexander Sweat.

The most illustrious, noble, highborn princes and lords, Mr. > Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, Elector 2c., Mr. Georgen, Margrave of > Brandenburg, Mr. Ernsten and Mr. Franciscen, brothers, Dukes of > Brunswick and Lüneburg, Mr. Philipsen, Landgrave of Hesse, and Mr. > Wolfgangen, Prince of Anhalt, my most gracious and gracious Prince and > Lord; and the honorable, prudent and wise mayors and councillors of > the free and imperial cities of Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Costnitz, > Nördlingen, Memmingen, and others related to them in this matter, my > special dear lords and friends.

862: The Margravial Chancellor of Brandenburg, Georg Vogler, writing in which it is explained how great injustice has been done to the Protestant envoys with the imperial arrest.

In Hortleber, vol. I, lib. I, eap. 6, p. 46 and from this in Müller 1. o. lib. II, eux. 21, § 5, S. 318.

Causes, why the protesting Electors, Princes and Estates of the Conflict, in which their delegates were taken by Imperial Majesty, on the happened submissive report of said Estates protestation and appeal against and from the Imperial Treaty at Speier, Anno 1529, also on the insinuation of such appeal, are to be complained about,

Recorded by Mr. Georg Vogler, Margravial Chancellor of Brandenburg, Anno 1529.

500 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 862. W. xvi, 6oi-6v4. 501

1 At the recently held Imperial Diet at Speier, the Imperial Estates, under the semblance and authority of Imperial Majesty, undertook to act and conclude in matters of the Word of God concerning our faith and religion. Maj. to act and conclude in matters of God's word concerning our faith and religion, about which they were duly warned by some of the imperial estates, and given more than one good reason why this was not proper for them. And in spite of all this, they have continued in their proceedings, and have made a supposed resolution and agreement, which the Christian estates reported before them have accepted in all articles, except for the matters of our faith reported; but as far as the articles of faith are concerned, they have publicly protested against it in writings, not to consent to it for many important reasons, as they have written in the long protestation and the appeal that has been made 1) for necessity, and without need to report it again here.

    1. And in order that His Majesty should not have reason to think, on the unequal report of some imperial estates that are repugnant to the Holy Gospel, as if the aforementioned protesting Christian estates were withdrawing from His Majesty's obedience and the obedience of the Holy Empire, and were not obeying without reason and equity that which had been unanimously decided by others at the Imperial Diet held, or wishing to live up to it, these same Christian estates have sent their embassies to His Majesty in Hispania. The same Christian estates have dispatched their embassies to Imperial Maj. in Hispania, which their Maj. also entered at Genoa, and to their Maj. on the occasion of the Imperial Diet, and why the protesting estates, without injury to their souls and consciences, also without the highest burden on their country and people, did not want to accept this parting of the aforementioned article, and why the imperial estates also do not have to recognize therein, with the humble offer that they are inclined to accept such parting in all other articles. That they also surrender their bodies, lands, people, possessions and goods to their Imperial Majesty. Majesty, whom they have recognized in this alone as their rightful, unanimous Lord and Emperor, without any means, so that Her Majesty shall have power over all this. What in these matters of faith is also discussed by an orderly, Christian, free concilium (to which such matters belong) by means of the divine word, that one accepts it without any hindrance, and does not want to separate from the Christian church, as the obedient members of the same, in any way, or wants to separate. As then the most submissive responsibility of the Christian estates, submitting and attaining
  1. No. 820 in this volume.

offer through their envoys to the Emperor. Maj. orally and in writing in the German, Latin and French languages.

  1. Although the protesting estates have now appealed to this subservient, friendly and, for their part, quite necessary action by Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Catholic Church, they have not yet been able to do so. Maj, as their rightful lord, nothing other than a gracious answer, decision and dispatch of their embassies, their envoys have nevertheless received a somewhat rough, unforeseen and burdensome farewell, and have been sent in writings, in the belief that their Maj. 2) have again earnestly commanded that these protesting imperial estates should accept the drafted farewell and resolution at Speier outright 2c., as such a resolution (which, however, has not yet been sent or delivered to the estates to this day) undoubtedly indicates in a long opinion.

4 Thereupon the envoys (according to their received order) have sent Magister Alexander Schweiß, kais. Maj. secretary, who opened and read out to them the parting in the name of the emperor. Maj. name and read it to them, delivered and left the protesting estates to appeal by means of a publicly instrumented libell.

5 The causes that moved the same estates to file their appeal are sufficiently expressed in the instrument of appeal, and according to necessity, so that anyone, even of little reason, can conclude from it that the protesters had a great reason and appearance to refuse the imperial decree in this matter, and, as the complainants, to appeal from it.

(6) When the envoys had executed their order and then wanted to leave Italy again, they were imprisoned by the said Meister Alexander Schweiß, imperial secretary, in the presence of notaries and witnesses, in their lodgings and condemned not to come out of it without the knowledge of His Majesty the Emperor. Maj. not to come out of it, likewise in case of loss of life and limb, by themselves or others, neither in writing nor orally, not to announce anything about it to their masters 2c.

7 This is (how manly, even friends and enemies can consider) an ungracious, burdensome and clumsy act, and quite appalling to hear that the Roman Imperial Majesty has not yet taken the necessary measures. Maj.

  1. These speech marks are placed by us instead of the brackets that are often used in old prints to emphasize something.

502 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, soi-sos. 503

by those who live around her Majesty, and who are not only opposed to the true Christian religion, but also to all equality and equity/) should be moved to such disgrace and burdensome action; for the following reasons:

First of all, this matter, which the envoys have requested and ordered Imperial Majesty to promote, is not an objectionable, unfriendly act. Maj. and had orders to solicit, is not an unpleasant, unfriendly, or such an act, by which Imperial Maj. Maj. in her sovereignty, or sought some rebellion or disobedience, but (as reported) a subservient denunciation, apology and responsibility, by which the Imperial Maj. Maj. of the protesting estates, and to her Maj.'s own honor and glory, in which the Christian estates also offer themselves to her Maj. for such willing obedience and subservience, and also otherwise for the sake of their faith, in such a Christian manner, that the Imperial Maj. Maj. may not derive from this any cause for disfavor and such quick, 2) inconsiderate actions.

(9) On the other hand, the Imperial Majesty is our, and especially the protesting imperial estates', ordinary lord, emperor and sovereign. Our Majesty, and especially of the protesting imperial estates, is the ordinary lord, emperor and sovereign, and is therefore obligated by the duties of his imperial office to treat the members and estates of the empire, as his Maj.'s relatives and subjects, with all loyalty, to hear them graciously and in an emergency in their complaints and concerns, to protect and shield them from all unreasonable and infallible burdens, and also to give them his imperial assistance against all violence and injustice. Not less than the subjects are obligated to all obedience, subservience and submission to her Majesty in all ways.

10 Now, however, the emperor's own highest enemies, Turks and Jews, are being heard. Maj.'s own highest enemies, Turks, pagans and Jews, as well as others, are heard in their legations and advertisements. With what equity or good grace can it be justified that the most prominent imperial estates, princes, princes and cities, envoys should not be heard, but their legation be carried out in such a way that that without doubt these same estates, of their hope, would be tolerated by common Christianity's hereditary enemies, the Turks 3)?

(11) Thirdly, Her Majesty's envoys who came from Hispania before this time to some of the

  1. In Walch's old edition: "be", which seems to be a printing error, instead of: sein (- are).
  2. "raschen" put by us instead of: "rischen".
  3. "tolerate" here seems to be in the meaning of "exalted".

The Imperial Estates have asked for help, and have let themselves be heard with loud words that their Majesty has been approached with a belief, as some of the Imperial Estates have let themselves be heard: as if their Majesty's mind and opinion were, when their Majesty comes to the Empire, that they want to act with force and tyranny against some of the Imperial Estates. 2c, that her Majesty bears a noticeable grievance and displeasure; for her Majesty's mind, will and opinion are not at all disposed to a violent, serious or tyrannical action, but are directed to behave as a mild, gracious Emperor towards his Majesty's subjects in an entirely fatherly and gracious manner, and to hold them in such a way that they should have much more cause to love than to fear her Majesty.

(12) Whether this action on the part of Her Majesty compares with such a gracious offer; whether the Christian estates should not be justly appalled that Her Majesty, as soon as she has set foot in the Empire from her kingdom and has not yet reached Germany, should show herself in such a way; and whether they do not have to worry about an ungracious Emperor, completely undeserved on their part, from these preliminary beginnings, can be judged by anyone who understands.

Fourthly, His Imperial Majesty has pledged and confirmed with an oath. In the receipt and election of her royal dignities, Her Majesty has committed, obligated and confirmed with an oath against the Elector in place of the common imperial estates: that Her Majesty will not rape any of the imperial estates for herself, nor permit others to do so, but will allow each estate, where it may suffer proper justice, to remain with the same, also in due hearing and equity, and will order others to do so.

Item 14: That Her Majesty have and hold her royal residence, estate and court in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation for the benefit and good of all members, estates and subjects of the same.

Item 15: That Her Majesty will not fill and provide her royal and imperial offices at court and in the empire with any other nation than native Germans, who are not of low standing or character, but are true, honest people, princes, counts, lords, nobility, and otherwise of valiant good stock. 2c.

. 16 Now it is obvious that the Christian protesting estates in this concern of theirs, for which reason they have sent their message to Imperial Majesty, desire and seek nothing else than proper and necessary interrogation. Maj., do not desire and seek anything else than proper and necessary interrogation, and may also suffer right and proper discussion.

504 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 862. W. xvi, sos-evg. 505

(17) They were not the least moved by their protestations and appeals that the estates of the empire should have dared to make a decision and a decision in this most excellent great matter, in which God's honor and word, as well as the consciences and souls of men, are concerned, in which they can by no means be judges, without all prior examination of the right reason, even without sufficient experience of the truth; as would be just and right even in the smallest matters and affairs.

18 Thus it is obvious that the Imperial Majesty has never had her residence in the Holy Roman Empire. Maj. has never had her residence in the Holy Empire from the time of her first Imperial Diet at Worms, and may not have it as soon as possible: shall the embassies of the Imperial Estates, where they are to be sent to her Maj. In order to honor her Majesty and to indicate a submissive obedience, they are to be sent so far, at considerable risk and expense, and to act in a way that may promote the harmony of common Christianity and the empire, and also*) the sent ones are to be dispatched in such a way that it would be quite burdensome for all the imperial estates to hear from their proper rightful head and sovereign.

19 Moreover, it is irrefutable that the most distinguished offices of the imperial court are mostly occupied by Hispanic or other nations. Moreover, it is irrefutable that the most prominent offices of the imperial court are mostly occupied by Hispanic or other nations, who are not only ignorant of the German and Latin tongues, but who are also ignorant of the opportunity, need, and essence of the Holy Roman Empire and the German Nation. Whether the imperial estates, where they have to act out of their necessity before Imperial Maj. Whether the imperial states, where they have to act out of their necessity with Imperial Majesty, can expect more disadvantage than advantage from this, is a matter for everyone to consider.

20 Most burdensome and unequal, however, is that this trade, the holy gospel, affecting our religion and conscience, where it reaches the Imperial Majesty, is only or mostly with the bishops or clergy who are in the custody of the Imperial Majesty. Maj. alone, or for the most part, with the bishops or clergy, who are the highest, most distinguished and most respected in the Imperial Maj. the highest, most distinguished, and most respectable, and who alone are inclined to preserve the papal see at Rome with its appendages, as well as the public abuses that have so far flowed from there and are in evidence everywhere in the church, should be consulted, mediated, and discussed; since they are themselves parties, counselors, judges, and arbiters for the reasons indicated, and are therefore highly suspect. That now the emperor's Maj. Maj. as a pious, sincere emperor, who undoubtedly wanted to see things well, should have been led by the same people to such an unkind and far-reaching action, which would have been unacceptable to her.

  1. Here we have deleted "that".

Maj. may not be caused by friends and foes to slight, despise, and belittle each other, which is to be highly complained of in many ways.

Fifth, the protesting Estates have not appealed from Imperial Majesty's Sentence, Order or Departure. Majesty's Sentence, Order or Leave, and have made such an appeal to Imperial Majesty himself. Majesty himself. From this, everyone may again note what a burdensome act it is that the judge before whom, and not from whom, an appeal is made, should accept for arrest the messages which the same appeal from a command initiates. Her Majesty has not previously seen the acts and instruments of appeal, and has no knowledge of the causes and motions of such appeals, whether founded or not.

  1. Sixth, the order and instructions of the protesting estates, which the envoys handed over to the Imperial Majesty in the three witnesses on their behalf, state quite clearly what motivated these estates to protest and not to approve the imperial treaty. Majesty in the three witnesses, clearly show what moved these estates to protest and not approve the imperial treaty. The same causes, however, are so important and respectable that any man who has reason must conclude from them that the protesting estates at least had a great pretense, glimpses and reason, although the same movements should not be justified in protesting and appealing. From this, too, the Imperial Majesty might have found so much. Majesty might have found so much from this that she would have refrained from such action against the envoy.
  2. Seventhly, although this protestation of the estates and their envoys has neither reason nor appearance, and should be the most unskilful of all: nevertheless, it is against all public, human, imperial and papal rights to act against the envoy, who is made in a legation to Imperial Majesty as our Lord. Majesty, as Lord of us all, to act in this way. For the same rights are quite clear that all legates are free in all places, have assurance and opening, and shall in no way be arrested or encumbered.

(24) Eighthly, it is ever burdensome, and somewhat disgraceful, to hear that the Imperial Majesty has based her farewell, which she has announced in writs, on an order that should have been sent by Her Majesty beforehand. Majesty is placing its departure, which it is having announced to the envoys in writs, on an order that should have been sent by Her Majesty to the imperial estates beforehand, yet none of the protesters has yet received or been notified of the same imperial order or mandate. The same imperial command or mandate has not yet been sent or announced to any of the protesters. Therefore, the Estates may again excuse themselves from any inequity in these matters.

[506]{.underline} Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi,609-6ii. 507

25 And even if the same imperial order and command should have been opened to the protesting estates, it would have been done only after their protests and appeals. The same estates would not have been obliged to accept such a command any less than the imperial estates' resolution and agreement, for many excellent, important reasons, of which much could be done. And if there were no other reason than this, that the protesters, if they should accept such an imperial command, would have to act publicly against their conscience and the salvation of their souls, to which, however, no man of any temporal power on earth should always allow himself to be forced, because the same farewell is capable of just that, which the decision and farewell of the estates holds: it would be more than complete and sufficient in the sight of God and the whole world to refuse such a farewell and imperial command by the ordinary, permitted means of appeal, which the imperial rights themselves prescribe.

In sum, the protesting estates recognize all of them and especially the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. for their rightful natural lord, and by God decreed emperor and sovereignty, to whom they also offer and submit themselves with their bodies, lands and people to all obedience, assistance and subservience; but that Her Majesty, by affirming the imperial estates, would also submit to be master over their faith, souls and consciences in some ways, or to command them to accept something by which they should deviate from the truth, act against their consciences, and anger God as a Lord: That would be going too far, and God would have taken hold of the rule and sovereignty without any means, who has reserved all power and jurisdiction for Him, and has left no man on earth even the least power in this; as the prophet says: Coelum coeli Domino, terram autem dedit filiis hominum: God, the Heavenly Lord, has reserved heaven and what is spiritual, but what is earthly, He has commanded only earthly men. Nor is any man obliged to obey either the emperor or other rulers of the earth therein, for in this case, as the Scripture says, it behooves God more than men to obey.

27 From these causes, which have been mentioned, one can now complain about this trade to the highest, and so that only men may find it too much of a great, extensive and unmistakable inconvenience.

863 The envoys' written account of the whole plot of their mission.

From Hortleder, tom. I, lib. I, eux. 7, x. 49.

Relation or report of the protesting Electors, Princes and Estates delegates to Imperial Majesty, to the extent that they have reported the protest and appeal of the Speier Reichsabschied Anno 1529 partly to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and were also insinuated into it, but were then taken into custody, but finally discharged and dispatched. Anno 1529.

Firstly, Hans Ehinger and Alexius Frauentraut came to Placentia on the 7th day of September, and had to leave their fellow deputy, Michael von Kaden, due to weakness of his body, at Genoa, and then on the 9th day of September, they presented their documents to the Grand Chancellor, now Cardinals 2c, the von Nassau, M. Alexander Schweißen and Alphonso Waldes, both Imperial Majesties. Majest. Secretaries, at Placentia their Letters of Credence, and requested them to present them to Imperial Majesty with gracious permission. Majesty with gracious audience and dispatch, who answered them as follows, namely:

2 The Grand Chancellor said: His F. Grace wants to announce them, the envoys, to the Emperor. Majesty, request an audience with them, and give them further notice.

3 Nassau's answer was: The Landgrave of Hesse always wanted to make him a sollicitator, which was not convenient for his Grace; so the Nurembergers did not want him to promote them or the Landgrave against his Grace. There were many Germans who were not much good, although he was also a German; however, he wanted to do to the other princes, princes and cities what was dear to them; they, the envoys, would like to attribute this to their elector and his grace, as well as to the others.

4 Meister Alexander Schweiß thus answered: because his lord, the one from Nassau, was at odds with the Landgrave, and the ones from Nuremberg did not want to let him, M. Alexander, follow what the Imperial Majesty had given them. Majesty had given them, he did not intend to demand much from either of them; however, he did not want the other estates to pay anything.

5 Secretarius Alphonsus Waldes has offered to do much to help Hans Ehingern and Alexio Frauentraut before the Grand Chancellor.

6 Likewise, Wilhelm de Rolle, kais. Majest. Hofmeister, on the credenza handed over to him.

508 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 863. W. xvi, 509

The Emperor has offered to have the letter signed over to him, since the other Grand Chamberlain in Hispania is dead, and also to do good will and to promote him with the Imperial Majesty.

On the 10th and 11th day of September, the two deputies again made every effort, and approached the Grand Chancellor, the von Nassau, and the other court masters and secretaries, and asked them to support them, so that they would be heard most graciously by the Emperor. Majesty, and that they be graciously and well handled in turn. They all offered to do so, except for the one from Nassau, who answered: His F. G. had previously said that he did not want to get involved in any matter involving the Landgrave and Nuremberg, and he would leave it at that.

After the envoys had thus stopped daily, His Imperial Majesty had M. Alexander Schweißen announce to them on September 11 that Her Majesty wished to hear them on Sunday, September 12, at an early hour of the day; and therefore they should make themselves so skilful as to hand over the trade to Her Imperial Majesty in writing and not delay Her Majesty with many words, for Her Majesty has so many excellent things in hand that it would be quite inconvenient for Her Majesty to hold a long oral hearing. Majesty in writing, and not to delay Her Majesty with many words, for Her Majesty had so many excellent things under her hands that it would be quite inconvenient for Her Majesty to hear a long oral presentation.

So the two deputies rode to court early that Sunday morning with M. Alexander Schweißen and appeared before Her Majesty's Chamber. Chamber, where again Her Imperial Majesty had them told by the above-mentioned M. Alexander Schweißen that they were to be allowed to vote. Majesty told them through the aforementioned M. Alexander Schweißen: they should hand over their action in writing and not tease Her Majesty long with words. Thereupon the envoys offered to present the deal with the shortest verbally and to hand over their order in writing next to it.

10 They were then brought before Her Majesty and graciously interrogated by Her Majesty in the presence of the Marquis of Ancisa, both Bishops of Osina and Palenta, together with M. Alexander, Her Majesty's secretary, who was especially required for this purpose. Majesty their letter of credence with due reverence, as befits them, and at the same time they express their graciousness to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty's most gracious, gracious and favorable lords, the Electors, Princes, and also honorable free and imperial cities, from which they have been dispatched, the most humble offer of mercy, and also further indicated: Their Electorate and F. G., and the others, have ordered two of them, in addition to Michael von Kaden, who, due to weakness of his body, had to remain back in Genoa, to give their Imperial Majesty the following orders. Majesty.

The following is a summary of the content presented to His Imperial Majesty by Alexium Frauentraut. Majesty by Alexium Frauentraut, as follows harmlessly, namely:

  1. Majesty would be unaware of the contentious articles of divine doctrine that have taken place for some time in Germany and other countries. Which doctrine has been accepted in part by some estates and their subjects, and contested by some (whose subjects were, and still are, most eager for it), from which much error, quarreling and disagreement has arisen. For this reason, Her Imperial Majesty Majesty appointed and announced a Diet at Speier in the year 1526 to avert such opposition. At this Diet, all the estates of the Empire unanimously and unanimously considered it to be good, necessary and convenient, and proposed that a common, free, Christian concilium or national assembly be held as soon as possible, with the resolution that in the meantime each estate would live, govern and hold itself with its subjects as it hoped and dared to answer to God and Her Majesty; with the indication that at that time, for the preservation of peace and unity in the realm, no better or more tolerable way could have been devised or found. Such a treaty would also have been unanimously agreed upon and sealed by all the estates, and at the same time it would have been specially spoken and promised that nothing would be done or allowed to be done against the same imperial treaty, the content of the printed imperial treaty enclosed with it.

Item, so her majesty would have appointed this 29th year again an imperial diet to Speier, with notification to act, to deliberate and to decide on the future Concilio and other necessities of the realm. For this reason, their most gracious and gracious lords, the sovereigns and princes, attended the same Imperial Diet in their own persons, and had the other honorable free and imperial cities attended by their noble embassy, in the opinion that everything that serves first of all the honor of God, his holy word, the preservation of good peace and the noble welfare of their Imperial Majesty and of the Empire, is to be done in the name of God. Majesty and the Empire, to seek and promote.

But such a thing would not have taken place; rather, some estates would have pretended and wanted to say as if the previous Speierian imperial treaty in the 26th year had been somewhat misunderstood and therefore misused; that, however, was their most gracious.

510 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 6i4-ei6. 511

The noble and favorable lords of their part have not confessed, and would not yet, know for certain that they would not have acted against the same parting of their part, and would not again be against it, nor do so; but would in the meantime keep to the granted concilii, live and govern as they hoped and trusted to answer for it to God and their Majesty. And even if a misunderstanding would have arisen with some from such a departure, still their churlish and princely graces, as well as the others, would have been able to keep the agreement. They therefore proposed several honorable, Christian means, which, however, the other part did not want to accept, despite all admonitions, friendly and humble requests and reminders, but instead, out of a supposed delusion, decided on a different opinion, contrary to the previous unanimous Speierian imperial treaty of this 29th year. They have decided on a different opinion in the 29th year, and in religion, against such Speierian imperial decree, have set other burdensome, unmistakable articles, which their churlish and princely graces, as well as the others, have not accepted. They could not, for the sake of their conscience, keep nor accept them.

And although their chur- and princely. Gn, also the others, have rejected the opposite more than sufficiently and have indicated the reasons for which they would be justly obliged to adhere to the first unanimous, confirmed and promised Speierian imperial treaty, and against which they could neither grant nor conclude anything else without the special permission of their most gracious, gracious and favorable lords, the Electors, Princes, and also honorable Free and Imperial Cities, and imperial cities, they could not grant or conclude anything, nor could anything more 1) take place, but that it would be equitable to remain with that which their Imperial Majesty herself has permitted, and which has been unanimously decided, certified and sealed by all other estates; that also in particular her Imperial Majesty's The Council of the Holy Roman Emperor is to be informed of the outcome of the next Speierian Imperial Diet, and of the future Concilio and other necessities of the Empire, and that it is not to be interpreted as a means of again abrogating the previous Speierian Imperial Diet.

However, the obnoxious part would have persisted in his plan and the supposed increase and would have wanted to drag the matter back to the previous dangerous state, over which Pope Adrianus had previously confessed himself and other clergymen to the abuses at an Imperial Diet.

  1. Only here Walch notes: "Votorum pluritas" - the majority.

Thus, in the next 24 years, Her Majesty would have announced an imperial farewell to Speier, in which she herself would have declared that she would separate the bad from the good.

And because their sovereign and princely sovereigns, as well as the honorable free and imperial cities, had encountered such a thing (as stated above) against the previous Speier farewell, their sovereign and princely sovereigns, as well as the others, had protested against such a supposed increase and farewell. The others, too, have protested against this supposed increase and departure, as well as what they have encountered in this regard.

And for this reason it would be most humbly pleading with Her Lordship and Grace, and with the others, that Her Imperial Majesty would not take an ungracious will for the above-mentioned and other reasons. Majesty, for the reasons mentioned and others, would not take an ungracious will to the protestation and refusal made, but would grant this to the unavoidable necessity.

Thus, in the meantime, with the help of divine assistance, their sovereigns and fathers, as well as the others, intend to hold the future approved Concilii, or National Assembly, with their own in their authorities and territories in such a way as they hoped and dared to answer to God and their imperial majesty, so that nothing unjust or unreasonable may be imposed upon them. They also wanted, as their forefathers and ancestors had done, to be submissive to their Imperial Majesty. Majesty's will, and keep themselves as obedient, first of all as far as the temporal is concerned, it would be with the necessary help against the Turks, for the orderly maintenance of the regiment and chamber court, also other things that are necessary for their Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire. Maj. and the Holy Empire's welfare and honor.

With most humble request, if the matter reaches Her Majesty in a different form, Her Majesty would not allow any disparagement of the same, but rather would allow this truthful excuse to stand and be believed, and would not allow herself to be moved to disgrace against her without the interrogation and responsibility of her most gracious, merciful and favorable sovereigns, after Her Electoral and Princely Grace and the others had been requested, where they would be overcome by divine biblical scripture of another, that they would allow themselves to be rebuked of all charges. They are not to be moved to disgrace against them without the interrogation of their most gracious and favorable rulers, after their sovereign and princely lords, as well as the others, would be obligated, if they were overcome by divine biblical scripture of another, to let themselves be rebuked of all charges.

And their Lordships and F. Gnostics, as well as the others, hereby command themselves under their Imperial Majesty's protection and promise as their most gracious Emperor and Lord. Majesty's protection, patronage, and promise, as their most gracious Emperor and Lord, with the request that their Imperial Majesty would give them, the envoys, the most gracious, gracious, and favorable lords, the most gracious, prompt, written answer.

And so that her imperial majesty of the trade

  1. "one" set by us instead of: from.

512 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 863. W. xvi. si6-E. 513

the envoys hand over to Her Majesty their German sealed Instruction, together with two copies of it in Latin and French, together with the other documents serving for trade; again with the most humble request that Her Imperial Majesty would be so kind as to read them, and thereupon to deliver them again in the most gracious, most hurried, and most bailful manner. This would undoubtedly be done by Her Royal and Princely Grace, as well as the others. The others, too, would undoubtedly deserve this in all loyalty to their Imperial Majesty, as their most gracious lord.

12 And at that time the envoys of their imperial majesty delivered them to their own hands:

I. their German having sealed Instruction;

II. two copies of it in Latin and French;

III. a printed farewell of the Speierische Reichstag of this 29th year;

IV. of the Electors, Princes and Others First Protestation in Latin;

V. the other long protestation in German, and subsequently M. Alexandern, at his request, the same protestation in Latin;

VI. the tender for this Imperial Diet of the past 29th year;

VII Pabst's Adriani Confession on Abuses;

VIII. the hundred complaints, brought before the Diet of Nuremberg.

13 In response to such a presentation by the envoys, the Imperial Majesty immediately gave them the following oral reply through M. Alexander. Majesty immediately had M. Alexander orally give them the following answer, namely: Her Imperial Majesty would have sent the envoys the following information from Her Majesty. Majesty had received the envoys' requests from Her Majesty. He wished to see the action submitted in council, and how Her Majesty sees the matter, and then to give an imperial and gracious answer to the charge.

14 Subsequently, the envoys handed over a Latin copy of the Instruction to the Grand Chancellor and asked for a prompt good answer and dispatch. He offered to do so.

15 Similarly, they have handed over to M. Alexander Schweißen a German, and Alphonso Waldes (both Imperial Majesty's Secretaries) a Latin copy of such instruction, and have also asked for promotion.

to good clearance, which also let themselves be heard well-willingly.

16 And after Imperial Maj. Maj. gave an answer through M. Alexander Schweißen (as stated above), Her Majesty sent all written acts to him that he should overlook them and send them to the Grand Chancellor in advance so that the act could be discussed in the Great Council. This was done by M. Alexander and the entire act was sent to the Grand Chancellor.

The envoys have also handed over a copy of their authority, which they have from the electors, princes, and also the honorable free and imperial cities. But when the Grand Chancellor became weak, he could neither act nor overlook anything. Therefore, the envoys stopped so much that the Grand Chancellor postponed the same deal and sent it to Monsieur Gran Vela Granvella, who was decaying in the Grand Chancellor's illness, and had him announce that he would translate the act and then bring it to council.

18 Thus the envoys subsequently applied to the same and to all places, but outside of Nassau, while he had given them an answer, as reported above in the entry, also to Imperial Majesty himself for a gracious, grave and written answer and each time received a reply: they would be graciously dispatched.

Meanwhile, Michael von Kaden has recovered and come to them in Placentia; there they have again informed all three of them in many ways, solicited and asked for information.

20 And although they were always assured that they would soon be mercifully disposed of, they still had to take this precaution that they would not be disposed of as they would have liked. And so that, if the matter should come to the insinuation of the appeal, there would be no lack of a notary (which otherwise one would not want to have), Alexius Frauentraut has forgiven and exonerated himself of his legation and sending before another open notary and the witnesses, and has also had an instrument made about it.

21 And because at the time when the envoys were asking for clearance and reply, it happened that Imperial Majesty the Holy Roman Emperor had sent the envoys a letter. Majesty. Colman dispatched Plattnern 1) of Augsburg to ride home and make some armor for Her Majesty and also for the von Nassau, which Plattner requested from Imperial Majesty and the von Nassau. Majesty and that of Nassau, and requested that Imperial Majesty Majesty to order the

  1. "Platner" - plate maker, harness maker. In the old edition: "Colman Platnern".

514 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, "19-621. 515

When the emperor of Nassau dispatched the envoys so that he would have companions, and did not ride alone in the swift louses, he told the same Plattner that he could well tell the envoys that they would enjoy him, the Plattner. For the imperial majesty also wants to dispatch the embassies so that he has company, and where it would be without him, the Plattner, the envoys would have to walk for a month or more afterwards.

But as it happened that Colman Plattner got other company so that he could ride, the envoy's answer remained behind and was raised. From this it can be deduced that Plattner had no company, that his support was more helpful and had more prestige, neither princes, princes, nor respectable free and imperial cities themselves. From this it is also to be heard that princes, princes and the honorable cities have to provide themselves in matters of faith to their majesty 2c.

After Alexius Frauentraut had refused his legation for the above-mentioned reasons, the other two envoys, Hans Ehinger and Michael von Kaden, asked for their leave. This was granted to them on October 13 by the Imperial Majesty's Secretary, M. Alexander Schweiß, with Her Imperial Majesty and the same Secretary. Majesty and the same secretary's hands.

  1. Which Hans Ehinger and Michael von Kaden have taken to themselves, read out, and thereupon Michael von Kaden has initiated the Speier appeal, with the request and demand that Alexius Frauentraut, as notary, give them, the envoys, one or more open instruments ex officio from their most gracious lords and princes, from their most gracious, gracious lords, the princes, princes, and also the others, on account of such insinuated appeal, ex officio, to make and give one or more open instruments and documents, as much as they would be or would be in need of them.

25 The above-mentioned notary, in the presence of M. Alexander Schweiß, gave them this answer. Alexander Schweiß, gave this answer: because a few days ago he had refused his legation, in which he had been ordered all and variously, for movable causes, the contents of an instrument, he could not, for the sake of his office, avoid making and giving to the princes, princes, also honorable free and imperial cities, as principals, or to them, the envoys, one or more open instruments and deeds, as much as they would be in need of them. Require the witnesses that were present at that time.

  1. on which the appeal has been filed, also the subsequent requisition, has much

The aforementioned M. Alexander said that he had been ordered by Imperial Majesty to give the envoys farewell to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty, but he had no order to accept the appeal; he gave the envoys the farewell by order of Imperial Majesty. Majesty, which would be signed with the same hand, and if the envoys were in want of it, they would address Imperial Majesty himself. Majesty himself, and he wanted to report such action to Imperial Majesty. Majesty. And even if he had taken such an appeal into his own hands, he did not want to have it accepted by taking it into his hands, but to report it to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Alexium Frauentraut requests and demands that he make and give him one or more open instruments and documents about it, as much as he would be in need of them, to which the now reported Notary gave him this answer: as much as he would be obliged to do.

The two envoys, on the other hand, did not doubt their Majesty's decision at all. But since he, M. Alexander, had given them the decision of the Imperial Majesty, they acted as their instructions indicated. Majesty, they, the envoys, acted according to their instruction 2c., and thus did not want to take the appeal again, and laid it down on the table; which Appeal Acta, German and Latin, M. Alexander, together with a copy of their authority (which they filed again), carried to court from that hour (as the envoys are reported) and reported to Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

  1. the same 13th day oct, about 3 hours after noon, the same M. Alexander came and brought with him a notary and several witnesses, and said that he appeared before the same notary, and because he had protested the same day before Alexio Frauentraut, as notary, that he did not want to accept or have accepted the protestation, he repeated the same again, and his request was that if Alexius Frauentraut wanted to make an instrument about such insinuation, that he then not let the same go out, he then inscribed all the action, namely Imperial Majesty's farewell, and what he, Alexander, had given for his person for the answer to it. Majesty's farewell, and what he, Alexander, would have given for his person for answer to it. Requested the same notary that he wanted to make and give him one or more open instruments and documents about all this. This now applies to his own person. For one.

29 Secondly, he would have been ordered by His Imperial Majesty to say to the envoys: "Because they have had such an appeal insinuated and handed over to Her Majesty. Majesty would have ordered him to tell the envoys that because they had insinuated and handed over such an appeal to Her Majesty, that Her Imperial Majesty had by no means provided for them. Majesty had by no means provided for them. Accordingly, she had Her Imperial Majesty sent by him,

516 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 863. W. xvi, 621-624. 517

M. Alexander, into the hostel, with the appendix that in case of loss of life and property they should not leave the hostel, not write behind them, nor send some servants from themselves. Everything until further notice to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty's Majesty's decision.

30 When Michael von Kaden was in the city at the time when M. Alexander Hansen Ehingern and Alexium Frauentraut were arrested in the inn, and learned of such arrest through a servant, he quickly attributed the same to his lords of Nuremberg, and subsequently went to his companions in the inn, and also heard of such arrest. However, due to the arrest, no notary nor testes witnesses were requisitioned by Alexander.

  1. on the 14th day of Octob. Hans Ehinger and Michael von Kaden have thereupon in the inn before Alexio Frauentraut, as Notario, from their most gracious and favorable lords, the Electors, Princes, also honorable free and imperial cities, on account of Imperial. Majesty ad cautelam provocirt and appellirt.

32 Thus the envoys were imprisoned as the obedient, namely from the 13th to the 25th day of October, and yet in the meantime they have given instruction in German and French to Imperial Majesty and asked for interrogation. Majesty in the meantime, and asked for interrogation.

On the 25th day of October, when Imperial Majesty wanted to leave for Placentia, M. Alexander Schweiß came to them. Majesty was about to leave for Placentia, M. Alexander Sweat came to the officials and informed them that the von Nassau, together with the secretary Lobis, had two or three times dealt with Imperial Majesty on account of their trade or dealings, but that Her Majesty had taken it into consideration. However, the matter was finally brought to the point that Ulrich Ehinger's embassies, for the sake of his faithful service, now enjoy that her Majesty counts them exempt from this arrest and detention; but that they promised (as they must do) to follow the court as far as Bononia. For her Majesty has complaint and displeasure about their action, and also about the booklet that has been handed over. However, they, the envoys, may, on their way or at Parma, settle the matter themselves and leave the hostel. He tells the envoys all this by order of Nassau; however, they should not overrun him, M. Alexander, too much.

34 Accordingly, the deputies of Imperial Majesty followed up to Parma. Accordingly, the deputies of His Majesty followed as far as Parma and asked and asked daily for a single count of their household.

On Oct. 30, Imperial Majesty decreed that the Majesty the

The following notice was given to the envoy by Monsieur de Gran Vela in Latin, in the presence of Alexander, with the approximate content: Imperial Majesty would have been very displeased with their action for the sake of the appeal. Majesty would have been very displeased with their action on account of the appeal; but as to that, Her Imperial Majesty, as a gracious and gracious man, would have been very pleased. Majesty, as a gracious and kind emperor, wanted to relax the envoys from arrest and allow them to return to their masters.

36 However, it would have been a great pleasure for Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Order, Will and Opinion that Alexius Frauentraut does not make an instrument about the happened insinuation of the appeal, he would have handed it over to M. Alexander Schweißen before, to have a look at it according to necessity. To which Alexius replied: if Imperial Majesty wanted it. Majesty wanted, he would have to do it.

37 Hans Ehinger and Alexius Frauentraut departed from the court at such a time; but Michael von Kaden, on Gran Vel's notice, had to continue to follow the court because of a booklet he had handed over to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, had to continue to follow the court.

38 Thus the von Nassau and M. Alexius Schweiß again answered the above-mentioned Electors, Princes and honorable free and imperial cities to their letters of credence; as can be heard here.

39 And because Ulrich Ehinger did not appeal to Imperial Majesty, he was not allowed to do so. Majest. Court, the envoys have kept his letter of credence with them, which they also hand over herewith, along with the other documents that have remained to them.

(40) Whatever instruments, namely Hans Ehinger's and Michael von Kaden's Provocation ad cautelam, are to be erected upon the opened parting, Notarius Frauentraut, at her Electoral Grace, is entitled to erect. Notarius Frauentraut, at her Electoral Grace's request and at the request of both of the aforementioned.

41 Likewise, the same notary requests that the instrument on the completed appeal insinuation, provided that it is not contrary to the last dispensation, which was given to him by Monsieur de Granvelle by Imperial Majesty, be set up. Majesty (as stated above), in which he asks for their princely and royal graces and favor, so that he may do what is just and inviolable to his honor.

From all this, the envoys want to give all three of them to their electoral and princely graces, as well as to respectable free and imperial cities. They want to give their electoral and princely graces, as well as honorable free cities and imperial towns, as much to understand and to know as their electoral and princely graces and in favor of the holy Christian faith will allow. The Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty, as well as their councilors, in order that they may remember and act in accordance with their considerable need.

518 Erl. 54,7s-si. Cap. 12. Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi. 624-626. 519

43 The envoys must inform their most gracious, gracious and favorable masters, the electors, princes, and honorable free and imperial cities in summary, and must act accordingly.

  1. also hereby command their electoral, princely, and other graces. The following is a list of the most important documents of the Holy Roman Catholic Church in the Czech Republic.

The above-mentioned princes, princes, and also honorable free and > imperial cities envoys, > > Hans Ehinger, Michael von Kaden and Alexius Frauentraut 2c.

  1. Luther's concern for himself and his colleagues as to whether the dissenters in the article on the Lord's Supper could be included in the religious alliance. (End of May 1529.)

The original of this prayer, which was most likely made for the convention meeting in Rodach on June 7, is in the archives at Weimar, 8. toi. 40. n. 2 and is reproduced from it in Müller's Historie der Augsburgischen Confession, lib. II, eap. 16, s 6, p. 230, but with the ending omitted. Incomplete also in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXII, p. 25 and in Walch. Complete in De Wette, vol. Ill, p.465 and in the Erlanger, vol.54, p.79.

Because this alliance is to have the name and the opinion that the teaching of the gospel is thereby preserved and protected among us, it is

At first impossible and in vain; cause, for such alliance must without doubt be founded and stand on the conscience or faith of those who have joined together, as that they want to believe in one accord. Now such faith is unconscious and uncertain in the others, and certainly to be feared in very few. If the emperor were to attack, there would be very few who would stand, and the others would all fall away: then we would first and too slowly learn how the cities are not powerful in themselves, and the alliance would be destroyed with great shame and damage. We have enough examples of this in Mühlhausen, Nordhausen, Erfurt, Augsburg, 1) Schwäbisch Halle 2c.

  1. Here De Wette and according to him the Erlangen edition still has "Nuremberg", which is not found in Müller. The

before wanted to eat up the gospel because of love, but now suddenly and easily fell down. So it is to be feared that Ulm, Strasbourg 2c., will also go, because there are still many in it who are hostile to the gospel, that one or two men who are now silent and suffering will come forward and turn the whole city back, for: Non est omnium fides, says Paul 2 Thess. 3, 2.

On the other hand, it is dangerous for the landgrave, because he is a restless man. If, however, as he did that time, he should attempt to storm monasteries and convents without our will, we would have to follow suit and do or have done what he did. Likewise, for the sake of the cities of Basel and Strasbourg, which the monasteries (which were not under their control) had closed and taken by their own force, we would have to defend all this with our help. Because the landgrave would like to bring us into such danger, we do against God, where we enter into such danger, as it is written: "You shall not tempt God" Matth.4, 7., and again: "Whoever likes danger will perish over it" Sir.3, 27..

Thirdly, it is suspicious and annoying, for who can believe that so many people do not seek brachium carnis in this, that is, more consolation and defiance in human help than in God; indeed, very few would be so pure in faith, is there anyone else so pure, who would not let such a covenant be their idol; that would be terrible. And even if two or three were pure, they would have given cause to the others and set up such an idol for them, like Gideon, Judges. 8, ^3)^ 27. and Micah, Judg. 17,5.

Fourth, it is unchristian for heresy against the Sacrament; for we cannot have it in the covenant, we would have to help strengthen and defend such heresy, and if

Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. Ill, notes that "Nuremberg is probably to be deleted. - Augsburg, Schwäbisch-Hall and Nordhausen had signed the imperial treaty at Speier lNo. 818); in Mulhouse the Catholic party was still dominant, in Erfurt there was discord.

  1. In Basel, on February 15, 1529, the city council seized the St. Peter's monastery; in Strasbourg, on February 20, the city council and the aldermen abolished Catholic worship, even in the imperial monastery, the high monastery (the cathedral), over which they had no power.
  2. At De Wette and in the Erlanger: Jud. 9.

520 Erl. 54.81 f. Section 2: Of the conventicles at Torgau 2c. No. 864^ W. LVI, 626 f. 521

If they were to defend themselves, they would probably become worse than before. Because they do not improve this part, there is no hope that they will remain right and firm in the other parts. Notice the example of Joshua 7, where the whole holy nation had to suffer misfortune because of one Achan, until such a sin was punished.

Whether someone wanted to pretend: The cities are one with us in all respects except the one, and there should not be so much concern about the one for the sake of the others.

Answer: There is too much in the one, as said above of Achan; for therefore all the others also become unclean, as. Jacobus says: Offendens in uno, factus est omnium reus Jac. 2, 10.. He is no less an unchristian who denies one article than Arius or the other. Therefore we may not escape judgment, faciens et consentiens pari poena plectuntur, Rom. 1, 32. and as the prophet says to King Jehoshaphat 2 Chron. 19, 2.: Impio praebes auxilium, et iis, qui orunt Dominum amicitia jungeris etc.. Also, they complicate things themselves too much, so that without any need they completely remove all ceremonies from the sacrament and make a bad collation out of it, which we cannot justify.

If, however, it is said that this covenant does not concern doctrine, but is to be used against external violence, which is done against the law, because it is based on knowledge.

Answer: It does not hold, because it is known that the adversary does not want to attack us for any reason but for the sake of doctrine. Therefore we cannot believe that we make such a covenant against unjust power. And the fact that they ask for knowledge does not help us; for we know and hold that they are wrong, and may not put this into doubt or knowledge with them, so that we cannot act with them with a good conscience; we would also have to grant and confirm such their request for knowledge, and thus fall with them from our certain knowledge to their doubt or uncertain delusion. That would be more than half, if not denying our faith). The-

  1. The following is missing from the above issues !

he concern we have is to leave it at the articles that are placed on such an action.

^2^) The emperor must be written to.

First of all, it would be good that our part, with the exclusion of the Zwinglian, writes for itself.

Secondly, that the good deeds of the prince against the church and the common being would be made great, well deleted 2c.

  1. That he had Christ and his faith taught in the purest way, as it has not been taught anywhere, and not for a thousand years, in so many churches and parishes. And so many abuses and abominable things have been stopped, of which they themselves must confess that they have been exceedingly evil and harmful to the church and the common being, as the fair of the masses, the abuse of indulgences, the violence with the ban, and the like, which was also intolerable with them; such things were brought up by the nobility themselves at Worms and insisted that they be stopped.
  2. That he resisted the rioters, as the iconoclasts and the church rioters.
  3. That the honor of the authorities and majesty has been gloriously displayed, praised and restored, more than has been done for many centuries.
  4. Against the rebels, such as Muenzer, we would have done and suffered the utmost to preserve majesty and public peace.
  5. No one held down the Sacramentirans except us, the Papists would have been overpowered.
  6. We have put down the Anabaptists in the same way,
  7. Moreover, 3) the evil seeds of exceedingly wicked human doctrines, scattered in various places, of the Holy Trinity, of faith in Christ 2c. (as those of Erasmus, Egranus and the like).
  8. The following is in the original Latin and translated by us into German.
  9. Per ea in our template seems to us to be read from kraetsrea. We have assumed the latter.

522 Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 627-630. 523

865: List of those who were present at the Convention at Rodach.

From Müller's History, eup. 16, s 8, p. 235.

  1. Hans von Minkwitz, Knight, on account of Chursachsen and Duke Ernst of Lüneburg.
  2. Caspar von Seckendorf, Marshal, on account of Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg.
  3. Sigmund von Bopneburg, Amtmann zu Schmalkalden; 4. Johann Nordeck, KammerSecretarius, on account of Landgrave Philippsen zu Hessen.
  4. matches pastor, ammeister, because of the city of Strasbourg.
  5. Christoph Kreß and 7. Christ. Tetzel, mayor; 8. Georg Hüpler, town clerk, on account of the city of Nuremberg.

9th Bernhard Besserer, mayor; 10th Daniel Schleicher; 11th Conrad Aytinger, city clerk, on account of the city of Ulm.

866 Consöderationsnotel, erected by some Protestant estates at Rodach (June 7) 1529.

From Müller's History 1. e. p. 236.

By the Grace of God, we John, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire 2c, George, Margrave of Brandenburg, and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse 2c, and we Mayors and Councillors of the Holy Roman Empire cities of Strasbourg, Nuremberg and Ulm, do hereby confess and declare to God Almighty with this letter. Imperial cities of Strasbourg, Nuremberg and Ulm, confess and declare with this letter that for the following movable Christian and good reasons, but first of all for the praise and honor due to God Almighty, for the promotion and acceptance of His holy word and gospel, and so that we may remain with the Holy Empire, as obedient members of the same, and so that we may remain in the holy kingdom as obedient members thereof, and also that our subjects, who are commanded by God to govern and preside over us in a Christian manner, may be handled in a manner that is honorable, Christian and fair, and also conducive to the salvation of their souls, and may be prevented from unjust unlawful rape and damage, have unanimously agreed, joined and committed themselves to this with one another. And do so in the name of the Almighty, knowingly, by virtue of this letter, for us, all our heirs and descendants, as follows: Initially, our minds, wills and opinions shall not stand in any way, nor shall this confidential and friendly understanding of ours.

that we are not to be drawn by the same against the Roman Imperial Majesty as our most gracious rightful lord and superior. Majesty, as our most gracious rightful lord and sovereign, decreed to us by God, for which we also recognize their Imperial Majesty without means. Majesty, without any means, against the Holy Roman Empire, its members or relatives, or their Imperial Majesty. Majesty, the order of the Empire, or the unification of the alliance in the land of Swabia, to which we are partly related, in some way, or to wage war against anyone for ourselves, or to wage war against anyone, or to overreach anyone, or to violate the law, or to break the common peace, or to arouse indignation or repugnance in the Holy Empire. Majesty. Rather, by such means we want to help in the most faithful way to maintain the dignity, honor and majesty of the Holy Roman Empire, its reception, welfare and prosperity, as well as public peace, justice and unity everywhere, to prevent as much as possible the dangerous uprisings, outrages and repugnances that we have to worry about in the Empire, and to use only the means of defense and salvation that are permitted to every human being by human, natural and imperial rights, without any means. The same applies to ours, to whom we are ordained by God as superiors and protectors, to protect ourselves from unjust complaints and violent actions by those who might act against us and ours against God's command, the common peace of the realm, common law and all equity; and just as we, as Christian princes, sovereigns, cities and sovereigns, know that we owe it to ourselves by virtue of our commanded office to do so without any means, and are therefore obligated to account to God Almighty, as the Lord, Creator and Sustainer of us all.

  1. and above all, the Roman Imperial Majesty, as our Lord Emperor and Superior, shall be exempt from this friendly understanding and agreement. Majesty, as our Lord, Emperor and Sovereign, shall be excluded from this friendly understanding and agreement of ours, finally and without means, so that such our understanding shall in no way be drawn, placed or interpreted on Her Imperial Majesty's person, nor shall it be understood at all in any article on Her Majesty. Similarly, we also take from the common estates of the empire, as much as they are not included in this our understanding; as far as each one for himself, or next to other estates, with and in the same help, does not commit against us and ours some felonious, miscreant action, help, war exercise and insurrection, still for the sake of reported things.
  1. And even though we Princes and Reigning Princes, as mentioned above, are in hereditary fraternity and hereditary union with others, the content of the prescription and the Roman Imperial Majesty, we are not to be held responsible. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Be-

524 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 866. W. xvi, 630-632. 525

The order and unification of the Union of Swabia, in which we aforementioned Estates are mostly involved, can therefore include, among other things, an article with the harmless content: that the covenant relatives may well enter into unification with princes, princely and other Estates in the Empire, and also accept a covenant and understanding with them, but that they freely exclude the unification of the same Union of Swabia 2c. Because of this, some might think that we, the estates, should exclude such hereditary brotherhood, hereditary alliance, and also alliance relatives, the others of our mutual union: This union of ours is not a common or such an agreement, which in all cases that may occur, or therefore hereditary brotherhoods, hereditary brotherhoods of the princes and princes, included therein, also the covenant relatives of Swabia may recognize, The only thing that is required is a confidential, friendly understanding of whether our one of the divine word, the holy gospel and our faith and what is dependent on it, and what is pending on the same, and therefore in a common case, where the relatives on both sides have not joined agreement to each other at all, in which they also have no power to do some knowledge, relief, decision or help, and therefore may not be judges, would be attacked, overdrawn, feuded, raped or burdened against fairness, which one should provide to the other in such a case, and what salvation, protection and defense he should rely on from them; so that, for such reasons, against all of them, as has been reported, there is no need at all to make any exceptions in this matter; Moreover, our minds are not in any way, either altogether or in particular, as we hereby expressly reserve, that we do not wish, through this understanding of ours, to withdraw from the agreements indicated, but rather intend to comply with the same hereditary brotherhoods, hereditary unions and the order of the covenant, as far as each of these is concerned, all of their content and in all articles, Therefore the same agreements have been made and established, and therein they are to be recognized, to be lived and complied with most faithfully, not less than if our understanding, which, as reported, is based solely on a defense of the united case and things, and not on a move or physical helpful agreement, were not at all before our eyes. Do also the same hereditary fraternizations, hereditary

and order of the covenant in all things, wherefore the same is established and therein admitted to be known to the same kinsmen, hereby also freely excepted, and have not drawn our understanding thereon, in the undoubted confidence that every Christian mind, which is inclined to God's honor, common peace and human respectability, will from this friendly understanding of ours, which we also bear no hesitation to reveal to Imperial Majesty, to all imperial states and to all men, so much that it will be nothing else than a Christian mind, faithful, obedient to God and to our kinsmen. Majesty, to all imperial states and to all men, that he has no other reason to judge than a Christian mind, faithful to God, obedient to our authorities, and a responsible protection, pacification and handling of our faithful subjects and common peace.

We, the aforementioned princes, princes and cities, together with all and each of our subjects, relatives and dependents, together and in particular, shall hold, maintain and promote the time of our established understanding with good, right, true loyalty to each other, for the sake of the matter in question, faithfully and safely. To this end, we, and all of us, shall not do or practice anything violent or unfriendly towards or against each other, but each of us shall be content with ordinary and equitable rights towards the other and his relatives, and shall not complain about them or allow his own to do so, nor shall any of us allow the other his secret or public enemies, Nor shall any of us knowingly keep, nurture, undercut, or induce another to keep, nurture, undercut, or induce his secret or public enemies, plagiarists, and injurers in his principalities, authorities, and territories, or permit his officials and others to do so to his own, but each shall let the other and his dependents remain within the common peace and rights of the realm. And if any of our enemies, injurers, and such like public plagiarists enter our towns, territories, and courts, we shall act against them, at the request of the injured party, or on our own behalf, by official authority, as the Holy Roman Empire's common land peace and common rights and practice allow, and as each of us would like the other to do in the same case. And after the recent Imperial Diet at Speier, the other imperial estates that were present at that time, in several articles, but especially in matters concerning the holy gospel, our faith and religion, have made our friendly and submissive requests, reminders, proposals and requests difficult and so difficult for us.

526 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 632-635. 527

that we have publicly protested against this article, do not want to heal it, and have also appealed against it, as is proper. Likewise, that certain princes and estates of ours, in appearance of spiritual jurisdiction, as they call it, of which they believe we have deprived them unreasonably and by force, have complained and have undertaken to defend us, or may henceforth complain and defend themselves, not to visit and examine the pastors and preachers in our authorities for their doctrine, conduct and character, not to change the unfit, infirm pastors and church servants, and not to make some improvement in that which is divine, Christian and honorable, and also in part necessary and beneficial to our subjects, for which every authority is fchuldiglich obligated; Therefore, it is to be feared that the word of God and our opponents may subject themselves to forcibly force us and ours from the word of God by all kinds of means, practices and ways, and to coerce us to re-establish the old un-Christian abuses, or to forcibly prevent in the future that which is in accordance with Christian faith and the word and command of God, for which reason we and ours may also be openly feared, violently attacked or damaged in other ways. Whether anyone, whatever his status or nature, would like to or would subject himself to our understanding at the time of this, to attack ours or ours on account of the holy divine word and gospel, also on account of the same doctrine and attitude, or on account of the above-mentioned ambivalent Speierian imperial treaty, as far as it affects our faith and religion, as well as the changed and abolished ceremonies and church customs, and what is pending to the same all straight and without means, and against our given appeal, so against the next Speierische Abschied of this ninth and twentieth year to the imperial majesty and the future Concilium happen, whether the Widertheil imperial order or mandate to the lid, by too lenient report, would bring and turn forward, since we nevertheless request, imperial majesty to the truth again to ours, and against our given appeal, so against the next Speierische Abschied of this ninth and twentieth year to the imperial majesty and the future Concilium happen, since we nevertheless request, imperial majesty to the truth again to ours. Majesty again to report the truth on our appeal; to overdraw, rape, secretly or publicly to feud, damage and complain, or that the Imperial Regiment and Chamber Court, or someone else, who would be, on the accusation and indictment of our repugnants, or for themselves, by virtue of office and authority, should

We hereby declare that we shall not, either in whole or in part, act against us in any of the matters and articles now reported, either in whole or in part, with eight or more other burdensome findings and proceedings, including the subsequent physical execution and enforcement of the same, which may result in public damage to us and ours, and which may cause us undue hardship: For all this, and nothing more, nor for any other case or matter which may otherwise arise against us and ours, we shall all and especially be obliged to save each other, to help each other faithfully, according to the form and measures mentioned. However, in matters outside the above-mentioned cases, concerning the Word of God and faith, as expressly reported, we shall and may each use the ordinary law against our party, or other measures, ways and means, as may be convenient to him in each case, to his need and advantage, in which we shall not be obligated to render any assistance to each other.

5 However, with our assistance, which we are obliged to render to each other, as reported, it shall be held thus: If, at the time of this our understanding, one of our aforementioned estates is in danger and distress of unreasonable rape, violation, encumbrance or damage, to ourselves or to ours, on account of our property and faith, so that the same has certain information, notice or suspicion of the same, or that we and ours are in danger of the same, or that we and ours are being attacked, overrun, warred against, feuded against or damaged, or that our or their land, people, castle, towns, villages or fortifications are being taken away by force, because of the above-mentioned matters: Then the same estate, being thus troubled, raped, invaded or damaged, shall describe and require us, the others, to a place situated, which it shall have power to name, with a statement of its distress and concern; And then we, the princes above, shall send three of our wise councillors, and we, those of the cities, also three of our councillor friends or others of ours, who are related to us with duties, services or offices, and no more, to the named place and at the appointed time, according to the description, without any delay, delay and hindrance. The same six persons, who have been sent and dispatched by us, as reported, shall also be discharged of their duty, so that they are related to us, in the matter reported, for which they have been sent, and as long as it lasts, and shall hereby be obligated and bound to be equal and common to us of all parts, and to one as the other among us the most faithful, best and most honorable, to his

528 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 866. W. xvi. 63s-e37. 529

He shall advise and help in our affairs, for which he is needed by us as his lordship, faithfully, diligently and uprightly, and shall also not undertake, speak, act and give advice in any other way for the settlement, rescue and help of any grievance that may be before his eyes, except whether it concerns our, as his lordship, or his own affairs and concerns. If, however, one of us wanted to or would send more than the number of persons and councillors mentioned, and namely one to two more, he shall have the power to do so; but that it shall always remain with the six votes and that they shall not be increased, we would therefore, according to the opportunity of the time, runs and more persons, whom we would take to us, compare ourselves with another. And when the same six councillors come together, and the above case and the plight of the aggrieved estate is presented to them: Then they shall diligently consider and deliberate on the same matters to the best of their ability and without delay, in what manner and by what proper means such complaints and objections are to be prevented, averted, or brought to an amelioration in ways that will be agreeable to the aggrieved party, by proposing necessary legislation, sending our embassies or writings, visiting and accepting amicable days, or in other ways. If, however, one or more of the advised ways and means are not provided or accepted by the opposing party, or if the distress and damage is so urgent and unmistakable that no other than a public, violent damage, assault or damage can be provided for, or if the distress and violence is present in the work, so that in such a case the help and salvation would not suffer in any way: Then the said six of our dispatched councillors and envoys shall, at the time of the aforementioned their duties, have the power to recognize and decide, according to the occasion of any complaints occurring at the time and incumbent upon them, also the land and property of the aggrieved party, how and in what manner, also with what number, assistance, ordnance and armament on horseback or on foot, assistance shall be rendered to the aggrieved or damaged party, whether it be for rescue, defence, garrisoning of towns, castles or other fortifications, for an addition or a patrol, as may be most convenient, but that the number of the same recognized and most appropriate assistance does not exceed the sum of the assistance on horseback and on foot, which we have united with each other as follows, in each case, or that it is not exceeded by the councillors' opinion.

knowledge be increased. And what is at any time discussed, recognized, decided and complied with by the same our sent councils in matters of all our incumbent emergencies and complaints, half of the above-mentioned cases and matters, or by the more part of the same, it shall remain so, and it shall be complied with by us in all parts without refusal, and by no means be prevented or withdrawn by anyone from us or from ours. If, however, the invasion and violence of our enemies should turn into a full-scale war or otherwise prove so burdensome that this assistance we have agreed to provide will not be sufficient, either in whole or in part, to avert this formidable obstruction, even if our appointed councillors and envoys, depending on the nature of the war, would deem more assistance necessary: They shall not have the power to recognize or moderate a greater or greater number of people on horseback and on foot by their own judgment, outside of the aid hereafter contracted, but shall then send us, as their masters, their concerns and advice, with the necessary reasons for their movement, along with the designation of another conducive day and place, and then we shall send our prudent councillors and embassies together on the named day and time at a convenient place, with necessary and perfect authority, to move and discuss such important matters and the need at hand with their circumstances in the most diligent manner, whether and how the aforementioned contracted assistance is to be increased, also in which way the trade is to be carried out in the most useful and bearable manner, and the least burdensome end is to be sought therein. And if one of the states, reported to which the assistance is recognized as above, becomes in need of some ordnance, that state shall have and decree it for itself in its lands and territories. The same burdened part shall also maintain and use the reported ordnance for necessity without our, the other estates', cost and disadvantage.

  1. And in order to prevent ourselves and ours all together and especially from such suspected harassment, assault, violence and damage, to keep the peace, and to withstand the adverse authorities, in matters as mentioned above, all the sooner and to do necessary rescue and defense: We have voluntarily united and agreed on the following assistance and armament, so that we, the cities, have declared to the said our most gracious and gracious lords, the Electors and

530 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 637-640. 531

If the princes should be attacked, raped, damaged or encumbered and need assistance, they will send three thousand fit, mustered footmen, with their armor and armor, as befits the use of the country and necessity, at our, the cities', expense and maintenance. If, however, we, the cities, should encounter such a violation, encroachment, damage or burden: Then we, the Elector and Princes, shall and will send to the city complained of fifteen hundred fit, mustered, armed horses, also at our, the Princes', expense and maintenance, to use the same aid on horseback and on foot, as long as necessity requires it, after consideration of the councils sent together, for the counter-defense; but all on the prior knowledge and moderation of the above-mentioned councils ordered by all of us. Nevertheless, we, the other estates, shall send our due number on horseback or on foot, and the burdened part shall be equipped with its number in the same way, so that there will be no shortage of such united help, and how it is to be provided each time. And if it will be necessary and the invasion will be in sight, the burdened state shall have occupied its spots for necessity, and be prepared with all its might to resist such invasion all the more handsomely, and to cover itself up in an emergency. If, however, it should happen that, due to necessity or hindrance, the recognized aid on horseback and on foot cannot be brought to the state in need of it, and to which it has been recognized by the councilors, by any means: Then the money for such aid, as has been recognized and appropriate, and at the time of the recognized aid of the cavalry and footmen, also for their remuneration, shall be sent and delivered by us, the others, to whom the aid is due to be sent, without delay and hindrance, to pay others with it as necessary. The highest diligence shall also be used in all cases to do and render the moderate aid with people, and not with money, where it is always possible to exist. And whichever part of us will send some aid on horseback and on foot to the other and weighed down, it shall dispatch its captains and men-of-war with the same stately and serious command, nor shall the men-of-war take any other form than such that they may act to the benefit of the overdrawn, raped or weighed-down part, promote its piety, and prevent harm to itself.

We will also use them faithfully and without objection for the needs and concerns of their burdened state; They shall also be obedient and compliant to their sub-chiefs, as well as to the supreme captain assigned to them from time to time, and also to the appointed war councillors of ours, whom we shall assign each time as hereinafter provided, and shall in no way oppose due honest duty, which would be held against them by the same supreme appointed captain or the appointed war councillors, but shall perform it obediently and want to live according to it. And if we, the Elector and Prince, receive help from the other estates: we shall all, or he to whom aid is thus given by the others, have a supreme captain over all the people of war; If, however, assistance is sent to us, the cities, or to one of our most gracious and gracious lords, the princes, we, the cities, or all those to whom assistance is sent, shall have the power to appoint and decree a chief captain of the people of war; all the people of war shall then be obedient to the same captain and swear, as has been safely reported above. The said captain shall not, however, at any time undertake for himself any march, raid, assault, battle, pillaging, or any other proper action, but shall do such things as the necessity and occasion of the things and the exercise of war may at any time require, with the knowledge, order, and command of six of our councillors reported beforehand, and also of the other councillors of war whom we shall assign to the same, as follows, and shall live obediently to the same order and command. However, so that in times of need we may act all the more fruitfully and stately: We, the princes, shall and will assign and appoint two more war councillors to the aforementioned six appointed councillors, and we, the cities, shall also assign and appoint two war councillors who are knowledgeable and experienced in war; with the councillors' knowledge and will the supreme captain, as first mentioned, shall and may act in the field and otherwise, even if not otherwise, to whom all warriors shall also be obedient and subject, and, as is proper, shall pay homage and do duty. The same six and their assigned councillors of war shall also have the power, where some field or other action will occur out of our distressed emergency and counter-defense, on which this agreement is also based, that they shall advise, act and consider the best for the sake of muster, fire chief, booty and recovery, as it shall also be held with that which would be conquered each time; and what is thus advised, moderated for fair and decided by them for the sake of such matters, it shall remain so,

532 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 866. W. xvi, 6M-643. 533

and finally lived and obeyed. Likewise, it shall also be in their power, with the knowledge, consent, and approval of the overdrawn or damaged party, to make an amicable stop to the pending war action at any time; however, they shall not accept or decide on a final report unless it has first reached all of us collectively and specifically, and has been approved by all of us. If also for the daily exercise of war some sum of money would be necessary, the said six and their assigned councillors of war shall have the power to recognize, to moderate, and to crush, so that in such no shortage shall appear. The same sum shall then be allocated and distributed from us to both parts in the most equal manner, and according to the measure of each of our shells, and in such no part or estate shall be preferred over the other, and no part shall appear to be in default with the payment of such moderate money. And if the councils, as stated above, decide and recognize to provide assistance for a campaign, occupation and preservation of our cities, castles or fortifications, or for an addition or a patrol, it shall be in the power of the party to whom the assistance is given, recognized and authorized to accept it in whole or in part. In particular, however, we have united and agreed with each other jointly and specially that none of us shall undertake any campaign, war or siege for ourselves, on account of the above-mentioned agreed and expressed matters, or act in such a way that a war exercise may subsequently be presumed; But if any of the above-mentioned matters should become troublesome or necessary to one of us, he shall let it be communicated to us, the others, in the manner described above, and then, with the help of our councillors and their advice and moderation, he shall act as necessity requires. Our Elector, Prince and City, who are related to this alliance, shall also be obligated and bound to do in all ways what the several part of the appointed six Councils shall deem convenient and most useful in the above-mentioned matters and shall decide to live up to it without any refusal, and not to undertake or approach anything about it, even if he would be willing to do such for himself and on his own adventure, without our, the others', help: Unless someone should dare to attack and damage one or more of us or ours, without warning and unawares, on account of the cases and things mentioned above; against whom or the same ours would have to give each of them a distressed emergency or counter

We shall be free to defend ourselves, or to take appropriate action where we see fit; and then, after that, the goods shall nevertheless be brought to us, and therein, as is proper and as is stipulated above, shall be acted upon and the necessities considered. At the time of such acts of war, all our castles, towns and villages shall be open to those who are thus violated and damaged, so that they may help themselves against the violators and violators therein and therefrom for their necessities. To this end, we shall and will diligently order that those who are sent to us for help be given supplies and other necessities in the same cheap purchase for their money. Above all, however, we, the Elector, Princes and cities, are to have our diligent inspection, attention and experience each time, whether it is to be carried out against us collectively or especially, or against ours, in a hurry or otherwise in a troublesome or violent manner; And what we thus learn each time, that each of us, to whom such things would come by notice, shall make known to the others, so that each of us may act accordingly and with better care and providence. And if thereupon it shall be necessary to name day and place, to send together and to consult, how such aforesaid complaints and coincidences, by means of divine graces, shall occur, or what else the necessity shall require, to act, that shall be done and executed in the same manner and to the extent as stated above. And if afterwards any of the princes, counts, cities or other estates should wish to enter into this confidential understanding and agreement of ours, they shall not be taken into it, nor shall any final promise be made to them, except with the foreknowledge and advice of all of us. And if then all of us, or the greater part of us, should decide to accept one or more estates into this alliance, then it shall first be considered, consulted and decided with and by us, or our appointed six councils and embassies, with what measure, assistance or votes the estate or estates shall be accepted into it; so that in each case a right equality may be maintained among us in assistance and votes. And this our understanding or agreement shall be effective on the date, namely the ... day of the month ... of this present 1529th year, and for five years next succeeding each other, that is, until ... . Day of the said month, to be counted

[534]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 643-"45. 535

would... The Church of the Holy Spirit, which has been in existence for many years, will have strength and power, and will be held and carried out by all of us, especially in the most faithful way, and will be lived without any error or hindrance.

  1. And if it should happen that, after the end of this understanding and union of ours, someone, whoever he may be, should approach and ask one or more of us for matters concerning the Word of God, our Christian faith and the above-mentioned expressed cases and matters depending on it, who have gone and left during the time of our union: therein we shall and will, according to the measure and content of this our union and prescription, nevertheless advise and assist him, or them, to the end of the same matters, in like manner as if this union were still subsisting.

And all this for constant true testimony and witness, so we have 2c.

Hans von Minckwitz, knight. Caspar von Seckendorf. Sigmundt von > Boyneburg. Matthes Pfarrer, as envoy from Strasbourg. > > Christoph Kreß. > > Bernhard Besserer.

  1. about the convention at Schlei; and the correspondence between Electoral Saxony and Hesse, as well as the other conventions held at Schwabach, Schmalkalden and Nuremberg.

867 Letter from Landgrave Philip of Hesse to the Elector of Saxony, in which he expresses his impatience that the Elector wants to speak out to the Confederation for the sake of the article on the Lord's Supper. July 18, 1529.

From Müller l. c. S. 256.

Our friendly service, and what we can do dear and good, always before, highborn prince, friendly dear grandfather, brother-in-law and godfather ! We have taken the farewell, so your love, Margrave George of Brandenburg, our friendly dear uncle and brother, and our councils, next verschienenen Thursday after Ulrici July 8 at Salfeld 1) with, from

  1. Saatfeld, in the Duchy of Saxony-Meiningen-Hildburghausen, is five German miles south of Weimar.

We have received all the information from our councilors. And we do not want to leave it undisclosed that our councilors had no order from us to agree to this; but after the others had decided on it, they had to agree to it as well. For we have so instructed our councillors on all and any points and articles, on account of which there might have been speech or consideration (as we have provided that your beloved has also done), that also by them everything necessary might finally have been negotiated, and our own personal meeting and this taking into consideration would have been without necessity. As we again therefore consider our personal meeting to be quite unnecessary; For the sake of the article, for which our meeting might be considered necessary, and especially those of Strasbourg, Ulm and others, who might be suspected of the discord of the sacrament, we are completely resolved, since there is not so much in the article that is so highly excellent, than that our faith and salvation would finally be interested in it, and in addition, Strasbourg is not at all in disagreement with us about the article, but also confesses Christ in the supper just as we do, that for this reason and for other reasons that follow, we do not disassociate ourselves from Strasbourg. In the event, however, that they were in dispute with us in certain matters, we must not (according to Scripture) throw away or despise the erring person for this reason, and especially those who may suffer instruction and teaching, from whom we can also assume that they will be corrected, because those from whom they receive such teaching and instruction are obligated to come to their teaching for friendly consultation and instruction. Therefore, we are confident, where your love continues, that Doctor Martin Luther, and the others (as we E. L. have come together, and your beloved desire them to compare themselves with each other in a Christian brotherly manner, regardless of their own honor or glory, to the good benefit of all Christians and to avoid annoyance, they will, with the gracious granting of the Almighty, amicably report to each other their opinions and reasons, and therefore compare themselves, and thus those who adhere to them as their leaders in the Word of God will also be united for this reason. If we were to separate Strasbourg, we would also have to worry that the other cities would not come to an understanding with us. In addition, Ulm is as committed to these matters as Strasbourg, and will therefore by no means separate itself from Strasbourg.

536 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 867. W. xvi, 645 -647. 5Z7

nor perhaps those of Nuremberg would then join us in the understanding; and whether we would already have those of Nuremberg without Strasbourg and Ulm would be of little help to us. It is also necessary that we do not allow ourselves to be separated from each other in such a negligent manner, whether our scholars are unanimous for the sake of easy or otherwise disputatious matters, in which our faith and blessedness are not involved. For if this were so, it would give birth to new disputes every year; for from day to day and year to year much unnecessary and disputatious division in Scripture occurs now and then between the scholars. And in addition, our scholars agree on the main articles concerning faith and our salvation. Now if we were to be divided on this, if our scholars were to be divided: How often would your love and we have had to separate from each other, and especially for the reasons that Luther and his followers must confess that they have done wrong by attacking our uncle and cousin, Duke George of Saxony, with such invective; likewise Eisleben now, in his book called The Proverbs, which he recently let go out, has harshly attacked the good Duke Ulrich of Würtenberg, who was driven out, with some invective and untruth. And if it had already been so, as he writes, he (as a Protestant) should have kept silent, covered up, and not so publicly raised before the whole world, as they teach us, his neighbor's disgrace, as has already happened. Whether all of this your love, as the highly intelligent, can easily judge that in this case we have no cause to differ from each other. Therefore, for the above-mentioned reasons, and after those of Strasbourg have sat with us as one of the cities among the three, we have finally decided that no cause for separation or segregation will be put forward or sought. As for the other articles, however, namely the exclusion of Imperial Majesty, our allies, and the other articles, we have decided that no cause for separation or secession shall be put forward or sought. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, and the others, in which we are already in agreement and understanding; item, that this agreement is based on the Gospel and what is attached to it, and that the Swabian Confederation and other members of our Confederation on all sides are excluded from this understanding, provided they do not complain for the sake of the Gospel; item, the assistance that we are to render one another, whether equal or unequal, too little or too much 2c., the supreme captain, the gathering together of the six councils, and other things that are necessary to be put in the note! concerning: all this is done in such a way that it is based on perfect teaching and

We have also given our councilors a sufficient report and order in our instruction, so that they may finally act and conclude on our behalf. Therefore, if your beloved and our dear grandfather and brother, Margrave George, give such a report and order to their councilors, and our councilors on all sides come together in such a skillful manner, they will compare notes and save us the trouble. We have also appointed the time when the councils will meet, namely on Bartholomew's Day [24. For this reason, we do not know what it would be considered by the cities, since at your dear request we have first of all asked the cities to come to an understanding with us on your dear and our behalf: If it has now come to such a point that it has come to days and actions, that now causes should be made for special arrangements, or perhaps, as they would like to consider it, for evasion and refusal of that which we have previously desired and sought from them. Your beloved may also consider that it would be almost burdensome and displeasing for us, as we did the action with the cities, that we would not so easily engage in some more action hereafter. Therefore, we consider it good and advisable and do not want to agree otherwise than that the day at Schwabach is not announced to the cities, but that its continuation is left, kindly requesting that your beloved will not note this our announcement otherwise than in a friendly good opinion, think about the things; and since, for the above-mentioned reasons, our personal assistance is unnecessary, we will leave it at the discretion of our advisors, not seek any separation, and let the day in Schwabach proceed as we see fit, so that your beloved will also be pleased. For your love, we sincerely deserve it. Date Cassel, Sunday after Margaret July 18 Anno 1529.

Philipp von GOttes Gnaden Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen > 2c.

Philip L. of Hesse.

[538]{.underline} Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 6i8-6so. 539

868: Prince John's answer to Landgrave Philip, in which he insists that an oral conference must be held before the Schwabach Convention. July 26, 1529.

In Müller I. c. Cap. 18 immediately after the previous letter.

Our friendly services, and what we are able to love and good, always before. Highborn Prince, friendly dear uncle, brother-in-law and godfather ! Now on Sunday, St. James' Day July 25, we have received a document from your beloved, dated Cassel, Sunday after Margaretha, concerning the union and understanding with several imperial cities, and the parting which our grandfather, Margrave George of Brandenburg, your beloved and our councilors, next to Salfeld, have taken with each other for this reason.

And as your beloved indicate first of all that their councilors, who were next to Salfeld, had no other order than that all and every point on which, for the sake of the aforementioned understanding, speech and concerns might have occurred, might finally have been negotiated, and our own personal meeting and the bringing of the matter to hand had been without necessity: So we do not want to leave your dear ones undisclosed that our council, namely Hans von Minkwitz, knight, has brought us a recorded parting of the said action at Salfeld, in which they expressed that they found that without the personal meeting of all three of us, their submissive consideration, nothing could be fruitfully or properly done, for reasons that each of them would have to report to his lord; Therefore, they had agreed that we should meet in person on St. Bartholomew's Day in the near future, and close as many of our minds as possible. And after, by virtue of the farewell at Rodach, a day for further action to Schwabach has been appointed, also on Bartholomew's Day, where then our grandfather, Margrave Georgen, and your beloved have pleased their agreement; which both your beloved should ascribe to us between then and Jacob's Day, then it shall be written to Nuremberg, and the day at Schwabach shall be extended until Galli Oct. 16. Since the extension of the Schwabach day in question, and that we ourselves should personally meet beforehand, has now been considered necessary and good by our counsels on all sides, for reasons of their deliberation, which your beloved has no doubt, by virtue of the above-mentioned farewell, no less than we have been reported by ours.

that your love would have so attracted the same extension on our part. Nevertheless, we know of your kind opinion and cannot rely on its avoidance, that we ourselves consider it quite good, useful and necessary, for the same reasons of the councils, that our personal meeting, before and before further action is taken with the cities, is not omitted, as we are also in our part completely inclined to it, and do not want to let anything happen to us. And so our grandfather, Margrave George, has written to us, where the day might be more convenient than towards Naumburg, and especially towards Schleiz, that he would then, by divine help, appear in his own person; whereupon we have written to his love again, that the indicated place should not be displeasing to us. Although your beloved, we, and the cities, next to Speier have had discussions about the above-mentioned union and understanding with each other, also about articles on which the same should stand safely, and have let speak of the day and place for further action: nevertheless, also next to Rodach, all sorts of things have been brought for and into the notel, which has been set up there, and further, as we have meant, the negotiations have arisen. And although we note from your dear letter that these articles and matters have no complaint at all with your dear, we still hope that our opportunity, and what we, and indeed all of us, want to do in it, will also be kindly considered by your dear; which, however, will not be indicated or acted upon in writings according to necessity. Should our grandfather, the Margrave, your beloved and we not be completely unanimous in our decision on the same and the above Rodachian matter before the day and the gathering of the councils in Schwabach, but our councils and the people there stand and act in a special way: Your dear friends may consider how fruitful, useful or beneficial such an action would be; and that it would be altogether less reproachful for us if our councils on all sides were to take unanimous action, than if they were to be scattered and go against the cities in three groups. However, we also want to comfortingly hope to God Almighty that He will grant His grace, so that we may compare ourselves on all sides of the understanding, and also in all other respects, in a Christian manner. However, if there should be a lack of this, as we do not want to provide ourselves with it, then our mind, will or opinion is not at all to be taken away from our grandfather, the Margrave, and your love as our friends.

[540]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 868 f. W. xvi, eso-M. 541

because we are already in hereditary and other friendly agreements with each other, but to show ourselves friendly to your love in all respects and graciously and favorably to the cities. In the same way, we will provide ourselves to your love in turn. In addition, we do not know by the grace of God that our grandfather, Margrave Georgen, your beloved and our beloved have ever met in matters concerning the faith; we also hope and pray to God that he will more graciously keep them and us in Christian unity of faith and the sacraments he has instituted, to his praise and glory. And although we have never accepted to represent Doctor Martin Luther and Eisleben, or other matters, of which your beloved further reports, as we also place them at their own responsibility, without doubt they will know how to inform, instruct and answer them, moreover, we cannot respect what your beloved causes to attract such and such a thing from Doctor Luther and Eisleben against us in their letter: nevertheless, these are matters that touch history and not doctrine. For your beloved know how we both were condemned against our cousins, and your beloved sisters-in-law, and how we ourselves were partly condemned, and we are all sinners and human beings; but in no way do we hope that your beloved will consider both of them, and especially Luther's doctrine, as wrong; as we have not noted the same from your beloved until now. After the aforementioned our personal meeting by the councillors at Salfeld, content of their recorded departure, was considered to be a stately, also more fruitful promotion of the Rodachian trade, for which we, for the above-mentioned and such other reasons, may not consider or regard it otherwise: So once again our very friendly request is made to your dear ones, who would like to personally and kindly talk with our grandfather, the Margrave, and us on appointed time and place towards Schleiz, according to our need on all sides, and to sign the document which the aforementioned councillors sent to those of Nuremberg next to Salfeld, and which we are sending to your beloved herewith, in our part, and not to complain about it, and to send it to our grandfather, the Margrave; as we are confident that your beloved will not refuse to do so because of her reservations. For where your beloved, for the sake of these important matters, is to meet with us personally at the time and place indicated

If we were to refuse and refuse to come together, we would have to make this known to our grandfather, the Margrave, in a favorable manner, and on our part leave the matter as it is. And so that we may know your love's mind about it, we request an immediate answer from your love. We do not wish to disregard your love's friendly opinion, which we are inclined and willing to serve in a friendly manner. Date Torgau, Monday after Jacobi July 26 Anno Domini 1529.

John.

869 Replica of Landgrave Philip to the Elector, August 1, 1529.

This letter together with the following ones up to No. 872 can be found in Müller's History, Cap. 18, p. 261 ff.

Our kind services, and what we are able to love and good, before. Highborn Prince, kind, dear grandfather, brother-in-law and godfather! We have received your love's answer to our next letter, to the farewell recently taken by our councils at Rodach, to our own personal meeting next Bartholomew's Day and to the announcement of the day at Schwabach, the understanding in which your love, our kindly dear uncle and brother, Margrave George of Brandenburg, and we, together with some of the cities we want to leave, are concerned, and we have read out all the contents at length. And we do not want to kindly ask your love to answer that, no less, as we have indicated to your love in our previous writing, we had dispatched our councilors to Rodach on such a day with sufficient instruction and perfect authority, also with respect to all matters for which speech or action might have occurred, so that such a parting or joint consideration would have been without necessity, and ours could finally have acted and concluded therein, that we refer to the same our instruction, which is still present. And we cannot report on this or any other matter for which they have not had sufficient and perfect instruction and command, neither from the parting nor from our councils, who, after having discussed such parting with us and been present at the action, should have helped to discuss such causes at our own meeting, and should have known of them: why, for the aforementioned reasons, we have left it at that with our reservations, and by no means know how to grant that the appointed day to

542 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 543

Schwabach be announced to the cities, but that we let it continue its straightforward course and let our councils visit it. For it is no less burdensome to us than it is disgraceful, as reported before, that we, who before sought and intended to seek such things from the cities, now want to reject this and seek a back way. But if your love persists in its opinion, for the sake of our meeting, so that in this and in other things we will always comply with your love as much as possible and not let anything happen to us: Although this is most burdensome for us, if your love and Margrave George want to meet in person at Schleiz one day seven or eight before the day at Schwabach, and attend the day at Schwabach as it stands, we will send our councillors there with perfect authority and all necessary reports, so that they may act and decide for the best in everything that is useful to decide, and that we ourselves could do and act in person, to both your loves; For it is not only insecure and inconvenient for us to come there ourselves, because we do not want to pay much attention to this, but it is also difficult for us because of other marital matters, which are as much and more important to us and our lands and people, because of which we have summoned other lords and friends to us at this time. For this purpose, your love and Margrave George can act together with our representatives, who will have such a perfect command, without our own presence, and immediately both eight days before and on Bartholomew's Day (for which reason it is not necessary to extend the day to Schwabach). And we do not doubt that your love will consider this, please it, and let the day at Schwabach proceed, and also provide it with its representatives. For this is what your love will propose: namely, that our councils, if we do not first meet personally and the deal is decided unanimously among us, go to the day on three heaps, and each act out for himself; that then, how useful and fruitful or serviceable it would be, we could consider 2c., prevented, and on the appointed day may be acted fruitfully, unanimously and without reference. Accordingly, for your love's sake, we will not provide anything else, except that the visitation of the day in Schleiz, as we have indicated, will please her, and that the cities will not cancel the appointed day in Schwabach. If, however, such a day should ever be extended, and should have to be extended, may your dear ones have the proclamation of the

We have had the same (which we herewith send to your love again) sealed for them, also with Margrave Georgen, and report therein that your two loves therefore have authority from us. Thus our seal, which might prolong the matter, is without necessity, and the notice can reach the cities all the sooner. And then, if your beloved will give us further notice, we will send our councilors with complete authority, as stated above, to your beloved and Margrave Georgen in Schleiz on St. Bartholomew's Day. As your dear ones also report, they do not know about the graces of God that your dear ones, Margrave Georgen and our scholars have ever been in contact with each other in matters of faith: we have not stated this in our letter, and if your dear ones had reported this, our writing has not been read to them properly. For we set it thus: if we should let ourselves be divided, if our scholars should be in two minds 2c., that is future and not past. As then your love itself confesses in its letter that we are all men: so it can also easily come to pass, as we have truly experienced b^her in other many things with history, and could still well come to pass in cases 1) before which we also want to ask the Almighty with faithful diligence; and hope to God Almighty, through His divine grace and mercy, that those who are divided over the sacrament will soon meet in Marburg, as they have attributed to us from all parts, and that they will amicably settle the dispute. To this end, we adhere, as your love suggests, to Martin Luther's doctrine concerning salvation, in no other way than Christian, honorable and righteous, in which and to the holy Gospel, God willing, we want to remain steadfast. But as for the other subsidiary books, which have been written and issued from time to time, we leave that up to him, and let the work bear witness to its master. But what are similar, and which Eisleben has let go out several times, called the German proverbs, that is and should be nothing. We are also repugnant to it, and we reasonably condemn it as a Christian nuisance, and with us every pious Christian who is tired of cutting off, persecuting, and afflicting his neighbor's honor. For he, Eisleben, has publicly acted unjustly in this and against brotherly love; as your love can see from the confession of his own handwriting, of which we have told your

  1. "beschehen" put by us instead of: "bestehen".

[544]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 869 ff. W. xvi, sss-sss. 545

Love will send copies herewith. So your love has recently heard from us what our mind, will and opinion is in all of this; kindly asking that your love understand such things from us kindly and in the best way. This we kindly ask for your love with will. Dat. Liechtenau, Sonntags Vincula Petri 1. Aug. Anno 1529. Philipps L. z. Hessen.

The Elector's answer to this dated August 9, 1529.

This writing follows the previous one at Müller 1. e.

Our friendly services, and what we are able to love and good, always before. Highborn Prince, friendly dear grandfather, brother-in-law and godfather ! We have read all the contents of E. L.'s letter to our next given answer, concerning the farewell recently taken by our councillors at Rodach, also our personal meeting on St. Bartholomew's Day and the announcement of the day at Schwabach, which your love's letter holds at Lichtenau on Sunday, St. Peter's Day, and which was handed over to us yesterday by a messenger delivered by our sheriff at Eisenach. And there is no doubt that your love has been told by her advisors, whom she recently had there in Rodach, for what reasons it was considered necessary and good that your love, such as our grandfather and brother, Margrave George of Brandenburg, and we, should meet in our own person before the day in Schwabach. However, we note that your love is once again not convenient for reasons indicated by E. L. in their letter. in her letter, it will again not be convenient to attend the same day in Schleiz in person, but otherwise to dispatch her advisors there with full force: So we have now written the same to his beloved by a hurried messenger, and in addition have sent the announcement of the day in Schwabach, made in his love and our name, with notification that your love has sent it to both of us in the power of attorney, and in part sent it to his love; with a friendly request that his love should send the same letter, if his love also has it sent, to those of Nuremberg without delay, so that they and those sent to the other cities should not travel in vain. That we have also indicated in our next answer, how we do not know by the grace of God, that our grandfather and brother, the Margrave, your love and our scholars, in matters touching the faith, have ever been in contact with each other until now, has come to pass,

that we have heard the words that follow next after the one that your love repeats in the present letter, at that time from the past, as namely these: How often then would your love and we have had to do away with each other 2c. But our opinion is not at all to interpret such or other of your love's letters differently than your love's mind is, but rather to note your love's indication in that, also what your love reports on account of Luther's teaching, which concerns salvation, quite kindly, and also want to hope comfortingly to the Almighty, because those who are divided on account of the sacrament of the body and blood of our Savior JEsu Christ come together, as they are attributed by all parts 1) God would bestow His grace that they compare themselves with each other Christianly on account of the same discord. We do not want to let this go unreported to your love, as our friendly dear grandfather, in our friendly opinion, and we are inclined to your love for friendly service. Date Torgau, Aug. 9th Anno Domini 1529.

John, Elector.

871: The Landgrave of Hesse's own handwritten letter to the Elector of Saxony, in which he urges an answer as to what he has to provide for himself from the Elector. September 14, 1529.

This letter and also the following one can be found in Müller's Historie, Cap. 18, p. 261 ff.

Dear grandfather, brother-in-law and godfather! I have now written more than once to E. L. that such credible opinions have come to me that Imperial Maj. Maj., after she has now brought her things to an agreement, wants to bring the Lutherans to the obedience of the papal church, which I, as I would like to see good for E. L. and for all of us, should not behave otherwise. If now is the time to warn, advise or ask, then now is the time: for truly, I receive such credible warnings from princes, lords, cities, counts and nobles that I now know not to despise it. Therefore, my friendly request to E. L. is that he should think about the matter while it can still be done. I have no doubt that if one wants to get a little involved in the matter, then advice and help can be found from many, since it is probably not possible to provide for it; but if one fails to do so, then our enemies will have the advantage over us.

  1. Supplemented by us from the previous letter.

[546 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi. ese-sso. 547]{.underline}

If we win, God help us, as they say, it is truly half lost. One can now send an embassy to Imperial Maj. Maj. and ask for an honest peace or for discord; that would be the next way. For my part, E. L. must not think that I am so afraid; for if I see that no one wants to help, and it will not be otherwise, then I want to get a hole or a treaty as well as another. But if E. L. and others want to seek time, do and consider their children, their subjects and also the benefit of all of us, and the highest, our blessedness and God's word, even if we do not become eternally our own, then my body and my goods shall not be lacking. It is good to find counsel in these matters, if one does not otherwise *) beat out the people oneself who would like to help us. Summa: I know so much that, God willing, or so many princes, noble and ignoble, must lie and all suspicion must be lacking, your love, I and others who adhere to the Gospel, will be forced away again by force. And if your love wants to know where such warnings come from, then send your love a confidant to me, and I will tell him as much as is due to me. If your love now wants to defend itself against the emperor, if he wants to force us away from it, then your love writes it to me; if you do not want to defend yourselves and suffer, or fall away from it, as I do not hope to God, then your love writes it to me, and what I should put off to your love, if I would be overdrawn. For necessity requires that one knows what to put off to the other. And please, let your love tell its writers to leave the polite answers, and in your love's name, if your love does not want to write to me itself, let me finally receive a correct answer as to what your love's mind is in it. For I would like to serve your love with body and soul, as one to whom I wish good things with all my heart, as God knows best. But if nothing helps and we all become so despondent that we do not want to defend ourselves and leave one another and watch one another, then God have mercy, it is nothing but a plague from God on us despondent Germans. And your love will never let itself be persuaded, if I and others go down, that your love will be spared; and whoever tells E. L. that, advises E. L. unfaithfully, or does not understand it; and whether E. L. is already in written communication with the King of Bohemia, it will not help. What E. L. is now inclined to do in the above-mentioned, and what I know about

  1. Here we have erased "not" because it is too much.

E. L., let E. L. know, and what is E. L.'s concern, how to get rid of this burden and burden. And E. L. take my letter to my credit, for it is certainly done in good opinion, to E. L. and to all who cling to God's word. I am inclined to serve E. L.. Date Tambach, Tuesday after Nativitatis Mariä 14 Sept. 1529. Philipp, L. zu Hessen.

872 The Elector's answer to the previous letter, September 23, 1529.

See No. 871.

Highborn Prince, kind dear uncle, brother-in-law and godfather! I have received E. L.'s letter, which she has now addressed to me with her own hand, for the sake of her careful plea and warning, and I note that same and E. L.'s plea and warning in no other way than very kindly. L.'s request and warning in no other way than in a very friendly manner, and I want to earn it for E. L. in a friendly manner again, if I can and may do so. And when E. L. asks, among others, that I should make my mind known to her, whether in such a case, of which E. L. writes, I also want to defend myself, or suffer, or fall away from the word, as E. L. did not hope, also what E. L. should provide for me, if she is overdrawn: then E. L. shall, if God wills, not do otherwise, if God wills it, shall not decide otherwise than that I will recover and remain by His word through the bestowal of His grace, at the cost of body, honor and goods, or whatever it may be, on this earth. But what E. L. wants to do to me and others who cling to the word, and also wants to agree with God, if Imperial Majesty wants to oppose us to the same. Majesty would allow himself to be moved against us on account of the same things: that, as the most important thing that can happen to E. L., me and the others at this time, must be considered and discussed. For if ever a matter has come to E. L. or to me that needed discussion and good faithful counsel, I am sure that it is this one. I also hope that the practices will be as they always want, so they cannot be spent before winter against E. L. or me. However, I understand that our message, which has been sent to Imperial Majesty for the sake of the next Speier farewell, will also be returned. Majesty will also return, and then it will be heard what the Emperor's answer has been: according to this, one can proceed further, and also consider what is to be indicated to Her Majesty again by another message. And, God willing, we have the whole winter ahead of us, and can move and send our things with all necessity. For E. L. shall not send

[548]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 872 f. W. XVI, 660-063. 549

I am obliged to do in this matter before God, myself, my lands and people, and others, as my neighbors, especially E. L., according to our agreements, or it agrees with God and my conscience that I want to do the same and not be the last with the help of God; only that this be well thought out beforehand and decided beforehand, what E. L., I and others can and will be able to do with God in such a case, which concerns the Emperor, so that we do not fall into God's judgment because of the word against the same word, and the punishment comes upon us with scorn and ridicule, and with danger to our souls, since the Almighty will protect E. L. and me from it. And that we would like to talk about it ourselves personally without delay: so I ask most kindly that E. L. should come to Margrave George Oct. 3 against Schleiz. As I am writing to E. L. from my office about this, and other things cannot be prevented, I ask most kindly that E. L. will do it at least for the sake of this matter. Margrave George, whom the matters concern as well as both of us, is then also at hand, and we can then talk to each other confidentially on E. L.'s report, as much as E. L. wants to report, what has reached E. L.: so E. L. shall then be well informed by me, since I cannot write to E. L. now, before we talk to each other, nor do I want to write about land. And E. L. should not be burdened with my answer, as I want to provide myself to E. L.. I want to earn this for E. L. in a very friendly way. Date at Lochau, Thursday after Mauritius Sept. 23 Anno Domini 1529.

873: The instructions agreed between the Elector of Saxony John and the Margrave George of Brandenburg at Schleiz for their envoys to the Schwabach Convention arranged for October 16, 1529.

From Müller's History, Cap. 19, p. 281.

  1. instruction, what by God's grace our, Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, Elector 2c., and our, Georgens, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., Councillors, decreed on St. Gall's Day Oct. 16 at Schwabach, on their riding there, first at Nuremberg with the elders there, and then.

The President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Austria is to act at Schwabach on a certain day, at the time of and in addition to all other messages sent, in matters concerning the confidential understanding.

Firstly, our councilors are to arrive in Nuremberg on Thursday before October 14, at the earliest in the evening, and there advertise to the councilors of the Council of the Elders who have knowledge of the matter, according to the announcement of our gracious offer, as follows: After the reason for the understanding has been established, as well as the necessity: Where someone of covenant relatives wants to be attacked, damaged, or overdrawn because of the divine word, the holy gospel and faith, and what is pending to the same, that the covenant relatives shall save and help each other, also in such their body, property and all assets cordially and faithfully together. So that no one may enter into such a union through the common words indicated, who is not of one true Christian faith with us and other united relatives, and who also holds the same baptism and sacrament with us now and in the future: Let it be necessary that the articles on which the unity of our faith and Christianity rests be first confessed to one another, and that the same confession 1) be placed in the prescription of the agreement of articles to articles; and whichever state would not be in agreement with us in one or more articles, with him no understanding shall be entered into. Wherever in the future among us Unificationists it is credibly felt and discovered that a state has fallen away from one or more of the said articles of our faith and Christianity, it should, if it persists in its apostasy and does not without delay unite with us again, then no longer be partaker of or susceptible to this understanding and what is otherwise due to it from us, the other Unificationists.

  1. Secondly, for the sake of the Roman Imperial Majesty. Because this understanding is to be based solely on rescue and resistance (which is permitted by natural and imperial rights), we have considered that the highest temporal authority has neither the right nor the justification to deprive someone of this natural protection. Since this understanding is to be based solely on rescue and resistance (which is permitted by natural and imperial rights, so that even the highest temporal authority does not have the right to deprive anyone of the same natural protection, neither by itself without means, nor by its business), the reported exception should be made with such a measure, so that one does not commit more in this than one is justly guilty of before God, so that the understanding is not unjustified.
  2. This refers to the 17 Schwabach Articles, Document No. 874.

550 Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 663-665. 551

and in vain, and be found more a comforting salvation and handling than a useless pretence, since most of the danger now wants to lie in the place 1); but otherwise and outside of it we and other our relatives would know how to keep ourselves in all ways against imperial majesty of all owed obedience. Majesty to all owed obedience.

  1. And since there is no doubt that the mind and opinion of an honorable council at Nuremberg is no different than to enter into understanding only with those who are of a right Christian faith, also to hold one baptism and sacrament with them, and that in such understanding no one is excluded further than as much as is rightly owed before God: In our gracious and good opinion, we did not want to conceal such concerns and resolutions from them, confident that they would agree with us and send their message to Schwabach on the appointed day, to act in the same way with the other states, and to compare us all to a unanimous Christian understanding.

What then our councilors encounter with those of Nuremberg, they know how to act before and after, according to the instruction mentioned, and also with the other estates at Schwabach.

(6) And when the said counsellors come to Schwabach, they shall first of all speak that we confess the reason of this understanding, that is, our holy faith, also what we hold of the holy sacraments of baptism and of the body and blood of Christ, to one another, and immediately indicate the articles of our confession 2) as the same are delivered to them in addition to this Instruction; also say on our behalf whoever does not agree with us on such matters of our faith and holding of the holy sacraments and other Christian ordinances. We also declare on our behalf that those who are not in agreement with us and do not remain in agreement with us, but who now or in the future hold or would hold something else, that we could not or would not enter into any helpful understanding with them. Our councillors, the councillors of the other estates and the embassies shall also hear and take note of this in their minds and opinions (before they further deal with other articles and the substance of the agreements made). And if there are some among them who are not of the mind to confess our faith with us, and to keep the holy sacraments as we do, with him or them our councillors shall be informed of this.

  1. That is, with the emperor.
  2. No. 874.

We do not want any further understanding, but only deal with those who have and confess one faith, one baptism and one sacrament with us, and who subsequently report our reservations to Imperial Majesty. For the sake of exception.

(7) Thirdly, our councillors shall report to the other estates in agreement with us, as we have considered, since matters now rest on it, where something of the divine word and of our faith should be done against us and them, and the others, our kinsmen, that it might be subdued by the imperial Majesty himself or his decreed commanders with the greatest power, and in about a year's time, which the Almighty graciously wishes to avert. If this understanding should be fruitful, useful and conducive to the salvation of all our people, lands and kinsmen, then the great unavoidable necessity should require that such understanding be thoroughly and heartily intended and directed, so that it is comforting and conducive to salvation even against a great valiant force. For if some of the members of this union, be they the greatest or the least, should be hurried and drawn out because of such things, lest they receive powerful support and help from the other allies, it is to be feared that it might make the adversaries more hearty and give them all the more incentive to act in the same way against the other; Otherwise, if they saw or knew of a brave resistance, things would be directed to peace or to other convenient ways, and one sword would keep the other in its scabbard. Therefore, let it be highly necessary and good that the relatives of this settlement do not consider any temporal opportunity or inconvenience, nor neither body nor goods, but consider and consider with right earnest and Christian hearts what will be in store for us all in the end, for the sake of all eternal and temporal welfare. Namely, if someone among us, as touched upon above, overreaches, and we should be so divided that one would thereby have to fall away from the holy and only saving word of God to eternal damnation, or at least lose and forsake, not only that which we, the united kinsmen, have been burdened to turn to for salvation and help, or have had theurge, but also all that we would have and are able to do. We would also hardly have to give an account before God that we would have considered a temporal lesser disadvantage more than keeping our subjects and relatives in the eternal word with God's grace and help.

8 And for this reason the urgent help, of which

552Abschn. 2. Von den Conventen zu Torgau 2c. No. 873. W. xvi, 66s-"68. 553

The following points in particular are not sufficient for some permanent salvation and handling:

First of all, that the reported urgent help at Rodach does not exceed fifteen hundred on horseback and three thousand on foot, which is a small thing compared to the might and power of our adversaries, and is to be regarded as nothing.

(10) Secondly, the Rodachian Charter states that any prince, sovereign or imperial city that is overrun shall provide itself with the necessary ordnance and ammunition for rescue and assistance. But if a kinsman were to be overrun who did not have the means to provide and maintain himself with guns and ammunition for the necessities of war, then if he were not helped, the hurried help on horseback and on foot would also be fruitless, since no righteous warrior would go on such a campaign, knowing that the warlord was provided with guns for the necessities of war.

Thirdly, by virtue of the Rodachian Notel, where a relative is in need of urgent assistance, that the same, whether it is done in whole or in part, is to be recognized by the appointed councils. This, however, is also a matter of concern and a burden. For if it were to remain with the opinion, and a state of this agreement were to be overdrawn, then it could easily happen that the councils, especially if it were to remain with the matters of set opinion, would come together slowly, or not agree on the matters at all, and thus the urgent assistance would be recognized too late or not at all, or would not be provided, and be of little or no use to the one in need of it, although it is to be assumed and feared that if, for the sake of these matters, something violent is done against someone related to this understanding, it will be done with all haste and with all the benefits to be considered; Therefore, all delay, as much as possible, in preventing this part of the union will be necessary, useful and good.

  1. Fourthly, although it was not granted by the honorable imperial cities at the meeting in Rodach, nor was it finally rejected, we, the Elector of Saxony, as well as the Dukes of Lüneburg, Duke Henry of Mecklenburg, Landgrave Philippfen zu Hessen, Count Albrechten and Count Gebharden zu Mansfeld, with the city of Magdeburg, would consider, although our highest consolation of the Christian unity relatives shall be placed solely on God, and in no temporal power, that we nevertheless use the ways and means, so

the almighty, benevolent God sends to us for our abstention, as His benevolent instrument, should not be despised. And because the power of the adversary is so valiant and great, it cannot do any harm to strengthen us with those who are also Christians and of our faith, so that all of us may be saved and helped in a more noble and comforting way: Our councils should therefore continue to urge and act with the other estates, councils and embassies, so that not only the other princes, counts and the city of Magdeburg, but also other potentates and cities in Saxony, Brunswick, Lüneburg, on the sea and elsewhere out here in the Holy Roman Empire, who are of our faith and hold the holy sacraments, are taken into this understanding and drawn in, and that it is thus definitely a unanimous union. Which then may be not a little frightening to the adversaries, and may move or urge them all the more to keep peace with us on account of the divine word. Thus the princes, counts and cities in Saxony, Brunswick, Lüneburg and on the sea, 1) are of such power that they can help us bravely, or at least endure so much for us, the other allies, against others who oppose us and God's word, that we can do all the more noble and mighty rescue and help to each other.

  1. Fifth, necessity requires that the article, which is set at Rodach because of the opening, be further explained and extended; So that it does not apply to a common opening, but also where the allies lose a battle, or someone else from them is so over-hurried that they cannot make a stand, that they then flee to the nearest castles and towns of the other allies, and have an opening with their warband, cannon and supplies as long as their opportunity and need requires; However, the state that makes use of such an opening should conduct itself with its warband in the same manner as the open city's own warband.
  1. Sixthly, in the agreement at Rodach, it is stipulated which part of us kinsmen shall be helped to appoint a supreme captain over all the people of war; therein we consider, if it should happen that a city is helped and the same has a supreme captain over all the people of war.
  2. "See" put by us instead of: "See". Meant is, as follows from Z19, primarily the king of Denmark .

554 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi. 668-"7o. 555

It should be clear from yours that this would result in the counts, lords, knights and others of the nobility, sent by us electors and princes, complaining about being of lesser status with so many people under such a supreme captain, and perhaps, for this reason, even if it does not please their lords, they would want to withdraw, which would lead to great trouble and irreparable harm. Item, if it should ever come to the powerful or persistent help and emphasis in time, then this powerful help must without doubt follow the hurrying sleeve. And the fact that the princes and rulers would march with their own would be even more diminishing for them to have a captain of cities above them. The salvation on which the union is to stand, according to the form and occasion of all things, does not want to burden the city with which it is begun alone, but all allies in general, therefore the cities, suffering change for the sake of the captaincy, should not bear any burden; and grant that for the sake of more prestige, also for the sake of a stately salvation of peace and unity, a prince or prince, or where one would not have one, an earl or lord, should be the supreme captain of these allies. Just as the union of the Swabian Confederation requires that, regardless of the fact that most of its members are cities, a prince should be the captain in times of war, and if half of this is lacking, a count or baron should generally be appointed captain.

The seventh is the agreement at Rodach that the cities are in all cases as many as the Electors and Princes have; that the votes should also be in the same number, namely six, from which all kinds of division, confusion, neglect, harm and damage arise, and at times no majority should be made, or should not have been decided.

16 Eighthly, the agreement at Rodach states: If the force were so great that the matter wanted to turn into a whole main war, how then, upon the return of the aforementioned councils, another meeting would be held, and the matters should be discussed. Now, however, such a different summoning would and would cause a long delay, and would lead to the overdrawn state becoming despondent, and the urgent help would be defeated before further or more help could be agreed upon, or before the same could be brought together; from this, then, this part would be weakened, and the opposing part would be strengthened. For, as mentioned above, there is no other

It is to be presumed that if something is done against us, our kinsmen of our faith, it must be done and written beforehand in such a way that our salvation will not suffer a long day's work.

(17) Therefore, let it be considered by us that, for the sake of urgent help and mighty pressure, the deficiencies indicated are to be corrected in the following measure and ways for the comfort, benefit, and good of all those who are related to us, so that it may indeed be a true, legitimate salvation, and not a pseudo-covenant or union in vain.

(18) First of all, after the words in the above-mentioned note: that the united relatives, as long as this agreement lasts, want to mean each other kindly, faithfully and from the right heart, this opinion is set: Which of the United Relatives, for the sake of the Articles, concerning our holy faith and what is pending, which we now confess against each other and are to be placed in the Unification Deed, would or would be feuded against, attacked, attacked or damaged by anyone, whoever he or they might be, that for the rescue, protection and defense of the same, the other united parties shall faithfully assemble their bodies, goods and property, and shall draw with all their might upon the one who would thus be attacked, or who would be in certain danger thereof, without any evasion or contradiction, as follows. Accordingly, it shall also be expressly stipulated in the unification charter what princes, lords, counts, lords, cities, spiritual and secular, will in time accept the holy pure gospel, also hold the many-named articles equal to us, and request that they be taken into this unification, that they shall at all times, for the greater planting and spreading of the gospel and divine word, be taken into such our union by means of necessary letters of support and reversal:

(19) Firstly, when or as often as the consensuals come together and want to discuss the matters on which this understanding is based, all consensuals or their skilful apprehensions shall be heard, after God often gives to the last that which He hides from the first. But nevertheless, as will be stated hereafter, there shall be no more than seven votes, which shall finally have to decide in the matters in question; also the said votes shall be distributed, as follows: namely, the Royal Duke of Denmark one; the Elector or Electors, as much as is related to the agreement at this time or in the future, one; likewise all the Princes two votes; the Counts and Lords one vote, and the Counts and Lords two votes.

556 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 873. W. xvi, k7o-"73. 557

One; and the free imperial and trading cities two votes, namely the Upper German one, and the Saxon or Dutch the other. And each estate shall compare which persons shall have the votes. So that order is kept in the votes, and also with the questioning in the indicated assembly of the unification relatives, the Elector of Saxony, since he is also otherwise entitled to the questioning in the empire, shall have to question.

(20) And if all the Estates of the Union or their delegates have heard the objections, then the same Estates or their delegates, if they are related to the seven votes, shall each part meet with those who belong to the vote; and what is decided by the seven votes and considered best in the Council shall remain so. If, however, the seven voices do not agree on a unanimous opinion, the greater part of them shall decide.

21 Secondly: Because two kinds of help, one urgent and one persistent, are considered highly necessary in this action, the urgent help shall be ordered to two thousand on horseback and ten thousand on foot, so that it may be comforting and useful to all allies, Also, for the preservation of such a warband, two monthly guilds shall be deposited at a certain time in one or more locations, as one may and should compare them now, without danger for this installation, according to the order, as each one and his ancestors were commonly occupied and posted in the help of the empire, one against the other.

22 Thirdly: However, after we George, Margrave of Brandenburg, for ourselves and in place of our young cousin, have reported our concern to our dear grandfather and brother, the Elector of Saxony, and that we are not able to support our parents in the empire; as our grandfather and brother, the Landgrave of Hesse, recently considered the same against ourselves at Speier, and gave us Imperial Majesty the right to demand that we be allowed to go on with our work. Majesty. We cannot submit to the old requests, nor can we allow ourselves to be ordered to render urgent assistance other than according to our own safe ability, which we also wish to do with the other estates.

  1. But what, fourthly, of counts, lords and cities in this Christian understanding, or would still come into it by God's grace, who without means are not attached to the kingdom, with the same one shall be taken to their help and

Compare for the sake of explanation. If it should happen, as follows, that in a hurry one of the covenanting relatives of the other, who is or are being harassed, would draw comfort from among us on all stands, then one traveler shall be counted for three and a half footmen. And in order that the aforementioned money may be used righteously and for emergency aid, where the need arises, since God is present, the captain, as aforementioned, shall be a prince, or, if no prince is available, then an earl or lord, who shall also be skilled in such a matter, understanding, and not too hasty or polterical; who shall also now be ordered to attack such deposited money with the advice, knowledge and will of the assigned war councils, and to order a certain number of warriors on horseback and on foot as quickly and as best as possible, and also to use them more effectively for the rescue and help of the person or persons harassed, as this union is capable of doing. It shall also be discussed and decided now, on which such a supreme captain, who is a prince, shall be appointed and paid, from which he may maintain himself and receive necessary support; but if the supreme captain has made the agreement with the subordinate captains, he shall have this passed on to the other united relatives, who shall be more willing to do so and know how to order their payment. And what all our councils and embassies decide with each other in such and other matters, that shall then be dealt with as conducively as it can be done with the prince who is elected to the captaincy, and his mind shall also be heard therein, and it shall now be decreed at Schwabach, in addition to others, by whom such action shall be taken with the prince elected to the captaincy. For it is comforting to God to hope that nothing will be started before or during winter and before spring with a mighty deed against us allies, so that there is convenient time for action and regulation of all necessities. The supreme captain, who has been appointed now, should not be appointed for longer than one year, and should be at the disposal of his relatives to let him stay longer, or then to appoint another one.

(24) Fifth, six councils of war shall be assigned to the captain; namely, three from the princes, counts, and lords, and three from the honorable free, imperial, and commercial cities; with which six assigned councils of war the captain shall discuss all matters, and what the councils of war unanimously decide, the captain shall be obliged to comply with. But where the councils of war meet in

558 Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 673-675. 559

If the four war councillors would disagree with their advice at the same time and in the same number, the captain shall give a chance in diligent consideration of the trade, and shall have to make and conclude the majority with his vote. Otherwise, however, where four councils of war would be of a unanimous opinion, the captain shall, as if they were all unanimous, follow the four councils' objections. And the captain shall not do anything for himself or herself outside of the councils of war, even of a different opinion than that stated above.

  1. The sixth: And for greater prudence the estates shall, each for itself, also as it knows how to do this most easily and conveniently, have and make good inquiries; And what each estate inquires about (that would be practiced or done to the disadvantage of the united allies by the adversaries), these same estates shall make known to the captain, and also one estate to the other without delay; as is also to be done by the captain himself for the half of the office, and thus good counsel shall be appointed everywhere, both within and outside the realm. And if the captain receives such reports, which are dangerous and worrying, and which are not to be despised, so that the things against us united kinsmen might all or especially turn to rebellion, insurrection, invasion, damage, or such acts of war, then the captain shall require the six war councillors to come to him from hour to hour, hold the reports before them, and hear their advice on them. If the captain finds in the council of the councillors of war that the reports are so considerable that a counterattack must be initiated without delay, the captain, together with the councillors of war, shall have the power to attack the deposited money for urgent aid, and therefore to order the troops on horseback and on foot, and to use them for the rescue and good of us allies. The captain shall also be ordered to seek as much as possible such cavalry and footmen as are not related to the allies or to him, if he were to be a prince of the union, so that the allies may use their cavalry and footmen for persistent help, or further, in a mighty assault, and be all the stronger, and also cut off such foreign cavalry and footmen from the rear. If, however, the captain and the councillors of war find and judge that the sum of cavalrymen and footmen ordered for urgent assistance is too small in the light of the emergency, they shall

The captain, according to the advice of the councils of war, shall have the power to demand from the united ones in general, or from the nearest seated one, a further addition at the expense of all of us, as much as he and the councils of war consider necessary and good; so that the urgent help against the adversaries may persist until the united ones arise with their further insistence and power. And as the captain, after the council of the ordered councillors of war and several votes, requires everyone to such urgent assistance, he shall be obliged to show himself obedient.

  1. For the seventh, the captain and the councillors of war shall, in addition to requesting and summoning the men of war for urgent assistance, confine us, the princes, earls, lords and councillors, to a special, peacefully situated place, where to deliberate and decide, whether and where necessity will require it, to undertake the great and persevering resistance, how this is to be done, and each unifier to move in with body and goods, also what and how the most fruitful and useful action is to be taken with the urgent help. If, however, the captain and the councillors of war find that things are moving and sending for a main war immediately, and that the urgent assistance provided, nor a common supplement, would not be enough to resist the move, then, without a prior meeting or sending and consultation, all allies shall, upon the reported captain and the councillors of war, give notice of and request for the urgent assistance. Especially those who have been sitting closest to each other shall, without delay or common knowledge of further assistance, approach each other on horseback and on foot, with artillery and all assets, to the country and its people, and render assistance; each in such a manner and no other than as if it were up to him without means; as it is in truth, and would be no other way. However, with the difference that those among the estates who are in a hurry to help each other shall do so, as before, at the expense and damage of the others, so that no part is burdened before the other, and in this case, as in similar cases, one traveler is counted as three and a half on foot. And since the Christian union and constitution do not mean anything else for the counter-defense, but by the bestowal of divine graces to anticipate this, so that those who are united, and against God's word, also right and equity would be overdrawn, protected: the captain and his assigned warriors are to be protected by the law.

560 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 873. W. xvi, 675-678. 561

If the captain and the councillors of war do not consider the certain indications and experience of the adversary practices and attacks, or other contingencies, in such a way that urgent and persistent help would still be necessary at this time, then the captain and the councillors of war shall consult with each other as to how the aforementioned and anxious trouble may occur and be averted with the least harm and damage, either by action for peace or in other suitable ways. But if peace cannot be obtained, it will be sought through us, if things will suffer it, that then the resistance, as necessity requires, will be made in the name of the Lord with heart and all faithfulness.

27 Eighth: If it were to happen that our adversaries were to attack us united kinsmen in many places, as they easily and undoubtedly intend to do, they would be of the opinion that each of the allies or the several parts of them should have so much to do with themselves that one could not come to the aid of the other, so that they would soon be divided, and the adversaries would have their way, take over all or part of our Christian lands, drive out the Word of God, and re-establish the papacy, which the Almighty God graciously wants to happen, and re-establish the papacy, which the Almighty God graciously wishes to happen, it will be highly necessary if the attack or invasion were to take place in more than one place against us, our kinsmen, that in the captain's and war councils, ordered to the urgent help, diligent and faithful consideration and decision should stand, at which place they consider the most necessary, most fruitful and best, to watch with the urgent help and to do rescue, that it happens. However, in order that the pressure and the persistent help, if the necessity requires it, may also take place in this case, the captain together with the councils of war (as far as it can and may suffer such a delay without harm and damage to the united relatives) shall immediately send to another place the churons and princes, together with all other states of this union, as reported before, The court and the princes, together with all the other estates of this union, as reported above, shall immediately describe and request the matters in question at another place, by which it shall then be diligently considered and decided where or how the assistance shall be continued, so that no one may be held up as if he had not kept to his part of the assistance in due form, but shall know how to show himself and keep to it in all respects, as has been discussed and decided before.

  1. to the ninth: But will the attack on

The covenanting parties must then, with all their might, assemble in one group, and the cause of the Gospel, as well as the country and its people, cannot be saved in any other way: Then each member of the confederation shall, at the request of the forewarned captain, be ordered to render urgent assistance, but with prior consultation and further decision of the councils of war, to do so, and be obliged and obligated to assemble with all his might, horse and foot, into one group. They must also do so faithfully without any opposition, and nothing must be considered in this, except that the word, and subsequently the temporal, as land and people, may be preserved and saved, even if it must happen with a temporal damage to our and the subjects. Because the minds and intentions of the adversaries are finally based on two things: one, that they bring all of us, lovers of God's word, land and people to themselves; and the other, that they drive us and ours from God's word, drive out all Christian preachers with us, and replant and establish the papacy with all its ungodly abuses.

29 To the tenth: Since not all cases that may arise in the future according to God's will can be provided for this time, the reason, beginning and resolution of this understanding must finally rest on the fact that above all things God's glory and His holy word are to be considered, and for this reason, each one of us should treat the other, and all of us together, with a right heart and faithfulness in these matters, and should not consider or want to consider anything in this matter other than what we owe to God, and what each of us would like the other to do or have.

30 Eleventh: If it should come to a persistent or great help, and especially if the same should be divided or rescue should be done in more than one place, that the necessity should require and be good, to appoint from the electors and princes of the union still a supreme captain with six war councils over the persistent help, as is set before, for the sake of the urgent help. These, together with the other captain, must also be those who otherwise hold the seven votes of all the estates over the entire war trade and have the power to command all things: but so the captain over the urgent assistance and his assigned gun, with his war councillors, should have their own

562 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, "r-j-s-n. 563

Only that he be obedient to the other supreme captain over the mighty shell and his assigned councillors, as the seven main voices, in everything that would be created and commanded by them on account of the common estates. However, the captain over the urgent aid, together with his war councillors, shall also be heard in the council of the supreme captain and his war councillors, where the troops are with each other; however, only the supreme captain with his assigned councillors, as the seven votes, shall finally have to decide.

31 Twelfth: The supreme captain of the persistent aid, together with his assigned warriors, shall be given their usual maintenance, so that they may be well provided for, understanding that in this trade, as his own affair, the captain will also be satisfied with a fair share. But in all other use or profit, no more than, according to the number of his own people, the due part shall follow them, and everything else shall be drawn and used in the common use of all united relatives; in the same way it shall be kept with the captain, ordered to the urgent help, in the same cases.

The thirteenth: He who has now been appointed captain of the urgent assistance, together with his warriors, shall from that time on provide an emergency war regiment, and so keep it in his hands until it is needed, so that then there will be no lack of it.

Fourteenth: Where and how the ordnance, together with its ammunition, is to be most conveniently obtained and preserved for urgent assistance, shall be a matter of concern to the captains and councils of war, and such shall be previously discussed and decreed in their rules of war; however, equality shall be maintained in such and other matters, so that no rank shall be burdened more than the other, according to its opportunity.

34 To the fifteenth: The united kinsmen, or the captain and the councillors of war, which is now considered most convenient and best at the Schwabach meeting, shall also appoint rottmasters and captains over the routers and footmen, and give them a waiting allowance to promise and hold up for a time up to two thousand routers and ten thousand footmen, so that they may be obtained in a timely manner. In addition to this, some of them are to be dealt with, so that they do not have anyone appointed for them.

In their order, this unification was to be freely carried out; and so it was to be acted against us unification relatives that they might withdraw and warn us of the same.

  1. to the sixteenth: If it should happen that one or more of the united kinsmen should be in need of an opening in one or more of the other's castles, cities, lands and territories, the opening should be arranged and given to the united kinsman or kinsmen, whatever their status, with their warband, possessions and goods, in one or more of the other's lands, principalities, dominions and territories, castles, cities and other towns, as long as this unification lasts. Those who seek and use the opening for their own needs shall be held, defended and handled in a friendly and benevolent manner by those who permit and give the opening, as if it applied to each of them. In turn, those who seek the opening shall also use it at their own expense and damage, and shall also hold themselves in the same place under siege and otherwise, as the opening's sovereignty's own warriors, helping to guard, protect, and shield the place, no less than if it were incumbent upon the one or ones who seek and use the opening.

36 To the seventeenth: What has not been changed and improved by this our concern, understood in the Notel at Rodach, we allow to stand and remain, thus established.

37 And for the resolution: Since we and other Christian estates, because of the matters touched upon and the recent unpleasant departure from Speier, have dispatched our embassy to Imperial Majesty, it will be good and necessary to advertise and act there according to the instructions issued. Maj. to advertise and act there, according to the instructions given, it will be good and necessary, when the reported embassy returns, and we receive other than a gracious, good answer, that we then meet again without delay at the appropriate place, or send our authorized embassy, to discuss further what can be done by a new dispatch to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty, to show owed obedience and obtain Christian peace. Where then Her Imperial Maj. Maj. should ever insist on disgrace and offence or complaint against us united kinsmen, we shall not be able to provide for what Her Imperial Maj. Maj. of this our union, or of others, should or may be reported with the best of grace and favor. May God the Almighty and Lord of Peace send it all for His praise and the salvation of our souls, through Christ, His dear Son, Amen.

564 Erl. r.> 21,3U1-340. sec. 2. of the conventicles at Torgau rc. No. 874. W. xvl, Ikl I. ' 565

874 The seventeen so-called 1) Schwabach Articles, presented and adopted at the second Schwabach Convention, October 16, 1529.

About this writing J. T. Müller says in his historical-theological introduction to "Die symbolischen Bücher der eoanaelisch-lutherischen Kirche", p. LVI: The first part of the Augsburg Confession, 'Articles of Faith and Doctrine', was based on those 15 articles which Luther had written at the religious discussion held with Zwingli in Marburg Oct. 14 1529. These were redacted by Luther and the other theologians who were with him at the request of Elector John of Saxony, so that the original 15 became 17, then presented at Schleiz in Voigtland to the Elector and Margrave George of Brandenburg, who reported there on the alliance to be established with Landgrave Philip of Dessia, and finally presented and accepted at the second Schwabach Conveur (Oct. 16, 1529)." Elias Frick found in the Ulm Archives the original of our step, the second Schwabach Articles "not to be confused with the 23 Articles of the first Schwabach Con- venis, June 14, 1528), and had them printed in the German Seckendorf, p. 968. After that, our text. Without Luther's amen and will, "probably in May 153") the Coburg printer Hans Bern had these articles printed under the title: "Die bekenntnus Martini Luthers aufs dem jtzigen angestciren Reichstag zu Augspurgk eynlegen, In siebentzeben Artickel verfasset. In the XXX. Jar." At the end: "Printed at Loburgk by Hans Bern." 1 sheet in 4. Against this, the papal theologians Wimpina, Mensing, Redörfer and Rupert El- gersma, who were present in Augsburg, wrote a rebuttal. Luther responded by printing these articles himself and adding a preface under the title: "Auff das schreien etlicher Papisten, vber die sieben- yehen Artickel. Martin Luther's Answer. Wittemberg. In the M.D.X.X. Jar." No place. 14 sheets in 4. With the printer's mark of Hans Bern zu Coburg. - The 17 articles are printed in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 490; in the Jena <1566), vol. V, p. 14; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 14; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, 2. 1; in Walch, vol. XVI, 681; in the Erlangen, 1st ed, Vol. 24, p. 322 and 2nd Anst., Vol. 24, p. 338; in Chyträus, Historie der Augsburgischen Confession, 2. 45; in Müller's Historie 2c., p. 442; and in Cyprian's Historie der Augsburgischen Confession, Beilagen, A. 159. - Luther's preface is found in the .Hallischen Theil, p. 345; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 8; in Walch, vol. XVI, 778 (No. 901 in this vol.); in the Erlanger, 1st ed, Vol. 24, p. 321 and 2nd ed. vol. 24, p. 337 and in Cyprian I. c., Suppl., p. 159.- The papist refutation is found in the Wittenberg, vol. IX, p. 402; in the Jena, vol. V, p. 16b and in Walch, vol. XVI, 766 (in this volume No. 900.)

  1. The variants given are found in the edition organized by Luther himself: "Aus das Schreien etlicher Papisten" 2c. What is enclosed in brackets is only in the original concept. For the relationship of the Schwabach and Torgau articles, see No. 899.

Article by the Elector of Saxony, for the sake of faith.

I. That it be firmly and unanimously held and taught that there is only one true God, Creator of heaven and earth; that in the one true Divine Being there are three distinct Persons, namely God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit. That the Son is born of the Father, is from eternity to eternity true natural God with the Father; and that the Holy Spirit is both from the Father and the Son, is also from eternity to eternity true natural God with the Father and the Son, as all this may be clearly and powerfully proven by the Holy Scriptures, as Joh. I, 1-3: "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and God was the Word, all things were made through the same , and without the same nothing was made that was made " 2c., and Matthew 28:19: "Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost"; and similar sayings more especially in the Gospel of John.

) of the Son* ) of the Savior.

II. that only the Son of God became true man, *) born of the pure virgin Mary, perfect in body and soul, and not the Father or the Holy Spirit became man, as the heretics Patripassiani have taught; also the Son did not only take on the body without soul, as the Photinians have erred; for He Himself often speaks of His soul in the Gospel, as when He says: "My soul is sorrowful even unto death" 2c. [But that God the Son became man is clearly stated in Joh. 1, 14: "And the Word became flesh"; and Gal. 4, 4: "When the time was fulfilled, God found His Son, born of a woman, and put under the law."

*) received from the Holy Spirit, from the rc.

III. that the same Son of God, true God and man, Jesus Christ, is one inseparable person, suffered for us men, was crucified, died, was buried, rose from death on the third day, ascended into heaven, sits at the right hand of God, Lord over all creatures rc. So that it is not to be believed, *) nor taught, that Jesus Christ as man, or mankind, suffered for us; but therefore, because God and man here are not two persons, but One inseparable person, it is to be held and taught that God and man, or the Son of God, truly suffered for us; as

566 Erl. (p.) 24, 340-342. cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. XVI, 682-684. 567

Paul Rom. 8, 32. says: "God did not spare His only Son, but gave Him for us all. 1 Cor. 2, 8: "If they had known, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory," and similar sayings.

*) or can or shall teach 2c.

IV. That original sin is a true sin, not only a defect or infirmity, but such a sin as condemns all men who come from Adam and separates them eternally from God, unless Jesus Christ had represented us and taken upon Himself such sin, together with all the sins that follow from it, and had sufficed for it through His suffering, and had thus completely abolished and destroyed it in Himself; as then Psalm 51 and Romans 5 are clearly written about such sin.

*) right truthfuland not 2c.

V. Since all men are sinners, subject to sin and death, and also to the devil, it is impossible for a man to work himself out of it by his own strength, or by his good works, so that he may become righteous and godly again, nor can he prepare or send himself to righteousness, but the more he undertakes to work himself out, the worse it becomes with him. But this is the only way to righteousness and salvation from sin and death, if one, without all merit or works, believes in the Son of God, suffered for us 2c. As said, such faith is our righteousness, f)which God will accept and hold as righteous, pious and holy, having forgiven all sin and given eternal life, that they may be received into grace for His Son's sake, and be children in His kingdom 2c. As all this St. Paul and John 1 "f)teach abundantly in his gospel, as Rom. 10,10.: "With the heart one believes and is justified" 2c. Rom. 4, 5.: "Their faith is counted to them for righteousness"^; Joh. 3, 15.: "All who believe in the Son shall not perish, but have eternal life."

*) out -^) he can 2c.

  1. For God will count and count as righteous, pious and holy, having > forgiven all sin and granted eternal life to all who have such faith > in His Son, that they may be saved for 2c.
  1. in their writings abundant 2c.

VI. That such faith is not a human work, nor even possible by our own efforts, but is a work and gift of God, which the Holy Spirit, given through Christ, works in us;

and such faith, because it is not a *) mere delusion or conceit of the heart, as the false believers have, but a strong, new, living will, it bears much **)fruit, always does good to God with praising, thanking, f) praying, preaching and teaching, s-f) giving to the neighbor with love, serving, helping, counseling, giving, *f)and suffering all kinds of adversity even unto death.

*) loosefruits t) requests

  1. vs '4) and borrow and suffer 2c.

VII To obtain such faith, or to give it to us humans, God has instituted the ministry of preaching or the oral word, namely the gospel, through which he *) proclaims his faith and his power, benefit and **) piety, and also gives faith through it, as a means, with his Holy Spirit, as and where he wills, otherwise there is no other means or way, neither path nor bridge, to obtain faith. For thoughts apart from or before the oral word, however holy and good they seem, are nevertheless vain lies and error.

*) suchfruit

VIII. In addition to such oral word, God has also instituted outward signs, namely baptism and Eucharist, by which, besides the Word, God also inspires faith and His Spirit, and gives and strengthens all who desire His.

'4 which is called Sacrament, namely 2c.

IX. That baptism, the first sign or sacrament, is in two parts, namely in water and the word of God, or that one baptizes with ) water, and speaks the word of God, and is not only bad water and*) sprinkling, as the blasphemers now teach, but because the word of God is involved, and it is based on the word of God, it is a holy, living, powerful thing, and as Paul says Tit. 3, 5. and Eph. 5,26.: "a bath of regeneration and renewal of the Holy Spirit" 2c., and that such baptism is also to be administered to the children. God's words on which it stands are these: "Go and baptize in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit", Matth. 28,19. f^and Marc. 16, 16: "Whoever believes and is baptized shall be saved"^, so one must believe.

*) the water or

  1. and of the Son, and of the Savior.

X. The Eucharist or Sacrament of the Altar is also in two parts, namely, that it is truly present in the bread and wine of the

[568]{.underline} Erl. (2.) 2t, 342-344. section 2. of the conventicles at Torgau 2c. No. 874 f. W. XVI, 684-686. 569

true body and blood of Christ, according to the words of Christ: "This is my body, this is my blood"; and not only bread and wine, as now the devotional claims. These words also promote and bring about faith, and exercise the same in all those who desire such a sacrament, and do not act contrary to it, just as baptism also brings and gives faith when it is desired.

) in wine* ) the blood

XI. That the secret confession should not be forced by laws, as little as baptism, sacrament, gospel should be forced, but free; But that it be known how very consoling and wholesome, useful and good it is to the afflicted or erroneous conscience, because in it absolution, that is, God's word and judgment, is pronounced, by which the conscience is released and satisfied from its affliction; nor is it necessary to tell all sin; but one may denounce those that bite the heart and make it restless.

XII. That there be no doubt that there *) remains and is on earth a holy Christian church until the end of the world, as Christ says Matth. 28, 20: "Behold, I am with you until the end of the world." Such a church is nothing else than the believers in Christ, who believe and teach the above-mentioned articles and parts, and are therefore persecuted and martyred in the world; for where the gospel is preached and the sacraments are rightly used, there is the holy Christian church; and it is not bound with laws and outward splendor to place and time, to persons and earth.

*) be and remain **) hold, believe †) about it

XIII. That our Lord Jesus Christ will come at the last day to judge the living and the dead, and to deliver his faithful from all evil and bring them into eternal life, to punish the unbelieving and ungodly, and to condemn them together with the devils to hell forever 2c.

XIV. However, until the Lord comes to judgment and abolishes all authority and rule, one should hold secular authority and rule in honor,*) and be obedient, as a state ordained by God to protect the pious and to control the **) wicked. That such a state a Christian, where he is duly called to it, may well lead or serve in it without harm and danger to his faith and †) salvation. [Rom. 13. 1 Petr. 2Z

*) have **) the †) of his souls bliss 2c.

XV. From all this it follows that the doctrine which prescribes marriage to priests and clergy, and in general meat and food, together with all kinds of monastic life and vows, is vainly condemned and the doctrine of the devil, as St. Paul calls it 1 Tim. 4:3, because by it one seeks and believes grace and blessedness, and does not leave it free, when Christ alone is the only way to grace and blessedness.

*) Souls bliss 2c. damn devil doctrine 2c. †) Blessedness of souls.

XVI. that, before all abominations, the mass, hitherto considered a sacrifice or work, so that one might acquire grace for the other, should be abolished, and f) instead of such a mass, a divine order should be kept, that the Holy Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ should be administered in both forms, to each according to his faith, and for his own need.

well work 2c. has want 2c. †) but

XVII That the ceremonies of the church, which are contrary to God's word, should also be discontinued, but that others should be free to use them*) or not, according to love, so that one does not give frivolous annoyance**) without cause, or deceive common peace without need.

) the same* ) annoyance

875 Instruction of the Hessian envoy, Siegmund von Boyneburg, on what he should present to the Elector of Saxony, together with an appendix. October 29, 1529.

From Müller's Historie, Book II, Cap. 21, pp. 312 and 314.

Instruction, what to the Highborn Prince, Mr. Johannsen, Duke of Saxony, of the H.Roman. Reichs Erzmarschall und Churfürsten 2c., by our, Philipps von GOttes Gnaden, Landgrafen zu Hessen, Grafen zu Katzenelnbogen 2c., because of, our Amtmann zu Schmalkalden, Rath und lieber Getreuer, Siegmund von Boyneburg.

First, we offer our friendly service to his love, and that we are eager to hear of their welfare everywhere. And then we will report that our councillors, who were appointed at the recent meeting in Schwabach, have reported to us on the occasion of their return, the actions that have now taken place there, on which they have also been left and are now based. Which we then noted and recorded everything according to length.

570 Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 686-689. 571

Now there would be no doubt that this would have been opened to his love by their councilors who had been appointed there. But among other things, they understood in particular what trouble they had and had all of the cities in the presented list of some questions, so much that from it their unanimous and final mind and opinions can be taken that they do not think to let themselves be divided in these actions, means or means. Also that it was farewell requested to our skilful councillors, if they wanted to persist in such a pretence of the question and separation, to compare the same among us, together with our uncle, Margrave Jörgen of Brandenburg, and if it would be on the opinion, then it would be necessary to inform them of this by us, Landgrave Philipsen, before the appointed day, and then to request further action and the appointed day.

2 And for this reason he dispatched his love to do further friendly remembrance and request. Now do not doubt us, his love would know to modestly and admonish himself out of high understanding to our previous manifold writings, what it and all of us would be interested in this doing; how burdensome, shameful and disadvantageous it would be, if it should be broken up in such a way and go backwards: it would be better that this would have been thought of before, would not have been pushed so far, and one would not have let oneself in with the people at all. And we could consider his love, if such a thing were to be made public (as it would be difficult to keep it secret), what reflection, consolation, peace of mind and strengthening it would bring to our opponents, and waste to us all.

3 Because it is not hidden from his love that, praise God! the highest discord between the most distinguished scholars and preachers of our Christian faith, held at this time in our Convocation at Marburg, has come and grown to the point that now D. Martin Luther and his followers, and those who are of the other part, understand each other better and agree more closely than before, since they are one in the main articles, and not yet compared in the one thing alone, which is Christ in the Sacrament; in which God could in time bestow His grace, and, as we hoped, would bestow it; that even the scholars write of themselves that they want to show Christian love to one another; and that it is not yet certain what faith, Luther's or Zwingelin's opinion, in the 1)

  1. In the old edition: "was Glaubens des Luthers oder Zwingelins Meinung, indem" 2c.

every person of the council and the community of Strasbourg and Ulm, and thus in his love and our lands, is also common 'almost everywhere: so we considered it, if his love because of this in these intended matters and dealings had some displeasure, difficulty and misgivings, such should now be mitigated and fallen with her, and his love can be caused the less to separate.

  1. Accordingly, our friendly request, with amicable and faithful diligence exhorting, his beloved to consider this trade at all times, the circumstances and succession, and to take into consideration not to let this separation happen for himself; to promote the same with Margrave George for the best; and to consider besides how careful, dishonest, scornful and disadvantageous it would be to let these people out of hand, who would be glad to be with us, after all; For it is not hard to see how the cities of the Upper Lands are dampened with the noticeable brave warriors who are well established and well evangelized in them and in their countryside, that this would cause inevitable and irretrievable disruption and disaster to the rest of us who would gladly stay with the Word of God; we alone, who would otherwise have fifty or sixty thousand more men, would then have to defend ourselves. And are we ever sure of what we would all like to see in this matter, and his love has been written by us several times before, what much more credible warnings have reached us, that the imperial majesty is of the final will and intention to punish the princes and estates, so dependent on the Gospel. About this he, Siegmund, has received special orders from us to inform his beloved in confidence that we have received credible and certain information from the Dukes of Lorraine and Guelders, from the Court of Cologne, and from other elders whom we may not name to his beloved, that Imperial Majesty does not have the power to punish the princes and estates who are dependent on the Gospel. Majesty does not want anything to be done to their bodies, property and all assets, that she wants to bring them back into the old use, order and statutes of the Roman Church, and to punish the Lutherans.

Item 5: His love could well find and notice this himself from the concept of the mandate that Imperial Majesty intended to issue and that Christoph Groß brought with him. Majesty intended to issue, and Christoph Groß brought with him; which might also have been executed, if the Turkish attack had not occurred, and is to be assumed even more so every day since then.

6 Further, his beloved feels what a severe, unheard-of inquisition Imperial Majesty has made against the people. Majesty against the,

[572 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 875 ff. W. xvi.689-69i. 57z]{.underline}

The above-mentioned Christoph Groß will therefore continue to report everything to his beloved. Herewith we send to his love a copy of a writing from the Imperial Majesty to us. Majesty to us, in which his beloved, if they pay attention to the incorporated words "according to the old laudable usage", may again note what the mind of the Imperial Majesty is. Majesty is. He shall also report his love in particular that those of Nuremberg will not step aside from the cities, nor enter into or establish a special one without the others, as such is actually understood by their deputies. And so that in the near future they may not be sent again in a futile and unprofitable manner, we ask that they do not doubt this to his love, but have good hope that they will promote such a thing with Margrave George, so that it may continue for the sake of his love and not be delayed or delayed any longer, and that they may demand a friendly and confident answer from his love. Date Cassel, under our own signed handwriting, and printed secretes, on Friday the ninth and twentieth day of Octobris Anno 1529.

Philipps, Landgrave of Hesse, . Manuscript.

Appendix to the Hessian Instruction.

He shall also report to the Elector on our behalf that this morning we have received from the Nuremberg City Council writings on our affairs that we and the others have with the Imperial Majesty. This is shown by the copies we have had sent to him for this purpose, and his love has also come to know of those of Nuremberg without doubt. Therefore, it is not difficult for his beloved to judge, to accept and to understand what the Imperial Majesty's mind is in this matter. His Majesty's mind in this at last, and that she meant either to reject the Word of God with the evangelical orders, to force us away from it, and to subject us again to the old papist abuses; or that we have nothing else to suspect from her Majesty but disfavor, conquest, and rape, and that we have to go through it daily. For such an act, done against the person sent, would not only bring scorn, ridicule and contempt upon us, who have dispatched and sent them, but would also bring certain charges of the Emperor's disfavor and disgrace upon us. Majesty's displeasure, and is a testimony to their intended ungracious will. Therefore, let his love pursue the matter with serious diligence, what is in it for all of us, our lands and people, and promote it with diligence, also for himself.

all estates, princes, counts and cities of the Oberland, none who accept the Gospel, and describe ourselves together on the named time and goal, to think about the matters with advice, and therefore to unanimously compare and decide what should be done here according to the high unavoidable necessity, and that his love wants to give us to understand its mind in this conducive again. Date ut supra.

876. Luther's writing to the Elector of Saxony, concerning the counter-defense. November 18, 1529.

See Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. X, 552.

877: The resolution made at the Schmalkalden Convention on Dec. 4, 1529.

From Müller's History, Book II, Cap. 22, S. 330.

As the most illustrious, and the most illustrious, highborn princes and lords, Mr. Johann, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire; Mr. Ernst and Mr. Franciscus, Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, brothers, and Mr. Philipp, Landgrave of Hesse 2c., own person; also of the most illustrious, highborn princes and lords, Mr. Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., Councillors, Georg Vogler, Chancellor, and Wolf Christoph von Wiesenthau; and then the honorable, free and imperial cities, of Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Costnitz, Reutlingen, Heilbronn, Memmingen, Lindau and Kempten, embassies, on Sunday after Catharina Nov. 28, next verschienen, have arrived here at Schmalkalden, from which, of all their churfürstl. and fürstl. The Holy Roman Emperor is pleased to inform you of the messages of all his graces and favors in matters of protestation and appeal of the recent Speierian imperial treaty, as far as faith is concerned, to the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty, to confer with each other and to decide what further action should be taken before His Imperial Majesty. Majesty should further act on this matter.

And now the reported message of Imperial Majesty. Majesty have come here on this day, heard them first in their oral and written relation 1), of which also all the above-mentioned princes, princes and estates have taken copies.

  1. Document No. 863.

[574]{.underline} Cap. 12: Of the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, ssi-ev-t. 575

have. But because in the articles of our holy faith, recently brought forward at the meeting in Schwabach, 1) some misunderstanding has arisen, and the aforementioned Elector and Prince of Saxony 2c., Margrave George of Brandenburg 2c. and the Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, for many brave causes and movements, are not of mind or opinion to enter into such or such an action with anyone who is not in agreement with their electoral and princely graces, and thus of a unanimous faith and sacrament. Their Electoral and Princely Graces have this time given the cities' embassies, especially to those who had no knowledge of the articles of our holy faith beforehand, and therefore could not have been dispatched on this day, that they bring such articles behind them to their magistrates, and that another day is hereby appointed, namely on the Holy Three King's Day ^6. Jan. 1530^, in the near future, at Nuremberg, and thus: Which cities of the listed articles of our holy faith want to be in agreement with the Elector and Princes with God's help and insist that the same send their authorized messages to their Electoral and Princely Grace. Grace. They are to prepare their embassies for Nuremberg on the appointed day and have them announced by their authorized envoys; then they are to be summoned to Nuremberg by the person sent to the Imperial Majesty or otherwise. Majesty, or otherwise to mitigate or reject Her Imperial Majesty's ungracious refusal. Majesty's ungracious leave and mind, to consult with each other, and to decide as much as possible, as should now be done here. But which cities are not inclined to confess the indicated articles of our holy faith with the prince and princes announced beforehand and to persevere in doing so by means of divine help, do not need to be sent to Nuremberg on the appointed day. And so some of the cities would come to their electoral and princely grace. Grace. If, therefore, some of the cities should not send to Nuremberg on the appointed day to their electoral and princely graces, their electoral and princely graces would still want to meet with the Counts and Counts of Nuremberg. and others, confess and adhere to the many articles of our holy faith with their Electoral and Princely Grace at the same time. They confess and keep them at the same time, in accordance with the gracious will of God through their Electoral and Princely Grace. Grace. They will compare and decide with each other. Actum at Schmalkalden, Saturday after Andreä Dec. 4, Anno Domini 1529.

  1. Document No. 874.

878 Chursachen's and the Margrave of Brandenburg's answer, which they have given to the cities of Strasbourg and Ulm.

In Müller l. c. S. 333.

The answer of the Elector of Saxony and the skill of Margrave Jürgen of Brandenburg to the skill of the cities of Strasbourg and Ulm, which they gave at the next Schwqbachian farewell in Schmalkalden.

His Electorate. His Electoral Grace knows to remember, in which way at the discretion of His Elector. Gn. His Elector's Grace and brother-in-law, Landgrave Philippsen of Hesse, have acted with you, as the authorities who were near Speier on behalf of their lords, in addition to the envoys of the city of Nuremberg, for the sake of a Christian understanding, and that there, on some of the articles in question, a farewell and a day for further action and discussion were made to Rodach. Although it is also true that the same articles, so his churfürstl. and Margrave Juergen's councilors next to Schwabach have not been thought of so far or in such a way: You know, however, as those with whom the action was taken at Speier, that nevertheless all kinds of doubts arose on account of the discord, whether one was otherwise unanimous in many important articles concerning our holy Christian faith; and that also an opinion was brought into a list, as to how especially at Strasbourg, on account of the sacrament, the body and blood of Christ were preached and proclaimed, from which it would perhaps be possible to hear, as if there were no troublesome discord in this. For this reason, the matter has been directed, and it has been considered good, that the scholars should come together for friendly discussion and dialogue, in the confidence that such articles would then, with the help of the Almighty, be led to a good settlement and unity, which one can comfortably expect in this matter, and especially the Elector of Saxony. And where, according to the will of the Almighty, the same discord would have sufficed for Christian settlement and unanimity in such a way and completely, that with a happy and good conscience, and without violation of the same, as begun at Speier and further acted at Rodach in indicated hopeful confidence, such understanding could finally have been established and executed with each other: you, the skilled ones, shall doubtlessly

  1. "hopeful" put by us instead of: "polite". Compare No. 883, § 1 > towards the end.

[576]{.underline} Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 878 ff. W. xvi, 694-69". 577

that the Elector of Saxony, and undoubtedly his Electorate, is entitled to the same. Gn. and brother, Margrave Jörgen, to their special will; their electoral and princely graces should not have been in short supply. They should not have been lacking in their part, besides their electoral and princely graces. Gn. and brother-in-law, the Landgrave of Hesse, to finally carry out the more touched understanding. However, after the Elector of Saxony together with H. F. Gn. Oheims, des Markgrafen, Geschickten, have heard from your presentation that the articles, which were handed over at Schwabach, were considered by your lords to be disputatious and extensive, and therefore, as it is understood, they have been reluctant to agree to the same and that the union should be executed thereon: so his Electoral Grace and the Margrave's Geschickten must agree. His Electors and the Margrave's deputies must also leave it at that, and put the understanding to rest, so that it is not acted against conscience. If the Elector of Saxony had also provided for this, since the Nuremberg City Council, next to his Elector's Grace, had asked for a delay in the day's proceedings, he could have done so. If the Elector of Saxony had provided that the Council of Nuremberg, next to his Electors, had asked for the postponement of the day that should have been here in Schmalkalden due to the Schwabach agreement on the 15th day of December, for the sake of this matter concerning the understanding, had written that your Lords of Strasbourg and Ulm would have had the articles reported beforehand, as if they were extensive and contentious, his Electors would have notified those of Nuremberg. His Grace had indicated to those of Nuremberg to leave them, those of Strasbourg and Ulm, as far as this matter of understanding was concerned, unattended with descriptions. And the Elector of Saxony, together with the Margrave's deputies, have heard with no small misgivings that your lords may not agree with the same articles, considering what, to speak humanly, would have been accomplished among themselves, as well as among others, for the reception of the Gospel's consolation and good: also what joy, if it should become known, the adversaries would feel at such a resulting disagreement. However, since it will not be otherwise, his Electors and the Brandenburgers will have to be punished. The Electors and the Brandenburg authorities must, on account of their lords, order the matters to the almighty God, who (although the aforementioned consolation wants to arise) is nevertheless more powerful than all adverse force. And are of the final mind and will, also want to ask and call upon the Almighty, that he may grant their electoral and princely grace in this matter. and sovereigns of this part in their Christian intention, as hitherto, graciously preserve and confirm that their electoral and princely grace, their body and property and all temporal welfare may be placed in God's will and set aside, also

The people who want to be sure of what his divine will and good pleasure is. will and good pleasure. Since their princely and royal graces may also show and prove gracious and good will to the cities of Strasbourg and Ulm, and to your persons, as their envoys, as much as may happen in conscience, their princely and royal graces will be inclined to do so.

879: List of those persons who appeared at the Nuremberg Convention.

This and the following documents up to No. 886, which belong to the history of the Nuremberg Convention, are to be found in Müller l. c. Book II, Cap. 23-26, p. 336 ff.

  1. Christian Bayer, Doctor and Chancellor, on account of Elector Johannsen of Saxony, and at the same time having power from
  1. Mr. Ernsten, and 2. Mr. Franciscen, Dukes of Brunswick,
  1. Mr. Wolfgangen, Prince of Anhalt,
  1. lord Gebharden, and 5. lord Albrechten, brothers, counts and lords > of Mansfeld.
  1. Georg Vogler, chancellor; Wolf Christoph von Wissenthau, keeper at Schwabach; Christoph von Seckendorf, court marshal, because of Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg.
  2. Siegmund von Boyneburg, Amtmann zu Schmalkalden, on account of Landgrave Philippsens zu Hessen.
  3. Clemens Vollkamer, Christoph Koler, Jörg Höppel, the younger, because of the city of Nuremberg, as well as by force of the cities: 1. Winsheim, 2. Reutlingen, and 3. Weißenburg am Nordgau.

880 The city of Reutlingen sends a letter to the city of Nuremberg in which it declares its support for the seventeen Schwabach Articles and indicates that it cannot attend the convention in Nuremberg. January 3, 1530.

See No. 879.

To the careful, honorable and wise, mayor and council of the city of > Nuremberg, our favorable dear lords and friends.

Careful, honorable and wise, favorable dear gentlemen and friends! E. F. W. be our very willing and diligent services always before.

[578]{.underline} Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 696-M. 579

We have recently presented the farewell, together with several articles concerning the holy faith, at Schmalkalden, have heard all the contents, and give E. F. W. to understand in good opinion that we, by virtue of the aforementioned farewell, were willing to attend the appointed day on Trium Regum in the future: however, in the meantime, such business has occurred with us that we do not know how to deliver some message at this time for noticeable reasons. However, we want to firmly persevere and remain with the above-mentioned articles, which have been and are still being taught, preached, and defended as Christian with holy scripture by our preachers, because we are not rejected from them with holy scripture and a good conscience. Therefore, what is now being protested by the estates on account of the articles mentioned, as well as whether anything is to be done against Imperial Majesty for interrogation and dismissal. Majesty for interrogation and averting Her Majesty's disfavor. We hereby, now as then, and then as now, on our part, also consent to submit our number and fee in all ways, E. F. W., the Emperor, and the Emperor's Majesty, and ask them very diligently. requesting with all diligence that they thus faithfully pardon us for our remaining outside against Princes, Princes and other Estates, our most gracious, gracious and favorable Lords, and that whatever is acted upon and decided at such a day be sent to us at our expense 1); also that we be reimbursed for the costs of those sent to Imperial Majesty in Hispania, who have sent the same to us. Majesty, so that the excess money is drawn down, report to us, to direct us the better to know with conducive sending of our fee. We want to earn this for E.F.W. with friendly will at all times. The 3rd of Jan. Anno 1530.

Mayor and City Council of Reutlingen.

881 Letter from the city of Heilbronn to the Elector of Saxony and other princes and lords assembled at Nuremberg in matters of faith and the convened Nuremberg Convention. January 5, 1530.

See No. 879.

Most Serene, Serene, Highborn Princes and Lords, our subservient willing services, and your Electoral and Princely

  1. "our costs" put by us instead of: "our first". Similarly, following "the costs" instead of: "the first". In the original probably "costen", which will be read in "first".

Graciously ready, beforehand. Most gracious and gracious lords! When our envoy from the recently held day in Schmalkalden arrived at our house, he handed over to us seventeen articles by your electoral and princely grace, concerning the Christian faith, which we read out all the contents: we respect and consider them to be Christian, which we also believe and hold. However, it is not possible for us to completely refrain from keeping the mass for the following reasons: we have a member of the German Order with us, who is a member of the Confederation and has his own priesthood; likewise, we have Barefooters as observers, with both of whom we have rights, and we have been commanded by imperial authority not to innovate against them. And since the Schmalkalden agreement states that anyone who does not wish to accept the articles mentioned above 2) should not attend the Trium Regum meeting in Nuremberg, we would have been inclined to attend such a meeting if the above-mentioned good reasons had not prevented us from doing so. We have not wished to behave in such a manner to Your Electoral and Imperial Graces in all submission, humbly requesting to have us in your gracious command; for wherever we may serve Your Electoral and Imperial Graces, we wish to be found willing at all times. Date Wednesday Vigilia Trium Regum 5 Jan Anno 1530.

Mayor and Council of the City of Heilbrunn.

882 Instruction of D. Bayer, von Sachsen, Braunschweig und Anhalt, on the Nuremberg Convention,

See No. 879.

Instruction, what should be done by us, the Elector of Saxony, and the Highborn Princes, Mr. Ernsten, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg, and Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt 2c. on account of the highly esteemed, our councilor and dear faithful, Christian Baier, D. and Chancellor, at Nuremberg on Trium Regum with the fates of the princes, counts and cities, who were recently at Schmalkalden and took their leave there.

First of all, our skilful man shall consult with our dear grandfather, Margrave Jürgens of Brandenburg, councillors and deputies, about the

  1. "not" put by us instead of: "with", which will probably be read from "nit". The city declares its inability to implement the sixteenth Schwabach article.

580 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 882. W. xvi, 698-701. 581

Opinion: we did not doubt that your master would once again be inclined to stick to the articles of faith handed over to you, and to let himself be heard of the farewell at Schmalkalden this time finally and with a friendly mind. And, if our deputy is informed of this by them, to find out further whether their lord is willing to enter into union with us; then to unite further with the same Margrave's deputies, and also to speak with the Landgrave's deputy in Hesse, and to ask them how they were dispatched by their lord to Nuremberg after the farewell at Schmalkalden, with recovery of the farewell given at Schmalkalden, which of the property, contents of the written articles, so handed over to each part: Those who agree with us and others on the aforementioned articles of our holy faith, and who wish to insist that the same send their authorized message to Nuremberg on the appointed day for our and the other princes' messages, but who are not inclined to confess the articles of our holy faith, do not need to send them to Nuremberg on the appointed day. Now, if the Landgrave's deputies were to declare that they had been prepared to unite with ours and others of the same faith and sacrament in an instruction and sending to the Emperor's Majesty, they would not need to be sent to Nuremberg on the appointed day. Majesty: then ours shall enter into a settlement and further discussion with them, and then continue to act in the same way with those of Nuremberg and other cities. If, however, it were the case that the Hessians were to hear that their lord did not want to be sent by the other cities, and had perhaps allied himself with them, if this were to be noted, from which ours would also assume that the Landgrave is not inclined to send with us and the others who agree on Christianity, then we consider it unnecessary that his love should be advised in the issuance and counseling of the instruction. If his love would not be willing to send with us and ours, then our defender shall nevertheless unite with the Brandenburg, Nuremberg, and other defences that want to come to Nuremberg. And the sum is this: whoever confesses the Articles of Faith with us, and with God's help would insist on it, the same shall be admitted to the sending, settlement of the Instruction and alliance; but if anyone to those of Strasbourg and others, who have a misunderstanding in the Sacrament, and do not unanimously believe with us, according to the Articles, that it is the Landgrave, he shall be admitted to the sending, settlement of the Instruction and alliance.

or anyone else, they are not to be admitted to the council, in which way the instruction is to be given, nor to anything else. For it is one thing to confess the error of the sacrament, and to enter into alliance and confidential understanding with them; lest we should fall into it now, which we fled before. And all this is at stake if the cities all, or in part, separate themselves from us and the others for the sake of Christianity. But if they publicly confess the articles handed over after due consideration, it remains on the course, as is further reported below. And if the princes or cities, in the event that they are in agreement with us on the matter of Christianity, should apply for alliance, ours shall inform them that, since our councilor and dear friend, Hans von Mingkwitz, had previously sent them the articles of alliance, ours would be ordered to listen to and accept their reply, concerns and report, and to carry all this to us; with the understanding that a day would be set aside for this purpose, so that a final decision could be reached, since at the present time we do not really know what their minds would have wanted to rest on. If, however, they would not appeal to ours for the sake of the alliance, ours shall make mention of it and take their minds to what they intend to do about it. And to consider this against the Brandenburgs and those of Nuremberg in general and in particular, whether they want to enter into the union in unity or in particular, they shall be accepted with moderation, as reported above.

(2) As many of the other cities' deputies as will present themselves to ours, our deputy shall indicate to them what kind of farewell was recently taken by their lords and deputies at Schmalkalden: whereupon we above-mentioned have instructed our chancellor in the above-mentioned name to give the same farewell enough; in addition, ours shall offer to speak, act and conclude about it. Those of them who will insist on the main articles of faith, as mentioned above, which were handed over to them in Schmalkalden, and who will confess them like others, may be admitted to the discussion of the Instruction and other matters. If they would also be inclined to enter into a confidential understanding and covenant, like the others, our skilful shall not refuse such, but accept them in measure, like others.

  1. even if Brandenburg and those of Nuremberg, as the most distinguished, are, as touched upon above.

[582]{.underline} Cap. 12: Of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 701-703. 583

If the first two would be willing to enter into the covenant and union, they should be all the more willing to enter into it with the others. If, however, it were a matter that they were all inclined to come into it, and to confess the articles of faith which they have hitherto held and moved with them, it would be in the order and the way of the previous trade, ours and the others', which are of one sacrament and faith. However, if Brandenburg and Nuremberg, alone or together with the other cities, do not want to conclude the articles with us and the others, as far as the faith is concerned, they shall not compare with them, either together or in particular, the instruction or answer. If, however, Brandenburg and Nuremberg want to be in agreement with us on the grounds of faith, as we have provided for them and noted next to them, and yet do not want to enter into any further new agreement, Magdeburg or other alliance against us, then we shall nevertheless unite with them, be it Brandenburg, Nuremberg or those who alone are in agreement with us on the grounds of faith, for the sake of the Emperor's Majesty with the Instruction; this is the main article of all this consideration. We also consider it convenient and useful that a number of respectable people have been appointed to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and that the instruction be handed over by them in Latin, French and German; and that besides this, a small report be made in which the trade is summarized; and that the sent ones, if they are ordered by the princes and cities, come again to Nuremberg. And that the transfer and exchange would be held, as in the next; and that the sent ones, according to opportunity and requirement of the trade diligence and dräulichex weighting, would arrive to the sheerest. That it would also be proposed by ours by chance, as if they were doing it for the benefit of the trade, for themselves, and that it would not be detrimental to the same: we would, besides the other princes, take the trouble to send a count or other brave people of nobility, who would be at the imperial court and with the von Nassau, to the city. We would, in addition to other princes, endeavor to use a count or other brave people of nobility, who are in special esteem at the imperial court and with Nassau, to be skilful to the imperial majesty. What the same might be useful to the cause could well be assumed. To consider that the von Nassau and Alexander sweat be answered as it is deemed useful; likewise to consider whether the complaint, protest, appeal, and what our and the other skilful people encounter in our advertising and command for this reason should be allowed to come into print, or whether it should be left up to Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Answer should be delayed.

  1. However, the Instruction to the Imperial Chancellor is not binding.

Majesty should be understood, ours will learn this from what we will send him hereafter, and otherwise, according to the occasion of the whole matter, move the same beside its circumstances, and pay attention to it, so that a steady, fair and Christian lawful answer may be given, thereby Imperial Majesty's ungracious farewell may be averted. Majesty's ungracious departure may be mitigated and averted. After we have considered above that it would be good that a count or some of the nobility would be sent to Imperial Majesty. Majesty: we also consider, according to the occasion and time, that it would not be unfruitful for one of the princes to be dispatched, and that Duke Ernst of Lüneburg would be able to personally petition Imperial Majesty. Majesty personally, on prior escort and assurance.

883 The instructions for a nme legation to the emperor and his brother, King Ferdinand.

See No. 879.

  1. project of the instruction, what to do at the roman imperial majesty, our most gracious lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, our electors, princes, counts and cities, who are named below, are to advertise and act.
  2. Maj. our submissive, most subservient, dutiful and entirely willing services in all obedience, as our most gracious Lord and Emperor. Afterwards Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty this opinion in submission: When we, upon Her Imperial Majesty's Majesty's request and description at the next Imperial Diet proclaimed and held at Speier. Majesty! We appeared there in our own persons and in our embassies sent by the cities, through some of the estates, in the appearance that they had sent their Imperial Majesty a message. Majest. (about which we have repeatedly indicated excellent causes and complaints as to why this is not proper for them, and why we could not consent to it on account of our consciences and souls), to make a supposed decision and resolution, which we are urged and inevitably caused to protest against, as far as the same article is concerned, and further to appeal to their Imperial Majesty, as our unanimous representative. Majesty, as our sovereign lord and protector, about such and such highly important complaints.

584 Section 2: Conventions at -Torgau 2c. No. 883. W. xvi. 703-706. 585

We have therefore, after the end of the above-mentioned Imperial Diet, decided to appeal to Her Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, and to a future common, free Christian council, to which the action of such matters, concerning the faith, belongs. Majesty, 1) to disobedience, or not to be interpreted as if we did not want to agree with the one that other estates were obliged to conclude at the reportedly held Imperial Diet for the sake of faith, without special and important causes; when it was decided beforehand and afterwards that we would not be able to register anything with Her Imperial Majesty with uncertain representation. Majesty; in all humble good opinion and to show our obedience to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty, as our united lord and ordinary authority, and that we need no other means or ways to remove the apportioned burdens than the natural and described rights, and that we seek our comfort, protection and protection, according to God the Lord, from their Imperial Majesty. Majesty. (how just) and to seek a Christian concilium in an orderly manner, our message to Her Imperial Majesty in Hispania. Majesty in Hispania, and to petition Her Majesty there on our behalf; which, however, Her Imperial Majesty at Genoa in Italy has done. Majesty met at Genoa in Italy. And although Her Imperial Majesty Majesty. the same has graciously heard our envoys of their request and of the order received from us, with necessary information of all occasions of the next Diet of Speier, and why it would not have been proper nor due to us, the protesting and appealing estates, without injury to our souls, salvation and conscience, also without the highest burden on our country and people, to so grant the above-mentioned leave, touching the first article, touching the faith: that we have committed ourselves against Her Imperial Majesty to the highest and most absolute authority. Majesty in the highest and most submissive manner, in the hope that such a submissive action, which is also quite necessary for us, will be granted to us by Her Imperial Majesty, as our Lordship. Majesty, as our most gracious Lord and Emperor, would give us a gracious answer and decision.

2 Recently, however, our envoys, when they returned from Italy from their Imperial Majesty, sent us a message. Majesty back to us and home. They reported that they had received an ungracious and quite unforeseeable farewell from us, and that they had been sent back to us.

  1. Added by us.

them as from Her Imperial Majesty. Majest. The following is one of the concluding contents: that Her Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, has been reminded of this Speier farewell before our envoys arrive at Her Majesty. Majesty, having been reminded of this Speier farewell before our envoys arrive at Her Majesty's, and on account of several other indicated causes, has asked, requested and requested that, in accordance with Her Majesty's serious order previously issued to the estates of the empire, we should once again earnestly command that we consent to the farewell and resolution passed at Speier and comply with it in all respects. 2c.

  1. But when our envoys, after receiving the farewells and answers notified to them, 2) lodged our appeal there against the decision made by the Estates at Speier, their Imperial Majesties were informed of our decision. Majest. Secretaries, Magister Alexander Schweiß, in the place of Her Majesty, as they had been ordered to do in their dispatch from us, they would, before and before our appeal to Her Imperial Majesty, have been submitted to Her Majesty. Majesty according to necessity, they would have been taken by her Majesty's order to the inn at Plac. They were also seriously enjoined that in case of loss of life and property they were not to leave the inn, not to write behind them, nor to send some servants of theirs, all until further notice to their Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's decision. All of which we have heard with no small complaint and great horror, and would not have been able to provide ourselves with it before in this great brave deal, concerning conscience and God's word. For Her Imperial Majesty Majesty, our most gracious Lord, knows from imperial virtue and understanding how easy it is to judge and accept who would not want to have his mind made up if in such important matters, not concerning temporal goods, honor or welfare, but concerning consciences and the eternal salvation and harm of souls, he should find himself so over-hasty that his right and proper superiority (for which we recognize Her Imperial Majesty), to which the consciences and the Word of God are concerned, should not be able to give a ruling. Majesty), to which one has had the most submissive recourse by means and ways, which in much lesser and unimportant temporal matters admit all rights as a natural inevitable protection and shield, without doubt, and, as we note, by only the other part's too much, also unsuccessful submission, outside of proper legal cognition, to such mandates, of which Her Imperial Majesty's Majesty has the right to demand. Majesty. Answer 3) and the issued constriction of our envoys, and the same shall be moved by the unfavorable parties.
  2. Document No. 846.
  3. Document No. 846.

586 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi. voe-ws. 587

further be so interpreted and formed in the people, as without doubt did not remain: Because the entanglement of our embassies became known in the Empire of the German Nation a little sooner than the same came to us again, as if it had been carried out of our command to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty that we did not have the right nor the right, but were to blame, that our embassy carried the message of our, as Imperial Majesty, subordinate chieftains. Majesty's subjects, princes and cities, and not acted for themselves, of the natural and all peoples' rights, liberties and securities, on account of His Imperial Majesty. Majesty; in consideration of the fact that our skilful appellants, who have intervened at Speier after the leave has been granted, for the sake of the abatement of the imperial rights described above, are entitled to the same. Rights, interponed, for Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Person, as our Lord and Protector, by us and by our order to her Majesty's Secretaries on the same arduous parting alone and insinuated.

  1. for this reason, out of our special high confidence in Your Imperial Majesty, we have no other choice than to accept them after a gracious hearing. Majesty, we have no other choice than that they should be accepted after a gracious interrogation of their necessary commanded action, and that they should be dispatched again with mercy; since this is what natural equity, reason and all respectability require, and so far it has been held everywhere against the infidels' and public enemies' embassy and legation.

5 However, we bear witness to Her Imperial Majesty's Majesty. We are, however, much more sorry for her Imperial Majesty than we are aware of the many important and excellent affairs with which she is overburdened, and that she may not have been reminded of all the opportunities that would have been due to her. For we have no doubt that at the time our embassy was with Her Imperial Majesty, things were in a state of flux. Majesty, the matters were discussed in the presence of impartial German counselors, as the same had informed Her Imperial Majesty of this in Her Majesty's presence. Majesty's royal election of a future Roman Emperor at Frankfurt for the honor and welfare of the German nation. Majesty would also be bound by the gracious obligation imposed by Her Imperial Majesty there at Frankfurt. Majesty there at Frankfort to the members of the Empire by grace and kindness, and without the requirement of equity, that Her Imperial Majesty should not allow any of the members of the Empire to be removed. Majesty not to rape any of the "imperial estates" for themselves, nor to permit others to do so, but to graciously allow each estate, where it might suffer proper justice, to remain in the same and otherwise due interrogation and equity; and, besides this, also to allow all of the

circumstances and occasion of the cause of our rightful protest and appeal, to His Majesty's Secretariat. Secretariats, also what is necessary to move these important matters everywhere: His Imperial Majesty would undoubtedly show a more gracious response against us. His Imperial Majesty would undoubtedly show himself with a more gracious response against us, and would not have been able to order such a mandate against us in any way before now.

(6) Although we stand in hopeful and quite undoubted confidence, since the same mandates have been with us until the time of the dispatch of these embassies and have not yet come to us, that His Imperial Majesty will now have received such opportunity and circumstances without such report that she will graciously abolish the same mandates in the pending appeal. Majesty will have received such an opportunity and circumstances of the matters without such a report now, that she will graciously abolish the same mandates in the pending appeal and let them be drawn again.

7 And after Her Imperial Majesty has indicated in her reply that Majesty indicates in her answer, as if the departure had been made solely to prevent, from that time on, further all kinds of frightening innovations, doctrines and sects, for which reason we should not have sought a refusal 2c.

(8) Thereupon, our skilful ones shall inform and report to their Imperial Majesty. Especially so that our submissive and obedient will may be noted all the more, and our protestation and appeal may be made not out of any premeditation, but out of compelling necessity, for the sake of our souls' salvation.

(9) If the ambiguous article of the next Speier Farewell were to be upheld as presented to Her Imperial Majesty, we could also show ourselves by the grace of the Almighty that we are being unreasonably refused help in considering and closing ways that would be harmful. If, for the sake of the next article of the Speier Farewell, the situation were to be as presented to Her Imperial Majesty, then we could also be guided by the graces of the Almighty Himself in that we would unreasonably refuse to consider and close the ways that would prevent harmful and frightening innovations, doctrines and sects, and especially from now on.

(10) Thus, we have the honor to say that before the time of the next Speierian farewell and until then, the bravest refutations of all such frightening innovations and doctrines have been made and put forward from our princedoms, lands, territories, and by our own, that we invoked the entire empire's testimony.

(11) And with the help of the Almighty we are determined to avoid these and similar doctrines, of which there is a considerable difference, even though they arose before the time, concerning the reincarnation and what is known to the reverend Sacramental.

588 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. Nü. 883. w. xvi. 708-710. 589

We are not allowed to proclaim, break in or allow the true Corpus Christi and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ in our principalities, lands and territories, neither publicly nor secretly. Some of our friends, and others from the aforementioned greater part of the princes, princes and estates of the empire, know about this and have been appointed to the great committee at the next imperial diet, in addition to one or two of us, which we have let ourselves be heard about more than once and on account of such troublesome innovations and doctrines, no less than they, in a Christian and unprovable manner.

  1. also refer us to the writ which we sent to them next at Speier, with notice of our complaints, to be read and moved, and which we again denied in our appeal: that our protestation and appeal on our part should and would remain and have been put to rest, where it thereby (as to prevent the reported and now henceforth such harmful and frightening innovations and doctrines, as her Imperial Majesty has requested to the other estates with almost too little report and to our displeasure) remained. Majesty's Majesty for the benefit of the other estates, with almost too little report and to our displeasure), and not also to have proceeded further to some abuses fallen with us by means of public divine writing before this time, to re-establish them and to impose them (as one then subjected oneself to this by a biased Mehrer, unheard and unconsidered of all instructions given). And after the Imperial Majesty Among the most important reasons why we of the imperial estates should accept the resolution and agreement made at Speier, the Imperial Majesty has set this motion: what is to be decided with the majority in the common imperial assembly, that the lesser part should not resist it, but live obediently; then our envoys shall submit the following report to their Imperial Majesty. Our envoys shall humbly report our report to their Imperial Majesty:
  2. Your Majesty, as an emperor of great understanding, knows how to graciously guide himself, not only from reason and all uniformly just and divine orders, but also from the past histories of practiced imperial actions and acts, so that it will not be found at all that the common imperial assembly has ever subjected itself, or that it has considered it divine, just and just, in the confusions and divisions of our faith, the salvation of souls, and whatever may depend on it, to some action or order,

However small they may be, but the same things have from the time of the early church to this time always been discussed and acted upon in the common Christian and ordinary councils, to which not only the Holy Roman Empire, but all the common Christian classes, and especially those who are learned and understand the Holy Scriptures, are to be called and allowed, Those who have been taught and understand the Holy Scriptures should be called and discussed, and it should be done properly by divine right, by means of divine word and Holy Scripture, so that not the greater, but the more divine and true, should be decided and accepted there.

(14) For what Christian reasonable action could that be, if in a matter by someone, without prior necessary interrogation and diligent investigation of the root, from which the main action and error has its origin, what finally it should be recognized and carried out, when the imperial and other described rights do not allow such in temporal, civil matters by any means. But it is much more appropriate to act in matters of faith with the utmost diligence, seriousness and bravery, so that this can be justified before God, as a mighty Lord of heaven and earth (whose cause it is without means), with an undaunted conscience.

(15) How would we and other Christian people always be satisfied in our consciences if we were to place the foundation of our consciences and salvation on men, or on the decision of a superior made by men, and were to live by this decision, regardless of whether it is in accordance with divine truth or contrary to it? Because the holy word of God, as the foundation of our faith, is more worthy and more powerful than that it should take clarity from men, as it is said, through a superior, and God the Almighty bequeaths supremely and curses all men who place their trust, that is, their blessedness, in men.

(16) Moreover, all natural, reasonable equality and equity, which concerns many people in common, requires that this should not be done by some alone, but in the presence and with the knowledge of all those who are related to the matter and have an interest. Because this article of the agreement, in which the estates of the empire agree, and which 1) all Christians in general confess, states: what is repugnant to order?

  1. In the old edition: "therein the imperial estates, but insgemein" 2c.

590 Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 710-712. 591

nce again, it would be a discrepancy and inequality if, in the absence and ignorance of the others, the Christian estates, the lesser part, were to determine what is divine and Christian, and to decide in such a way, as if the others all had to be committed to it? Who could not assume from this a public division and separation of our Christianity, and therefore 1) conclude unquestionably that one error would cause the others and bring them along with it?

(17) However suspicious it would be considered by all reasonable people, their Imperial Majesty, out of high understanding, graciously considered that our opponents, who are opposed to the righteous, truthful teaching of the holy gospel, should teach, preach and write against it to the utmost, not with little persecution, and should be judges in this dichotomy: if they were not allowed to judge in their own matters for the sake of a temporal, according to all divine and human rights. And what irretrievable burden and disadvantage our consciences and those of our descendants would suffer from this, and what should be considered right and just, is easy to assume. Therefore, it is our hope that it would be acceptable to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty. would not consider it fair that in matters of the divine word a majority should take place, and that the counterpart should proceed as a party and judge against us, and that we should be bound to do with it against our conscience; There is no doubt that if we outnumbered them and outnumbered the other estates, they would suffer considerable hardship in return, since we wanted to advance with such a majority in these matters, and would not refrain from protecting and preserving themselves by legal means, as has now been done by us to our great need. In addition, as Her Imperial Majesty, the Majesty, as the fountain of all rights, know that cases may nevertheless occur in which the greater part is not to be concluded against the lesser part; as we are then before Her Imperial Majesty and the common Christian law. Majesty and the common Christian Council, in accordance with the form and occasion of this transaction.

18 From all of which Her Imperial Majesty, our most humble hope, has graciously and clearly noted. Majesty, at our most humbly request, graciously and clearly note the highly important, excellent and significant grievances, which do not concern temporal benefit or welfare, but rather the salvation and eternal harm of souls, against which we are in violation.

  1. "accordingly" put by us instead of: "nevertheless".

We are of the opinion that the other estates need a parting and more of the means, rightly admitted as a natural and cheap protection, for our highest and unavoidable need, and, as it happens, have to protest, also further appeal to their Imperial Majesty and a common and free Christian council; and that in truth, as their Imperial Majesty may certainly believe us, there is no disobedience nor disobedience of any kind. Majesty and a common, free, Christian council; and that it is in right truth, as Her Imperial Majesty may surely believe us to be, of no disobedience, nor any other such concern, lust, outrage or malice.

19 For Her Imperial Majesty, even male. 19. For their Imperial Majesty, even male, can easily judge for themselves how we and some of our forefathers want to be willingly felt by their Imperial Majesty in all ways of honor, welfare, and all the best, and also in all things due and possible to our end; therefore, besides the fact that their Imperial Majesty is our rightful authority from God, we would much rather expect mercy from their Imperial Majesty and want to know and have a most gracious Emperor and Lord at his Imperial Majesty's side than to expect and have a most gracious Emperor and Lord at his Imperial Majesty's side for things unnatural. Majesty, and to know and have a most gracious Emperor and Lord at His Imperial Majesty's side, than that we want to burden Her Imperial Majesty upon us with matters that are unnecessary and move Her Imperial Majesty to displeasure alone, and would rather feel or be aware of the same displeasure besides our own unrest, as Her Imperial Majesty graciously indicates in the decision of her answer.

20 Moreover, that the Holy Scripture admonishes us to obey God in matters concerning His truth more than men. For whether we obey their Imperial Maj. Maj. and the Holy Roman Empire, as obedient members of the same, entangled with duties without means, and therefore guilty, indeed quite inclined and willing, to obey their Imperial Maj. Maj. as our rightful lord, with our persons, lands, people and property: yet our souls and consciences, like those of Her Imperial Majesty, are unconcealed. Maj. himself, are taken out of the hands of all men and placed under the rule and authority of the commandment alone, who bought and freed them with his blood, and to whose obedience, command and government we confessed and committed ourselves in baptism.

21 Although we also note from the much-reported reply of Her Imperial Majesty that the matter has been referred to Her Imperial Majesty. Maj.'s reply that the matter has reached Her Imperial Majesty with this palliation of the other states. Maj. that perhaps the Turks would by no means be resisted by such an equal understanding as the treaty allows: we nevertheless know of our special glory, and hope, especially we, those princes, princes and cities, that we will nevertheless be able, in the next Turkish emergency, to rely on the Turkish troops.

592 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 883. W. xvi, 712-714. 593

Her Imperial Majesty's Maj.'s gracious written request, and to the Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, Her Imperial Maj. Maj. brother, kindly and graciously requesting to praise God Almighty, to be kind to Her Imperial Maj. Maj. for subservience, Royal W. for kindly experience, and also for the benefit of Christendom and the Empire of the German Nation, both with the resistance of the Turk, which has been held at several imperial diets, at the request of Her Imperial Maj. Maj.'s request, and also what has been decided about it in the aforementioned emergency by Her Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Emperor. Maj. and K.W. and K.W., and, notwithstanding the much-touched discord, let it be heard that in the same, besides the fact that I, Duke Johann, Elector of Saxony, have not been the last to take the days set aside for the Turks, nor have I been otherwise lacking, we have not been the last to take the days set aside for the Turks; that therefore Her Imperial Maj. Majesty is graciously obliged to accept, with what justification such a thing may be brought to the attention of Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty to a cause to make Her Imperial Majesty all the more against us. Maj. to disgrace us all the more by this.

22 Since the Christian and imperial heart of Her Imperial Majesty is now once again set on this. Her Imperial Majesty's Christian and imperial heart is once again directed to this end, as Her Imperial Majesty has done several times before. Maj. has on several occasions graciously and Christianly put off a common concilii, and the answer given to Her Imperial Maj. Maj.'s answer that Her Majesty, in addition to the present complaint against the Turks, wishes to consult and help to resolve that peace, tranquillity and prosperity of all the estates of the Empire and of the whole of Christendom may come about for the promotion, increase and permanence of the honor and service of our Lord God Almighty, of our Christian religion and faith, and that all such things may be directed and brought to a divine and praiseworthy Christian being; to which end Her Imperial Maj. Maj. the eternal and almighty, merciful God, through Christ His Son, our Beatificator, is pleased to grant grace, happiness and prosperity.

23 And a common, free, Christian concilium is always considered the most useful and convenient way for a Christian settlement and reformation of the pending abuses and disputes, as therefore the other estates, with the content of their Imperial Majesty's next answer, have again requested. Maj.'s reply, once again ask for it, and no other means may be found. And where there is still a Christian, free Concilium

and it remains in the meantime with the parting in the 26th year, then her imperial majesty will also all Churfürsten and Stände of the empire. Majesty, as well as all Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, will be relieved of all the unrest that would otherwise have occurred at every Imperial Diet held up to now, due to such partings, as should now be held at the Concilii, and the disputation that would have occurred as a result will finally be shortened.

  1. and we then also, without that by prevention, from that time on, to which this decree shall be primarily meant, to prevent all harmful and burdensome innovations, in accordance with the same decree, as we then also agreed before in none, and furthermore in everything else, as we trust the same against God and her imperial Majesty in a future Christian concilio. In addition, in case of necessity, since we do not want to be left of it, we are obliged to justify and justify our necessary appeal, as is due to us by law and equity.

25 And let our envoys most humbly request and entreat Imperial Majesty. Maj. most humbly request and entreat that Her Imperial Majesty may grant this request. Maj. and what has happened in all places up to now, especially the instruction and appeal handed over to our previous envoy, or the reasons and causes contained therein, will graciously take note of it, and move it, where in the matter in question, outside the ordinary determination of a common Christian council of all Christian states, even without prior necessary interrogation, thorough truthful inquiry as to how to act in such a brave important matter, what should be undertaken, acted upon and subjected to force, what great repugnance, unrest, division and sedition such should presumably arouse everywhere, and that which Her Imperial Majesty would like to see prevented. Maj. would like to see prevented; and that, after all this, Her Imperial Majesty would not be able to prevent it. Maj. graciously amend and rescind her given decree and the order therein, and as a Christian Emperor, who is commanded by God to administer and rule over the Holy Empire, as well as to handle the Christian name above others, graciously promote that in this article, concerning our holy faith, a man may, as is just, remain free and uninvolved in his conscience; and that, with the next, an entirely free, Christian, orderly council be held in a convenient location of the German nation for the most beneficial purpose, and that, in the same, of these matters, orderly and Christian, the basis be established.

594 Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 714-717. 595

and from the root of this ambiguous and important matter, by means that are proper in the sight of God, and thus by such an orderly way be brought to Christian peace and unity, and not to act by force and deed against those who would like to be Christians, seek the truth and do right: We also oppose this, and before our lawful appeal, which we are obligated to follow and prosecute legally in case of necessity, namely, since we, due to the above-mentioned causes that affect our souls' salvation and consciences, in addition to our petition concerning the burdensome innovations, at the parting of the previous Speierian Imperial Diet, when we quite humbly pledged ourselves to your Imperial Majesty, we were outside the framework of the Constitution of the Holy Roman Catholic Church. We were not to be allowed, outside the legal execution of our appeal, to be ungraciously or in any other way inconvenienced by the gracious undertaking given at Frankfurt by Her Imperial Majesty, the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire. Maj. to let the estates of the empire remain under ordinary law, against us, as their Imperial Maj. Maj. in all possible matters, nor to allow others to attest against us, and in particular to attest against our made and pending appeal, nor to act in any other way, but to issue once again a gracious order, as we have submissively requested from Her Imperial Majesty by our embassy. Maj. by our embassy. This will undoubtedly be a pleasing and orderly act to God Almighty, highly conducive to the right harmony and Christian reformation of all estates and the whole of Christendom, and also the only way to eradicate all confusion, abuses and unbelief, to plant Christian peace, and to have a rightly heartily unanimous being among the Christians, and before that in the German land.

26 For to what extent the proliferation, discord, and ineptitude of hard-headedness, so far outside of Christian negotiations, have preserved the pending abuses with tremendous acts of unheard-of things, and the people want to urge such public abuses by deed: that same action has been sufficiently indicated by past history. Therefore, we humbly request that Her Imperial Majesty will intervene in this matter as a matter of urgency. Maj. will, as a Christian head, evenly and graciously investigate the truth in this matter, and will graciously dispense with what is so abusive, and will be our most gracious Lord and Emperor. This undoubtedly honors God Almighty, and will please Her Imperial Majesty with all due respect. Maj. with all

The more they do, the more they communicate victory and salvation to their leaders, and the more they serve the Reich and the German nation for peace and harmony.

Moreover, it is quite frightening to hear among Christians that they should persecute one another for the sake of their faith in such a way and to the point of blood, and that they should do this against their members, brothers and relatives, that the unbelieving pagan superiors have used against the Christian community and the holy martyrs, for the purpose of exaltation of the divine name and its salvific, immortal word. And that Her Imperial Maj. Maj. will graciously take note of this highly caused, necessary notice from us, as Christian estates, who desire nothing but the truth and whatever may be conducive to the highest harmony of common Christianity. Maj. should certainly not have anything other than all obedient servitude and subservience with us, with all our property; we also wanted such, as obedient members of Her Imperial Majesty and of the Holy Roman Empire. Maj. and of the Holy Roman Empire, in order to make Her Imperial Majesty the most submissive. Maj. to the most subservient.

What the skilful are to advertise orally before Imperial Maj. Maj. the skilled are to advertise orally.

1st Most Sublime, Great Emperor, Most Gracious Lord! The most illustrious, noble, highborn princes and lords, lords N. N. and the wellborn counts N. N., together with the honorable and wise cities N. N., have sent us to E. kaiserl. Maj., their and our most gracious lord, with credence and command to present their great need, with humble request that Your Imperial Maj. Maj. to graciously hear our plea, which we hereby submit to Your Imperial Majesty.

2 Firstly, Your Imperial Grace and the others offer their submissive services to Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. their submissive and obedient services, and where E. kais. Maj. would be well and truly pleased to hear about blessed government, victory over her enemies, and the health of her body.

(3) Secondly, Your Imperial Majesty graciously bears knowledge of the permanent Christian causes of her chur- and F. Grace. Maj. graciously know, for what constant Christian causes your chur- and F. Grace, as well as others of your kinsmen, may not in good conscience have accepted before God the performed farewell of the next Imperial Diet, as far as it concerns faith; and especially from the fact that the same farewell is quite contrary to the previous one, unanimously erected and granted in the 26th year at Speier.

596 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 883. W. xvi, 717-719. 597

rvärtig and entgegen, dass auch ein Mehrers in den Dingen, das Wort Gott und unser Gewissen betreffend, nicht statthatten darf, viel wenig ein Part gegen den anderen, der nicht zugleich in die Handlung bewilligt, fortrücken darf.

(4) For this reason, also their Supreme and Federal Graces, and others, protested against it; and when, after manifold Christian exhortations, entreaties and requests, they did not want to yield from their authority, they appealed to Your Imperial Majesty as their supreme protection and umbrella, and to a free Christian council or national assembly. Maj. as their supreme protection and umbrella, and to a free Christian concilium or national assembly, and thereupon immediately dispatched their embassies with it, which Your Imperial Majesty has requested in Jtalia. Maj. have met in Jtalia, and there have reported in writing and orally on their masters' orders, according to their instructions.

(5) And although their Lord and F. Grace, and the others, would have provided, according to the occasion, and since nothing else was sought, but what is just and right, Your Imperial Majesty would have given them a gracious answer. Maj. would have given them a gracious answer, yet, in view of their previous causes and instructions, an ungracious answer has been given, and in such a way that they should once again grant and accept the same leave.

6 And when the deputies heard the same through Your Imperial Majesty's Secretary Sweat. Maj. Secretari Sweat, by their order, they have lodged the appeal, which was interposed at Speier after the parting made, before Your Imperial Maj. Maj. in the opinion that their Electoral and Imperial Grace, and others, would justify it in due time.

But before the same appeal was heard and read by Your Imperial Majesty. Maj., the said sweat has taken the embassies into custody in such a way that they should not leave the inn at Placenz, nor write anything to their masters about it, until further order of Your Imperial Maj. Maj. command.

(8) Although the embassies, according to natural and all peoples' and Your Imperial Majesty's written laws, should be free, and the infidels should not do anything unruly against such persons, and they should be allowed to enjoy their freedom and goodwill. Maj. written laws, and the infidels should not do anything untoward against such persons, and they should have enjoyed their good conduct and good deed of rights; moreover, that they neither spoke nor advertised anything else than what they were ordered to do, and their Electoral and Imperial Grace, and others, did not provide for this: nevertheless, they could have excused Your Imperial Majesty in this respect, because of the many transactions, and believe that where the same is rightly reported, they should not have done so. Maj. in this respect, on account of the many affairs, and believe that if the same had been rightly reported and, as is proper, remembered and acted in the presence of German, impartial advisors, they would have obtained a better decision.

(9) And are their churlish and princely graces, also the aforementioned cities, caused to us by the unpredictable answer. Grace, also the aforementioned cities, on account of the unforeseen answer, have caused us to be delivered to Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. with the order to inform Your Imperial Maj. Maj. humbly:

10 If it had this opinion, as it has reached Imperial Maj. Maj. with an unequal report, that the departure would be made in such a way, as it is touched upon in their answer, as if it were to be placed solely for the prevention, from that time on, of further all kinds of frightful innovations, doctrines and sects, then their churlish and princely grace and others would recognize themselves that they had sought unreasonable refusal. If, however, in her grace and in other lands and regions, the sects and doctrines of the Anabaptists and those who do not believe that the true body and blood of Christ are in the sacrament of the altar, which is expressly reported in the farewell, are preached, written, and taught fiercely and more than in other places, and her churlish and princely grace and others will continue to support them. Their electoral and princely grace, and others of their kinsmen, are again opposed to the same sects and erroneous doctrines, and want to remain so by means of divine help.

(11) What they have been asked to do in the Grand Committee and otherwise publicly before all the Estates of the Realm, they refer to their list, which they have handed over, and the counterpart's own statement.

(12) And that Your Imperial Majesty has suggested that a concilii might not be necessary. Maj. argued that perhaps a concilii should not be necessary, since this had once been decided by all the estates: on this we have orders to inform Your Imperial Majesty that if one speaks and acts only about matters that concern God's word and conscience, then it is impossible to come to a concilii. Maj. that if one speaks and acts solely on matters concerning God's word and conscience, it is impossible to come to a decision, since it is still not clear from the root, from which the division stems, how duly and properly God's word has been acted upon.

13 So may their chur- and princely grace, and the others, indicate at the appropriate time that this may not happen. The others may indicate at the appropriate time that the majority may not conclude, and first of all because the matter concerns the consciences, and as far as many are concerned, the will and consent must also be required, as the rights state. And if those who are on their side, and against one and the other's part, wanted to conclude as a majority 1) against the others, they would also consider it unequal, as reason dictates.

  1. This sentence is completely out of order in the old edition. We have corrected it according to s 17 of the previous written instruction.

598 Cap. 12: On the alliances of the papists. W. xvi, 719-721. 599

14 To what disruption of the common peace in the German nation this would lead, where it should be considered that the opposing party wanted to advance with its majority, and that this was considered a decided matter, then one misfortune would increase the other.

15 For this reason, it is considered useful by all estates, and also by Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, that a free Christian concilium be announced in these matters, so that all those who are interested and consider themselves Christians may also be heard.

16 And no more useful way and means may be devised, and that in the meantime it would be held, as any authority "hoped to answer to God and Your Imperial Majesty". Maj. which is punishment enough if they expect the same.

17 And when ultimately in Ew. kais. Majesty. Majesty's reply, as if by living up to the parting, the Turks should be resisted all the more, we have again been ordered to send this report to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty this report, that Her Royal and Princely Grace, at Your Imperial Majesty's request, is to be informed. Grace, on Your Imperial Majesty and his brother, King. Majesty and his brother, King Ferdinand, have shown themselves to be in such a position that they cannot be accused of any shortage and that they were the last in need. For this reason, their electoral and princely graces, and those of the others, have been granted. Graces, and the other, submissive request, Your Imperial Majesty would like to have this important matter dealt with. Majesty would graciously consider this important matter, even in honor of the Word of God, and rescind the mandates and orders, if they have not already been revoked otherwise, and most conducively call for a free Christian concilium in a convenient place, so that the cause of the discord may be properly traced and acted upon, and decree that, therefore, their message to Your Imperial Majesty in Italy, according to the content, be sent to your Majesty. Majesty in Italy, according to the content of their instruction and oral request, and consider that Their Electoral and Princely Graces, and others, are in the best interests of the Church. and others should be more obedient to him than to men in matters concerning God's honor. Otherwise, those who have been sent to us will recognize your Imperial Majesty as their rightful lord and master in all matters owed to us. Majesty for their rightful lord and emperor, and also want to show themselves to Your Imperial Majesty with all that is in their possession, as their forefathers and ancestors faithfully did. Majesty so that the latter shall have a good pleasure in it; as they have been diligent in all matters up to now, and have obediently pursued and paid everything that they were ordered to give against the Turk, for the maintenance of the chamber court, regiment, and otherwise.

  1. and hand over to Your Imperial Majesty our Instruction. Majesty our Instruction, in which their Electoral and Princely Graces, and the other needs, are further set forth. and the others' needs, and ask, as stipulated therein, for Your Imperial Majesty's most gracious answer. Majesty's most gracious reply.

Salvo jure addendi.

  1. draft of the instruction, what the strict N. and N. at the most illustrious 2c. Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, Imperial Majesty in the Holy Empire. Majesty, Governor of the Holy Empire, on our behalf.
  2. beginning of their royal dignity to say our 2c. Service 2c. And then to indicate the following opinion: Their royal dignity would not know what happened at the recently held Imperial Diet at Speier concerning the parting there, in the article concerning faith, between the other imperial estates, us and our adherents and co-relatives, and that we, out of the distressed need of our consciences, also other brave, important causes, which we have reported to their royal dignity and to the imperial estates in writings, but before that, because they had protested against our amicable warnings, exhortations, entreaties and requests, in committee and otherwise, they had continued with such their resolution and farewell, had protested against it, and had also appealed against it in writings, as is proper to do; not of the opinion to cause some burdensome segregation or division among the imperial estates (for that should, if God wills, be far from us), but only to keep our consciences, as is fair, free and uncaptured, also to protect our faithful sovereigns and subjects from unequal complaints of their consciences and souls, and besides from revolts, disobedience, and an irretrievable apostasy, as every faithful authority is bound to do out of the duty of its commanded office of its property.

2 When we decided to send an embassy to the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, as to whether Her Imperial Majesty would receive our protest and appeal to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty that we may, for the sake of our protest and appeal to Her Imperial Majesty, take another form. Majesty in a different form than we had intended for the action we had taken, and that we had been disparaged without cause; as we reported before and after with faith that we had very hardly been carried to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty: nevertheless, in honor of Her Imperial Majesty, we would have been carried away. Majesty's honor, out of a

600 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 883. W. xvi, 721-723. 601

but submissive and inclined will, and so that Her Imperial Majesty may have a clear and thorough report on us. Majesty may have a clear, thorough report of our dispositions, which also moved us to such a course of action and non-approval, to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty our embassies and envoys to Hispania, which Her Majesty also encountered in Italy, and to give Her Imperial Majesty a clear and thorough report. Majesty. and have us inform her Imperial Majesty orally and in writing of many good, brave and respectable causes by which we have been driven to our protests and appeals out of necessity; with the special request that we accept the aforementioned Speierian ordinance in all other articles, outside of those against which we have publicly protested, and that we approve of it, and that we faithfully carry out what the aforementioned ordinance imposes on us, and that we do not adhere to the Holy Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ and to rebaptism, but that we do not adhere to their Majesty's will., whom we recognize as our rightful lord and superior, and who should be powerful over our lands, people, bodies and goods, and likewise, as faithful members of the holy kingdom, want to show all submissive obedience, support and charity, and what we would be able to accomplish in the temporal, with eagerness. Wherever, on Christian grounds and according to the Scriptures, we should be directed to another than we held, believed and professed to be Christian, or should be directed to another by the ordinary determination of a free Christian council, by means of the divine word, that in such we, as Christian people, and who recognize themselves to be obedient members of the Christian Church, and who desire nothing but the truth, as is only fair, and who do not want to accept or defend an insanity, much less insist and submit to the resolute request of a subject, whether this treaty has reached or will reach Her Imperial Majesty in any other form. Majesty, but to be and remain our most gracious Lord and Emperor, as our envoys' advertisement and the sealed instruction handed over at length indicate, of which we are sending copies in the same wording to their royal dignity herewith, and have also provided ourselves entirely that these important causes of ours, as well as our submissive notifications, high requests and imploring petitions to Imperial Majesty, should at least be as much requested as possible. Maj. should at least have had so much respect that Her Majesty, in such a brave deal, which does not temporally affect property, honor, country or people, but souls, our conscience and bliss,

to keep the matters in the realm until Her Imperial Majesty's future. Majesty's future to the Empire, or until further thorough inquiry into our request, whether Her Imperial Majesty has ever entertained any doubt or lack of certain report in such matter. Majesty has ever entertained some doubt or lack of certain report in such matters, or have shown themselves in their answer to our envoy in such a way that we may indeed feel a favorable imperial and gracious inclination on the part of Her Majesty, as our Lord, towards our high subservience.

Not only has an ungracious, unforeseen farewell been given to our envoys in their Majesty's name, but it has also been sealed. 3. Not only have our envoys received and sealed in writing an ungracious unprepared farewell in her Majesty's name, of the opinion that we should again accept the Speier farewell made, live obediently to it, and do nothing against it, with the appendix, if we were to appear disobedient about it, that her Majesty would not avoid taking serious punishment against us 2c., further contents of the same farewell 2c. Majesty by our command, and the instrument of our Appeal Libell Master Alexander Schweißen, to their Imperial Majesty. Majesty's Secretaries, on account of Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty's Secretaries, are also to be informed of the appeal in the name of the Imperial Majesty. Majesty to their hostel at Placentia, where their Imperial Majesty is holding court. Majesty with her court, and besides entangled with high threat, not to give us, as their masters, any written or oral notifications of this.

4 However, we would certainly not have provided for this, according to the form of these things, according to the opportunity of the time and the course, also according to the concerns of the Holy Roman Empire, and according to the emergency needs that were present, and according to the causes that are reported hereafter. For we have sent our embassies this long journey to the Emperor's Majesty as our rightful representative. Majesty, as our rightful lord and superior, from whom we should seek and wait for the cheapest help, consolation and protection, and made them obedient, honorable and pleasing to Her Majesty. For one.

On the other hand, we have asked Her Imperial Majesty for a very necessary, friendly and unobtrusive opinion. Majesty a quite necessary, friendly and mild opinion, which could not have been given in a more submissive and respectful manner, from which the Imperial Majesty could not have drawn even the slightest disfavor. Majesty would not have been able to derive some motive for even the slightest disfavor.

Thirdly, our envoys have at that time, on the basis of such an unpredictable and burdensome farewell, only appealed our previous appeal from the Speierische Reichsabschiede kaiserl. Majesty.

602 Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi. 723-725. 603

Secretaries, solely according to our unavoidable necessity, in all submissiveness insinuated, and us thereby in her imperial majesty. Majesty. Majesty's protection and protection.

  1. Fourth: We have not made our appeal before any foreign judge or any disorderly, inconvenient place, but first of all before the Imperial Majesty himself as our protector and protector. Majesty himself, as our protector and guardian; therefore, out of special, high trust that we have placed in Imperial Majesty, we are justified in relying on him. Maj., we have no other recourse than that Imperial Majesty, in accordance with his gracious wishes, may grant us the right. Majesty, after gracious interrogation of our embassies, should have accepted the action ordered by necessity, and should have dispatched them again with grace; even though natural equity, reason and all respectability require this, and so far embassies and legates have been held everywhere against the infidels and public enemies. But that our messages would have met with a different outcome, Her Majesty could easily have considered, to whom such a thing would not have been fair to his mind, first of all, if he the Emperor should find himself in such a hurry in such important matters, which do not concern temporal goods, honor or welfare, but the consciences, and the eternal salvation and disaster of souls.

Fifthly: That in the imperial and all written laws it is expressly provided for necessity that all legates and embassies in all places have comfort, freedom and assurance, and as long as their legation lasts shall not wait for some burdensome action, as also such rights against the Turk's and public enemies' embassies have hitherto been held: much more and cheaper should, in our opinion, that against Christian estates, against the Empire's kinsmen and members, also obedient to the Imperial Majesty, the right of the Imperial Majesty to take action be granted. Majesty. Majesty's subjects as foreigners; moreover, that the Imperial Majesty should also be careful in the entrance and election of his subjects. Majesty had promised and undertaken against all Electors in place of the common estates of the Empire, that Her Imperial Majesty would not allow any of the subjects of the Empire to be elected. Majesty will not rape any of the imperial estates for herself, nor will she permit others to do so, but will allow each estate, where it may suffer due justice, to have due hearing and equity, and will order others to do so. Item, that Her Imperial Majesty Majesty shall have and maintain her residence, estate and court in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation for the honor, benefit and good of all members, estates and subjects there. Item, that her imperial. Majesty shall grant their offices, offices at the Court

and in the empire, with no other nation than native Germans, who are not of a different class or nature, but are truly honest people of princes, counts, lords, nobility and other brave people of good origin.

9 Our envoys of the royal dignity shall do all this. Dignity, as at this time Imperial Maj. Maj. in the Holy Roman Empire, also indicate our need of official, friendly and subservient opinion, and with the best modesty, and at the same time make it known that we presume to be of service to this Imperial Majesty. Majesty. This farewell and action is due in no small part to the fact that the Imperial Majesty, in the time of her Imperial Majesty's reign, has spent very little time and now 1) not for a long time in the Holy Roman Empire, and therefore has not reported thoroughly on the occasion of the affairs of the Empire, but before that, as is the case with all acts of faith and the Gospel, and as the necessity of such heavy and important matters requires to the highest degree, and in addition has been so burdened with much other business of her Majesty's own that her Imperial Majesty has not been able to report on the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire. Maj. of the Holy Roman Empire's affairs at this time. Thus also Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty has few German advisors, first of all those who know the actions, concerns and complaints of the Empire and the opportunity of the Imperial Estates and the German nation, that we are also interested in this trade in a remarkable and excessive way, and therefore it is impossible for the Imperial Estates to leave Speier in the articles of faith, for the reasons which have been brought to the attention of Imperial Majesty by our embassies. Majesty through our messages, that we would anger God Almighty as our rightful Lord, Creator, Sustainer and Savior, knowingly act against His divine word and truth, deliberately weigh down our conscience, and burden our obedient subjects with all unhappiness; which, however, all Christian people, at the loss of their souls' salvation, owe their highest fortune to prevent, and to guard against. Thus it has never been the duty of the imperial estates to first make a decision about the Imperial Majesty as their lord. Majesty, as their lord, in this matter concerning faith, Christian doctrine and religion, in which only a Christian Christian may be protected, which has been proclaimed to all the imperial states and has not been revoked or rescinded by their Majesty to this day.

  1. "now" put by us instead of: "only". - After the Diet of Worms in 1521, Emperor Carl V left Germany and did not return to the Diet of Augsburg until 1530, after an absence of nine years.

604 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 883 f. W. xvi, 725-727. 605

It is the duty of the Council of Europe, through proper Christian means, and not of some of the states of the empire, to act and determine, in the form and without interrogation of the principal matters and parties, what to recognize, to decide, or to forbid anyone to accept against his conscience; nor should it behoove us, in such high divine dealings, to look to the more or the more unanimous of men, as some suppose, but rather to the one true Word of God.

10 We are therefore determined to again send an excellent message to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, also to report our above complaints of all ends even more and more nobly to her, with the comforting confidence that we will find a different and gracious mind and farewell with Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty a different and gracious mind and farewell.

  1. Since the Holy Empire has never been in greater danger in many hundreds of years, and has been burdened with heavier obligations than it is now, there is no other reason to suspect from all true reports than that the hereditary enemy of our faith, the Turk, will return in the coming summer and perhaps try his luck even more fiercely and bravely than before, It is of the utmost importance to us that the Christian nations unite with one accord, sit faithfully in one another, and do their best as brothers next to one another, and each let the other's concerns and hardships be his own affairs, to unanimously resist the hereditary enemy of the Christian faith with the grace and help of God, who, above all, is to be invoked and prayed for daily through faithful prayer. But the way to do this is not at all to make the estates of the empire do what is most unbearable and burdensome to them for the sake of their souls, consciences, country and people, and to act by force without proper, fair and thorough interrogation and Christian determination, as the royal dignity, as an understanding Christian king, to whom the occasion and present need of the Holy Roman Empire and the German nation is known and not hidden from others, cannot easily consider. And our envoys shall thereupon request and entreat their royal dignity in an entirely official and humbly manner, since we are committed to their royal dignity with all friendship, inclination and grace, and that their royal dignity of the Holy Roman Empire and Imperial Majesty of the Holy Roman Empire may be granted. Majesty. Majesty, as well as Christian peace, harmony and obedience of the subjects with all possible means.

that her royal dignity will then send an excellent message on behalf of her royal dignity, in addition to our envoys, to the imperial majesty, and that her majesty will help to consider this high trade with diligence. Majesty, and to ask and entreat Her Majesty most diligently to consider this high transaction graciously, and to consider not only some special estates, but common Christendom, the Holy Empire and the German Nation's honor, benefit and prosperity, in addition to Her Majesty's own highest welfare, and in our protestation or appeal. until a common, free, Christian concilium, or to put this trade at rest, where it may be acted upon with proper forethought and necessary diligence, and that which is most useful, most Christian and most conducive to common peace may be promoted and taken in hand: this would actually be the right way 1) and prevent the imperial estates from much unhappiness and presumably separation, against imperial majesty in the case of men. Majesty, promote a great obedient love and inclination among men, and make the royal dignity much friendship and good will, which we are also willing and submissive to earn for their royal dignity.

Nota: Where the Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia of the Princes, Princes and Estates would request instructions to His Imperial Majesty. Majesty, the embassies of Her Majesty shall also comply with them.

884. Derer von Nürnberg's submitted concern as to why it would be more useful to discontinue these legations.

See No. 879.

Causes and concerns of the people of Nuremberg, why it might be more useful to stop the shipment to the imperial majesty at this time.

First of all, it is no consolation at all that without the royal dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, the protesting estates will achieve anything fruitful or change the previous imperial decree, since these matters of faith and other matters of the empire and the German nation, as is certainly known, will all be discussed and debated at the royal court beforehand.

(2) If the king should not send an embassy, or if he should not want to promote this trade in the most faithful way, then not only would, as reported, the

  1. Added by us.

[606]{.underline} Cap. 12: On the covenants of the papists. W. xvi, 727-730. 607

It is not only fruitless and futile, but also, as every reasonable person may consider, the matter would be worse than before, because not only at the imperial court, but also at the royal court, one would have to worry about more disfavor and hardship, also less change of imperial majesty's mind and farewell than before. Majesty's mind and farewell than before.

  1. Item 3: Since it is no small advantage for the protesting estates in this matter that the writ or the imperial command on which her Majesty's farewell is primarily based has not yet been delivered; For this reason, the estates have to excuse themselves in every way and say that they cannot assume anything else from the non-response to such an order than that her imperial majesty has changed her mind, through which the protesting estates' insistence on the Speierian imperial decree has even gained a great reputation, and an honor with imperial majesty and all estates. It is to be considered whether, by the present sending, and since it is more doubtful than certain whether a gracious farewell can be obtained from the Emperor, the Emperor will not be induced to hand over such an order, upon which Her Majesty's farewell is finally forthcoming, and also to cut off from the Estates the advantage they previously had with it, and thus to make the matter much worse than better.
  2. Item 4: In case of doubt as to whether one has not shied away from giving the Emperor a gracious farewell and amendment of that which Her Imperial Majesty has refused to give to the protesting estates in response to their first dispatch, it is better and less burdensome, depending on all reasonable concerns, to take the safer path, in which the estates are less inconvenienced; But this is that one may still be out of time, and have a stir at the runnings and Reichstag, and not cause trouble with that which one has thought of in the best way.

Item 5: Everyone must admit that the closer the emperor is to the pope, and likewise the farther he is from the empire, the more difficult it is to deal with him in this matter, which is almost repugnant to the whole world, but especially to the pope.

Item 6: In the meantime, the protesting estates do not need the nearer Imperial Diet, before these runs in the empire, and all because the emperor is not in the empire in his own person, a mighty march or other so burdensome

The people of the city are not yet allowed to worry about this in the absence of the emperor. For what reason do the estates now want to send to the emperor to prevent and dissuade that which they are not yet allowed to worry about in the absence of imperial majesty?

  1. It is obvious what great costs have now been incurred for the embassies in Italy to the Emperor's Majesty; should one now send again, and perhaps, according to necessity, a brave or respectable embassy; likewise, should an embassy be obtained from the King of Bohemia, which would then also be at the expense of the estates: Consider, then, what excessive cost this would be, and how burdensome it would be for the protesting estates, since the lesser part would send and bear it; moreover, that the same cost would be in vain, no less than the previous one.

(8) Therefore it is considered most fruitful, but on the previous request of our most gracious and gracious lords, the electors, princes and estates, as the more prudent, that the shipment not now finally decided, but the causes by their electoral and princely councils be brought behind them to their most gracious and gracious lords. They have decided that a further day should be appointed for this purpose, each party opening its opinion to the other in writings.

9 And that, nevertheless, in the meantime, when something troublesome should happen to the estates to their detriment, they do this to know about each other, faithfully compose themselves, and thus show themselves against each other as he would have liked from the other.

885 Draft of a letter brought by the Margrave of Brandenburg to Borschlag and to be sent to the Emperor instead of the legation.

See No. 879.

Project of a Letter of the Protesting Estates to Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

Most Gracious Sir! We have received our decreed embassies, which we sent after the next Speier Diet, for the sake of our necessary protest and appeal, which is allowed in all rights, from high submissive

608 Section 2: Conventions at Torgau 2c. No. 885. W. xvi, 730-733. 609

We have been sent to your Imperial Majesty, as our most gracious Emperor, Lord and Protector, with confidence, and report on their return, as they have graciously heard from your Imperial Majesty in their first advertisement. Majesty in their first advertisement, and have also been graciously put off: of this we say to Your Imperial Majesty that we are entirely submissive. Majesty our most humble thanks. But after our embassies reported to us, when they waited several days for your Imperial Majesty's gracious answer and dispatch, and were in despair of the same (according to their submissive advertisement ordered by us), that they, perhaps due to our displeasers, or those who have not reported this trade and the Holy Empire's opportunity in a necessary manner. Not only have they been served an unforeseen farewell in writs, but also that they, when they had interposed our appeal to Speier to your imperial majesty's secretaries, had alone insinuated it with all submissiveness before your imperial majesty had read or read the same properly. Majesty may read or hear them properly and consider them according to equity, they are arrested in the hostel and obliged not to write anything to us nor to send any servant of theirs to us until your Imperial Majesty's further notice; And although they have graciously refrained from such arrest and obligation, this has been heard of everywhere in the empire, and interpreted by many as if our embassies had solicited and acted something on our behalf that was not proper; but which is and should be far from us. Nevertheless, this does not cause us any slight disgrace and disadvantage; out of loyalty, we would be inclined and willing to send other of our noble embassies to your Imperial Majesty, and to have your Imperial Majesty informed of our complaint with a more thorough report of the matter. But since we hear and understand that your Imperial Majesty in Italy is burdened with considerable great business, and is willing to come to the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation as soon as possible after the completion of his business in Italy, for all of which we wish your Imperial Majesty God Almighty's mercy and all welfare, as those who in truth enjoy your Imperial Majesty's future to the highest degree and humbly ask the same to promote it as soon as possible: We therefore abstain from any other than submissive, faithful, good opinion to Your Imperial Majesty. We therefore refrain from burdening your Imperial Majesty this time with any other message of ours, but are of the submissive will and mind, when your Imperial Majesty comes out into the Empire, to send the same to your Imperial Majesty.

Majesty's own person, or by our public message, for the sake of matters touched upon, to make further thorough and, in our hope, such a good report that Your Imperial Majesty will not only change her leave, given to our previous message in haste and on unequal report, but will be our most gracious Emperor and Lord. Majesty will not only change her farewell, given to our previous message in haste and on unequal report, but will be our most gracious Emperor and Lord, and will hear from all actions that in all our doings we are more, or ever not less, than anyone else to your Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty, the Holy Empire and common Christendom, and have wanted nothing better. When we also defended ourselves against the tyrannical Turkish invasion by surrendering our common imperial treasury in money, we also subsequently called upon Your Imperial Majesty's gracious consent. Majesty's gracious request, and your Imperial Majesty's brother, the King. Majesty's brother, Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, friendly and gracious request, with consultation, salvation, consolation and other assistance, before and besides other Imperial Estates, in such a way that we have therefore received thanks from the said Your Imperial Majesty's brother. Majesty's brother, and hope no less for the same from Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty; and we also remember this and other things to your Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire as pious, faithful, obedient, Christian princes, as far as our fortune of body and good extends, as from our forefathers and ancestors to your Imperial Majesty and the same forefathers to your Imperial Majesty. Majesty and the same ancestors until their death. And on all this, to Your Imperial Majesty, our all-subject Majesty our most humble request, whether we have been or would still be brought into your Imperial Majesty together or in a different form. Majesty, that Your Imperial Majesty may grant the same our right. Your Imperial Majesty will not give credence to our plea for necessity without being heard, nor, without prior proper interrogation and recognition of the right, will he allow himself to be moved to disgrace or other complaint against us, as Your Imperial Majesty, as a just man, would have us do. Your Imperial Majesty, as a just emperor, is entitled to do, and to grant the same to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty will graciously do so in accordance with our submissive high trust. This we wish to do towards Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty in all due submissiveness obediently and entirely willingly. Hereupon also command us to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, as our most gracious Emperor, protector and patron; and although we, in accordance with the law and with all due and equitable considerations, have no other means of support for Your Imperial Majesty, we nevertheless ask you to grant us the right to do so. Majesty, we humbly request Your Imperial Majesty's gracious attention. Majesty's gracious reply to this messenger. Date 2c.

By the Grace of God John, Duke of Saxony, Elector 2c., George, Margrave of Branden-

[610]{.underline} Cap. 12. of the covenants of the papists. W. xvi. 733-735. 611

bürg 2c., Ernst and Franciscus, brothers, dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Philipp, landgrave of Hesse 2c., Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt, Gebhardt and Albrecht, counts and lords of Mansfeld, and the honorable free and imperial cities, related to the above-mentioned trade.

To the Imperial Majesty.

886: The Protesting Princes and Estates' Departure from the Nuremberg Action. Nuremberg, January 12, 1530.

See No. 879. Further in Lünig's Imperial Archives, xart. ML. eont. II, x>. 333.

As the most illustrious and the most illustrious Highborn Prince and Lord, Mr. Johannsen, Archmarshal and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire. Reichs Erzmarschall und Churfürsten; Mr. Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg, and Mr. Philippsen, Landgrave of Hesse, my most gracious and gracious counsellors, and among them also the counsellors of the most illustrious, high-born and well-born princes and lords, Mr. Ernsten and Mr. Franciscen, Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Mr. Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, and Mr. Gebhardden and Mr. Albrechten, brothers, counts and lords of Mansfeld; and then of an honorable council at Nuremberg council message, for themselves and by force of the honorable cities of Winsheim, Reutlingen, Weißenburg am Nordgau, on the parting recently at Schmalkalden have been with each other: have reported to my most gracious and gracious lords and an honorable council of Nuremberg, first of all an instruction to the Roman. Imperial. Majesty, our most gracious Lord. In addition

An instruction has been issued as to whether it would please their electoral and princely graces and the other estates to send the same to the royal dignities in Hungary and Bohemia. The Nurembergers have been given instructions as to whether it is desirable to send them to the royal dignities of Hungary and Bohemia. However, when the Nurembergers raised a number of reasons for considering whether to send to the Imperial Majesty and the Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, they did so. Majesty and the royal dignity should still be sent at this time, the authorities of their sovereignty want to report on the simplest of these. And the council is moved, if some of the ranks find out that all or some of the others might be entitled to some objectionable burden, to report this to the other in confidence. Even if the mandate, of which Imperial Majesty Majesty. If the mandate of which Imperial Majesty is notified were to proceed, the Elector of Saxony would, as far as possible and always tolerable, inform the other estates that agree with his Electors on the articles of faith and Christianity that have been handed over. He will have them describe in a hurry to a convenient place or otherwise indicate in writing what would be useful and good to do to avert the burdensome care and disadvantage, and send it to the imperial majesty and royal dignity. Majesty and royal dignity, or in other ways. And since it is presumed that His Imperial Majesty will be present on the first day of his visit, it is not necessary to send a letter. Majesty will call an Imperial Diet on the first day of March, and perhaps not all the estates will appear in person, it is considered good that in the meantime everyone should be concerned about what is to be brought forward or otherwise acted upon at the same Imperial Diet where it is to be attended, so that hereupon they will have to compare and decide with each other all the more respectably. All these things the deputies have agreed to carry to their sovereignty, and what will be the concern of each of them in all this, shall be submitted within a month to the Elector of Saxony, and later by his Electoral Grace to the other estates. His Grace to the other estates. Actum Nuremberg, Wednesday after Trium Regum 12 Jan Anno Domini 1530.

[612 Section 1: The Emperor's Dealings with the Pope. No. 887. W. xvi, 735-737. 613]{.underline}

The thirteenth chapter.

About the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530 and the Augsburg Confession handed down at the same, also about Luther's stay in Coburg during the Diet.

First Section.

What was negotiated between Emperor Carl V and Pope Clement VII at Bologna, and how the former announced an Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530; as well as the coronation of the Emperor that took place immediately thereafter.

887 Speech by the Imperial Grand Chancellor Mercurinus Gattinara at the meeting of the Pope and the Cardinals, also in the presence of the Emperor, in Bologna, in which he asks the Pope on behalf of the Emperor to write a concilium. End of February or beginning of March 1530.

From the Cölestinus kist. eornit. NVXXX. ^uZustAS esIelnM., lom. I., x. 10; with Wolf in the leet. msinoral"., toi". II., x. 331; with Müller in the Historie von der evangelischen Stände Protestation, lib. Ill, eax. 2, x. 402 and in Lünig, orat. proeer. Lurox., num. XXVII.

Translated from Latin by I. F.

Most holy father, most venerable lord! According to this, the most invincible Emperor Carl the Fifth, all-time superior, my most gracious Lord, at the beginning of his reign, not without the most sensitive pain of his mind, became aware that among the most distinguished teachers of the Church of God a great and very harmful disunity had arisen, and that this is increasing day by day, he must see how even now these theologians differ from one another in doctrine and in their opinions, and how thereby the Church of God is being most miserably harmed, and how many pious people are being greatly annoyed by this kind of performance and evil example; indeed, that the heat of teaching, writing, arguing and quarreling has now come to such a point that, if one does not in time come to the aid of Christendom and the wretched state of the Roman Empire through good counsel, and serve against the present far-seeing disaster

If the Emperor were to provide the same means, in which the Church, all of the same estates, as well as private and common life throughout the Roman Empire, would be in the greatest danger, His Imperial Majesty has, from the beginning of her most noble reign, been so concerned about nothing, and thought of nothing more eagerly, than that she should endeavor and fall upon a means. From the beginning of her most praiseworthy reign, among many other important imperial affairs, His Imperial Majesty has been so concerned about nothing, and has thought of nothing more eagerly, than that she should endeavor and fall upon a means of restoring peace and tranquility to the church and the empire, which are in danger, and of abolishing and clearing out of the way everything that seems to be contrary to the general welfare.

2 Although also Imperial Majesty is well aware that the science and investigation of disputes that arise in the church are primarily the responsibility of His Holiness. Majesty is well aware that the science and investigation of the disputes that arise in the church for the sake of doctrine and customs are primarily the responsibility of Your Holiness. Without this, nothing should and may be done and decided in a right, beneficial and lasting way, and that the care of such important matters is entrusted to Your Holiness by God, and that she takes care of the salvation of the Church and of the sheepfold of Christ in a right fatherly manner, and also, as an old, godly and prudent Lord, takes painful part in the general ruin with His Majesty, nevertheless, Imperial Majesty, although she is an old, godly and prudent Lord, has not yet taken any action against His Majesty. Majesty, although she is currently involved in many imperial affairs and distressed wars, has often wished and requested from God that she could once a day come to speak with Your Holiness and deal with such important matters and take counsel.

  1. Majesty has granted her wish, and that she will be able to attend this respectable coronation ceremony.

614 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 737-739. 615

The opportunity has been given to personally venerate Ew. Heil and to engage in conversation with her, about which Imperial Majesty testifies her heartfelt joy and pays the greatest thanks to GOD; in view of the fact that she firmly believes that a means will be found in this highly honored assembly. Majesty testifies to her heartfelt joy and offers God the greatest gratitude for this; in view of her firm and firm belief that Ew. Heil will find a remedy in this highly honored assembly to remedy the deteriorated condition of Christendom and to provide a powerful remedy for the spiritual wounds inflicted and for the evil life of the people in these gloomy times. For the Emperor is assured by Ew. Hail, that they, like His Majesty, as the two highest heads of the Church and of the Empire, direct their care and effort to the promotion of the glory of God, to the preservation of peace, and to the vigilant prevention and abolition of that which may diminish the excellence and majesty of both; which is especially to be preserved in this way, if one applies diligence and makes every effort to give due honor to the eternal God, namely, to recognize Him rightly, to serve Him, and to call upon Him; that the right and wholesome doctrine in the church be kept pure and clean; that, where errors, false doctrines or superstitions have crept in, they be prevented, the decayed church discipline be restored, the vicious customs, both in the clergy and among the common rabble, of which there are unfortunately many and various, be improved, and the falsified doctrine of the church be purified and cleansed. Whereby His Majesty. according to her wisest insight, considers that if one does not make every effort to have a certain textbook written from the word of God, to bind up and heal the damage of the church at times, and to introduce stricter church discipline, in a short time there will be even greater confusion, even more miserable and thicker darkness, even more heinous barbarism and more considerable damage and fall than has ever been experienced before; Not to think that through the security, nefariousness and sins in which everyone is involved, the harshest and most just judgments will be brought upon the authorities and subjects.

  1. When, after the very difficult wars had finally ended, with the abandonment of other efforts, the Emperor began to think about this whole matter often and much, and to consult righteous and knowledgeable men, she could not have devised a more salutary means, and one that would be more in keeping with papal and imperial benevolence, than if, on this day, in this General Assembly, the disputes of the Church were to be settled in a proper manner,

The first thing that is to be done is to have the matter presented in the fear of God, to have it considered and decided according to the rule and truth of the divine word, to have pious and learned men called together from all nations, and to give them free authority to speak publicly, to dispute and to show the truth, to hold opinions honestly and sincerely against each other, to hold discourses on them, and finally to have either papal sanctity or skilful and impartial judges, as many of them as are chosen for the purpose, take care that, after the disputes have been fully settled, they are not heard by the pontifical sanctity, and the previous disputes are completely settled, and finally either papal sanctity, or else skilful and impartial judges, as many of them as are chosen for this purpose, take care that, after they have seen and examined everything well, they hold stiffly and firmly about what agrees with the evangelical doctrine and the unconquerable truth, On the other hand, that the harmful errors and abuses in doctrine, which conflict with the bright and clear word of God, be condemned, and that their authors either be brought to the right path, where possible, or be left to the lawful authorities for punishment, but that everything be done out of love, nothing by force, and that finally all teachers and listeners, after the improvement of the doctrine and the abolition of the abuses that had gone on during the pregnancy, be encouraged to true worship and to the uncolored service of God, as well as to the obedience of the Church, to believe rightly, to teach purely, and to walk blamelessly, according to the pattern presented, so that in this way God may be glorified, the Church may be given a lasting and constant peace, and the welfare of all Christians may be promoted in the best possible way.

5 However, since Imperial Majesty is not unaware of the fact that the papal authorities have been involved in this matter, it is not necessary. Majesty is not aware that papal saints have the right and power to call public meetings. Since it is not concealed from Imperial Majesty that the papal saints have the right and the power to call public assemblies and to convene them, and that the disputes arising in the church are to be submitted to their prestige and judicial pronouncement, Imperial Majesty seeks all the less to infringe upon the rights of the Roman See, since she has recently given an assurance on oath that she will do so. Majesty seeks so much less to infringe upon the rights of the Roman See, since she shortly before affirms on oath 1) to remain a friend and protector of it with all deference and fidelity, but she nevertheless recognizes that the urgent need exists, and present circumstances and the general welfare of the Church require it, and all righteous people desire this with great desire, nor any other way that would be just, equitable, customary and praiseworthy, he-

  1. From this, the time to which this document belongs can be approximately determined. The oath which the emperor had to take to the pope before the coronation is found in No. 892 of this volume. The coronation itself took place on February 22 and 24, as we can see from the papal bull dated March 1, 1530 (No. 893).

[616]{.underline} Section 1: The Emperor's Dealings with the Pope. No. 887 f. W. xvi, 739-742. 617

In order to see that your salvation, your prestige and your rights can be preserved, the decayed church uplifted, the afflicted souls of the pious comforted, and the truth of the evangelical doctrine of Christ asserted, as by the convocation of such an assembly, Your Imperial Majesty asks you to give your consent. Majesty. Ew. Heil, for the sake of Christ and the general welfare, that she will not, in this her noble and highly honored estate and office, the sheepfold of Christ, the will and desire of godly souls, the counsel of understanding and prudent men, and her own honor and reputation, arise, and as soon as possible proclaim a concilium at a convenient place, and believe that this means, which has been in use for many hundreds of years, and has been instructed by God and the apostles themselves, is as necessary as it is useful, since such important disputes cannot possibly be settled by the judicial pronouncement of one and the other, or only to a lesser extent; but this must necessarily be done in a free assembly of the rulers and teachers.

6 However, the fact that Imperial Majesty is so eagerly seeking this for Your Salvation is not with the intention of increasing Majesty so eagerly seeks this from His Holiness, she does not do so with the intention of increasing His Holiness' already important and accumulated business; rather, she sincerely recognizes and confesses that her duty, her love for the true religion and the service of God, and the examples and deeds of the most praiseworthy emperors who have preceded her in government, drive and encourage her to make such efforts. For His Imperial Majesty knows well that Christian princes are fathers of the Church, and are appointed to save the honor of God, and to severely punish everything that either teaches and preaches, or does, in an ungodly and detrimental manner against God and His only begotten Son. She remembers that Constantine was as busy with the preservation of the Christian religion as he was with the administration of the commonwealth and the conduct of wars, and that since Arius had spread harmful and blasphemous errors against the Son of God, he held a famous and excellent assembly at Nicaea to investigate and condemn them, and that the proven errors were publicly condemned by the holy bishops and learned church fathers. Nor is it unknown that Emperor Theodosius and Valentinianus, to say nothing of others, were present at such respectable meetings, and that, after each had freely spoken his mind, a common conclusion was reached, and from the word of God the errors that had arisen were condemned, but the authors were not condemned.

of the same with a severe punishment. Finally, she is certain that such conventions and deliberations have often been very useful and profitable for the Church of God and the whole world, and as one can never better examine the truth, see the errors, exercise church discipline, improve the vices, and resolve dangerous disputes than in ordinary meetings; so she does not see how in our times the lost peace could be restored in a more comfortable and less troublesome way (since she has misgivings about using violent means in this matter).

Accordingly, His Majesty stands in the complete hope that His Holiness will give place to her kind remembrance and request, as well as to the advice, ardent wish and sighing of so many pious souls, and agree that only by this means, which is the most honorable, mildest and most pitiable in this, the beginning of unification is attempted. She does not doubt that the immortal God, through His Spirit, will guide and govern these proposals for the glory of His name, as well as for the benefit and long-lasting peace of the Church, the Roman See and the Empire.

  1. His Imperial Majesty also promises high and dear that she will at all times faithfully assist your salvation and the entire Empire with her power, good counsel and reputation and, in remembrance of her oath, will be and remain a faithful patron and brave defender of the apostolic see, of the evangelical truth, and of all the subjects of the Roman Empire.

888 Pope Clement's answer, in which he tries to reject the announcement of a concilium.

This and the next following writing is found in Melanchthon's (keelarnat., tom. V., p. 94 84., moreover at the locations indicated at the previous number.

Translated from Latin by I. F.

We well believe that you, Emperor Carl, who according to your insight speak reverently of the invocation of God and refer to the examples of praiseworthy princes, urge a synod out of good opinion; although in this matter, in which the church is in great danger, it is our advice and reputation that is most important. For, that we do not examine our right to do so now, it is known that in the Nicene Assembly it was agreed that they should be kept in the occidental church.

618 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 742-744. 619

We have often consulted with ourselves and with the present Genutius, Farnesius and others on how to restore peace in the church. For this reason, we have often consulted ourselves, as well as the present Genutius, Farnesius, and others, about how to restore tranquility in the church; whether to deal with such matters in an assembly, or rather to attack by force those who depart from the decrees and common opinions. Since we do not consider it good to call a synod, we ask at the outset that you do not think that we are concerned about ourselves and the riches of the Roman See. It is said of John XXIII that he regretted holding a synod at Constance, since this overthrew him from his sovereignty; but we, who likewise experience all kinds of changes in fortune, and were also recently imprisoned, think that not only honor and power, but also this life itself is like a fleeting and transitory shadow, and want to resign our office with a calm and quiet mind, if God or some fate should demand it of us.

  1. Subsequently, the goods of the Roman See, which Ludovicus, Caroli's son, has dedicated to it, in order that we may partly meet the most necessary expenses in our regiment, and partly provide ourselves with more security against unpleasant incursions, do not cause us the slightest grief, but would like to see ourselves relieved of this burden if we could always have such emperors as you are.

Accordingly, we are not at all opposed to holding an assembly because of these foolish and foolish desires; we also allow great legal scholars to speak: Reputation must make the judicial pronouncement valid, and what has been decided before must not be invalidated by new discussions. For, if such a discussion were advisable to the peace and the descendants, we would certainly not want to prevent it, whose mind and thoughts are directed solely and exclusively to the general peace and the welfare of our descendants. However, we want to find out the real reasons for our decision from the different nature of the doctrinal points themselves.

There are doctrines, some of which are not only fundamentally false, but also obviously absurd and inconsistent, such as the Anabaptist doctrine that all goods must be common to all; that sovereign power, courts of law, lawful punishments, and dominions are things that God cannot possibly have.

Everything that happens, even evil deeds, must necessarily happen that way; the human will has no freedom at all; people are born again without the written word, through secret inspirations, by which the unruly will is broken. Recently, Samosatian errors about the Son of God have come onto the scene, according to which the doctrine of our church is transformed into the Mahomedan one.

(5) Just as, when a fire breaks out, everyone runs to extinguish it, so all authorities should be busy to suppress these disputes at their first beginning, and it would have dire consequences if we were still to argue about them. Emperor Constantius sat and could hear in the assembly the dazzler recite this blasphemous conclusion: The Father is the Son, therefore the Son is not equal to the Father. Is it not recklessness, or rather impiety, to listen to such talk? Should we consider you as careless, we do not want to say as calm, as Constantius was, that you, sitting in the assembly, would listen to such deceitful speeches without the most sensitive reluctance?

The other kind consists of confused, and that we speak so, indissoluble doctrines. If these had not come to light, it would have been much better, because the dispute could not be settled. The questions about the worship of the bread, the sacrifice, and the mass belong to this category.

7 The third type includes those which the pope has the power to dispense, for example, that he may remit vows, permit marriage, and improve superstitions in food, clothing, and such lappishness. Since the latter kind of things are obvious and clear, they do not need to be examined in an assembly. If kings and princes demand that these matters be decided, the Roman See can put an end to the dispute by a single judicial pronouncement. We ourselves also wish that superstition and evil habits, which become even more prevalent through thoral laws, would cease; but we do not want to know anything about anarchy. The Roman See should be duly sought for improvement; but we will not let it be deprived of the prestige and power it has received from the old church. From these various classes of doctrines considered, the

[620]{.underline} Section 1: The Emperor's Dealings with the Pope. No. 888 f. W. xvi. 744-747. 621

Cause to be seen why no synodus shall be held.

So there is nothing left but to restore peace through your weapons. Italy, conquered by the same weapons, is now at peace; the king of France, who fought with you not over Stoic crickets or the Jewish superstition of the monks, but over the empire, is defeated. How much easier you will bring a moderate part of Germany under your control, in which matter you will also have to look after the descendants. Where the prestige of this see falls, anarchy will follow from it, in which the lapsed church discipline will give birth to barbaric and wild customs, and the untamed freedom of the mind to infinitely new doctrines. Therefore, you will see that in this conflagration, the dwelling will bring about an alarming damage.

889 Emperor Carl's rebuttal that a concilium was indeed highly necessary.

See No. 888.

Translated from Latin by I. F.

We recognize that we are young in years, and we confess that we have consulted Mercurinus, who is present here, and other men of understanding, and that we must listen to those who have more insight than we do; we have also spoken of this consultation, which is for the glory of God and the welfare of the entire human race, with many wise, virtuous and honest men, who are of the opinion that the church is in great need of a synod. You are also not unaware of the constant longing with which all sensible and righteous people throughout Europe are looking for a legitimate synod.

Accordingly, after long consideration and well-considered reasons, which you oppose, we want a synod to be appointed. You should know that Mercurinus made his speech at our command, and that we will not change our opinion as long as we live. Your proposal may appear to be apparent and pleasant to common people; our proposal, however, is legitimate and beneficial to the church, and will also, as we hope with divine help, if you do not prevent it, be salutary and beneficial to the entire human race. Nor shall your terrible lecture, that one need not listen to a disputation on inconsistent and indissoluble doctrines, be of any consequence to us.

from our opinion. For not everything that is now being disputed is absurd; even in the church there are no questions of necessary matters of faith that would be indissoluble. We have often heard the Platonic saying: just as the madness in parents is to be patiently endured, so also in the republics and religions some errors should be overlooked. In this, both in the regiment and in the church, one must not go beyond the goal. The reason must certainly not be abandoned in the church, and the eternal laws forbidding idolatry and disorderly lusts must be adhered to in the regiment and in the church. However, some worship that is highly detrimental to God has now crept into the church, and shameful lusts are in the open. To remedy this evil, it is necessary not only to hold a synod, but also to prepare a whole book of faith, which all nations in their churches will unanimously accept. For you know what disagreements are going on in your party about many important matters. If such inconsistent things are now being spread, the synod must counter them with excellent and strong testimonies, and give the people grounds for proof, so that they will not be deceived now and in the future.

(3) But it is not fitting for a pope to say that some questions are insoluble. God has revealed Himself according to His immeasurable goodness, and wants us to accept the teaching that He has had recorded, which, if it were doubtful, would be an empty sound. We, however, like Theodosii's suggestion, who has had testimonies from credible antiquity sought out and presented in the Synod. For we gladly accept the church itself as a teacher, as Samson said there: If you had not plowed with my calf, you would not have guessed.

(4) As for the pardon, 1) or remission, to which you offer yourselves, this can be done much more effectively in the synod, for greater harmony can be expected among the nations if all hear and accept such a pardon pronouncement at the same time. We stick to the brave saying: Where there is general danger, one must also consult together, and will not arise with our services, after investigation of the circumstances. However, in order that such an investigation may take place properly, we will, following the example of

  1. This refers to § 7 of the previous number: "remit the vows" 2c.

[622]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 747-749. 623

of the old emperors, be present, and make it as much as possible that one keeps these reasonable laws. Both parts must be consulted with each other, and a pronouncement must be made, not according to his tyrannical pleasure, but according to the law, and according to the teaching given to us by God.

(5) That we should now, as you wish, exterminate good and evil with each other without distinction, we never do, and we certainly do not want to banish lawful judgments from the church and to have introduced a tyranny. Incidentally, in the previous war we made clear enough our reverence for the Church, the Roman See and you, which we will not refrain from showing in the future.

890 Emperor Carl V's invitation to the Imperial Diet in Augsburg, as sent to Elector John of Saxony and other protesting imperial estates, January 21, 1530.

This document is found in the original in the Weimar archives and printed from it in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 2; furthermore in Müller's Historie 2c., lib. Ill, eax>. 3, x>. 412 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, pari. Akn.oont. I., p. 496 and again idiä.eont. II, p. 334.

To the Highborn Johansen, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia and > Margrave of Meissen, Archmarshall of the Holy Roman Empire, our > beloved Oheim and Churfürst.

Carl von GOttes Gnaden, gewählter römischer Kaiser, zu allen Zeiten Mehrer des Reichs 2c.

Highborn dear grandfather and elector! Although from that time on, when we return to our Hispanic kingdoms after receiving the royal crown and holding our first Diet at Worms, we have always considered the dignity and majesty in which we are placed by divine providence in the praiseworthy German nation, and that it would not only be fair, but also useful to the common nation, after establishing some order by which the subjects of our Hispanic kingdoms can pass the time of our absence, but that it would be useful for the common nation, after the establishment of some order, so that the subjects of our Hispanic kingdoms may live the more in peace, tranquility and unity during the time of our absence, 1) to dispose of us to the noble estates of the Holy Roman Empire, as our natural members, and to make essential changes in them.

  1. In the original: "ainig Kait".

And that we have therefore been prepared and provided for by the prevailing mind, even on several occasions, to do our utmost in the holy kingdom, and to understand its common things and benefits: Nevertheless, on account of our enemies 2) and adversaries, such excellent and great things and hindrances have been conceded to us that, against our heart's desire, we cannot complete our intention; as your beloved and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire have no doubt sufficiently understood from the notice of our Imperial Diet held, and our appointed commissioners' oral apology at the same Imperial Diet. And although by these, and also in other ways, so noticeable and evident, we have sufficiently shown and proved our eager will and love, which we bear to the commonwealths of ours and of the Holy Roman Empire, and to Holy Christendom: We have now wanted to testify to this more impressively and more evidently, as we have seen that by all possible diligence on our part, it would seem that the tranquility of these Italian lands is in harmony with the height and dignity of the Holy Roman Empire, and the unity of the praiseworthy German nation might have been directed and set in a constant state, nothing has ever been accomplished, and that all things have become more and more annoying every day, for which reason we cannot consider nor find it more convenient to improve such conditions with us than by our presence, and have had it for that, 3) if the Italian potentates and countries understand our gracious will, that in our undertaking to restore and place them in good essential condition, they would be the more willingly healed, that also in the praiseworthy German nation, so every opinion and opinion would be heard and diligently moved, all unequal and vain things should be settled with common counsel, and that which would be right and honest should be upheld by papal sanctity and our imperial power, authority and permission, and thus the holy empire of the German nation should also be brought back into unity. We have therefore entered into a peace with our enemy and adversary, in which we have set aside our own benefit, so that we may promote the common good of holy Christendom.

  1. With Förstemann: "Uyande".
  2. "Present" here will mean: in our personal presence.

624 Section 1: The Emperor's Dealings with the Pope. No. 890**, W. xvi, 749-751.** 625

left our Hispanic kingdoms, which at this time are the most satisfactory among all provinces; We have not considered any expenses, nor dangers, neither of the sea, nor otherwise, which we have therefore had to face, and which we have had to expose ourselves to, and have arrived in Italy according to the will of God, in the opinion not only to bring these lands to peace, as has been reported, but also to report our concerns, intentions and opinions to our holy father, the Pope, so that we might know what we should hope for his holiness, for the establishment of this unity in the holy realm of the German nation. The other day, after our arrival, the newspapers announced to us how the hereditary enemy of our holy Christian name and faith, the Turk, had overrun the Christian kingdom of Hungary and our fatherland, the Archduchy of Austria, with his great power, destroying everything with murder and fire, and that the holy empire of the German nation, if we do not come to its aid, is in dire straits, and that the holy empire of the German nation, if we do not come to its aid, is in the greatest distress, for which reason we have become resolved to leave not only Italy, but also our kingdom of Naples, which at the time was still in rebellion and almost in no less danger, and to approach the German nation and the greater danger with haste, in our own person and with all our people of war; Therefore, requesting and asking the Papal Holiness, since necessity requires nothing else than that we not only retreat or defeat the Turks with the mightiest force, but also with the best of intentions, ways and counsels, We have come to direct such great and diverse opinions, that she would come together with us in this city of Bononia to promote the tranquility of these Italian lands, the unity of the Holy Empire of the German Nation, and in general the salvation and welfare of all Holy Christendom. In which her holiness, when she understood our mind, not only willingly accommodated us, but in addition also met our arrival there with great daily journeys, and received us there quite mildly and kindly, in whose person we also had as much and more love and desire to bring the affairs of the holy empire of the praiseworthy German nation to good peace and unanimous understanding and being, and to order in the Christian religion everything that is right and honest, as we hoped, felt and found. After which, when we had

  1. With Förstemann: "set up".

We had therefore, after receiving our imperial crown, as we had decided to do, joined the empire of the German nation in the most beneficial way; but when we understood that the Turk had withdrawn, and that our future was so nearly, as before, to hurry, it was unnecessary: So we again considered it useful, on our previous undertaking, to first put the tranquility of these Italian lands into a permanent being, and to keep and confirm them in the holy empire's faithful will and relationship, which we also hope to end within a short time; 2) and therefore, so that we may do it all the more quickly, we do not undertake or refrain from doing anything that we may consider useful and conducive to this. And so we have to provide in the meantime and besides in the matters of the Holy Empire of the.German nation, especially as we have truly learned that, after the recently held Diet of Speier, your beloved and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire have, for the sake of resisting the Turk's mighty plans for the Christian crown of Hungary, decided not to circumvent the border of the Holy Roman Empire, as the same time of the border against the Turk, assistance followed, that nevertheless such by diligent action on some held days at Regensburg so late and slowly arrive, that to the noble prince, Mr. Ferdinand, king to Hungary and Bohemia, archduke to Austria, our friendly dear brother and governor in the holy realm, with his and his beloved kingdom, principality and country's highest support, it has been impossible to stop the Turks with his excellent, unheard-of power, which he had on water and land in Hungary, we will remain silent on the borders, so that his beloved unfortunately had to watch and tolerate that the same Turk overran the Christian crown of Hungary by force, almost conquered it completely, then immediately attacked our Archduchy of Austria, besieged the capital Vienna in it, worked hard, and pressed it; And even though, by the grace of the Almighty, and with the stout-hearted chivalrous resistance and opposition of the Christian warriors therein, he again abandoned his tyrannical plan, he nevertheless, through his excellent patrols, conquered the same archduchy, especially in the countryside, especially on the land on which Vienna is situated, up to the water, the Ens, also a good part of the principality of Steyer, with the shedding of much innocent blood, robbery, fire and the removal of many Christian people, as then all this of your love undoubtedly well knowing

  1. In the original: "zuedn" - to end.

626 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 7S1-7S4. 627

This is something that every Christian man should take to heart and feel compassion for the afflicted. And because the reported Turk is pursuing all his undertakings earnestly and with assiduous diligence, especially if he achieves victory 1) in it, which is evident from the fact that in two campaigns, which he has made one after the other in the aforementioned crown of Hungary, and now recently in Austria, he has devastated and ruined much noble fertile land with fire for more than a hundred German miles, and has no other means at his disposal, even though he has again taken his hasty departure from Austria, because, according to his tyrannical, eager mind, he will, in the future, with further and more serious intentions and greater power than has ever been done, act upon common Christendom, and subject himself to attempting his salvation and obtaining his will: We, as Roman Emperor and Head of Christendom, have, as much as is humanly possible and possible, been pleased and gracious to promote the welfare of the Holy Roman Empire and to prevent it from harm and damage, so that, as much as is humanly possible and possible, we may have a salutary, noble and profitable intervention in other matters incumbent on the Holy Roman Empire for the purpose of resisting, averting and preventing the Turkish invasion, We have decided to hold a general Diet and Assembly on the eighth day of the month of April in Augsburg, our city and that of the Holy Roman Empire, at which time we hope to discuss these Italian matters, so that we may attend such a day in person; as we have finally resolved to do. Which day we therefore hereby proclaim to your love, commanding by Roman imperial power, and earnestly commanding by the duties, so that you are related to us and the empire, and want you to appear personally on the same day at Augsburg, and together with us and other our and the holy empire's princes, princes and states, which we have likewise described, to undertake, to deliberate, to decide and to carry out, how to avert the troublesome burden and invasion of Christendom by the Turkish invader, with serious rescue, resistance and persistent help, according to necessity, to the action previously practiced for this purpose; moreover, because of the confusion and discord in the holy faith and Christianity.

  1. In Förstemanir: "sey" instead of: Victory.

Religion may and should be acted upon and decided upon. And so that this may be done the better and more salutary, to lay aside the disputes, to refrain from reluctance, to surrender past errors to our Savior, and to apply diligence, to hear, understand, and consider in love and kindness all of each one's opinion and opinion and opinion between ourselves, to bring them to one Christian truth and to compare them, to do away with everything that is not interpreted or acted rightly for both parts, to do away with everything that has not been rightly interpreted or acted on either side, to accept and keep one true religion through all of us, and as we are all under one Christ, to live in one fellowship, church and unity, and finally to decide, make, establish and maintain good unity and peace, also otherwise good coin, police and welfare of the holy kingdom everywhere in these and other matters incumbent upon it. And therefore, that you do not fail to attend, nor refuse to go to someone else, and that you do not let anything but God's power prevent you from doing so, lest, as has often happened in the past, others, arriving in time, have to wait with annoyance, heavy costs and detrimental consumption of time: that we, considering that we ourselves attend such a Diet with our great inconvenience, but for the benefit and good of the Holy Roman Empire, as is reported, want to provide ourselves to your love without doubt. Your beloved, together with the fact that she owes this to the holy realm in the movement of her relationship, also does our serious opinion. And if you do not appear in ten days, the next after the aforementioned appointed day, then nothing less will be done and decided by us with the present estates, in all measure, as if you and others had been present, which we also want to respect and execute everything as firmly, steadily and powerfully as if all estates, those present and absent, had consented to it. Let your beloved be completely guided by this. Given at Bononia on the one and twentieth day of Januarii, Anno 2c. in the thirtieth of our kingdoms, of the Roman in the eleventh, and of the other-all in the fourteenth.

Carol.

Ad mandatum Caesareae et Catholicae Maj est. proprium.

Vidit Waltkirch.

Alexander Sweat.

[628]{.underline} Section 1: The Emperor's Dealings with the Pope. No. 891 ff. W. xvi, 754-756. ZZA

891 A letter from Prince John to the Emperor stating that he will appear in person at the Imperial Diet. March 23, 1530.

The original of this letter can be found in the Weimar archives. It was already sealed, but was not sent in this copy, but in another one. Printed by Müller 1. 0. p. 452; by Walch and in Förstemann's "Urkundenbuch zu der Geschichte des Reichstages zu Augsburg," Vol. I, p. 116.

By the most lucious, most powerful Emperor, Your Imperial Majesty, my submissive and willing services are in all obedience before. Most gracious Lord! Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Letter, which is dated Bonaparte, the fifth and twentieth day of February, and was received by me yesterday, in which Ew. Majesty. Coronation, so the same Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty received there in Bononia on the day of St. Matthew the Apostle, and that His Imperial Majesty has finally decided to take possession of the city. Majesty finally resolved to join the Holy Empire of the laudable German nation in the most conducive manner, namely, to the Imperial Diet which Your Imperial Majesty will hold on the eighth day of April. Majesty's eighth day of April in Augsburg, I have read out all the contents in my humble opinion and gladly heard that Your Imperial Majesty has expressed her imperial approval. Majesty have received their imperial coronation and are willing to attend in Germany and further afield the Imperial Diet announced by Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty's announced Imperial Diet at Augsburg. To all of these, Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty I wish by God Almighty happiness, salvation and all the best, also hope to God, Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty. I also hope to God, that Your Imperial Majesty's future in the holy empire and the discussion at the Imperial Diet will be conducive to peace, unity, welfare and all good things by the bestowal of divine graces. I am therefore responding to Your Imperial Majesty's call for tenders. Majesty, which was delivered to me safely eleven days ago, as long as God Almighty preserves my health, I am willing to attend such Imperial Diet as Your Imperial Majesty has announced. Majesty in person. I have not wished to restrain Your Imperial Majesty from all this, and I respectfully submit to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty command me in all submissiveness. Date Torgau, the third and twentieth day of March, Anno dni 2c. thirtieth.

Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

subservient obedient

Johans, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c.

Johans L.i)

  1. This is the Elector's own handwritten signature.

892 The oath taken by Emperor Carl V to Pope Clement VII before his coronation.

In Cölestins llist. oornit. torn. I., p. 16 reprinted from a writing that appeared in quarto in 1530 under the title: Kaiserl. Majest. Coronation happened in Bononia on the 24th day of February on St. Matthias day 1530.

Germanized.

We, Carl, Roman King and soon to be Emperor by the Grace of God, promise, assure, testify and swear by God and Saint Peter that in the future we will be a constant protector of the Papal Highness and the Roman Church to the best of our strength, understanding and ability, and that we will not do violence to any freedom of the Church, but will preserve and protect its authority, right and rule as much as we can, in which we call upon God Himself and these holy Gospels as witnesses.

893 Pope Clement VII's bull concerning the imperial insignia he had granted Emperor Carl V and the coronation he had performed on him.

March 1, 1530.

From Lünig's Imperial Archives, pari. Zsn. oont. II, p. 336. translated from the Latin by I. F.

Clement, bishop, the servant of the servants of God, for constant remembrance of the cause.

Since in the next month of February, on the feast of St. Peter, whom we succeeded, although with unequal merit, but with equal prestige and authority, our beloved son, William, of the title of St. John and Paul Cardinal Priest, wanted to perform Holy Mass at our request in the chapel of our palace in Bononia. We have been succeeded by our beloved son, William, Cardinal Priest of St. John and St. Paul, who, at our command, wished to celebrate the Holy Mass in the chapel of our palace at Bononia, where we are presently staying, and who, before we entered the chapel, anointed our most beloved son in Christ, Emperor Carl the Fifth, by virtue of our authority, and observed the other customary ceremonies, according to ancient usage: After the completion of these ceremonies and anointing, we entered the chapel and, during the mass, handed over the royal and imperial insignia to Carolo and placed an iron crown on his head. From then on, after three days, 2) namely, on the day of St. Matthew the Apostle, which was Carolo's birthday, he was given a crown of iron.

  1. These "three days" are reckoned in the Roman way, including the first and third days. The first day is Peter's feast of the chair, February 22, and the third day is St. Matthew's feast, February 24.

630 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 756-759. 631

(him) with a golden crown, and at the end ordered us out of the palace over the bridge built for this action into the temple of St. Petronii. After Emperor Carl himself performed everything that such ceremonies entail, he was first made a canon of the main church of the most noble of the apostles of the city before the altar erected above the scaffolding by some canons of said church, who were staying in Bononia at that time and were present here; Afterwards, after having heard two speeches directed to this solennity, one of which was delivered at the entrance to this church by the bishop of Palestrina, the other, inside, by the bishop of Sabina, just above the emperor, in a sublime voice, he went to a certain chapel, where he had the vestments and regalia put on him, like those worn by the deacons; From there he rose to the throne prepared for him; there he received the anointing from the bishop of Ostia and presented himself before his eyes. While he was saying mass and had not yet finished reading the Gospel in Latin and Greek, we gave the emperor the royal and imperial insignia, which he had received from us three days earlier, and in particular put the ring on his gold finger and had the sword, which he was to use against the enemies of the truth, girded at his side; Then he crowned his head with a golden crown, gave him the scepter immediately, as the special ornament of kings, and the orb, on which the whole world was stabbed, into his hands, and finally left him to the kiss of peace, so that the incarnate, preaching, dying, risen and reigning Christ might instruct his congregation. Thereupon he sat down on the Caiferl. He then rose to the Caiferl throne, which stood next to our right side. After the end of the mass and the completion of everything that, according to the old custom, should be done at such a coronation, we rode into the palace from which we had come. And lest there should be any doubt in the minds of the presumptuous as to whether the iron (or Longobard) crown, which had been placed in the Modenese or Milanese church a long time ago, and the gold (or Roman) crown, which the Pope of Rome had been pleased to place on the Emperor's head in the aforesaid church of St. Peter, and both of which we now, at the humble request and entreaty of the Emperor and for legitimate reasons, presented to him in Bononia, would have as much force as if each of them had been presented to the Emperor.

had been handed over and accepted at the designated place according to ancient usage: In order that this doubt may be removed from the minds, we declare by apostolic authority, by virtue of the present bull, and we also want it to be brought down to the descendants, that all the above, and what has been done in this place, shall be as firm and immovable and retain its force as if that coronation with the iron crown at Modena or Milan had taken place, and immovable, and shall have and retain its force and continuance, as if that coronation with the iron crown at Modena or Milan, and this one with the golden one at Rome, had been solemnly performed in the aforesaid church, under the ordinary ceremonies; also want, by virtue of the present, that all judges and administrators in the papal palace, as well as the Holy Roman Church Cardinals, interpret, judge and pronounce it in the same way, and do not allow anyone to interpret, judge and pronounce it differently; add to this, from infallible science and apostolic complete authority, all deficiencies and errors, both in what should have happened by right and in what really happened, if some should have happened. Finally, by virtue of this writing, according to our special gift of grace, we grant Carolo, whom then Pope Leo the Tenth, of blessed memory, after the flesh our brother, cousin and predecessor, dispensed in a bull, that he could keep the kingdom of Neapolis next to his imperial regiment, to more caution the grace that he may and may freely keep this Neapolitan kingdom next to his imperial regiment, as long as he lives, without regard to all contrary apostolic decrees, letters of grace, statutes, customs, imperial laws 2c. Accordingly, all believers in Christ, vassals and subjects of the said Empire, of whatever rank they may be, even if they are emblazoned with the royal or papal dignity, in virtue of holy obedience, and as dear as our grace is to them, are hereby strictly bound and commanded that they ever and ever truly render the owed obedience to the aforementioned Emperor Carl. And no one shall take the liberty to offend this written declaration, will, decree, pardon and order of ours, or to act rashly against it. But if anyone should undertake to do so, let him know that he will incur the disgrace of the Almighty God and of His blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. Given at Bononia, in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord 1530, March 1, in the seventh year of our papal dignity.

[632]{.underline} Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 894, W. xvi, 7ss-76i. 633

The second section of the thirteenth chapter.

Of the preparations for this Reichstag.

H.. Of the protesting Estates Derathschtagungi whether to appear at the Diet or not.

894 Chancellor Brück's concerns about the Elector's personal visit to the Imperial Diet, also regarding the arrangements to be made in the country for burdensome cases that arise, and where money is to be obtained. About March 12, 1530.

In Müller's Historie, Ud. Ill, eax. 5, p. 432. From the original in the Weimar archives, printed in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 18. The timing is according to Förstemann. On March 11, the imperial summons to the Imperial Diet had arrived in Torgau.

Most Gracious Prince and Lord! Your churfürstl. Your Elector's Grace Chamberlain has told me that Your Electoral Grace has requested that I should put into a brief record the concerns of my young master and of the councilors, which I indicated to Your Elector's Grace yesterday in a hurry. Your Elector's Grace that I should give a brief account of the concerns of my young master and of the councillors, which I verbally indicated to Your Elector's Grace yesterday in a hurry. Firstly, what concerns Your Electoral Grace. Grace. Your Elector's Grace's travels on his own behalf against Augsburg. Gn. opinion, as a praiseworthy Elector, is considered by everyone to be good, that Your Electoral Grace should take up the matter on Judica 3rd of July. Your Electors will rise on Judica April 3 and try to determine whether Your Electors will go to the Holy Land for the sake of their bodies. Gn. wander for the sake of their bodies, and take the trouble, because Ew. churfürstl. Gn.'s personal presence, whether God wills it or not, would be greatly beneficial; and if Your Electoral Grace would find that they would be able to take the trouble. If Your Lordships should find that the journey would be burdensome and troublesome for them, Your Lordship would not know how to advise anyone else. Gn. would have no other advice than, as Your Electoral Grace has said, that Your Majesty is the best. Your Grace himself has said that Your Electoral Grace will take care of her with distant travels. They spared her with a distant journey, since physical incapacity is the greatest marital liability; so, nevertheless, Ew. churfürstl. Gn. have shown their submissive obedience to Imperial Majesty with such travels. Majesty, and would like to express their gratitude to Your Electoral Grace. Grace, in the place of their Grace, to Augsburg, according to Your Electoral Grace. Grace. Your Elector's favor.

On the other hand, what concerns the article, that it should be discussed how to order and provide for the departure of Your Electoral Grace? Grace's departure should be ordered and provided for

Should, in the absence of Your Electoral Grace, a troublesome event or coincidence occur in the country. The following has been said: Your Electoral Grace, a year ago, when Your Electoral Grace wanted to travel to Speier, would have given my young master this and other things. Grace, when Your Lordship wanted to travel to Speier a year ago, had an order issued to my gracious young lord for this and other articles, which would still be in the Chancellery, and the same order should also be given to the judges who would stay here and would be ordered to do so. If, however, Your Electoral Grace would consider that more orders are to be given to them, then the same order should be given to the judges who remain here. If, however, Your Electoral Grace were to think that more orders than those of a year ago were necessary and should therefore be given to them, it would be in Your Electoral Grace, Your Grace. Grace, gracious favor, so the order could be put on it, before E. churfürstl. Grace, allhie departed.

Thirdly, concerning the market in Leipzig, everyone in the City Council has let themselves be heard to advise Your Lordship. Gnad, gladly and humbly to advise him, if he knew it: for one had hoped that your churfl. Grace, would have had to collect as much and more in their annuities on Walpurgis in the future as the expenditure on the Leipzig market would have been, and especially with the silver that Your Electoral Grace would have received for their share from the Leipzig market. Grace would have received for their share of the tithe in Leipzig, because the same would not have been kept. However, after Your Lordship's Grace had indicated through the Chancellor and me that the expenditure in Leipzig would amount to almost twenty thousand florins, no further advice was known, because Your Electoral Grace, with the reported Waltz, would not be able to pay the tithes. Gnad, with the aforementioned Walpurgisrent and the Zehentsilbern not want to let pay, that your churfl. Gnad, order to make an effort to take money from people, and to pay with some creditors, whom your churfl. Grace to pay in the market, to have patience until Michaelmas or for a year, in which also each one who is ordered by Your Electoral Grace to do so, and to do so in the case of a creditor, is to have patience. Grace, and if the creditors were indicated, would not be lacking in submissive diligence. However, and when your churfl. Graces would again come from Augsburg with the help of the Almighty, Your Serene Grace could consider further. Grace could consider further, and the articles, so next to Your Electoral Grace, by the Chancellor. Grace, have been presented by the Chancellor and myself, but not by Your Electoral Grace. Grace, but have not been heard at that time; so that one might come to the ways by which Your Electoral Grace can be removed from the situation. Grace, from the

[634]{.underline} Erl. Briefw. VII, 250, cap. 13, of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**,** W. XVI, 761-763. 635

If they wish to come to the fearful burden of their guilt and obligation, God Almighty will undoubtedly grant them grace to do so, amen.

Thus, for my sake, as E. C. F. G.'s least servant, I shall not fail in any possible diligence that I understand or am capable of, and I command E. C. F. G. in all submissiveness.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Gregorius Brück, D.

895 Letter from Landgrave Philip of Hesse to Chursachsen, explaining why it was questionable to attend the Diet in person. March 20, 1530.

In Müller's Historie, p. 435 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol.I, p.61 after the original in the Weimar archives.

To the Highborn Prince, Lord Johansen, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall > and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave of Thuringia and > Margrave of Meissen, our friendly dear grandfather, brother-in-law and > godfather. > > For his own dear hands.

Our kind services, and what we can do dear and good, before. Highborn Prince, kind dear uncle, brother-in-law and godfather! We have received and read the contents of your dear letter, in which you inform us of the reasons for your dear will to personally attend the proclaimed Diet in Augsburg, and consider it good and request that we also personally attend the same Diet; We take it for granted that there is no need for your beloved to hurry so much to the same Diet, for we take it for granted, although we do not know it to be true, that it will not proceed as expediently and quickly as it has been proclaimed. As for our personally wanting to attend such a Diet, however, we cannot give your beloved a definite answer this time, for we have not yet finally decided on this, although we have reasons that may prevent us from doing so. Majesty has acted so ungraciously and swiftly with her and the others' messages, and especially with ours, on account of the booklet handed over, at Bononia 1): should we

  1. "Bononia" by us instead of "Barselon^a" in the original; because not in Spain, but in Italy at Bologna this had happened. Cf. No. 858. 860. 863.
  2. and to make an agreement of some kind, we consider what might result from this and what we might encounter; however, we have not yet finally decided on this. If, however, your beloved (whether we would attend such a Diet in person or not, and would provide it with our councilors) would consider it good that we send the delegates together beforehand, and let them advise us of all that the invitation brings with it, and that the necessity requires that action be taken on our behalf at the Diet; let your beloved in turn let us know, and we will show ourselves conducive to this. We do not wish to hold back your beloved's friendly opinion, but we are inclined to serve it in a friendly manner. Date Immenhausen, on Sunday Oculi March 20 Anno 2c. 30.

Philipp von GOttes Gnaden, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen > 2c. > > Philipp L. z. Hesse 2c. sßt. 3)

Luther's letter of March 6, 1530, to the Elector of Saxony, in which he refuted all violent resistance.

See Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. X, 532 ff.

B. What the Elector of Saxony has decreed for the provisional drafting of a Protestant confession of faith.

897 The Elector's order to Luther, Jonas, Pomeranus and Melanchthon to draw up a list of the disputed articles in the doctrine and ceremonies. Torgau, March 14, 1530.

The original concept of this document is in the archives at Weimar. Reprinted in Joh. Joachim Müller's Historie von der evangelischen Stände Protestation, 11b. Ill, oax. 6, p.438; in Cölestin, stist. 6onk. 1,134; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 171; in the pre-p. "st., vol. II, p. 25; in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, p. 42 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 250. We give the text according to Förstemann.

Our greetings first, Venerable and Reverend, dear devotees and faithful!

We know not to leave you unindicated in your gracious opinion that we have been informed by the Roman Emperor's Majesty. Majesty,

  1. Added by us.
  2. M" - sorixsit. -

[636]{.underline} Erl. Briefw. VII, 250-252, section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 897 f. W. XVI, 763-765. 637

Our most gracious Lord has received a notice of the Imperial Diet, so that in the future, on the eighth*) day of April, we, like others of the Holy Roman Empire, are required to go to Augsburg to attend the Imperial Diet which Her Imperial Majesty is to hold there in person. We are sending you the present copy of the notice of the Diet, the contents of which we have notified to you.

Because, among the most important matters to be dealt with at such a Diet, there is one concerning the discord in our Christian religion, and because of such most important matters, it is expressed that such a measure should be dealt with and decided upon. Namely, to hear, understand, and consider in love and kindness every opinion, opinion, and opinion between the estates themselves, to bring and compare this division into one Christian truth, to put away everything that would not be rightly interpreted or acted for both parts, to adopt and hold by all of us one united and true religion, and as we are and contend all under one Christ, thus to live all in one fellowship, church, and unity, and finally thus to make good unity and peace: We consider that the high and unavoidable necessity requires, because such a Diet may be held at a Concilii or National Assembly, that we should, for the sake of all the articles for which the discord has arisen, both in faith and in other outward church customs and ceremonies, be held, be most favorably resolved, so that before the beginning of this Diet we may be constantly and thoroughly determined whether, or in what form, and also how far we and other estates, if the pure doctrine is accepted and admitted by them, may and may suffer action with God, conscience, and good reason, even without burdensome annoyance. Since the matters, as we cannot otherwise understand the aforementioned proclamation of the Diet, are to be carried out in such a way: that no one can consider and deliberate better, more thoroughly, nor more constantly, than you, as we also graciously request of you herewith; and especially that you want to carry out such consideration, other matters and business in peace, in such a way that you may be able to finish it between now and the next Sunday Oculi 20. March, and on the aforementioned Sunday you may all come to Torgau with it; as we have decided, considering that the time until the Imperial Diet is quite short.

  1. "achten" is used by us instead of "andern" in Walch. Cf. No. 890. 891.

is short, and we will have to rise without delay, want to leave completely to you. And although in the foregoing announcement nothing is expressed that each estate should bring its preachers and scholars to such an action in due consideration; therefore we may not well consider how it is to be achieved that each one's opinion and opinion may be heard and then acted upon in unity: Nevertheless, it is our gracious request to you, Doctor Martin and Doctor Jonasen, provost, as well as Magister Philipsen Melanchthon, that you take care of yourselves and your things, and also do as much as possible in our university in Wittenberg that your absence be read in your place, so that you may be with us again in Torgau on the day we appoint you, and then travel with us as far as Coburg, along with Magister Spalatin and Eisleben. In the meantime, God wants to know how the presentation of each part of opinion and opinion is to be done and held at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg. For if the Estates are permitted, as necessity requires, to summon their preachers and scholars to Augsburg, we will then have you summoned to us from Coburg. If, however, the preachers and estates do not wish to be admitted and escorted, you, and especially you, D. Martinus, shall nevertheless remain at Coburg until we give further notice. In view of what is at stake in these matters for all of us and for all of Christendom, we want to be unburdened, as we want to be completely provided for; in this you show us a special, serious and gracious favor. Date Torgau, Monday after Reminiscere March 14 Anno Domini 1530.

To Doctor Martinus. Doctor Jonas. Pomeranian. > > Philip Melanchthon.

898 D. Mart. Luther's letter to D. Justus Jonas, who was still on visitation at the time.

March 14, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in the Ooä. Lostoed. Printed in Cölestins List. Oonkssk., vol.I, p.24; in Buddeus, Kuxxlsm. epist. Imtk., p. 82; in De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 564 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p.253.

Newly translated from the Latin.

  1. Walch: "with" instead of: "nit".

[638 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 765-767. 639]{.underline}

To Justus Jonas, Visitator in the Duchy of

Saxony.

Grace and peace in Christ. The Prince has written to us, that is, to you, Pomeranus, Philippus and me, in a letter addressed to us jointly, that we should come together, put aside all other business, and before next Sunday complete what is necessary for the future Imperial Diet on April 8. For Emperor Carl himself will be present in Augsburg to settle everything amicably, as he writes in his bull. Therefore, even though you are absent, the three of us will do as much as we can today and tomorrow; but it will also be incumbent upon you to assign your work to the other companions 1) so that the Prince's will is done, and to join us here tomorrow. For everything is urgent. May Christ grant that all may be done for His glory. Amen. At noon on March 14, 1530, Martin Luther.

899 The so-called Torgau Articles on Disputed Doctrines and Ceremonies, drawn up after the above Electoral Decree, which became the basis for the second part of the Augsburg Confession. Between March 14 and 20, 1530.

These articles are found in the supplements to Brück's Geschichte der Religionshandlungen auf dem Reichstage zu Augsburg im Jahr 1530 im Archiv zu Weimar, Bl. 306 bis 323 d, where Förstemann found them and had them printed in his Urkundenbuche, Vol. I, p. 68 ff. Walch identified them, as has been done until recent times, with the Schwabach Articles, No. 874 in this volume, against which the following text is directed. Cf. No. 905.

  1. of D. Conrad Wimpina, D. Johann Mensing, D. Wolfgang Redörfer and Lic. Rupert Elgersma short and Christian instruction against the confession of D. Mart. Mart. Luther, from the presently held Imperial Diet at Augsburg, and divided into XVII articles.

This manuscript was published in 1530 at Augsburg in quarto under the above title. After that it is included in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX,

  1. Jonas' co-visitors were Benedict Pauli, Sebastian von Kötteritz and Bernhard von Hirschfeld.

Bl. 402; in the Jenaer (1566), Bd.V, Bl. 16d; in the Altenburger, Bd. V, p. 16 and in the Leipziger, Bd. XX, p. 3. It refers to the Schwabach (not the Torgau) articles, as already noted in the previous number.

To the most illustrious Highborn Prince and Lord, Mr. Joachim, Margrave of Brandenburg, Archemperor and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, of Stettin, Pomerania, of the Cassuben and Wenden Dukes, Burgraves of Nuremberg, and Princes of Rügen: we offer ConEradus Wimpina, Johann Mensing, Wolfgangus Redörfer, Doctores, and Rupertus Elgersma, Licentiatus 2c., our prayers to God, together with willing and diligent service in all submission, ready beforehand.

Most Gracious Prince and Lord! It may not be unreasonable to wonder how and for what reason Luther has now made a special confession of his erroneous faith in XVII articles against this Imperial Diet, here at Augsburg: although shortly before this he has also issued a final confession of his faith, 2) in which he also famously promised to persevere with death, and yet in this last confession he omitted much that he had set forth and confessed in the previous one. About all this, several hundred articles, some of them unchristian and heretical, others seditious and seductive, are still found in his previously written books, which he did not touch with the least word in his first and this other confession, but passed over all of them in silence. If he perhaps wanted to think that all of these should be forgotten because he did not raise them again, and therefore no further blame should be assigned to him, he would be far wrong. For since he gave cause to many blasphemies, theft of spiritual goods, seduction of many chaste hearts into sinful fornication, transgression of oaths and vows, outrages and deathblows, along with other many more manifold unchristian acts, with his writings and teachings; And whether he would now also refuse and revoke the same, as he will not do after the manner of all heretics (as is to be expected); or whether the now known articles would also be unpunishable, as they do not find all of them; nevertheless so many evil deeds, of which he has been the instigator, assailant and causer, must not remain unpunished with him. For this reason, these articles of his present confession are not held in the highest esteem by anyone, nor are they

  1. The so-called "Great Confession of the Last Supper," St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 894. See Col. 1094 there, § 509.

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who alone may almost grieve, because the previous his Jrrsale and public transgression, more than that, much more important and these all probably, as they say, would like to bite out the eyes.

And so we have heard that the XVII articles of this new confession of Your Electoral Grace, perhaps in such a way that everything contained therein should be good, Christian, and blameless, have been sent here to Augsburg, and although we are certain beyond all doubt that Your Electoral Grace, as a praiseworthy Christian Elector, has not only come from the innate Christian virtue of their noble ancestors and forefathers, but has also inherited them from their noble ancestors and forefathers. We are also certain, without doubt, that your Electoral Grace, as a laudable Christian Elector, not only brought and inherited from their noble forefathers and ancestors out of innate Christian virtue, but also highly enlightened with well-founded Christian doctrine, and thus fortified, that such and other such unfounded articles of your Electoral Grace do not move anything, much less move us. They can move nothing at all, much less seduce:

However, in order that this Luther's precept may nevertheless be regarded by some as good and right, and that nothing justified against it may be raised, we have briefly explained a special and Christian opinion on each article as to how it should be kept, so that every pious Christian may know how to keep it, without any danger or doubt, according to the order and constitution of the common Christian church. This is attributed to E. Ch. G.'s benevolent opinion, humbly requesting that we graciously accept this diligence and benevolence of ours in ordinary graces; to which E. Ch. G. we willingly acknowledge our property in all servitude, and also owe it to her, to which we also hereby humbly command ourselves.

To the I. Article.

It would be quite unnecessary for Martinus Luther to raise this first article confession so bravely and highly here, so that everything and much more than is understood in this article by him has been reported, determined, and repeated many times before by many concilia many hundreds of years ago, and is also taught, prayed, read, and sung daily in Symbola Athanasii, at prime time, in the office of the mass, and other tides of the priests, and also ordinarily by all devout Christians.

To the II. Article.

This article is much less necessary to recover than the previous one. For it has not been challenged by the common Christian church in many hundreds of years. What the above means

The heretics mentioned in the article, and many others, have erred, and everything has been condemned and extinguished by God's help and the knowledge of the Fathers in many churches, so that it would not have been necessary to recover from Luther at this time.

To the III article.

This article, as the Christian Church prays it, and especially as the only begotten Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, born of the Virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified and died 2c., has no challenge; therefore, as something special, it was unnecessary for Luther to recover it. What is buried deeper in these words, however, is better explained by schoolcraft than common speech.

It is considered, however, that Luther included these three articles of his confession and placed them at the top, in the opinion that he would like to cover up the other articles of his confession, which are also not included here, and to introduce the following ones all the more apparently.

To the IV. Article.

That original sin is a real and true sin, and not only a defect or infirmity, but also such a sin in membris, which condemns all men who come from Adam and separates them eternally from God, is to be understood only before baptism. For after baptism there is no condemnation for those who are in Christ, Rom. 8, 1. Which Christ, through his bitter suffering, working in the sacrament of holy baptism, washes away all sin; although after baptism the affection and incitement of sin, called in Latin fomes peccati, and by Paulum lex in membris, remain as infirmities for man's redemption, and thus the 51st Psalm, v. 7, and Romans 5, v. 12, are to be understood.

To the V. Article.

We admit that all men before baptism, and also those who are mortally wounded after baptism, are sinners, subject to sin and death, and also to the devil, as Luther confesses in this article; and that even such sinners by their own powers, or by their own works, cannot work themselves out of it, and can neither become righteous nor godly, nor can they prepare themselves or send themselves to righteousness, to hear all things by themselves. For we know, as Paul says 2 Cor. 3:5, that we are not ge-

642 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi. 770-772. ß4A

nough to think something good out of us than out of us 2c.

But that the sinner should not be able to obtain or prepare himself for further grace, through which he would like to have good works and merit, through previous divine gracious help and mercy, which the Almighty God does not deny anyone, as he also says through John in Revelation Cap. 5, 10.: I stand at the door and knock, if someone lets me in, I will enter to him 2c., Luther nor anyone else will not receive. For publicly Sprüchw. 16, 1. is written: It is man's to prepare his soul; and Sir. 2, 20: Those who fear God will prepare their hearts, and before His face they will sanctify their souls. From which it is to be noted that also the sinner, if he is found by divine gracious help, may by virtue of the same divine help prepare himself by good works for further grace and righteousness, and finally for salvation; as publicly the text Apost. 10, 4. by Cornelio, to whom the angel said: Your prayer and alms have come to remembrance before God, through which he has come to the perfect knowledge of Christ's righteousness and to final blessedness.

From this it follows that the only way to righteousness and salvation from sins and death is not only to believe in the Son of God, who suffered for us without any merit or work, although faith is necessary in all these things, and no scripture commends faith alone as the only thing that saves, but faith that works through love, Gal. 5, 6. This is also the same faith that justifies, as Paul says Rom. 10, 10: With the heart one believes 2c. For faith that does not work through love is of no use, as Paul confesses in 1 Corinthians 13:3, just as works are more associated with love than with faith. Because faith can be without love, without merit, in the case of many gross sins.

So also the saying Joh. 3,16. that all who believe in the Son of God shall not perish, but have eternal life, is to be understood as John himself interprets it, when he says 1 Joh. 2, 4.: Whoever says that he believes in God and does not keep His commandments is a liar, and the truth is not in him.

To the VI article.

That faith is not a human work, nor possible from our own strength, but it is God's work and gift John 6:29, which is the work of God.

We allow the Holy Spirit to work in us, but it is infused into us with other virtues in baptism, which, if it is formed and adorned with divine love, also does many good works. But if love is not present, faith is incapable of doing good, meritorious works on its own, as St. Paul says in 1 Cor. 13:3, where he attributes good works primarily to love, because love is the sum and whole perfection of the law, Rom. 13:10.

To the VII article.

We also confess that above the faith infused in baptism by the Holy Spirit, by which the children are saved (for without faith no one can please God, Heb. 11, v. 6), it is still necessary for the baptized to instruct them in the articles of faith and to proclaim them to them; which is done through the ministry of preaching, but by means of inward enlightenment, without which the ministry of preaching would be little effective. From this it is concluded that the two, as the ministry of preaching and infused faith, are all necessary to the salvation of the soul of those who have come to their years.

To the VIII. Article.

We confess that not only the two sacraments, as baptism and Eucharist, are expressed in the article, but also five other useful ones, through which God also gives faith and His Spirit to those who desire it; as clearly and sufficiently founded in the Holy Scriptures, to recover here is much too long.

To the IX article.

That the Sacrament of Holy Baptism was instituted by God the Lord to wash away all sin and to sanctify those who are baptized, is clearly stated by St. Paul in Titus 3:5: "By His mercy He has made us blessed, through the washing of the other birth, and the renewing of the Holy Spirit, whom He poured into us abundantly. Therefore, baptism is not to be considered a mere and empty sign, as the Jewish sacraments were, because it sanctifies inwardly those who touch it by heart.

To the X. Article.

In the Sacrament of the Eucharist, that is, of the Corpus Christi and the Blood of Christ, we confess that, although there is bread and wine before the confirmation

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But after the confirmation we do not confess that bread and wine remain there, but only the form of the same, and under each form the true body and blood of Christ, and the whole Christ, are contained undivided and perfectly, and this by virtue of the words which Christ himself has spoken and set forth. And because holy faith must first proceed in this sacrament before it is received, it appears more that divine love, than faith, is increased and nourished thereby; as it is also called a sacrament of unity, incorporation, and love.

To the XI article.

That the secret confession should not be enforced by laws, as little as baptism 2c., we do not allow; because an unbaptized person does not belong to the church; therefore the church does not yet have to command him, as Paul teaches 1 Cor. 5,12. But a baptized person is now subject to the holy church, should also be kept as a child by the kind mother for the best, and if necessary, be ordained by compulsion. And because at all times from the beginning of the world, first in the law of nature, confessio mentalis, and at the time of the written law, with the Jews, confessio ceremonialis, from divine commandment, well heavier than our confession, and Christ did not come to abolish the law, but rather to confirm it Matth. 5,17., and he himself also said to the apostles f^Joh. 20, 23.: Whose soever sins ye forgive, let them be forgiven 2c., and so in this and other places confession is indicated and instituted as necessary; and John says 1 John 1:9.If we confess our sins, God is faithful to forgive us our sins; which all the holy fathers understood of sacramental confession: so the church has sufficient and well-founded cause to command such a comforting, wholesome and useful thing to the unwilling, who otherwise do not want to recognize their own benefit; as then the common Christian church by the chapter Omnis utrius- que de poen. to which every Christian owes obedience, because Christ publicly said, "He who does not hear the church is a pagan and a publican" Matt. 18:17.

However, the Christian church does not admit that each person alone should confess some sins that he is guilty of inside and some that he is not. For St. Augustine calls such a thing more a gleaming than a true confession. For many people, and especially of this time,

who have a holey and torn conscience, yes, who completely trample it underfoot, who also have no conscience at all of broken vows and oaths 2c., along with other much more gross sins. If absolution, as Luther confesses, is to take away all sin, then confession must also be made of all sins, as much as is possible for the person.

To the XII. Article.

That on earth there is and remains a holy Christian church until the end of the world is shown by our Christian faith when we say: I believe the common holy church. And that there is also such a church in the believers in Christ is beyond doubt. But that in such a church also there is a Christian authority, so that the church does not remain disordered, is shown to us by St. Paul Eph. 4, v. 11. 12. that Christ, when he ascended into heaven, left behind him some as apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors and doctors, for the perfection of the saints, for the edification of the body of Christ 2c. And further 1 Thess. 5,12.: We ask you, brethren, to recognize those who work among you and preside over you in the Lord 2c., and to the Hebrews on the 13th, v. 17.: Be obedient to your stewards and submissive; for they watch, as those who are to give account to God for your souls 2c. Such an assembly of rulers and spiritual rulers, because they have the power to order and discern in the church, is often also called the church, to which Christ also directs us, saying Matth. 18, 17: "Tell the church; for which reason the church is often called and discerned otherwise than for all believers in Christ alone.

From this it is clear and evident that not those, as Luther confesses in this article, who keep, believe, and teach the above-mentioned laws, articles, and pieces, can be or be called the Christian church, because they have deviated from the unity of the church, and from the obedience of the ordained rulers and spiritual rulers, from the same order and knowledge, with this and many other heretical articles, and have wilfully left. And even if they are persecuted and martyred in the world because of their insanity and disobedience, they should know that the devil also has his martyrs.

But that the Christian church should not be governed by statutes and ordinances is openly contrary to the Holy Spirit and Paul, Acts 15:17, 27. 15, 17, 27, when he commanded to keep the doctrines and statutes of the apostles and elders, which were ordained at Jerusalem in the assembly.

646 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 775-777. 647

Ceremonies, which for the glory of God, for the stimulation and increase of the devotion of Christian people, are appointed and decreed by the aforementioned rulers of the church, cannot be counted as useless splendor, but as a Christian adornment and display of Christian love and faith. Therefore it cannot be unreasonable nor useless to bind them to place, time, person and donor, because the church must and will be still on earth in time, among persons and places. Thus St. Paul teaches in 1 Corinthians 14:40: "Let everything among you be done in good order and honestly.

To the XIII article.

This article is not to be disputed, if it is understood in such a way that the believers who have done good will be saved, as John 5:29 says: "They will rise again at the last day, those who have done good, to the resurrection of life. 2c. For Christ Himself says Matth. 7, 21: "Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, entereth into the kingdom of heaven; but he that doeth the will of my Father.

To the XIV article.

As much as is reported in this article about secular authority and rule, is also to be understood about ecclesiastical authority and rule; because ecclesiastical authority, out of necessity for the church no less than secular, must be preserved, so that everything happens in good order and honestly; for which reason pastors and doctors, as sufficiently indicated above in the twelfth article, are also reported by Paulum.

To the XV. Article.

This article is quite Viking, full of falsehood and blasphemy, if one may not still execute deeds that someone is forbidden the marriage. If, however, the priesthood, by vows, has abstained from marriage, the Christian church has good cause to compel them to keep their vows. The same is done with the monks, and should be kept.

That the priests and monastics should live chastely has been kept in earnest from the time of the apostles until now, and has been brought to us, since the apostles, according to the teaching of Christ, Matth. 19, 29, forgave their wives, and never found that their disciples had wives in the priesthood. Since we know that the priests and Levites of the Old Testament, if they were to be in their service, were to sanctify themselves, to live chastely, and to be free from the

The priests had to abstain from women, 3 Mos. 6, and in many other places; and David was refused the priestly bread by Abimelech, until he abstained from women three days before. Much more the Christian priests, who are now bound to serve not the shadows, but the truth, if they are to deal daily with the true bread of heaven, the chaste body of Jesus Christ, take it themselves, and give it to other people, should keep themselves chaste at all times. For Paul also, for the sake of prayer, exhorted the married man to abstain for a time from conjugal works.

Although eating meat is not in itself a sin, nor is it forbidden by the church inasmuch as eating meat is in itself evil and sinful, but because Christians do not follow the apostolic teaching, as St. Paul teaches in 2 Corinthians and Cap. 11:27, the church, as a careful mother, has had good cause to forbid such fasting. Since Christians do not comply with the apostolic teaching, as St. Paul teaches in 2 Cor. 6:5 and Cap. 11:27, the church, as a careful and kind mother, has had just cause to enjoin such fasting and not to eat meat for several days to bridle our naughty corpse. So that no one can justly complain with truth that eating meat is forbidden to him in any other way than this. Since monastic vows, both in the Old Testament and now and in the New Testament, have been practiced, vowed, and counseled in many ways, as the apostles also prove with the undressing of many virgins, and have led them to the world, who can say that such monastic vows, abstinence from women, and meat-eating are devilish doctrines (as Luther says)? And he wants to shame this with St. Paul's 1 Tim. 4,1, since Paul himself advised virginity, and also consecrated Theklam in Jonio as a monastic virgin with many others. And such vows and abstinence are good and certain pointers in Christ, which is the right and true way to grace and salvation.

On de" XVI article.

That the mass, hitherto a sacrifice and a good work, should now be an abomination is Luther's deliberate blasphemy, which he will never be able to prove. As many scholars have commanded him to prove, he has never been able to do so, nor will he ever be able to do so. Therefore, the holy mass, which is a sacrifice and good work for the living and the dead, has been kept from the time of the apostles until now, as all the holy fathers' writings prove, and will remain even longer until Christ comes again, as St. Paul says Cor. 11, 26: Mortem Domini annunciabitis, donec veniet....

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But that the Sacrament of the Holy Corpus Christi should be administered under two different forms to each faith, is to be sought by no means. For this would be the cause of great unbelief and heresy, as if Christ should not be perfect under one form, when he is especially perfect in every form, because of the independence, reality, or spiritual fruit, called in Latin essentiae et efficaciae. Because of this and other causes, and also because of danger and misreverence, the church has recognized and ordered in two councils, at Costnitz and Basel, one form, as has been held in the church before, to be given to the laity; from which also the laity are not harmed at all, but from which their grace and merit are raised and increased in Christian obedience.

To the XVII article.

There is no doubt that ceremonies and divine services must be in the church. But what the ceremonies are that strive against God's word, as Luther reports, is not yet known. But if some of them were indicated in this way, then they would be spoken of.

But that each one should make new ceremonies every day, according to his own frivolity, willfulness and inconstancy, would be contrary to the common peace and cause great annoyance. This is also contrary to Paul when he says: "All things should be kept honest and orderly among you, 1 Corinthians 14:40, and each one should let it remain so, 2c.

901.9 Martin Luther's response to the cries of some papists about the XVII Articles.

This document is the preface to the 17 Schwabach Articles, which Luther himself published and which have already been communicated in No. 874. The locations are given there. Also the second edition of the Erlangen edition, Vol. 24, p. 334, identifies still, as well as Walch, the Schwabacher and the Torgauer articles, although already Förstemann in his Urkundenbuche, Vol. I, p. 67 and Müller in his introduction to the Concordienbuche have clarified their relationship to each other.

To the Christian reader Martin Luther.

Grace and peace in Christ! Seventeen articles have recently gone out in print under my name, with the title as if I wanted to submit them to the present Diet, of which I have never had any thoughts.

I have. It is true that I have helped to introduce such articles (for they were not introduced by me alone), not for the sake of the papists, nor to be introduced at this Imperial Diet...) But they know well for whose sake they are introduced. I would not have provided that they should come to the day, much less that they should go out with such a title under my name. And whoever did it would have preferred to leave it to me, as he well knew that he had no order or permission from me.

  1. not that I shun the light, or do not think such articles right; they are all too good and far too delicious for me to bargain with the papists about them. For what do they ask for such beautiful, divine, high articles? It would be just as if I wanted to trade with sows of pearls and with dogs of the sanctuary. There belong articles of marc and bran, of bones and legs for such saints. What should the sow muscats? It would be the last three articles; the same, I think, they would consider to be against them. For they are a little affected by their pomace and bones, which they do not like to let go.

Or if one did not want to trade their pomace and bones, one could have taken from the holy ecclesiastical right for it otter poison and devil's filth, as one is, who is called Si Papa, in which they teach: And if the pope leads such a shameful life that he leads countless souls to the devil every day in hell, he should still not be punished nor defended for it. These are the right knots and articles, for which they devour the goods of the world; and yet all unpunished, obdurate, unrecognized, while murdering and burning, since even their own right does not permit it. So they shall receive the reward of their error in themselves, until they perish, amen.

4 Therefore, I ask the printers once again not to proceed in this way, and with their untimely printing make me unhappy and the others a monkey's tail. I would have liked to remain silent here, and let go of what is going on,

  1. The opponents had been misled by the title given to the Schwabach Articles by Hans Bern in Coburg. See No. 874.

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if the tiresome pawing, boasting, defiance and blasphemy had not resulted from the fact that these swine and dogs search so closely that they also almost began to search out my thoughts and write about them.

  1. Let us now pray with all diligence and earnestness and call upon God to give His grace at the present Imperial Diet, and to grant His Holy Spirit with power to the pious, good Emperor Carol, who sits like an innocent little lamb among many such sows and dogs, yes, among many devils (with whom there is no praying to God, but only defiance and insistence on their own wit and power), but vain defiance and insistence on his own wit and power), bestow his Holy Spirit with power to establish peace and good rule in German lands, so that we may all escape the rut that is already bound over our skin and will not be lacking. God himself must create good things in the Diet with his own power; otherwise both emperors, princes and all the estates of the empire's council and art will be nothing; the devil is so angry and bitter. And each of them should therefore think that such a Diet should be of the highest value to him, that he should enjoy its beauty where God will be present, and pay for it badly where the devil will be the abbot, as he has in mind, and intends to introduce other articles that are also cruel to look at. God help us, amen.

902 Philipp Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he reports to him, among other things, that he is working on the production of the Augsburg Confession. May 4, 1530.

The original of this letter can be found in the Leipzig City Library. Printed in the Lpp. Melanect., lib. I., x. 4; in the London edition of the same, lib. I., 6P. 3; in Cölestin, dist. eorn. VuA., vol. I, p. 39; in Dav. Richter's OenealoNa ldutderioruna, p. 355; in Oorp. Lei. vol. II, p. 38; in Chyträus, dist. eont. p. 26 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 323. German in the Hist. of the Augsb. Confession of Chyträus, p. 26 d and in Walch. We have translated according to the Erlanger Briefwechsel.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To D. Martin Luther, his very dear father. Hail! When we wanted to write to you today through the messenger of Jonah, behold, contrary to our expectation, yet exceedingly desired,

Your letter 1) was delivered to us. Your kindness is very pleasant to us, and we ask that you write to us as often as possible about all your affairs. From Nuremberg we have addressed a letter to you, about which I have also given orders to this messenger that he should demand that it be handed over to him if the same had not yet been sent. At Augsburg we have received more certain news, for yesterday the young man 2) of Count Albrecht returned, who had been sent to reconnoiter the Emperor's travels. He reports that the Emperor has departed from Trent and, if our calculations do not deceive us, he has already arrived in Insbruck.

Count Heinrich von Nassau has written a letter full of goodwill and kindness to our prince, exhorting him to come to the Diet early. 3) Although people's talk is of various kinds, we still have good hope for the Emperor's will. But the matter, as you know, is in God's hands. Therefore, what you do, you must pray, as I know. . Apart from ours, there is no other prince here. It is said that Duke George will be here in three days, bringing with him the Cochläus 4), from which, by changing a few letters, the bird xxxxxxx jackdaw becomes, of whose kind you have written to us, how sweetly they practice their oratory in your neighborhood. Therefore a prophecy from the birds has taken place. And that thou mayest know that this is by no means trivial, Eck, who, when doubled, emits the cries of the jackdaws, has gathered together a great heap of theses 5). He demands of the princes that a disputation against the Lutherans be instituted. He has my old friend Billicanus 6) as an accomplice, but he threatens us.

  1. No. 5 in the appendix to this volume, dated April 29.
  2. Here he is called puer, but in a letter of Jonas to Luther from May 4 aäoleseens X. äs Hütten.
  3. The letter of the Count of Nassau was written on May 1 at Brixen and reached the Elector at Augsburg on May 3. The latter's answer of May 4 is found in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p.I62.
  4. In the original: Coeüleain - the snail. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, introduction, p. 30 d.
  5. no less than 404 theses, which he had printed in Ingolstadt for a possible disputation in Augsburg. The disputation note (sedeäa, as he himself calls it) comprises 18 quarto leaves.
  6. Billicanus was an extremely fickle man. At first, he held with the Lutherans. (See Luther's letter to Hausmann of Jan. 20, 1526, St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 515.) But already on January 16, 1526, at the-

[652]{.underline} Erl. Briefw.vn.3Z3f. Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 902 f. W. XVI, 781-783. 653

frightening. There are many others, which I may not enumerate, in truth jackdaws and ravens upon ravens, and which may become so hereafter. The chancellor of Hesse, namely Feige, came yesterday and said for certain that his prince was on his way. At the same time Schnepf came, a very good man, who is very friendly to you, who gives us some hope that his prince can be kept in the right, although he does not hide the fact that there is great danger. He tells us how great a struggle he has to endure with him over the Lord's Supper. He says that he is continually besieged with letters from the Swiss, and that almost every month the city master Sturm approaches him to urge his master. This grieves me very much. Perhaps it would be useful if you wrote to him, or at least to our younger prince, in order to fortify Philip's heart 1) in the right doctrine. He often seems to be moved by minor impulses. I have made the entrance of our protective writing (apologiae) 2) a little more oratorical (feci ητοριχώτερον*),* when I wrote it at Coburg.

had. In a short time, I will either bring it myself or, if the prince does not allow it, send it.

At the same time as Luther wrote the letter just mentioned, he addressed a letter to Oekolampad, in which he went over to the latter in the main. On March 18, he wrote quite differently to Pirkheimer. (Cf. Erl. Briefw., Vol. V, p. 311, note 4.) In 1527 he again approached the Roman Church, in September 1529 he applied for the Master's degree at the Old Believer Faculty of Heidelberg, but was turned down, and then turned to the Faculty of Wittenberg, which he had just deserted, in order to obtain the Doctor's degree. When Eck listed him in his 404 theses as one of those to be fought, he was so frightened that he recanted before Campegius in Augsburg on October 30, 1530, and had himself released from the priesthood by him. Then he engaged in merchandising with his father-in-law in Nördlingen for a while, until the people of Nördlingen received word of his atrocious apostasy and their anger against him broke out. Now that the danger from the emperor was over for him, he privately and publicly disavowed the Augsburg process, renounced merchandising and became a Protestant preacher again.

  1. In the text: roLdes Macedonians; so calls

Melanchthon often called the Landgrave Philip of Hesse because of his resemblance to Philip of Macedonia after the rain and after the manner.

  1. The exoräium is not to be understood as the preface to the Augsburg Confession addressed to the emperor, which Brück had written and Jonas had translated into German. To refer it to the articles of faith themselves, as Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, p. 460, assumes, does not seem feasible to us; it will rather be a preface to the Torgau articles, as Knaake concludes from the letter of the Nuremberg envoys to the council there (6orr>. liek. II, 83).

I almost forgot to mention your Cajetan among the jackdaws. Because one says that the emperor brings this one. 3) At Nuremberg I had heard of Campegius, but here they say it is Cajetan. Of course, I would prefer it to be Campegius, a man experienced in civil matters. The other is an inconsistent and rude man; there is nothing to be done with such kind of people. Doctor Caspar 4) sends a letter and medicine; Christ keep you. I am returning your wife's letter to you. I have kept Caspar's letter 5); with regard to him, if God gives us a happy return, we will see to it that he gets into a more adequate position. If I were there, it would not be burdensome for me to support him with the deed. Farewell and write again. Wednesday after Philippi and Jacobi May 4 6) 1530.

Philip.

903 An extract from the copy of the Confession that Spalatin wrote in his own hand at Augsburg before its complete establishment.

This extract is from Cyprian's Beilagen zur Historie der Augsburgischen Confession, p. 167. The original of Spalatin's entire record is in the Weimar Archives L6I. L. ^ol. 37, no. 1, pp. 32-62, reprinted in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. I, pp. 310 ff. The 32nd leaf has the inscription by another, contemporaneous hand: "Articles of Faith and Report of the Articles in Dispute." Spalatin's handwriting goes no further than the first third of the 27th article of the Augsburg Confession.

Articles of faith and doctrine.

First of all, in our churches it is taught and held unanimously, according to the decision in the Concilium Nicenum, that there is one divine being, which is called and is true, and yet there are three persons in the same divine being, equally powerful, equally eternal, God the Father, God the Son, God the Holy Spirit, all three One divine being, eternal, undivided, infinite in power, wisdom and goodness, one Creator and Sustainer of all visible and invisible things; and by the word is understood not a piece, nor a quality in another, but an independent thing, as then the holy fathers in this

  1. This was a false rumor.
  2. Lindemann, personal physician to the Elector.
  3. Cruciger.
  4. In Cölestin and then in Walch the wrong date: Thursday after the Exaltation of the Cross.

654 Erl.Briefiv.vii.s3o. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi.783f. 655

The word "person" was used in the first place. Therefore, all heresies contrary to this article are rejected and condemned in our churches, such as the Manichaeans, who set up two gods, one evil and one good; likewise the Valentinians, Arians, Eunomians, Mahometans, and all the like; Also the old and new Samosatians, who put no more than one person in the Godhead, and make sophistry of these two, Word and Holy Ghost, pretending that they need not be three distinct persons, but that "Word" means the bodily Word or Voice, and that the Holy Ghost is a created impulse in the creatures.

Art. 6. Furthermore, it is taught and preached in our churches that touched faith should bring good fruits and good works, and that one should do good works and all the things God has commanded for the sake of God, not to earn God's grace by such works; for forgiveness of sins and righteousness, which are valid before God, are given by grace for Christ's sake to all those who believe that God wants to be gracious to them for Christ's sake.

Art. 10. Furthermore, it is taught and preached in our churches about the Sacrament of the Altar and the Corpus Christi of our Lord, that the true Body and Blood of Christ are truly present in this Sacrament in the form of bread and wine, and are distributed and received there; for this reason, the contrary doctrine is also rejected.

904 Melanchthon's letter to Luther in Coburg when he sent him the Confession for revision. May 11, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the Munich Hofund Staatsbibliothek. Printed in Melanchthon's epp. 11b. I., p. 18; in the London edition Hd. I., ep. 14; in Cölestin's üist. coro. Vol. I, p. 41; in des Chyträus üist. 6onk., Latin p. 30, German p. 58; in Cyprian's Supplements to the Augsb. Conf., p. 169; in Oorp. Rek., vol. II, p.45 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 330. In Chyträus and Walch with the wrong date: "Den 10. Mai."

Newly translated from the Latin.

To D. Martin Luther, his extremely dear father.

Hail! One sends you our protective writing (apoloAiu)?) but in truth it is more a faith-.

  1. The Augsburg Confession was initially usually called Apologia. But here we are dealing with

confession of faith (confessio). For the emperor does not have time to listen to long disputations. However, I have said that which I believed to be most useful or quite. For this reason I have summarized almost all articles of faith, because Eck has issued the most diabolical slander against us. 2) Against these I wanted to oppose a remedy. You will judge according to your spirit about the whole scripture. Duke George and Margrave Joachim have traveled to the emperor. There an Imperial Diet will be held about our necks. Therefore, you will ask God to destroy the counsel of the heathen Ps. 33:10 who like to get Ps. 68:3I. A question is brought to you, which I very much wish you to answer. There is no doubt that the emperor will forbid the Zwinglian sermons. 3) We therefore assume that under this pretext our sermons would also be forbidden, because Eisleben is already preaching in a public church 4). What is your opinion now? Isn't the public place to be given up, if the emperor will demand this: he desires this, so that the Zwinglian sermons can also be prevented without unrest? I answered: one must yield to the will of the emperor, in whose city we are now guests. But our age 5) makes difficulties. What seems good to you in this matter, I ask you to write in German on a special note. Be so kind as to answer about this matter. We believe that the emperor cannot arrive within a fortnight. For a Diet of the Austrian territories is now being held at Hall am Jnn. Moreover, we have nothing new, and with such a great difference of opinion, we cannot judge what to hope from the Emperor's advice, but expect help from Christ. Be well. Wednesday after Jubilate May 11 1530. Eisleben sends you its best regards. Philip.

not yet about the whole Confession, as one can see from the simultaneous letter of the Elector (No. 905), but about the disputed, that is the Torgau, articles.

  1. His 404 theses. See No. 902.
  2. Some of the Augsburg preachers, especially Michael Keller, were Zwinglians.
  3. in the Dominican Church and in other churches of the city. Kawerau, Agricola, p. 95.
  4. According to Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, p. 182, the "old man" does not mean the Elector, but Chancellor Brück, as can be seen from his concerns about this matter (No. 921).

[856]{.underline} Erl. Bricfw. VII, 328, para. 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 905 f. W. XVI,784-786. 657

905 Letter of the Elector John to Luther that he should express his reservations about the Confession revised by Melanchthon. Augsburg, May 11, 1530.

The original concept of this letter is in the Weimar Archives. Printed in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol., IX, p. 405b; in the Jena edition (1566), vol.V, p. 21b; in the Altenburg vol. V, p. 21; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 173; in Chyträus p. 55; in the Leipzig Theologen Historie des Sacramentsstreits, p. 109; in Cyprian in the Supplements p. 168; in the 6orp. Rek., vol. II, p. 47; in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, p. 190; and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 328.

John 2c.

Our greetings first, venerable and reverend, dear devotee. After you and other our scholars at Wittenberg, at our gracious request, have listed the articles that are disputed on account of religion, we do not want to conceal from you that now here U. Philippus Melanchthon has further overlooked them and drawn them into a form, which we are sending you herewith. And it is our gracious request that you be at liberty to survey and move the same articles further. And where you consider it so convenient, or to put something of it or to it, that you want to record next to it, so that then one may be prepared and sent for Imperial Majesty's arrival, which we will shortly provide, and then send the same to us again without delay with this messenger in good custody and in good condition.

We do not know how to behave in newspapers that we have received a letter from those of us who are now at Imperial Majesty's court in Jnsbruck, among other things, about how they intend to deal with us for Imperial Majesty's arrival, so that we do not want to have preaching in the churches, as we have started, as you will have to hear the opinion from the list submitted. And even though we have reservations about this, we nevertheless want you to give us your opinion on the proposal that should be made to us here, so that we can do the right thing in the eyes of God and our conscience. In this you do us a gracious favor. Date Augsburg, Wednesday after Jubilate May 11 Anno Domini 2c. 1530.

To Doctor Martinum.

906 Luther's Answer to the Elector of Saxony Regarding the Confession. May 15, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the Weimar Archives. Printed in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol.IX, p.406; in the Jena edition (1566), vol.V, p.22; in the Altmburg edition, vol.V, p.21; in the Leipzig edition, vol.XX, p.173; in the Erlangen edition, vol.54, p.145; in De Wette, vol.IV, p.17; in Chyträus, Hist. der Augsb. Cons., p. 25; in Buddeus, suppl. epist. I^utü., p. 93; in Fabricius' eentikol. I^utü., p. 107; in Wilhelm a Vallo, vol. II., d. 40; in Müller, Historie der ev. Stände Protestation, p. 488 and translated into Latin in Ooelesüv., vol. I, p. 40. -.

To the most illustrious, highborn Prince and Lord, Lord John, Duke of > Saxony and Elector, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my > most gracious Lord.

Grace and peace in Christ our Lord. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I have read over M. Philipsen's Apologia; it pleases me almost well, and I know nothing about it to improve, nor to change it, nor would it be suitable, because I cannot tread so softly and quietly. May Christ our Lord help it to bear much and great fruit, as we hope and pray, amen.

To the question:

Where imperial majesty would desire that E. C. F. G. should keep quiet with sermons, it is still, as before, my opinion that the emperor is our lord, the city and everything is his; just as one should not resist E. C. F. G. at Torgau, where they desired or created, as in their city, that one should leave this or that. I would like to see, where it would be, that one could, with good words and in the manner of the Imperial Majesty, turn this or that to one's advantage. I would like to see, where it would be possible, that with good words and good manners, Imperial Majesty could turn with humility that His Imperial Majesty should not be so outrageous. Majesty would not forbid preaching so outrageously, but would let someone listen first to how one preached. It should not be imperial Majesty's Majesty should not forbid the preaching of clear scripture, because otherwise one would not preach seditiously or enthusiastically. If that does not help, then one must use force for justice. We have done our part and are excused.

Such I have to answer E. C.F.G. to this question know humbly. The barm

[658]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 786-788. 659

hearty God be with E. C. F. G. through his Holy comforting Spirit, Amen. On Sunday Cantate May 15 Anno 1530.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

C. What the Elector of Saxony did for godly arrangements and decrees before his departure for Augsburg, and of the journey itself.

907: Letter of safe conduct from the city of Augsburg to the Elector of Saxony. April 30, 1530.

From the original written on parchment printed in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 160. In Müller's Historie 2c., p. 454; the following numbers up to No. 912 inel. which immediately follow in Müller are taken from here by Walch. From No. 910 on, we have been able to correct again according to Förstemami.

We, the mayors and councillors of the city of Augsburg, publicly confess by this letter, and make known to all men, that we declare to the noble, highborn prince and lord, Mr. Johansen, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave in Thuringia, and Margrave of Meissen, and our most gracious lord, out of his electoral grace, graciously request, at this present Imperial Diet, which the Roman Imperial and Hispanic Royal Majesty, our most gracious lord, has held here in Augsburg, and has announced the same to his electoral lordships and to all those who are to be elected. We have given them and all those they bring with them, including their bodies, possessions and goods, to come here, to be here for the said Imperial Diet, and to return to their custody, for us and ours, without danger, free, strict security and escort, and are now doing so knowingly by virtue of this letter. However, we herewith exclude whether His Electoral Grace has with him and would bring anyone who or which has violated the land peace established by His Imperial Majesty and the Holy Roman Empire, and has fallen into punishment and offence of the same, which we do not have the power to pass on, 1) everything.

  1. That Luther was meant by this is beyond doubt, and perhaps it was this reservation of the city of Augsburg that caused Luther to be left behind in Coburg. (Förstemann.)

but danger. In witness whereof we have printed at the end of this writing our little sigil. Given on the last day of April, from the birth of Christ our dear Lord in the fifteen hundred and thirtieth year.

908: List of the princely persons, counts, lords, noble and learned councillors and others whom the Elector of Saxony took with him on his journey to Augsburg.

See No. 907.

I. To princes.

  1. the Churprinzen, Duke Johann Friedrichen.
  2. duke Franzen of Lüneburg.
  3. Prince Wolfgangen von Anhalt.

II. to counts and lords.

  1. count Albrechten von Mansfeld.
  2. count Ernsten von Gleichen.

3rd Count Jobsten von Mansfeld.

  1. the Lord of Wildenfels.

III. to aristocratic judges.

  1. Mr. Friedrichen von Thun.
  2. Sebastian and

3 Joachim, Marschalle zu Pappenheim.

  1. Mr. Hansen von Minkwitz.
  2. Mr. Hansen von Weißenbach.
  3. cunz Gotzmannen.
  4. Ewalden von Brandenstein.

IV. To scholars.

  1. D. Gregorius Bridges, Chancellor.

2nd D. Christian Baier, Registrar.

  1. Christoph Großen.

V. To nobility.

Seven knights and 70 of nobility.

VI. to clergy.

  1. Martin Luther (who, however, was confined to the castle in Coburg > because of imperial and papal powers). Eight and Papal. He was left > behind at Coburg castle because of the imperial guard and papal ban.)
  1. justum jonam.
  2. George Spalatinum.
  3. philip melanchthonem.
  1. Johann Agricolam, which Count Albrecht of Mansfeld brought with > him.

[660]{.underline} Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 909 ff. W. xvi, 788-7W. 661

909 Letter from Duke Ernst of Lüneburg to the Elector, in which he offers to attend the Diet with him as a servant. March 20, 1530.

See No. 907.

Our friendly services and what we can do more dear and good before. Highborn Prince, kind dear Lord and cousin! Today I received E. L.'s letter, in which E. L. kindly informs me of the manner in which they are required to attend the Imperial Diet. L. kindly informing me that they are required to attend the Imperial Diet and are willing to do so in person, kindly thinking that I in person also want to attend it and not stay outside. Now I have previously indicated to Your Lordship my friendly good opinion, 1) that I would also be required to attend such Imperial Diet, with the copy of the mandate issued, and indication of what, after my recent departure from Nuremberg, would be necessary to do on Your Lordship's and the others' advice and consent before attending the Imperial Diet; in the hope that Your Lordship will now have received the same. L. have now received my letter and noted it in the best way; and would in truth be willing and eager to attend the appointed Diet in my own person (although I know little benefit or fruit to be gained there for myself). However, my father knows of my inability and the difficulties I have been led into by my father, and it can be well assumed that it will cause me great burdensome expenses, which, according to my current situation, would also cause me great inconvenience, since I would have to put myself through such great hardships; I would have kindly asked my father to spare me this time, and that it would be enough for him to send my advisors with full power. But since E. L. wanted to see my person at the Imperial Diet, and to reduce their number of interpreters a little, according to E. L.'s own pleasure, and to take me along as a servant in place of them, all of which is to be left to E. L., I wanted to leave my service immediately. I would gladly and diligently represent my service like others, and to move with E. L., as far as always possible, to arrange my things; however, in this case, please do not mark me differently, except for the indicated reasons, and as one who would gladly be willing to be of friendly service to E. L. in all ways. This in order to protect E. L. of my property.

  1. In a letter found in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 36.

I am willing to earn. Date Ulfen ^Uelzen^, Sunday Oculi f^20. Marches Anno 30.

By the Grace of God Ernst, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg.

Ernst, mpp.

910 Letter from Prince Wolf of Anhalt to the same. March 18, 1530.

This letter is found in Müller I. c. p. 458 and in Förstemann I. e. p. 58.

To the Highborn Prince, Lord Johans, Duke of Saxony and Elector, my > gracious Lord,

For attention.

Most Reverend Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I have read Your Grace's letter to go with the same E. G. to the presently announced Imperial Diet in Augsburg; as I do not want to reassure E. G. that I have not yet received a letter on this matter from Imperial Majesty; but as it is, I will, God willing, go to E. G.'s own person in a conducive manner, and talk to her on official business about this, and also, as her servant, to inform E. G. of her letter. G.'s own person, and communicate with her on official business, and also show myself as her servant, according to E. G.'s letter, obediently and keep to it. I have not wished to hold back E. G. as their servant from answering, for I am willing to serve E. G.. Date my hand, Friday after Reminiscere March 18 Anno 30. Wolf, Prince of Anhalt 2c.

911: Rescript of the Elector of Saxony to some of the noblemen accompanying him in the country, on how they should dress and equip themselves.

March 14, 1530.

After the original conception in Weimar by Förstemann I. e. p. 37. Without the postscript by Müller I. o. p. 458 and by Walch. '

John 2c.

Dear Faithful! We inform you that the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has proclaimed a common Diet against Augsburg on the eighth day of April. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has announced a common Imperial Diet against Augsburg on the eighth day of the month of April, which we, by the grace of God and the help of our own persons, are willing to attend; therefore, we request that you take care of your affairs in all respects, and that you arrive at Augsburg on the eighth day of April with two armed horses, dressed in livery, as is our common court color at this time.

[662]{.underline} Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 790 f. 663.

You are to appear with us and ride with us to Augsburg; and upon your arrival, you are to be informed where your clothes are to be carried and how it is to be arranged and divided up for the stable horses. You do us a good favor, and in our gracious opinion, we do not want to keep you from doing so. Date at Torgau, Monday after Reminiscere March 14 Anno Domini 2c. 30.

To some of the nobility in the country.

(On the back of the Conceptes the names of the noble lords to whom this letter was issued are so recorded:

Count Ernst von Gleichen 4 equipped horses.

Count Wolf of Barbei 3.

Hans von Zedwiz.

Abraham von Einsiedel.

Ernfrid vom End the younger.

Joachim von der Pforten.

Horstal.

Hesperg zu Neuhaus.

Quirin von Gauern.

Alexander von Brandenstein.

Florian von Konritz.

Cunz von Meußbach zu Otndorf.

Ot from Sebach.

It is followed by this postscript:

And after we have considered, with God's help, to make such a journey on the Monday after Judica 4. April and to make our way and camp at Altenburg, Saalfeld and henceforth at Coburg, and in such a way that we hope to arrive there in the evening or on the day of Palmarum, so please take care at which end it will be most convenient for you, If you do not meet us or come to us on the way, as indicated, you will certainly arrive at Coburg at a certain time on Saturday or Sunday Palmarum and then report to our court marshal. Date utf.

To those of the nobility outside churfürstlichs court).

912: General announcement by Elector John of Saxony at his court in Torgau.

From the archives at Weimar, printed by Förstemann I. 6. p. 113. By Müller 1. e. p. 459, K 9 and by Walch with omission of the last three paragraphs.

Mean announcement about yard.

That M. gnädigster Herr the Reichstag, mediated by divine help, willing to visit, and conducive to raise think approximately in 14 days.

On the other hand, that a 1

t "Ps-rd-k-b-^

Vierrofser 2

And following the tworosfer their previous number.

The singles of both men 1) also in their numbers.

Two trumpeters, as they will find out from the court marshal.

Three one-horse teams, as announced to them by the marshal, namely Andres, Luthart and Bastel. 2)

For the sake of the Troop 3) it shall be kept thus: One Troop to each > Count and Lord.

Two wheels also a stable horse.

And three noblemen also A stable horse.

So that for every 6 horses equipped, there should be one host.

About that, to avoid princely displeasure, not to allow any attachment with the boys on foot, and that every lord and nobleman be himself about it and want to seriously decree with his own to abstain from the same; for this M. gracious lords have moving causes.

Armor.

The armor should be in the now common court color.

to carry shooting equipment and firearms,

And that they should keep good order in the field.

But since the occasion and necessity require that other more and more important commands of our gracious Lord be reported, their graces want to let this remain, andz 4) as long as the others, which are also required and described, will arrive, then you will hear and hear their graces' mind with further reports and requests, according to which each one may have to respect and judge himself.

And that each one will seriously forbid and command his own, if he will leave behind him in the essential camp, 5) (but so many persons

  1. "of both lords", namely the Elector and Duke Johann Friedrich.
  2. In the directory of the ricey stuff, Förstemann l. c.. p. 28, these three names are written like this: "Andreas, Leonhart, Bastian".
  3. A "Troß" is a stable boy ("stalbub"). Förstemann 1. e. p. 30.
  4. In Walch: "and"; in Förstemann: "vnz", which, as he notes, should mean "to".
  5. In Förstemann: "Mit ernster vndersage vnnd" 2c. The text seems to us to be out of order here. - The brackets immediately following are set by us.

[664]{.underline} Erl.Briefw.vii,3t!-s4s. Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 912 ff. W. XVI. 7SI-7S3. 665

The marshals are authorized to hold each one), that they should keep willing and faithful obedience to the decreed marshal, with the punishment according to the occasion of each transgression.

What servants of nobility and others, so arranged to the women's room with the service maintenance, they shall not be meant in this first announcement of the intended trip half this time.

His Lordship's grace did not want to let all this go unreported to you, according to which everyone is to be guided until further notice, as previously reported.

913 Luther's letter to Nicolaus Hausmann, in which he tells him about the trip to Coburg.

Message gives. April 2, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the Anhaltisches Gesammt-Archiv. Printed in Cölestins trist. VuZ. Oont., vol. I, p. 29; in des Buddeus suxxl. sxist. Uuttr., p. 83; in De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 566 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 290.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To the extremely noble man, Mr. Nicolaus Hausmann, the very loud > bishop of the church at Zwickau, his superior in the Lord.

Grace and peace! My dear friend, M. Leonhard 1) has given me the book written by you. However, I will negotiate about these things with the rest of us and do as much as I can. For I too would not dislike to see the stories and deeds (gesta) of Christ presented in the boys' schools in Latin and German by means of correctly and purely composed plays or comedies, in order to commit the matter to memory and to make a deeper impression on simple-minded people. I hope, however, that everything, as it has begun, can be put in order when peace reigns. I will go with the prince as far as Coburg, and also with Philip and Jonas, until it becomes known what is to be done at Augsburg. Work so that your church prays diligently for this Diet, and be well in the grace of Christ, and also remember me in your prayers. April 2, 1530.

Martin Luther.

  1. Leonhard Nather from Lauingen, Rector in Zwickau from 1522-1529, then went to Wittenberg to study medicine (Erl. Briefw.).

914 Luther's letter to Conrad Cordatus in Zwickau, in which he advises him not to go to the

Imperial Diet. April 2, 1530.

This letter can be found in its entirety in the 6oä. Rostock. Printed by Strobel-Ranner, p. 172; by Schütze, vol. II, p. 127; by De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 567 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 292. Incomplete (only the second paragraph up to the greetings) by Cölestin, vol. I, p.L9, by Buddeus, p. 83 and by Walch.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ, who comforts you in this humiliation and affliction, my dear Cordatus, for who else could soothe this pain. For I easily believe all that you write, since I have experienced such a case, which is a visitation of a father's heart, and is sharper than any two-edged sword, and pierces to the marrow 2c. But again, you must remember that it is not to be wondered at if he who is more rightly and truly the father than you were, according to his zeal, would rather have your son, or rather his son, with him than with you, for he is safer there than here. But this I say in vain; that is telling a fairy tale to a deaf person when the pain is still new. Therefore, I will now leave room for the pain, because greater and better people than we are have indulged in such sorrow, and yet are not blamed. But at the same time it is useful to you that you have also had to deal with these pieces of challenge and have tasted the power of conscience, so that you may learn more in yourself what the power of the word and of faith is that has been tested in these battles. For you have not yet felt the stake in the flesh and Satan's angel beating with fists; you have so far suffered whatever you have suffered only in a glorious and confident innocence, that is, with a good conscience. But enough of that.

By the way, since I hear that you want to hurry to the Diet, I advise you completely against it. Firstly, because I have not been called there, but for certain reasons will only be traveling with the prince in his territory; secondly, because the matter of the Gospel will hardly be dealt with, or at least very late, since the princes will not be involved in the matter of God's will.

[666]{.underline} Erl. Epist. VII, 66-68. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 7S3-795. 667

You should not hurry so much, especially since the future negotiation is most dependent on the Turk. But you will be able to hurry there at the appropriate time, and in the meantime work on your pince-nez and make it more supple. Greet the companion of your pain, and at times rejoice more in the living Christ than you grieve over your dead son, rather, who is also alive, but taken away. My Käthe and the whole house greet you. April 2, 1530.

Martin Luther, D.

915 Letter of Imperial Majesty to the Elector of Saxony to hasten his journey to Augsburg. Mantua, April 8, 153V.

From Müller's History 2c, p. 465,

Carl von GOttes Gnaden, Roman Emperor, at all times Mehrer of the Empire.

Highborn dear Oheim and Elector! Although we had completely decided and intended that we would certainly come in our own person to this Imperial Diet, which we have announced for the eighth day of this month in the city of Augsburg, our matters, which we have to settle with Papal Holiness and the potentates and estates of other and these Italian countries, have nevertheless become more and more important. However, our affairs with Papal Holiness and the potentates and estates of other and these Italian countries, which we had to bring into a calm and stable state, also on account of our imperial coronation, have been protracted for some time, and have lasted until recently, after receiving our imperial crown, from Papal Holiness in the city of Bononia, and have gone and come all the way to Mantua, in the opinion that there the touched Italian, as well as other Neapolitan and Sicilian matters and trades, which are still unresolved, We have come there in the opinion that the Italian and other Neapolitan and Sicilian matters and affairs in question, which are still unresolved, should be settled promptly and expeditiously, and that we should then immediately proceed to Trent, thence to Jnsbruck, and later to the city of Augsburg, which has been touched, to join your beloved and other members and estates of ours and of the Holy Roman Empire, and that we should also agree with and alongside them on the matters and affairs of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, in virtue of our tender, as it contains it, requesting your beloved with diligence and earnestness, if she is not yet on the way to come to the reported Diet, that we do not provide for her to rise in the most conducive manner, and that she may be allowed to come to the Diet.

We will arrange all things therein, so that at the end of this month she may be safely and certainly there in Augsburg, as we then, God willing, also want to be there in person; and that nothing may ever prevent your love from this, as we then finally provide for this, and also think to recognize this for your love's sake kindly and with grace, and she also does our final will and quite serious opinion on this. Given at Mantua, on April 8, 1530, in the 10th year of our Empire and the 15th year of our realm.

Carol

V^t^ . Waldkirch.

Ad Mandatum Caesareae et Catholicae Majestatis proprium.

Alexander Sweat.

916 Letter from D. Mart. Luther to Nicolaus Hausmann. Coburg, April 18, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the Anhaltisches GesammtArchiv. Printed in Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 29; in Buddeus, p. 84; in De Wette, Vol. IV, p. 1 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, Vol. VII, p. 296.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To the dear man, Mr. Nicolaus Hausmann, the faithful bishop of the > church at Zwickau, his superior in the Lord.

Grace and peace in Christ! We have done as much as we could for Martin Sanger, my dear houseman, as he will report himself. By the way, he will tell Cordatus and you that we are still sitting here and do not know when we will travel on. For yesterday a letter and a messenger 1) arrived, saying that the Emperor is still in Mantua and will celebrate Easter there. Moreover, it is said that the papal authorities are taking great pains to ensure that the Diet does not proceed, fearing that something might be decided against them, indeed that the

  1. The messenger is Michael von Kaden, the letter is the one from the Nuremberg Council to the Elector, dated April 16, which arrived in Coburg on Easter Day, April 17. It is found in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 146. The Elector had asked the city for escort, also that Luther would have his stay there during the Imperial Diet, so that he would be closer to Augsburg. The escort was granted to the Elector, but the request was rejected because of Luther, since the Edict of Worms was still in force. However, they did not give this rebuff in writing, but through their envoy M. von Kaden.

[668 Erl. Briefw.vii, 340f. Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 916 f. W. XVI, 79S f.]{.underline} 669

He said that the pope was angry with the emperor because he wanted to interfere in church affairs and hear the parties, while he the pope hoped that the emperor would only be his executioner against the heretics and bring everything back to the old state. For they want nothing to be changed, nothing to be lost, nor to be judged nor interrogated, but simply to be condemned and brought to ruin, but to be restored to the former state; and so they will perish. For in such a way one goes to the complete ruin, so the wicked must be blinded, if they are to perish. Yes, some believe that the Diet will decline completely and nothing will come of it. I have been commanded by the prince to remain in Cöburg when the others have left for the Diet; I do not know for what reason. 1) Thus everything becomes uncertain from one day to the next.

Florence is neither conquered nor reconciled with the pope, which the pope also regrets 2). Because the army in it has always cried out that it is also for the rule of the emperor. Therefore, nothing has been done by force against them from the outside by the imperials (imperio), but the siege has been lifted and they are liberated. From this you can see how much our prayers can accomplish if we persevere.

It is said that the Turk promised or threatened that in the coming year he would come to Germany again with the highest power, and then also bring the Tartars against us in no small force. But it is written Ps.33,10.: "The Lord makes void the counsel of the heathen." The word and prayer will fight against it. Pray for me and be well in Christ. Coburg, 1530 on the second day of Easter April 18.

Martin Luther.

^3^) The Florentines have sent a messenger to Frankfurt with the order to pay for 1000

  1. Luther had not yet heard of the Nuremberg answer delivered by Kaden.
  2. Instead of nsyus in the Erlanger Briefwechsel is to be readir.
  3. This postscript is in the original on a special slip of paper, whose paper alone corresponds to that of our letter, while the following letters to Hausmann are all written on other paper. (Erl. Briefw.) Seidemann-De Wette, Vol. VI, p. 117 brings the same with the letter of July 6, 1530.

Ducats of my books to buy and bring to Florence, perhaps because they will allow the gospel there out of hatred against the pope. This is written from Frankfurt for sure.

917: Luther's letter to Wenceslaus Link that he must remain in Coburg by order of the Elector. April 22, 1530.

The original of this letter is at Wolfenbüttel in the 6ott. Hslrust. 285 L; printed from it by Wideburg in the Helmstadt School Program 1818, p. XIII; also by Schütze, vol. II, p. 129 from the Kraft Collection at Husum; by De Wette, vol. IV, p. 5 and in the Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 299. Only one piece, namely the second paragraph, by Cölestin, vol. I, p. 30; by Buddeus, p. 86 and here (German) by Walch. We give the whole letter after the Erlanger Briefwechsel.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To the venerable brother in Christ, Doctor Wenceslaus, the extremely > faithful servant of the Gospel at Nuremberg, his superior.

Grace and peace in Christ! I am very sorry for this man, Hans Ernst, your exiled citizen, my dear Wenceslaus; you will understand the matter from his own letters. I would have written to your council, of course, but first I wanted to consult you in the matter, of which I know nothing for certain. Therefore, I ask you to find out whether the matter is as he complains, and then you may either report it to me or act for him yourself with the other servants of the Word. For living like this, without a wife and home, is dangerous; then it is quite unbearable that he, as a dishonorable man, is not allowed anywhere to work and seek his living, because his absence from his home is suspicious. Therefore, my dear Wenceslaus, see to it that as much as is in you, the poor man is advised.

By the way, we are here in Coburg, uncertain about the Imperial Diet and the arrival of the Emperor; perhaps you have more certainty. Although the other colleagues are traveling to Augsburg, the Prince wants me to stay here. You will see them, namely Philippus, Jonas, Eisleben and Spalatin, when the Imperial Diet

[670]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, ?ss-798. 671

has its progress. You will learn everything from them.

I almost passed over this: Your father-in-law has implored me in Altenburg to intercede for him with you, that you would leave him the debts you have outstanding in this region for his upkeep. He acknowledges that you have given him many things, but his poverty forces and urges him to ask for this as well. Yes, he has better confidence in you than in your wife, his daughter. He is an understanding and good man. You will know what you need to do. Fare well in Christ, and greet your flesh and your children, amen. At Coburg, 1530, on the evening of George the Martyr April 22, 1. 1)

Your Martin Luther.

D. The Protestant estates discussed the Protestant sermons, the eating of meat and the Corpus Christi feast, if the first two were to be banned and the Emperor ordered the latter to be held..

918. three concerns of the Wittenberg theologians about the cessation of public sermons.

From Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 32 printed in Müller's Historie 2c, p. 481. Also in the Oorx. Lei. II, 54 (c. May 19, 1530).

Translated from the Latin by Ll. A. Tittel.

I.

Philipp Melanchthon's concerns about what to do if the emperor should request that the sermons in Augsburg be stopped.

If Your Imperial Majesty should request that our most gracious Lord should cease the sermons in Augsburg. Majesty should request that our most gracious Lord discontinue the sermons in Augsburg, we believe that your C. F. G. will most humbly object and request that Imperial Majesty neither demand nor insist on such a thing. Majesty neither demands nor insists on such a thing.

First of all: Because this teaching has otherwise already been heard, even at the Diet, and one has never heard that anything false or seditious has been preached.

  1. De Wette has erroneously the 23rd of April. In the night from April 22nd to 23rd, Luther was brought from the city of Coburg to the fortress, and this is the last letter of Luther, which is dated from Coburg.
  2. Because nothing controversial is preached, but the useful teaching of Christ and what is most necessary for the improvement of life.
  3. Because this doctrine was not condemned at the Diet, but was referred to a council, and no article is preached that was condemned, nor has any false doctrine crept into the places where this doctrine is preached. If there had been such preachers in other places, who could have kept the consciences safe, the contagious plague would undoubtedly not have come there.
  4. Some articles have been spread in this city, which ours contradict, and it is hoped that this doctrine will be for the edification of many.

Secondly: If the emperor forbids by public order that one should not preach in front of the people, and that it should only be done in silence, I think that one should not oppose it, because it is only a change of place, as we have also heard that it happened at Speier. Our most gracious Lord has no dominion in this city, so he must be satisfied with the change of location.

Thirdly, if the emperor forbids such things even in the inn, I think that one must obey the emperor's command, nor do anything hostile against it and act, just as one who is captured cannot defend himself. So leave out all arguments about leaving the place and taking leave without having done anything. For this would give the appearance of not trusting one's cause and not wanting or being able to give an account of one's religion and faith, especially since the Imperial Majesty has expressed the opinions of both parties on the contrary. Majesty wanted to hear the opinions of both parties most graciously, and 1 Petr. 2 is written: Be ready to answer to everyone who demands reason 2c.

The foregoing articles and reasons, however, have been set forth with the mature and earnest counsel of the theologians somewhat more emphatically and completely,'and m the following writing.

II.

Other concerns of the theologians of the Elector of Saxony, whether the sermons at Augsburg should or can be discontinued and abolished? 2)

  1. Majesty should wish and request that the Elector of Saxony, our most gracious Lord, abolish and discontinue the sermons.
  1. The Oorp. lief-, vol. II, 71 puts this concern "about May 28, 1530".

672 Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 918. w. xvi, 7sg-"oo. 673

We believe that their C. F. G. should be presented to the Emperor's Majesty. Majesty. and, as humbly as she can and may, present that the human frailty of the present time is of such a nature that it always needs and requires godly reassurance, admonition and consolation from God's Word and promises, so that the afflicted do not despair and lose heart, and on the other hand, the fallen and erring are uplifted and rebuked, and strengthened and affirmed in the many and varied dangers, hardships and misfortunes to which our lives are always subject.

(2) In addition, Scripture says that the word of God is not bound. That we do not present and explain to the people any doctrine that deviates from the Word of God can also be proven and demonstrated from this, because the very doctrine that we now practice and profess by the grace of God was also publicly heard in two kingdom assemblies that were held at Speier, and yet the outcome was never shown that we either taught false and inconsistent opinions or human dreams, or brought something on the way or presented it to the people that did not agree with the reason of the prophets and apostles, or gave rise to more controversy.

(3) After this, that no controversies are taught by us, but that the doctrine of Christ, our mediator and savior, is badly presented, is easily seen by every reasonable man; for it is clear that people cannot become worse, but better, by this. Nor will it ever be possible to prove and demonstrate with any certainty that in the places where our doctrine has hitherto been presented, any uproar or cause for quarrel has been given, or that other freaks of mad minds have broken into the church in ugly opinions. Rather, we can assure that such harmful poison of foolish opinions would never have been torn and spread so far and wide if such preachers had been organized and appointed in all places, who could have comforted and raised up the frightened and wounded consciences, instructed the minds of men in the true knowledge of God, prepared remedies against the cunning and mischievousness of the devil, and kept the poor ignorant people safe from the false brethren and the masters of the sect. For those who do not want to hear the truth of the divine word and the true teaching, nor approve of it, must, as punishment for the despised truth and sound doctrine, hear foolish and untruthful opinions and consider them good.

  1. our doctrine has never been completely rejected and banished from the church, but has been permitted until a general concilium or national assembly is held and something certain is concluded and agreed upon in this important matter, which can be seen from the conclusions of the aforementioned imperial congresses.

Moreover, we have not yet been convicted of teaching either condemned or heretical articles, which has been done by some preachers in the city of Augsburg, against whom our doctrine thunders vehemently, and which they also often refute in their preaching. Therefore, we are hopeful that many will be greatly benefited and edified by the spreading and proclamation of our doctrine, and that some will either recognize their sins from the heart and repent, or awaken others to confess that they have hitherto been in error and want to amend their ways.

6 Her C. F. G. would not act in accordance with her magnanimity and godly zeal if she would agree to and give in to such requests of her imperial majesty. Majesty, since all eyes are focused on her C. F. G. (as in whose lands and dominions this doctrine first arose in a wonderful and glorious way and was first purified and spread), and take her before them as a common example and model, according to which they diligently take care that they do nothing wrong or commit something against the Word of God. It is also to be feared that, if we were to agree to such a request, we would open the door for the preachers who have been legally appointed in Augsburg to give up their sermons and resign from such an office.

(7) If, however, Imperial Majesty should command and order by public order that preaching be discontinued for a time in public places. If, by public order, the Emperor should command and decree that preaching in public places be stopped and omitted for a time, but still permit it in inns and individual houses, one must not strive against it, but tolerate it, and, at our discretion, obey the order of the Emperor. Majesty. For this does not prohibit us from preaching, but only changes the place; which, as far as we remember, was done at the Imperial Diet at Speier. Moreover, her C. F. G. at Augsburg, as in a foreign place, and since she has nothing to command, obeys such a command of Imperial Majesty out of necessity, and since she has nothing to command, obeys such a command of Imperial Majesty. Majesty out of necessity, and the preaching of the doctrine is not forbidden, nor is it to be dismissed, in which one place is distinguished from the other, because the Psalm Ps. 24:1 says: "The earth is the Lord's, and what is in it."

  1. How about then, when not only Imperial Majesty but also all the estates of the empire are to be represented? Majesty, but also all the estates of the empire

674 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, 8vo-803. 675

wanted the sermons to be abolished and stopped altogether?

(9) There are two ways to answer this: (1) First, the preachers of the divine word must now obey Christ in all things, just as the apostles did when he said and commanded: If they drive you out of one city and cast you out, flee to another.

    1. Subsequently, since Imperial Majesty will hear this common matter and graciously hear the doctrine of both parties, we consider this injustice to be just. We believe that, for the honor of the divine name, this injustice must be rightly pardoned and that we must be obedient and submissive to the imperial majesty's command in this matter. As he who would be thrown into prison could not refuse nor defend himself.

But let your C. F. G. joyfully confess and tell before Imperial Majesty and all imperial states. Majesty and all the estates of the empire joyfully confess and tell in what wonderful and quite inexpressible way they first came to the knowledge of the pure doctrine and the pure understanding of the evangelical truth, and do not let themselves be frightened by any threats of the adversaries, nor be driven and made flexible from such confession by harsh words, and do not think or speak of departure until the articles of our confession have been read and heard before all the princes and estates of the empire.

(12) So wait for the outcome, and give glory to God alone, who will give us and our things happiness and blessing, because he says, "Whoever confesses me before the world, him I will also confess before my heavenly Father. But whosoever shall deny me before the world, him will I also deny before my Father. And Peter 1 Ep. 3, 15. f. says: "Be ready to answer to everyone who demands the reason of the hope that is in you, and that with meekness and fear, as those who have a good conscience." One could also add this at the end of the petition: their C. F. G. wanted, according to their ancestors' example, Imperial Majesty to be willing in everything. Majesty's will in everything, and what they are able and know, they would gladly and willingly present for their service and honor, if only their Imperial Majesty would not insist on such a request. Majesty would not insist on such a request, which would burden and depress the consciences of their C.F.G. and their relatives in faith and religion, but would show themselves to be just.

III.

Third concern of the theologians of the Elector of Saxony, at the Emperor's request, to cease and desist from preaching. 1)

  1. This concern will be raised on June 16, 1530. Compare No. 943.

At the Emperor's request that the sermons be abolished, we judge that they should nevertheless be continued and practiced, for the following reasons:

  1. Majesty has never yet seriously commanded that they be abolished and discontinued, but has only graciously requested that they not be made public to the people. However, it is known and obvious to all that it is up to the Electors and other princes of the Empire to refuse to obey even a moderate and unpleasant, not to mention unjust and unreasonable, command of the Imperial Majesty. Majesty and to refuse such an order.

3 Moreover, one can conclude from many signs and circumstances that this command of Imperial Majesty was issued and made known before. Majesty was issued and made known beforehand to frighten us and prevent us from our intentions, rather than to threaten us with some danger, or in the opinion that the Emperor wants to rely on it; and we think that they only want to test the inconstancy and uncertainty of our part and our doctrine, and see whether we will first let up and concede a little, so that we would open the door to the opposite side to think and take more and more of us. If we resist bravely and eagerly at first, we will soon dampen their hope and confidence, so that they will not presume too highly and take everything else against us; and when we have taken off their lion's skin and shown them their errors, we will make them understand and see that it is much better and safer to trust in God alone than in a thousand princes.

4 Subsequently, this also seems to us to be an important reason why our preachers cannot desist or remain silent, because after the sermon is finished, not only the matter that is now before us at the present Diet, but also the princes, princes, and all the estates of the empire are commanded to God in heartfelt and fervent prayer, which is especially required now, in this miserable and wretched time, above all others.

5 If, however, the Imperial Majesty is not satisfied with the result Majesty. 5. If, by order and decree, the gates of the church were to be closed to us, we jointly advise and agree that no force be used, nor the gates broken open; for this reason, because it might seem that such a thing would be undertaken and committed out of insolence, courage and hopefulness in that city in which the Duke of Saxony, Elector, our most gracious Lord, with the other princes and estates of the same religion and faith, has nothing to command or any dominion.

[676 Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 918 ff. W. xvi, 8oz-8 "s. 677]{.underline}

(6) But when this is done, the Elector of Saxony and the other princes can sit on horseback again and go home, and look around in their inns and dwellings for a comfortable place and choose such a place where they can arrange and hold their prayer and worship. Just as it behooves a righteous householder to be diligent and careful that his household be instructed and taught in the word of God and in the true knowledge of his Son. Christian princes will also do a praiseworthy and decent work if they diligently see to it that their court is well instructed and built up in the word of God.

7 If, however, Imperial Majesty should also seriously order and forbid by public decree that the sermons in the hostel be discontinued. However, with our reservations, we wanted to leave it until then and postpone it, since the case itself occurs, because commonly by God's will and providence, when the deed comes, also advice and means come, how one then has to behave.

919 Letter from the Elector of Saxony to Luther, in which, in addition to sending the above concerns, he also requests his expert opinion in this matter.

The 905th document.

920 D. Matt. Luther's reply to the above letter.

See the 906th Document.

921: Concerns of the chancellor D. Bruck, to the effect that preaching is not to be refrained from. (May 10 or 11, 1530.)

According to Brück's own manuscript in the Weimar archives, printed in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, p. 184. Also in Müller I. e. p. 489 and in Oorp. Rot. II, 75. The time determination is according to Förstemann.

Christ.

The Imperial Majesty shall graciously seek from princes, princes and estates the time at Augsburg how to obtain and safely arrange this with Her Majesty,

also the electors, princes and estates, and the common preachers 1) of the city of Augsburg.

Causes:

For if the preachers were now to preach against each other without comparison and disputation, it would have to be considered what trouble and unrest of mind and conscience would result.

In addition, it should not have the opinion as if the Imperial Majesty wanted to forbid the preaching of the divine word. This should not be done as if the Imperial Majesty wanted to prohibit the preaching of the divine word, but only for reasons of error. And so that the Imperial. Majesty, with the advice and concern of the imperial cities, to reach the settlement of the reported error that much more quickly, the Imperial Majesty would be willing to settle the matter. Majesty would be willing to first carry out the matters of faith here, and the aforementioned proposal should stand for a short time of the Imperial Diet, in the hope that the settlement should take place in the meantime.

Concerns:

From this it is to be understood that the Imperial Majesty does not wish to have this proposal reported ad partem to my most gracious lord, or to other estates that have the divine word preached, alone, but that the search is to take place publicly and in general against and before all estates altogether; which without doubt has therefore been practiced by Imperial Majesty. This was undoubtedly practiced by His Imperial Majesty, because our most gracious Lord averted the search for a standstill with the sermon at the two previous imperial congresses at Speier through constant causes and counter-petitions. The church is in a place where the divine word can be heard by his electoral grace. The priests at Speier did not want to refrain from this or to have it decreed by the council, as is the case here. That we should now be overhasty with the greater part of it, or if the greater part of the estates want to obey Imperial Majesty. Majesty, as a minor act, so that we alone must contest such with disgrace before Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

And although it is true that the proposal has some semblance, in that, if Imperial Majesty is to act for Christian conciliation, it may result in the preachers preaching against each other. Majesty should want to act for the sake of Christian harmony, that there should be a wide range of things, where preachers should preach against each other disputationally: nevertheless, it is to be feared that it is not meant that way, for such a thing could well be prevented by other means. Namely, that the preachers be commanded to teach the truth of God in their sermons without scolding or disputing.

  1. "Preaching" - sermons. Oorp. Let.: "Predigern".

[678]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi. 8M-807. 679

Item, because the opinion of the Sacramentarians was laid down and forbidden by their departure from Speier a year ago, Imperial Majesty could command that these Sacramentarians stand still with their preaching; for truth should not be laid down for the sake of untruth. But it is to be believed that it would be considered disgraceful, so here in Augsburg, in the presence of the imperial majesty, against the truth. Majesty's presence, against her edict, perhaps also against her Majesty's promises that may have been made to the pope, the new doctrine (as they call it) should be allowed to be led publicly; and that the proposal should only be a docile beginning of the laying down of the Gospel, until her Majesty comes to the full decision. The proposal should only be a start of the laying down of the Gospel until Her Majesty comes to the decision, which may please the Popes and especially the Dukes of Bavaria and Austria, in this place of Augsburg, because the city is close to their lands. Therefore, if one should want to prefer the majority of the estates in this matter, it will be necessary not to grant it; for if it were granted in the beginning, one would then want to hurry us with it in the whole main matter. And so Imperial Majesty And if Your Majesty were to have the above request made to all the estates, on account of the standstill, and the estates were to discuss it, as is customary, it would be necessary for them to decide beforehand what they would or would not do for our gracious Lord. For since the Gospel has been preached freely here in Augsburg, and our most gracious Lord has been granted a church for this purpose by the rulers of the city, it must be considered whether his churfl. His Grace may, by their permission, restrain and bind the word to stand quietly for a time. Item, if it were also suggested that His Electoral Grace might once agree to such a thing. If it were to be suggested that His Serene Grace once consented to such a thing, it would be to be feared that such bookings would be made thereafter. Therefore, our most gracious Lord should have himself heard in the Elector's Council on this: His Electoral Grace would have granted the Imperial Charter of the Holy Roman Empire. Graces would have requested Imperial Majesty and the Majesty's requests and the causes of the same: now his electoral graces would remember what the royal family had done. Grace to remember what the royal dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, as Imperial Majesty's governor, is. Majesty's Governors, together with their Majesty's Commissaries, at both of the next Imperial Diets held at Speier to his Electoral Grace. Grace, on account of the sermons 1) and the omission of the same, and what His Electoral Grace has requested of Her Royal Dignity. Grace of their royal dignity and the commissaries thereon, with notice of constant original.

  1. 6orx.Lei.: "Preaching". Förstemann: "Preacher".

why His Electoral Grace could not consent to the same. Since these are matters that concern the conscience and also God's honor and word, which no man, because of his weak and sinful conscience and the devilish impulses, could do without for a single day, the Elector's Grace thought it best to inform His Imperial Majesty of this and to request that His Majesty continue the preaching. 2)

922 Melanchthon's concerns about not eating meat.

The complete misgivings, which can be found in Oorx. Rsk., Vol. II, 79 and in Förstemann 1. e. p. 192 ff. from the Weimar archives, comprises six articles, of which Müller, p. 498, and after him Walch, have included only the first article, and that incompletely. We have supplemented it according to Förstemann. In order not to weigh down this volume excessively, we leave it at that.

At first, from eating meat.

Because meat was eaten at Speier, it is not proper to withdraw now. But there is much defiance and fornication practiced with such meat-eating, which those who pride themselves on the holy gospel ought to avoid; and it would be good for my gracious lord to exercise such liberty over his people. For with such fornication one annoys the unintelligent more than bringing them to the Gospel; thus one is wont to say: Extremae dementiae est, frustra^3^ ) niti, et nihil nisi odium quaerere. Thus it is a bad holiness not to eat meat, and yet to be full and mad night and day. It is also to be considered that, although my gracious lord, imperial majesty, is to be submissive to the Holy Roman Emperor, he is not to be treated as a slave. Majesty would refrain from eating meat, nothing was done contrary to the previous story. For previously my gracious lord had implored that his electoral grace be spared, and he had not done so. Grace be spared, and at such request, Imperial Majesty Commissaries of the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty's Commissaries let happen that my gracious Lord needed Christian freedom, and about that they have taken it into consideration, they have given my Lord no further answer. H. no further answer. Where, however, such a thing would have been ordered on account of HM,

  1. Here the manuscript breaks off. It should be added: "further than until after the same arrival would allow".
  2. Förstemann has krusta in the text, but in the margin according to Melanchthon: krustra.
  3. "none" is missing in Förstemann and in 6orp. Lsk.

[680 Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 922 ff. W. xvi, 8v7-8og. ß81]{.underline}

I, Philip, hope that my most gracious lord will let up on eating meat without complaint, but his C. F. G. protests that his C. F. G. does not want to eat meat. F. G. protested that his C. F. G. considered it right to eat meat, but she wanted to refrain from doing so for the sake of the church.

923 The Saxon theologians had misgivings about whether the Elector of Saxony and other protesting princes could take part in the Corpus Christi procession without violating their conscience. On the evening of June 15, 1530.

This concern is in Latin in Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 67, in German in Müller, p. 525. From Spalatin's copy in the common archive at Weimar in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 269. He notes that the original ends with a comma and is not complete. We have added the time determination according to Förstemann.

On the question whether our most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony 2c., and others, may go in good conscience in the procession of the Corpus Christi? is our concern:

First, that it is most certain that one abstains completely from the procession, and thinks of ways in which one can make a submissive apology to Imperial Majesty, and also a clear confession that one does not despise the reverend sacrament with the Zwinglians. Majesty a submissive apology, also a clear confession that one does not despise the reverend sacrament with the Zwinglians.

For after two great abuses are at this procession:

First of all, that contrary to all Scripture and command of God, also contrary to the papal rights, the sacrament is divided, and only the body or the bread, without the blood of Christ and the chalice, is transferred, although Christ has appointed the whole sacrament to be used at the same time.

Secondly, the sacrament was not instituted for such a custom as to establish such a service of worship and service, as if such a work were to be a special service, as the Jews worshipped the serpent, even though the same was ordained by God to be looked upon.

Now it would be considered as if such abuses were confirmed here, since one is supposed to stand and confess what one holds, and is primarily required for this reason. And if one then preached against it, one would set this example against it, that they were not bad abuses, because the princes had also gone along at such a time, who had previously dropped such as an abuse.

E. Two petitions of the Estates to the Emperor and his answer.

924: The Estates petition the Emperor to come to Augsburg soon.

From Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 55.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tittel.

Most invincible, most powerful Emperor, always ruler of the Empire, most gracious Lord! We hereby express our obedience and our most owed services, in deepest subservience before 2c, and do hereby inform your Imperial Majesty that we are the most gracious of all. Majesty we hereby acknowledge: Since, according to Your Imperial Majesty's. Maj. we have obediently gathered here with other princes and estates of the empire, and some of us have now lain here for a long time, with great hardship and expense. Maj. will deign to come here as soon as possible, considering that the important matter and the emergency itself make such a request highly necessary, lest a mistake be made in taking us or in bringing us here, and Your Imperial Majesty be kept in the country for a long time. Maj. may be delayed for a long time in the country, but that everything may proceed properly, at the right time and in good and convenient order.

For this reason, we consider it to be a good thing, without measure and with the approval of Your Imperial Majesty. Maj., and are of the opinion that it would be very well done for the better promotion and organization of all things if Your Imperial Majesty were to send someone of your own with sufficient power over here. Maj. would send someone of your own with sufficient power here, with whom, because of the departure and arrival, and likewise because of the ordering and better promotion of all other necessary things, we would be kindly and properly consulted, so that princes and rulers who are assembled here and will shortly be coming here can take the appropriate means and ways accordingly.

We therefore most humbly request that Imperial Maj. Maj. will graciously accept and note this well-meant and faithful letter of ours. Hereby we most sincerely commend ourselves to Imperial Majesty, as our most gracious lord, and persevere with the most humble offer of all owed services.

E. imperial. Maj.

most subservient

Albrecht of Mainz, Hermann of Cologne, Archbishops. > > John of Saxony, Joachim of Brandenburg, Electors.

[682]{.underline} Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 810-812. 683

925: The Estates' other petition to the Emperor to order the rank of the German princes upon his accession.

In Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 55.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tittel.

  1. most invincible and most powerful Emperor, always the ruler of the Empire, 2c. most gracious Lord! We four Electors, and the envoys of Trier and the Palatinate, your Maj.'s advisors in the Holy Roman Empire, having received the letter of honor concerning the departure and arrival, have at once unanimously consulted and diligently considered how and in what manner the same arrival in honor of your Imperial Majesty should be most sincerely and honestly carried out. Maj. could be arranged in the most sincere and most convenient manner. We have not been able to devise a better way than to adhere to the order of the Golden Bull in such a procession, which, as far as our persons are concerned, we have diligently observed and in which it is expressly stipulated that in Your Imperial Majesty's presence (it is to be acted upon), the procession is to take place in the presence of the Emperor. Maj. presence (be it what it may) we, the Archbishops of Mainz and Cologne, will go to both sides of your Imperial Maj. Maj., and our friend, the Archbishop of Trier, go immediately in front of Your Imperial Maj. Maj. and on his right the Elector Palatine and on his left the Elector of Saxony and Brandenburg.

(2) As the Golden Bull also instructs the King of Bohemia in the processions to the place nearest to his Imperial Majesty, and wants to keep such an order in riding and walking that no one gets in between. Maj. and wants to have just such an order in riding and walking that no one gets in between, by determining in clear and explicit words to every prince his place unchangeably, and does not want that any other prince, he may be of whatever rank, dignity or honor, is preferred to them: so it also prefers the King of Bohemia unchangeably to all other kings, they may be as high and great as they want, and may have arrived from whatever causes, that he is above them.

3 We therefore hold that the order which was used at the entry of Your Imperial Majesty into Aachen for the consecration and coronation shall also be used as far as our persons are concerned. Maj. in Aachen for the consecration and coronation will also be used as far as our persons are concerned. Concerning the cavalry of the Electors, however, we find, among other things, that in the reported procession this order was observed, that my cavalry, that of the Elector of Saxony, first, then that of the Elector of the Palatinate, and then that of the Elector of the Holy Roman Empire.

  1. "he" put by us instead of "she".

of Brandenburg, finally the Mainz, Trier and Cologne archbishops' cavalry. The same order, we think, should be kept now, but in such a way that my, the Archbishop's, namely of Mainz, cavalry, since the entry into my territory (or dominion) takes place, first goes before Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. But since the King of Bohemia, according to the Golden Bull, follows first behind Your Imperial Maj. Maj., we deem it proper that the royal cavalry follow behind the Imperial Maj. Maj. In this way, we, the Electors and the absent envoys, have agreed to keep an order in moving in; however, with the reservation that in this and similar cases no one of ours will be deprived of anything by such a settlement. We also wanted to act on the other princes' order, but found, after consultation, that between the most distinguished princes of the empire, as between those of Bavaria and Saxony, those of Brandenburg and Brunswick, the Hessians and Pomeranians, there have been various disputes for many years now about the seat, the train and the place, and that until now no settlement has been reached, although it has been tried many times. It also seems that such disputes have come to such an extent that, even if all of the same princes were present and acted between them, all trade would still be fruitless and would not be concluded.

Since it is easy to conclude that a dispute could arise in the countryside (or outside the city), we consider it good and necessary to prevent such mischief and rebellion in time, but believe that no one can advise and help better than Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, to whom such princes might sooner yield. We therefore humbly request Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty to consider the matter most graciously for the advancement of this entire work, and with good and proper reasons (in which we do not set any measure for Your Imperial Majesty) to persuade the Princes mentioned that they should, in honor of Your Imperial Majesty, assist in the establishment and maintenance of the city. Maj. that they observe the order prescribed by Your Imperial Majesty when going out and coming in on horseback. Maj. will prescribe; however, with the reservation that no one's liberties or rights will be infringed thereby, and also with the most gracious promise that Your Imperial Majesty will immediately after the entry into the country take the necessary measures. Majesty will take care to settle the disagreeing princes in it. If then Your Imperial Maj. Maj. find this proposal of ours agreeable and graciously grant our request, we Electors and the absent envoys of your Imperial Majesty offer ourselves to all your service and support. Maj. to all our services and favors, and we

[684]{.underline} Section 2: Preparations for the Imperial Diet. No. 925 f. W. xvi. 812-814. 685

We humbly request you to do everything possible on our part to resolve this dispute, to unite the minds and to contribute to the honor of Your Imperial Majesty and the benefit of our friends, cousin and uncle. Maj. and for the benefit of our friends, cousins and grandparents.

(5) This, most invincible Emperor, most gracious Lord, we have done at your Imperial Majesty's request. Maj.'s request, concerning the departure and arrival, most faithfully and diligently done and consulted, but in such a way that Your Imperial Maj. Maj. we are free to keep or improve such matters, with the most humble request that your Imperial Maj. Maj. may graciously inform us of what they wish to do about this consultation and the order given in the draft and send it back in writing, so that we know what we, and especially I, the Elector of Saxony and Archmarshall, have to follow with regard to the order in riding. With which, for Your Majesty's Your Majesty's protection and protection. Given at] Augsburg.

E. K. M.

subject, and in the h. r. Reich, Albrecht, Herrmann, Johann and Joachim, Electors, and the Electors of Trier and Palatinate, Envoys.

926: The emperor's declaration sent to Augsburg concerning the move-in.

In Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 56.

Translated from the Latin by Ll. A. Tittel.

Carl von GOttes Gnaden Roman Emperor, all-time Major of the Empire.

Instruction (or order), concerning which the Reverend Philip, Bishop of Speier, and Johann Albrecht, Margrave of Brandenburg, Coadjutor of the Churches in Magdeburg and Halberstadt; and Wolfgang, noble Count of Montfort and Retenfels, Princes and Councillors, our dear faithful, with the most reverend and most illustrious, our dear friends, cousins and grandparents, the Electors of Mainz, Cologne, Saxony, Brandenburg, and the envoys of Trier and Palatinate, who are now assembled at Augsburg, are to act and confer 2c.

  1. First of all, they should inform them of our imperial grace and friendship. and friendship to them and wish them every good fortune, and then further state: that we, as our advisors in the Roman Empire, wish to hear their cries for peace.

The letter, which they recently gave from Augsburg, has been well received. And since they consider, among other things, how they, at our request, have begun to act on the matter of removal and collection, and how and in what way everything should be done and arranged in our honor in the best and most glorious way, they have diligently considered and pondered; for this reason they also consider it good that the manner and method prescribed and set forth in the Golden Bull be observed, with the addition of everything that is expressly touched upon and reported therein by the Elector's person.

(2) We have graciously seen and heard all that is contained in the same letter, and for this reason we thank them; but they also see that they either do not know, or have not thought so carefully and have not remembered, or do not want to bring and show us that immediately after receiving the crown of Papal Holiness we decided to set out on our journey to the German nation of the Holy Roman Empire and to put an end to the disputes that were pending among them and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire. We have decided, immediately after receiving the crown from Papal Holiness, to set out on our journey to the German nation of the Holy Roman Empire and to undertake to put an end to the disputes pending among them and other Holy Roman Empire states and to restore everything to an amicable, Christian and praiseworthy state. To accomplish this the sooner, better and more salutary, we have not only deemed it necessary, but also useful, to take to us an envoy of papal holiness with full power, who has also been led up to this point and has enjoyed such honor and position as he shall also have when he arrives. Therefore, we diligently see to it that we do not, if we act and seduce according to the letter of the Golden Bull or contrary to it, put any obstacles and impediments in the way of the handling and execution of other business, which we want to find ready to avoid and avert completely. For this reason, we would not argue about the golden bull, but would endeavor to leave it in its value and dignity, and to dispose of everything in such a way that the same collection in our honor (which they sought, 1) as we did not doubt and would also have seen from their letter), but to them and other estates and orders to no disadvantage, but rather to the benefit, welfare and promotion of each, as it also seems to require our common need. Which, at our discretion, could be done in this way.

3 Since the princes, the absent envoys, and other estates of the empire are well acquainted with the

  1. Added by us.

686 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, 8i4-si7. 687

would know by what business we have had to postpone our arrival until now, even against and beyond our thinking, and on what occasion and for what reasons, indeed, in what sense we, now that we have received the imperial crown, are willing to come to them: then they could also easily conclude that we want and desire the most illustrious prince, Lord Ferdinand, King in Hungary and Bohemia, our beloved and united brother, and in our absence appointed administrator of the empire, to be and remain with us.

  1. Since they have also heard from us for what reasons we, in the most gracious opinion, have taken the Legate with us and kept him with us, so that the Papal Holiness Legatus a Latere is not only with us in his place and as a stranger (to whom one is accustomed to show honor and respect before others), but also takes their and the Holy Roman Empire's, especially the German Nation's, complaints and oppressions very much to heart, and wants to do everything so that they may be removed, relieved and lessened: Therefore I believed that his arrival would be the more pleasant and pleasing to them, and the more honor and respect would be shown to him. For the present reasons, and because when Papal Holiness and we send our envoys to other princes, Papal Holiness' envoys are always supreme, and our envoys, if sent to them, would also be preferred to all princes, princes and estates, we hoped that the electors would not be unwilling to do so.
  2. furthermore, because the alleys of the city of Augsburg, through which we, God willing! are wide and spacious, so that more than three can ride next to each other, and they have already spent a great deal of money in Augsburg before we can come to Augsburg and begin the Diet, because of other business and delays; of which we have already written to them, so that they would not let the time pass in vain, graciously requesting, and enclosing important and high causes that move us, which we now set aside because of the shortness of time.

For these reasons, and so that our long-desired arrival may be all the more welcome to them, we wanted to allow and allow the secular princes to come before us Dukes, for their love and favor, but not out of obligation or according to the contents of the Golden Bull.

  1. From behind, the cardinals, archbishops and bishops with the envoys, three in order, follow, as the papal nuncio between the King of France's envoys on the right, and the archbishop of Bremen or another bishop on the left.

Then the Venetian ambassador between two other bishops in the middle. After the ecclesiastical princes envoys, the envoys of the Dukes of Milan, of Ferrara and of the Marquis of Mantua, and others.

  1. Between these two ranks of ecclesiastical and secular princes and envoys, as I said, we with our beloved brother, who, as we thought before, because he is King of Bohemia (without which high dignity, in which he stands, we would not otherwise desire such a thing), should go on our right, but the legate, because of the above-mentioned and other highly important causes, should go on the left under a canopy and between the ecclesiastical and secular princes, so that the princes ride beside us; as the golden bull instructs.

As for the cavalry of each retinue, we wanted the cavalry of the Elector of Saxony, as archmarshal of the empire, to go first, then the Elector of Brandenburg and the Palatinate, and then further in order that of Trier, Cologne and Mainz, as archbishops, and after these our brother Ferdinand, and then our cavalry to ride first before us.

(10) After the ecclesiastical princes and envoys, our satellites shall follow armed.

The whole line or procession shall consist of the cardinals and ecclesiastical princes and envoys, and afterwards also of the secular princes and other estates' cavalry.

[688]{.underline} Erl. Briefw. VII, 342 f. Section 3: Emperor's stay in Jnsbruck. No. 927 W. XVI, 817-819. 689

The third section of the thirteenth chapter.

Of Emperor Carl V's rather long stay at Insbruck and the true cause of it.

927 Philipp Melanchthon's letter to D. Martin Luther from Augsburg, May 22, 1530, in which he reports how the emperor would not yet arrive there so soon, informs him of various suggestions of the imperial councils, attaches great praise to the chancellor Mercurinus, and adds other important news.

This letter is handwritten in Ms. Manliainiin, p. 15. Printed in Melanchthon's epp. lib. I, sp. 2; eä. r>onä. 1,6P. 2; in Cölestin, vol. I, p. 44 (incomplete); in the Oorp. Rsk., vol. II, p.59 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p.342; German in Chyträus, Hist., p.62 (in part) and in Wilhelm a Vallo, II, d. p. 56.

Translated from Latin.

Hail! We had already hired a messenger who was to go to you and then to Wittenberg, because Jonas had learned of the death of his son from letters of the scribe Viola. Under the letter, however, your last letters have come to me through D. Apel's messenger. Jonas is quite satisfied after he has learned that his wife is healthy. For he was only worried about her, and I also had no small fear. My suspicions and worries were heightened by the fact that you had not sent Pomer's letter, which he had mentioned in a letter to you.

2 The emperor is not yet here and, as I think, will hardly arrive before Pentecost. He has not summoned either the Dukes of Bavaria or Duke George of Saxony to discuss religious matters, because he wants to remain impartial. It is reported that there are two voices in the emperor's council: one that he should not interrogate the Lutherans but condemn them immediately by an edict; the other that he should interrogate them properly and abolish the abuses in the church. This latter opinion is said to be held by the imperial chancellor Mercurinus 1), an excellent and very moderate man; who is said to say that, in his weakness, he followed the emperor mainly in the hope that he meant that the religious matters would come to a good end, he

  1. Mercurinus Arborio, Marchese of Gattinara, Chancellor of the Emperor, died at Jnsbruck on June 5, 1530.

do not want to take part in violent advice. We have heard nothing here that would be more worthy of our consideration to write. And I have a special pleasure in this speech and judgment of the highly competent man. May Christ take care of us and preserve us, and may He govern all actions so that they flourish for peace and the common good. Mercurinus also said this: it was well seen at Worms how nothing fruitful could be achieved with violent attacks. For he was in the emperor's retinue and council at Worms. We are all, including the Prince, very concerned about your health, and therefore ask God to preserve you for the sake of His word. It is also our request to you that you take good care of your health. Doctor Caspar sends you some medicines through the Elector's messenger, which serve to strengthen your heart and soul. For he loves you very much.

  1. We change the confession (Apologia) 2) a lot every day. I have taken out the article on vows, because it was a bit too small, and put another, detailed explanation in its place. Now I put the article of church violence. I ask you to overlook the articles of faith; if you will find no lack in these, let us draft the rest fairly. For one always has to change something in it and to be guided by the occasion.

(4) The Landgrave of Hesse is now going about signing the speech of ours, and it seems that he can easily be brought to ours; but for this your letter to him is necessary. Therefore I ask you most earnestly to write to the landgrave and admonish him that he should not weigh down his conscience by defending any false doctrine. I do not want you to write again to the younger prince; 3) for he now hates no one.

  1. Apologia here means the Torgau Articles, which form the basis of the second part of the Augsburg Confession; immediately following, "the Articles of Faith" are the Schwabach Articles, the basis of the first part of the same.
  2. This is contrary to Melanchthon's earlier letter, No. 902. The first following reads with the old translator: "because he is now no one more ungracious than you" 2c.

[690]{.underline} Erl- Briefw.VII, 343.327. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 819-821. 691

more than him, whom he had previously seemed to love more than the apple of his eye. But his mind is very changeable, and that does not come from his young years, but rather, as I think, from nature. Schnepf is a good, steady man. I wanted you, in his honor, to write to him on a suitable occasion. As far as the Frisians are concerned, the Elector has ordered D. Pomeranus to look for a capable man who knows the Saxon language and to send him to the Frisians. To this opinion you can reply. I am sending you a painting of the siege of the city of Vienna. Through Apel's messenger we will write more. In the meantime, you will give this messenger of ours letters to your honest wife, for he will be able to bring back an answer. Be well and pray for us to Christ our Lord. Given on Sunday Vocem Jucunditatis 22 May 1530.

928 Letter from Elector John to Luther from Augsburg. May 4, 1530.

This letter is found in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 23; in Walch and in the Erlangen correspondence, vol. VII, p. 327. In a regest in Burkhardt datirt of 20 May. Köstlin, M. Luther, vol. II, p. 653 aä 207 gives the correction: May 4, which results from the sending of the medicine. Cf. no. 902.

Dear Doctor! Be in love with all of us, do not let the time be long for you. We are all very worried about the health of your body, we pray to God to keep you for a long time for the sake of his dear word; we even exhort you to take good care of your health. O. Caspar, our physician, send you medicine by this messenger, to strengthen your head and heart with it; for he is your faithful friend. And we also remain well inclined to you for all graces 2c.

929 D. Martin Luther's answer to the above letter, whose delay he excuses, and at the same time emphatically consoles the Elector, who began to be annoyed about the long hesitation of the Emperor and worried about the threats of the enemies. May 20, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Copenhagen and in the Ooä. Ho8toeli. Printed in Flacius' German collection of letters; with omission of the beginning in Chyträus' Hist. der Augsb. Conf. p. 26 b Latin, and German p. 67; also in Cölestinus, Vol. I, p. 47.

and in Buddeus, p. 95 translated into Latin and incomplete, also with the wrong date, May 22. Complete in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 23; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 172; in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 146 and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 20. In the latter two editions, the supplement that belongs to this letter is erroneously attached to the letter of October 3, 1530.

To the most illustrious, highborn Prince and Lord, Lord John, Duke of > Saxony, Elector of the Holy Roman Empire 2c., Landgrave in Thuringia, > and Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious Lord.

Grace and peace in Christ our Lord and Savior, Amen! Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I have now long delayed replying to E. C. F. G.'s first letter from Augsburg, graciously addressed to me, with notice of new newspaper, and admonition that I should not let my time in this place be long 2c. And it is truly without need that E. C. F. G. so graciously thinks of me and cares for me, for we should think of E. C. F. G., care for him and ask, as we also truly and faithfully do. Time is indeed not long for me, we live as gentlemen, and therefore these weeks have passed so quickly that it hardly seems like three days to me. But C.F.G. is and must now be in a boring place; so help our dear Father in heaven that C.F.G.'s heart may remain firm and patient in his grace, which he shows us so abundantly Jac. 1:4, 4:6.

For in the first place, it is certain that C.F.G. must bear such toil, food, travel and long journeys for the sake of God, since all angry princes and enemies have no other blame for C.F.G. than the pure, tender, living word of God, otherwise they must confess that C.F.G. is an innocent, quiet, pious, faithful prince.

  1. since this is certain, it is a great sign that God has given E. C. F. G., as He so richly grants His holy word and makes them worthy of it 2 Thess. 1,11., that they have to suffer such shame and enmity for the sake of it Apost. 5, 41., which ever makes a comforting conscience. For to have God for a friend is more comforting than to have the friendship of all the world. On the other hand, we see.

692 Erl. 54, 147-150. section 3: Emperor's stay in Jnsbruck. No. 929**, W. XVI, 821-823.** 693

How God does not esteem the angry and wrathful princes worthy to know or have his word. Yes, they must blaspheme and persecute it blindly and stubbornly, as the frenzied and foolish; which are terrible signs of his great displeasure and wrath against them; of which they should be justly terrified and desolate in conscience, as it must ultimately be.

  1. above this, the merciful God shows Himself even more gracious, that He has made His word so mighty and fruitful in E. C. F. G. land. Of course, the C.F.G. country has the very best and most good pastors and preachers than any other country in the world, who teach so faithfully and purely, and keep such beautiful peace. Therefore, the tender youth of boys and girls are now growing up, and are so well equipped with catechism and Scripture that it makes me feel good in my heart to see how young boys and girls can now pray, believe and speak more about God, about Christ, than all the monasteries, convents and schools were able to do before, and still can.
  2. there is truly such young people in E. C. F. G. land is a beautiful paradise, the like of which is not in the world. And God builds all this in E. C. F. G.'s bosom, as a sign that He is gracious and favorable to E. C. F. G.. As if he should say: "Well, dear Duke Hans, I entrust you with my noblest treasure, my merry paradise, you shall be father over them. For I want to have them under your protection and rule, and do you the honor of being my gardener and caretaker. This is certainly true. For God the Lord, who has made E. C. F. G. the father and helper of this land, feeds them all through E. C. F. G.'s office and service, and they must all eat E. C. F. G.'s bread. This is no different than if God Himself were E. C. F. G.'s daily guest and mouth, because His word and His children who have His word are E. C. F. G.'s daily guests and mouths.
  3. in contrast, look at what other princes do to the dear youth by their rage, that they make of God's paradise sinful, rotten, torn puddles for the devil, and spoil everything, and also have vain devils at table and as guests every day; for they

are not worthy of honor with God, that they give His word a cold drink of water from all their goods Matth. 10, 42. They even have to give vinegar, myrrh and gall to the thirsty Christ on the cross Matth. 27, 34. Although many pious people are secretly among them, here E. C. F. G. long for paradise and the promised land, and ask heartily for help.

  1. because God is so abundant in E. C. F. G.'s land, that he so graciously allows his word to prevail, that through it E. C. F. G.'s office, goods and possessions, everything goes in a blessed custom and service, and actually everything is vain daily alms and sacrifice, presented in honor of the holy word of God without ceasing; in addition E. C. F. G. is gifted with a peaceful heart, which is neither bloodthirsty nor murderous like that theil. C. F. G. is gifted with a peaceful heart that is neither bloodthirsty nor murderous, as that part is, and must be: then E. C. F. G. truly has great cause to rejoice in God, and to take comfort in such great signs of His graces. For it is a glorious great honor that GOD has given E. C. F. G. has been chosen, consecrated and made worthy so that body and goods, land and people, and everything that E. C. F. G. has, stand and walk in such beautiful worship, that His divine word is not only not followed, but also nourished and preserved. It does not hurt that some of us are not well off; nevertheless, E. C. F. G.'s service and protection is in the work of preserving the Word.

Last but not least, E. C. F. G. has also previously encouraged faithful, heartfelt prayer among all Christians, especially in E. C. F. G.. C. F. G. countries, and we know that our prayer is right and the cause is good; therefore we are also certain that it will be heard and heard well, 1 Tim. 2, 3. Oh, the young people will do it, who with their innocent tongues call and cry so heartily to heaven, and E. C. F. G. will do it. C. F. G. as their dear father so faithfully to the merciful God. On the other hand, we know that that part has evil things, cannot pray either, but go about with clever suggestions, put it all on their wit and power, as one can see before one's eyes; there it stands on the right sand.

  1. this my writing E. C. F. G. would graciously accept from me; God knows that I speak the truth and do not hypocrite; for I am sorry that Satan has taken E. C. F. G.'s heart.

694 Erl.54,iso. Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. XVI, 823-82p. 695

would grieve and sadden. I know him well to some extent, I know how he tends to play along with me; he is a sad, sour spirit, who cannot stand for a heart to be happy or to have peace, especially in God; how much less will he be able to stand for E. C. F. G. to be of good cheer than he who knows how much we all care about E. C. F. G.'s heart, and not only us, but almost the whole world. F. G. is of good cheer, than he who knows well how much is at stake in E. C. F. G.'s heart for all of us, and not only for us, but almost for the whole world, I almost wanted to say, also for heaven itself, because of course a large part of Christ's kingdom of heaven is in E. C. F. G., but also in God. C. F.G.'s country is built up by the salvific word without ceasing; he knows this and sees his displeasure in it. Therefore, we all owe it to E. C. F. G. to faithfully assist her with prayer, comfort, love, and whatever we can; for where E. C. F. G. is happy, we live; but where she is sad, we are sick.

But our dear Lord and faithful Savior, Jesus Christ, whom the Father of all mercies has so abundantly revealed and bestowed upon us, may He send His Holy Spirit, the right, eternal Comforter, over all my words, who will always sustain, strengthen and protect E. C. F. G. against all poisonous fiery arrows of the sour, heavy, evil spirit, Amen, dear God, Amen. Given on May 20, Anno 1530.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

Enclosure.

Doctor Apel has also asked me, most gracious sir, 1) that I should request and excuse him from E. C. F. G., that he now takes leave and leaves for Prussia. For he would have liked to do it long ago, so E. C. F. G. has always been so overcharged that he, being very shy and demure, has always not wanted to trouble E. C. F. G., as I understand that he will further report to E. C. F. G. himself. E. C. F. G. will know how to graciously comply with this. Hereby commanded by God.

  1. Doctor Johann Apel, who belonged to the electoral council in Wittenberg (see Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 126), accepted a call from Duke Albrecht of Prussia as chancellor, left Wittenberg at the end of May or beginning of June and arrived in Königsberg on July 10. - De Wette has erroneously connected this supplement with letter No. 1126 in this volume.

930 Imperial Instruction, with which the Counts of Nassau and Neuenar were sent to Augsburg to Elector John to request that either he or his Elector Prince travel to the Emperor, or at least that the sermons be stopped until their Majesty's arrival. May 24, 1530.

From a copy in the Weimar archives, printed in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, p. 220 and in Müller's Historie 2c, p. 502. Latin in Cölestinus, vol. I, p. 50 and in Chyträus p. 37; German in the latter, p. 71.

Carl von GOttes Gnaden, Roman Emperor, at all times Mehrer des Reichs 2c.

Instruction, what the well-born, our and the realm's dear faithful, Wilhelm, Count of Nassau, Katzenelnbogen, Vianden and Diez, and Wilhelm, Count of Neuenar, should do and advertise to the highborn Johann, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, Archmarshall of the Holy Roman Empire, our dear Oheimen and Churfürsten, for our sake, and yet as for themselves, but to show this our Instruction, 2).

Initially, they shall tell his love our imperial grace and all good things. Grace and all good things; and hereafter tell how we have heard his submissive, servile, Christian and obedient offer from him, that we have received a special gracious and friendly favor and that we give special gracious and friendly thanks to his love. And that we therefore also to him, Obgenannttem von Neuenar, and to our and the realm's dear faithful, Hansen von Doltzigk, his dear council and skilful, thereupon also on the articles which they and the said von Nassau have requested from us on account of his love, as, loan of the regalia, confirmation of the marriage with Jülich, 3) granting of the fair at Gotha, and on account of the carriage of our dear grandfather and Elector of Brandenburg husband 2c., again give such a gracious good answer, to offer his love promotion, as we have provided, undoubtedly they have done, which we would have thought, his love, according to custom and shape of all occasion, had and still should have good cause to be well satisfied. Non-Desto

  1. As can be seen here, the intention was that the envoys should not show these instructions. However, it will have become necessary to show it during the negotiations with the Elector, as can be seen from the following document and No. 932.
  2. In the original: Gulch.

696 Section 3: The Emperor's Stay in Jnsbruck. No. 930. W. xvi, 825 -828. 697

It has come to us that his beloved should complain about something that we are very much surprised about, especially for these reasons, that his beloved knows well and has to remember in what relationship and good friendship the noble houses of Austria and Saxony have been for so many years, and how the erroneous cause of our holy Christian faith, from which so many disputes have arisen subsequently, has arisen. Let his beloved know, then, that they have separated themselves from us and from the other five princes of ours and of the Holy Roman Empire, its members, and have despised and suppressed the edict which we and they, all six princes and other princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, have unanimously considered and decided with us to be the best: which, together with the above-mentioned insanity and discord (we refrain from mentioning ours, as a Roman emperor, their one supreme head and lord, and protector of holy Christendom, the highest disgrace and contempt proven to us therein), has reached and brought the holy empire and almost the whole of Christendom to such an extent that it cannot now easily be recovered and restored; and about that, that also, so his love with those, who became disobedient and repugnant to us in this matter, made and entered into a 1) but understanding and alliance, contrary to us and touched our edict, and which also, as the head, shall still maintain. What bloodshed and cause for further development this has given to many states in the holy kingdom and the whole of Christendom, and may also give in the future, provided we do not occur to the things by grace of the Almighty, to his praise, for which we want to spare no effort: that his love, as the understanding one, easily knows well to measure for himself. And yet all this, as to say, notwithstanding, we have requested that the articles which his beloved has sent to us, as reported, be given to us at any time, whether his beloved has sent or written their message to us, with notice and indult, for the sake of receiving the regalia, also confirmation and other things, until our future in the realm, and that we would like to hear mentioned our dear Oheimen and Churfürsten of Brandenburg himself, who would be one of the most distinguished members of our and the holy realm, at all times nevertheless so with most gracious and infinite answer.

  1. Förstemann: "in" instead of: "one" and immediately following: "bypassed" instead of: "entered". In the parallel passage in the following number, § 10: "in sondern Verstand und Bündniß 2c. have let in."

that we had ever meant that his beloved should have understood that no burden at all, but rather that from us in a Christian mind and but gracious and friendly favor. For his beloved, if she will consider it, may take from all this sufficiently that we, as a Christian emperor and head of Christendom, desire nothing else ourselves, but that first the honor and glory of God the Almighty be sought, also that our height and majesty be recognized as befitting this, and not only be increased, but also be maintained to the least: and then to prove and show us graciously against his beloved ones, who have no alliance, but who, as a noble prince no less than the others, are willing and obedient to us, as he is entitled to do. And let this main thing in itself be 2) so great and brave that it cannot be well acted over land by writings nor otherwise. Nevertheless, we have this confidence that if we and his beloved, according to their Christian heritage, were to be personally with each other, that we would, by the grace of God, compare well with each other. And therefore, where his beloved, or, where it would not be convenient due to the impossibility of their bodies, his beloved son, or both of them, would come to us; in which case, if it would please them, they would take their way to Munich, and further await our newspaper, they will be welcome to our arrival, that we also want to be satisfied with good will, as far as the things are concerned, which might happen or be carried out by both of our persons, where they surrender to us, have no alliance, and want to keep themselves as a laudable Elector, and his son, as a prince due to us and the Holy Roman Empire, as is stated above. And what then may concern the remaining articles, we may hear with the grace of God and act with good counsel therein. And his beloved, or the son, will now come or not according to their opportunity, that we well desired, that they meanwhile Hinfür, until we arrive at Augsburg, and in these matters, as we hope that the Almighty shall grant us the grace, give good order, with their preachers, to let them preach, stand completely still, to avoid much disputation. That also our opinion is not at all, as from his love and his son's future to us here above message has happened, that we therefore the more

  1. Förstemann: "half". This mistake could have been easily improved, because these words are repeated in the following answer of the Elector.

[698]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi. 828-8so. 699

We do not want to stay here any longer, but that we alone would like to address his or her loved ones before we come to Augsburg. And what they encounter in reply to all this and every other thing, they shall let us know again in the most expeditious and actual way, and they shall hold us to it. They do us a special favor, and our sincere opinion. Given at Jnsbruck, sealed under our imperial imprinted seal, on the 24th day of May, Anno 2c. in the year 1530, the tenth of our empire, and the fifteenth of our realm.

V. Waltkirch.

Ad mandatum Caesareae et Catholicae Majest. proprium. > > Alexander sweat > > subscripsit (ssst.).

931 John the Elector's answer to the imperial envoys, in which he rejects the above grace, May 31, 1530.

From the copy in the archive at Weimar printed in Förstemanns Urkundenbuch, vol. I, p. 224, also in Müller 1. e. With different text in Chyträus, sheet 32-38. Latin in Chyträus, pp. 37-42 and in Cölestin, vol. I, sheet 50 b.

  1. high and well-born, dear grandfather and special. We have received with the most humble reverence, as on account of our Lord and Emperor, the advertisement sent to us by your love and you on the instructions delivered to us by the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, from God's Grace John, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire 2c., and have understood the same, also her Majesty's gracious attention, as follows: After Her Imperial Maj. After the arrival of Her Imperial Majesty, as if we should complain about the answer that Her Majesty gave to you and to our councilor and dear friend, Hans von Doltzigk, about several articles and things mentioned, Her Majesty would be highly surprised about it, especially for several reasons that are listed one after the other in the Instruction. Which nevertheless, 1) as if to say, unnoticed, Her Majesty is
  1. In Förstemann and Walch: "accordingly", for which, according to the preceding document, "nevertheless" is to be read. - The meaning is: although the Elector would not have behaved against the Emperor as it would have been desirable, the Emperor nevertheless took no notice of it, but gave a gracious answer.

We are sure that we would have received a gracious and unending reply to our writings and messages sent, with notice and indult, that Her Imperial Majesty would not have understood this to be burdensome on account of Her Majesty. Majesty would not have understood that we, for the sake of Her Majesty, would have found it burdensome; for if we had considered it well, we could ever have sufficiently assumed from it that Imperial Majesty herself did not desire anything else than that Her Majesty would be pleased with it. If we had thought about it, we would have been able to assume sufficiently that His Majesty did not desire anything else than that the honor and glory of the Almighty be sought first, and that His Majesty's height be recognized as befitting it. But because this main matter is so great and brave in itself that it could not be well dealt with over land by writings or otherwise, and her imperial majesty would be confident, where her majesty, according to our Christian inheritance, would be personally with each other, that her majesty would compare favorably with the graces of God in both respects.

Therefore, if we, or, if it would not be convenient for us due to impossibility, our son, or both of us, would come to her Majesty, in case which way would please us, we would then take the way to Munich and await her Majesty's newspaper there, we would be welcome to her Majesty; and as far as the matters are concerned, which would be arranged by her Majesty and our person, where we would surrender to her Majesty, would not have an alliance, and would want to hold ourselves as a prince, and our son, as one of her Majesty's and the realm's princes, due, as previously reported, to be satisfied with good will.

Whatever might concern the remaining articles, their Majesties could also hear with the grace of God, and act with good counsel in this; and we, or our son, wanting to come or not according to our opportunity, would probably request their Imperial Majesty that we for the time being and in the meantime, until their Majesties arrive at Augsburg and give good order in these matters, with our preachers to have them preach, stand completely still, avoid disputation, with final imperial request: what you encounter in reply to all this and every other thing, that you should let their Majesty know this in the most urgent and proper way. Request: what you encountered in response to all and any of this, that you should inform the imperial majesty of this as a matter of urgency and urgency, and that your majesty should act accordingly.

And first of all, towards the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, we thank you most humbly for your gracious offer. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, we thank you most humbly for your gracious offer, and especially that your Majesty has been graced and pleased by our submissive and obedient Christian offer.

  1. secondly, that Her Imperial Majesty has given us

700 Section 3: The Emperor's Stay in Jnsbruck. No. 931. w. xvi. 83V-8S2. 701

We would like to suffer and tolerate personally with Her Majesty, and thus graciously request to talk with us, or in the case with our son, about the main matters, but with the difference, as the Instruction allows, of our own person. Now we would have been quite willing, out of humble opinion, to go to Her Imperial Majesty personally, together with us. Majesty personally, together with our son, beforehand and as soon as we learn of Her Majesty's arrival in Jnsbruck. As soon as we learn of her Majesty's arrival in Jnsbruck, as several other princes have done, we will also surrender. For this reason, we have also ordered some of our own to send a letter to Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Court to have experience of what Her Majesty might or might not like in it. But it has been indicated to us that our arrival might not be considered convenient because of this, that the other sovereigns and princes, as well as the estates, have some misgivings and suspicions about special actions, also about Her Majesty's arrival. The rulers and princes, as well as the estates, might have some misgivings and suspicions of special action, even of their Majesty's arrival at the announced Imperial Diet. Soon thereafter, Her Imperial Majesty has also ordered a meeting in Augsburg. Majesty here at Augsburg by some of Her Majesty's Councillors. So soon after, their Imperial Majesty at Augsburg graciously let us know, in addition to other notices, how their Majesty's gracious request would be that we expect them here at Augsburg, where their Majesty would be willing to go. To which Her Majesty's. We are now also a month away, since we have, at Her Majesty's earnest imperial request, first and foremost, agreed to attend this Her Majesty's Imperial Diet. We would also have been pleased, upon Her Majesty's present gracious indication, to surrender to Her Majesty once again without delay, upon the requested advertisement and Her Imperial Majesty's Instruction, to indicate our unavoidable need, also Christian and subservient mind and answer, to Her Majesty personally thereupon again: we have, however, noted from said Instruction that Her Majesty's mind, will, and opinion is not yet clear. Her Majesty's mind, will and opinion rests on the fact that both of you, Lords and Counts of Her Imperial Majesty, are again to be appointed to the Imperial throne. Majesty's Majesty what you will receive from us in response to everything and anything that is held up to us.

Therefore, and in order that we, the Imperial Majesty, may be obedient to Her Majesty. Majesty in obedience to Her Majesty's instructions. Instruction: we hereby decree to the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, and to you, in place of Her Majesty. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, and you, in the place of Her Majesty, to report to the submissive on the remonstrance made:

  1. And firstly, as far as it is concerned, that we are complaining about Imperial Majesty's next answer. Majesty's next reply complaint.

You, Count Wilhelm von Neuenar, know that when you were summoned to your return by Imperial Majesty, you were also summoned by us. Majest. allhie, beside our council, Hansen von Dolzigk, the plot and kaiserl. Majesty. Majesty, of the action and Imperial Majesty's answer that fell on it, in which way we are grateful for the gracious audience and answer that Her Imperial Majesty has given to the fiefdom or to the fiefdom of the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty's fiefdom or regalia, given to the Saxon Chapter, we thank you most humbly. And although we have renewed and introduced the causes against you, by which we stood in comforting confidence that we would also receive a final and gracious answer to the other articles, as you, Count Wilhelm of Nassau, may have indicated the same friendly opinion back against Jnsbruck: we nevertheless know from the graces of God that we have complained about such action and answer, that we have not allowed ourselves to be heard of the same in any other way than with all humble notification of our need. ^1^) For we should be sorry that we have caused the Emperor's Majesty to be offended by unseemly actions. Majesty by an unseemly turn of events that might justifiably give rise to misgivings or displeasure on our part; we also believe and well believe that, if it had not been for our disfavored ones and those who are partial in these matters, and too many mild reports, Imperial Majesty would have been able to take a stand by reporting the matter to us. Majesty would not have allowed himself to be moved to such burdensome reproaches against us, as advertising is capable of, by our reported complaints alone. For the kinship and good friendship between the noble houses of Austria and Saxony has been the custom for many years, as Imperial Majesty has shown. Majest. Instruction indicates, knowingly, and for this reason we have shown so much more kindness to Imperial Majesty. Majesty so much more gracious will in our favorable matters; as we have also appealed to Imperial Majesty's graciousness and Saxony. Majesty's gracious and manifold request, we cannot do otherwise.

4 However, we would not have been able to persuade the Imperial Majesty against us on account of the edict. Majesty against us for the sake of the edict, we could not have provided for it. For Her Majesty has been reminded in the inexplicable, 2) as if six Electors, and thus also our dear brother, Duke Frederick the Blessed, should have considered the Edict, along with other more Princes and Estates, to be the best; for Her Imperial Majesty, along with the other Princes and Estates, should have considered the Edict to be the best. Majesty, together with the other Electors, will be grateful to our brothers of blessed spirit and to the

  1. From here on, another redaction of this letter is in Spalatin's Annals, p. 236 ff, which several times almost literally coincides with this one.
  2. that is, reported without proper reason.

702 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 832-835. 703

The court has also asked the Imperial Majesty to be kindly and graciously reminded of the fact that the same edict has to be carried out. Majesty to be graciously and kindly reminded that, in case of necessity, it should be done to this day.

(5) Thus His Imperial Majesty has graciously considered that the matters to which this edict applies are matters concerning God. Majesty graciously consider that, since the matters to which the edict in question applies are matters concerning God, His Word, and our holy faith, we may not be subjected to any special reprimand from our beneficiaries on account of the other Electors. For what concerns Imperial Majesty, Imperial Highness, and the honor, benefit and welfare of the Holy Roman Empire, according to God:

6 We truly hope and know that our dear brother, Duke Frederick the Blessed, and we, in particular glory, have promoted the same with the most submissive will, services, mind and our fortune, and have kept ourselves in it, that we, in particular male reduction, know no one in it before to give.

On the other hand, it has never been proper for our brother and us to oppose God the Almighty and His eternal and imperishable Word (in which stands the only consolation of our blessedness). Those who have brought this to the attention of their Imperial Majesty for our disparagement know well themselves how arduous it has been for the Imperial Majesty to hold almost all the imperial congresses after the Diet of Rome. Majesty after the Diet of Worms, the matters were considered troublesome because of the edict, and that for this reason a common free Christian council is considered highly necessary, and has been unanimously agreed upon by princes, princes and estates on several occasions. For this reason, our favored ones should have refrained from complaining to their Majesty about the matter.

(7) Wherever these things and their origins are to be discussed and disputed, we would like to be heard, with the help of the Almighty, on the basis of a faithful, constant, truthful and irrefutable report, from which His Imperial Majesty should graciously note what ungodly and un-Christian abuses have occurred in the empire, both in sermons and in other ways. Majesty should graciously note what ungodly and unchristian abuses, both in sermons and otherwise, have occurred and are occurring in the empire, also from where all erroneous things and divisions have arisen and are not to be attributed to us.

(8) If God wills, this shall be heard when we, at the Imperial Majesty's Diet, now preceding, present our opinion and opinion, according to Her Majesty's Christian invitation, like other Princes, Princes and Estates, as we, with the help of the Almighty, Imperial Highness of the Holy Roman Empire.

Majesty to obey what is taught in our principality and lands.

9 And that we, for the sake of the edict, should now apply to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, even if we had acted erroneously in these matters in part, as may not be shown, we would not have suspected, since the imperial decree clearly entails that we are to be granted the right to a new title. The Imperial Decree clarifies the matter, and the Imperial Majesty desires that this be done. Majesty to act at this Imperial Diet in such a way as may be decided on account of the confusion and discord, so that this may be done all the better and more salutary, to put an end to the discord, to leave behind reluctance, to surrender past errors to Christ our Savior 2c., and diligently to listen to, understand and consider all the good thoughts of each, to bring them to a unified Christian truth and to compare them, and also to do away with everything that is not rightly aligned or acted on both sides 2c. Majesty graciously remembers this from her letter.

Much less did the imperial gracious decree allow the same claimants to judge the matters as touched, unheard and unweighed, for itrig, 1) and to complain to her imperial majesty in this way. Majesty in this manner.

(10) When we continue to complain to Imperial Majesty about this, it is as if we should be in agreement with those who have the right to do so. Majesty, as if we were to join forces with those who have disobeyed and offended His Majesty in this matter. Majesty in this matter have also been disobedient and repugnant, but have entered into an understanding and alliance contrary to Imperial Majesty and the same edict. Majesty and against the same edict, and which also, as the head, again entertain: on such a too much lenient statement of our adversaries our unavoidable necessity requires to give the following notice to Imperial Majesty:

(11) That no man in the whole empire may say with truth, or report to the imperial majesty, that our dear brother blessed, and we, have left ourselves to some covenant in the matters of the Gospel. Without doubt, to whom more of the states God Almighty has bestowed grace, he will have relied on God alone, and not on any covenant or human comfort.

After we have nevertheless (as we feel from the advertisement) applied to Imperial Majesty about this, our humble request is that Imperial Majesty should let us, together with those who have been complained about with us, speak before Her Majesty. Majesty would have us, together with those who have been complained of with us, speak against the same accusers before Her Majesty, answer and interrogate them here, and then the Imperial Majesty shall be informed.

  1. Förstemann: "zuuertaylenn".

704 Section 3: The Emperor's Stay in Jnsbruck. No. 931. w. xvi, 83s-837. 705

Your Majesty will again hear our need and reply to the same submission, and graciously find that we have been charged with no fault by Your Imperial Majesty, as if we had made an alliance against Your Majesty. Majesty, as if I had made an alliance against Her Majesty, that we have been charged with guilt and quite unjustifiably.

For with whom we have left ourselves in friendly and tangible agreement, that is not contrary to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, nor contrary to anyone, but solely for the natural and reasonable protection and protection of each and his country, people, and relatives against criminal and unlawful violence, whether or not it is to be carried out in these lost lusts, contrary to equity and Imperial Majesty's wishes. Majesty's absence, was to be carried out. Therefore, this should not have led to any unjustness on the part of the claimants to Imperial Majesty. Therefore, this should not have been interpreted as an impropriety against us, but should have been taken into consideration by the claimants at Imperial Majesty, in which way they were bound by obligation, and what strange, also burdensome, threatening speech often sounded in the realm, by which we, together with the aforementioned our friends and others, did not unreasonably cause ourselves in a friendly and unquestionable understanding, as touched, for protection and salvation alone, until the matter reached Imperial Majesty. Where such claimants will also bring the alliance, which in the meantime and sooner than we and our allies have set up, before Imperial Majesty, they shall be allowed to do so. Majesty, there shall be no lack of us to make such a presentation, so that Imperial Majesty may see them, and not be unreasonable. Majesty to see and note who started it first and gave the other cause for unions).

(13) That we should also leave the preaching in place here, asking the Imperial Majesty most humbly for this, as we are also doing herewith, we are urged to the utmost for the sake of our conscience. 1) Since our preachers preach nothing but the bright truth of God and the Holy Scriptures, as we would not knowingly allow them to do otherwise, it would be frightening to put down God's Word and its truth.

  1. So we are also, as a human being, such preaching and proclamation of divine word to comfort our conscience and help thereby with God.
  2. The preceding passage, which is difficult to understand, reads in Spalatin's Annals, p. 242 f., as follows: "Since our adversaries will also state that they have not made alliances before we have united with our friends, we also want to state our necessity in such a way that the Catholic Majesty shall recognize and note which part has raised the first and given the other cause to seek allies. Majesty shall recognize and note which part has raised the first and given the other cause to seek confederates.

to seek in all our troubles, which we and every man daily meet with, in all our need, that we may not escape the preaching, if we would have God otherwise before our eyes.

    1. To this end, our preachers, after their sermons, daily exhort the people most diligently to pray to God for all the needs of Christendom, and especially that God will grant His Imperial Majesty, as His decreed authority, together with the princes and estates of the Empire, grace in these dwindling times to God. Majesty, as His decreed authority, together with the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, may grant grace to act in these dwindling times for the praise of God, and also for Christian peace and good unity, at this Imperial Diet announced by Her Majesty.
    1. They also gave a faithful report against the false doctrines that were being taught to the people against the sacraments here; therefore, they were burdensome and harmful for the sake of much improvement, as it was to be hoped to God, where our preachers were to stand still with their preaching. 5) Thus in all ways already and for some years the ambiguous things have been discussed, so that now the discussion of them has little to fear.
  1. It would also be quite burdensome to refrain from preaching the holy gospel for the sake of those who wanted to be unnecessarily angry.
    1. And especially because at both imperial congresses at Speier the doctrine of the Gospel has been preached most sincerely for us and our friends, also publicly and without any considerable or constant annoyance.
    1. For Your Imperial Majesty can graciously judge. If we and our friends were to stop preaching in this way, it would first of all give many Christian hearts a terrible annoyance, and for the sake of His Majesty it would be understood that because of His Majesty's Christian and highly thoughtful invitation and request for this Imperial Diet had gone out into all the world, how everyone's opinion should be heard and then acted upon for a Christian settlement, as if Her Majesty wanted to lay down this doctrine unheard and unacted upon, that Her Majesty no doubt did not want to be told by her, as if Her Majesty's invitation should not be followed.

(18) And if we should advise Her Majesty by our relationship, and as we mean Her Majesty, out of subservience, to honor and all Her Majesty's welfare, we would not know how to advise Her Majesty otherwise, than that Her Majesty should not be able to prevent the goal of Her Majesty's tender and request by anyone.

[706]{.underline} Erl. Brikfiv. vrr, 34S f. Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 837-840. 707

But that in these most important matters, by virtue of which Christian unity and conciliation are to be acted upon, this will be graciously done: which we have graciously caused the Imperial Majesty to remember out of good faith and in the very best manner. Majesty, out of good faith and in the very best, are obliged to remember; also, in consideration of all these matters, circumstances and occasions, if it is advised to Her Majesty by someone else, that it may not be beneficial to Her Majesty, the Empire and the whole of Christendom, nor may it be meant for the best. And is therefore addressed to the Imperial Majesty, our allies. Majesty, our most gracious lord, our most humble request, that he may understand such our necessary and most humble notification, also that we may not commit ourselves nor allow ourselves to be heard otherwise than as stated above, not ungraciously, and be our most gracious lord and emperor, as we humbly promise ourselves:

(19) Thus, with the help of the Almighty, we want to be faithful to the end of our lives to Imperial Majesty as our ordered authority. Majesty, as our authorities decreed by God, in guilty, reasonable and entirely willing submission and obedience, and then in matters which are due to us to act with and beside our friends, the Princes, also Princes and Estates of the Empire for the honor, benefit and welfare of the same Empire, in such a way as we hope to be responsible for this to God and subsequently to Imperial Majesty, also to the said Estates and men. Majesty, and also to the said estates and males, as we hope to answer for the same.

20 As far as the other and remaining articles are concerned, we hope that Your Imperial Majesty will graciously consider that we do not seek to have any complaints against us. Majesty, in gracious consideration, that we will not seek anything that anyone might have with fugue difficulty, graciously and finally agree to the same, and thus show ourselves in mercy toward us.

21 We are obliged to do this with our unsaved body and property for the sake of Your Imperial Majesty as our most gracious Lord and Emperor. Majesty, as our most gracious Lord and Emperor, in all subservience.

22 And it is to you two Counts in general and in particular our friendly and gracious request that you, according to the gracious command of Our Lord, bring and let reach Her Majesty this our humble and necessary answer, with the best glimpses and fugue that you know how to do from the graces of the Almighty, which we are also inclined to owe you in friendship, grace, and all good. Given at Augsburg, sealed under our imprinted secret, on the last day of May Anno Domini 2c. 1530.

932 Letter from Elector John to Luther, in which he gives him secret information about the above-mentioned delegation. June 1, 1530.

This letter is handwritten in Hamburg. Printed in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 408; in berJenaer (1566), vol.V, p. 25b; in the Altmburger, vol. V, p. 24; in the Leipziger, vol.XX, p. 175; in the Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 359; in Chyträus, col. 28 and in ^Vilbelrai a Vallo II. b, 62. Latin in Ooelektiii., Vol. I, p. 51.

By the Grace of God John, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c.

To the venerable, highly learned, our dear devotee, Mr. Martino > Luther, Doctor, to hand.

Our greetings first, venerable and reverend, dear devotee! We have received your next letter, and the Christian exhortation and consolation, which you have given us with it, has been graciously understood by you, and, if God wills, we shall also be highly consoled in these important actions by the grace of the Almighty.

2 And we cannot secretly conceal from you that Imperial Majesty has issued an Instruction to us. Majesty has issued an instruction to us here, in which we have almost been highly praised by Her Majesty's Edict, as well as for several other things. We have also requested (albeit gently) that we leave the preaching here until Her Imperial Majesty comes here and puts things in order.

But we have to give an answer to Her Majesty again, from which Her Majesty graciously has to hear that we cannot consent to these things as they are intended for us. But what will happen further on, we will hear, God willing.

4 There is talk that His Imperial Majesty has left Jnsbruck. Majesty has left Jnsbruck, is heading for Munich, and will come here from there after Pentecost. We did not want to leave this undisclosed to you, and we are graciously inclined to you. Date Augsburg on the first of June, Anno 1530.

933 Luther's report to Jakob Probst, how there was great hope that the emperor would act mercifully, since he had written two or three times quite graciously to the Elector, as others of his court had done, especially Earl

[708]{.underline} Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. S33 ff. W. xvi, 840-842. 709

Henry of Nassau. In particular, he had not listened to the three princes, the princes of Brandenburg and Bavaria, and Duke George, who wanted to make John the Prince of the Church hated by him, and the Grand Chancellor Mercurinus had absolutely rejected violent attacks. June 1, 1530.

See Appendix, No. 2, § 1.

934 Luther's other report to Melanchthon: there was a lot of talk about it in Coburg, nothing came of the whole Diet, and the papists diligently held up the emperor and tried to play the matter so that he would not come to Augsburg at all. The

June 2, 1530.

See Appendix, No. 3.8 2.

Section Four of Chapter Thirteen.

The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg, and What Happened Afterward with Regard to the Sermons and Corpus Christi Procession.

935 The old and first report of the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530, from the Emperor's arrival to the handing over of the Augsburg Confession. Dated June 22, 1530.

This document, according to the original edition, is printed in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Historie der Augsburgischen Confession, p. 60; a corresponding account in Cölestin's iiist. comit. tom. I, r>. 68. in von der Hardts ant. Imtli. part I, p. 267, a description of this entry is given under the following title: "Des Allerdlauchtigsten, Grosmächtigsten Fürsten und Herrn, Hrn. Carolen, Römischen Kaysers 2c. am Nahmen des V. einreitend auf den Reichstag zu Augsvurg, an Mittwochen St. Veits Tag, der da war der 15. Tag im Brachmonat.

1530." Jn Quart.

A Brief Description of Roman Imperial Riding. Majesty's Riding in. First from Jnsbruck to Schwatz, then to Munich, and finally to Augsburg to the Imperial Diet, and what has happened there daily in the meantime.

Anno 1530.

I.

Short Directory of both Roman Imperial and Royal Majesty in Hungary "nd Bohemia re. train from Insbruck to ge" Augsburg

Anno 1530.

Both queens, Maria and Anna 2c., together with their children, have this time remained at Insbruck, and both, Imperial and Royal Majesty 2c., left Insbruck on Monday, the sixth day of June, and all court servants (who do not have to wait for the bodies of both Majesties) have, for the reason that neither sufficient provisions nor lodgings could be obtained on one road, been transferred to two

The two imperial and royal majesties have been ordered to ride on the roads to Augsburg, and they have ridden towards Munich and further to Augsburg, as subsequently touched.

The first, that is the sixth day of June, from Insbruck to Schwatz; 1) there the ore miners marched against 5000 miners within half a mile, on a high heath or expanse, with their long spears, halberds, battle swords, hand pipes, and quite a bit of field artillery, according to Landknecht's usage and manner, in two piles against each other (for this reason there were 70 men in a single line) in battle order, about 300 paces from each other, and the field artillery placed on a central hill. Likewise, on one side, a group of 15 or 1600 boys, with shafts half a spear long, was ordered to fall in behind as soon as the two groups attacked and made a mirror fencing. After that, the reported squires and knaves moved back in order to the village of Schwatz.

3 There, Imperial and Royal Majesty (but at the same time as Archduke of Austria) was honestly received in the same first arrival. Majesty (but of the same time as Archduke of Austria) was honestly received in the same first arrival by the mountain lords, as befitted, and with a silver penny, in it in the middle the Roman eagle and on the outside all around Imperial Majesty of all kingdoms and countries coats of arms. Majesty of all kingdoms and countries coat of arms, and on the other side (as indicated to me) imperial. Majesty's title, 1700 florins in value, have been honored; which penny Imperial Majesty (as well to be expected) has been paid. Majesty (as well to be remembered) with special pleasure.

  1. Schwatz, a market town three German miles northeast of Insbruck.

710 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 842-844. 711

and graces, then went to the hostel, and in the morning of the 7th day of June saw the mine from all sides; from there he rode with royal majesty on the water to Kopfstein Kufstein, and in the morning of the eighth day early, Duke Ludwig of Bavaria 2c. about four of them went there to imperial majesty. Majesty, and rode with his Majesty as far as Rosenheim, a small town belonging to the Princes of Bavaria, where Duke Wilhelm (Duke Ludwig's older brother) also came to the Imperial Majesty.

4th The same, also the 9th and 10th day, up to Munich, was held on the way by the Dukes Wilhelm and Ludwig such a wandering hunt, as one has only seen, in honor of the Imperial Majesty. The first hunt was held between Kopfstein and Rosenheim, the second hunt in the middle of the road between Rosenheim and Ebersburg, at which place a monastery was located where Her Majesty camped for the night, and the third hunt was held between Ebersburg and Munich. And there have been seen several times three, four, or five hundred pieces of game, roebuck and deer.

II.

Entry of the Roman Emperor and His Royal Majesty into Hungary at Munich on Friday in the week of Pentecost. Anno 1530.

When both majesties arrived half a mile from the city of Munich on the tenth day, the nobility from Upper and Lower Bavaria, belonging to both princes, together with the same court servants, almost well-armed with hammers and spears, also with beautiful plumes, and Duke Wilhelm's army timpani and trumpets, as well as many other nobles, merchants, citizens and country folk on horseback and on foot, as it follows.

First of all from the gun.

The aforementioned princes had their main and field guns brought to a place outside Munich, on a quarter-mile road, arranged in an order almost appropriate, of which there were a hundred pieces, on wheels, namely whole and half carbines, half snakes, falconets and mortars. Also a wooden rifle, which was taken from the peasants in the monastery of Salzburg in their war, at 18 shoes long, all tied over with iron rings, and which threw a stone like a common snake. On top of that, two fire rifles and three special carriages with hailstones.

Ricey stuff and foot people.

  1. next to the cannon, the cavalry and the foot people have been arranged and arranged. Namely, 550 well-equipped horses, among them about 300 horses with good armor, quite bright armor, armor and knee caps, plus forehead on the horse, and generally well-mounted, the spits painted black and white, with black fringes. Main color of clothing, long paltry skirts, which almost disguised the appearance of the armor.

4 Mr. Wolf Dietrich von Knöring, knight, was in charge of the troops and made an order of battle, gathered everything into a heap and led it away next to the infantry.

The infantry was divided into two groups, a lost group and a main group, well equipped with armor and clothing, and numbered 1600.

6th And when both majesties together with other princes, ecclesiastical and secular, namely: Cardinal Campegius, papal legate to royal majesty 2c. 2c.; Cardinal of Salzburg, Liège and Trent; Bishop of Malten, Passau, Brixen 2c.; Count Palatine Friedrich; both Dukes Wilhelm and Ludwig of Bavaria; Counts Palatine Otto Heinrich and Philipp; Margrave Hans Albrecht and Wilhelm of Brandenburg, also several kings, princes and potentates, ambassadors and other princes, imperial majesty and courtiers. Court servants have come to the city of Munich, has been built in front of the gun in the open space and field on twelve cubits long and wide, foursquare with four towers, like a castle, and around it for the run-up with several servants and hand guns occupied, with a stretched out ensign, almost masterfully decorated.

7 The servants from the orderly heaps of the infantry had several times run up to the storm, shouting at the enemy. Thus, those in the garrison partly fell out, and skirmished and shot against each other, thus keeping an apparent order of war.

8 Both majesties then moved to the heap and went towards it in good order, and made two turns, when the hailstorm gun just left.

9th Then both majesties moved to the gun and inspected it in its order, but the soldiers and the footmen again moved towards the city in the most elegant order.

  1. and when their majesties come to the end of the gun, they are blown out by the wind.

712 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 935. w. xvi. 844-847. 713

and let them go off one after the other, and such a gun was all directed to the forewarned castle, into which many shots were fired, and thus the same was cut down.

(11) Several good fires have also been shot and thrown from rifles and mortars or firecrackers.

Move in after held pattern, as touched before.

When the things, as indicated, happened, both majesties turned to the city and entry, and in the middle a flying dragon in the air was almost really judged, which hovered in the height so long, until the procession come past.

Furthermore, when their Majesties arrived from the Jizera Bridge, near the city, there were also some small canoes or barges, on which some fishermen dressed in blue and white linen pants and whammies, poked at a colored barrel, which in the middle of the water flowed strongly against a pillar (at which it turned over), and partly fell into the water; it was very respectable. And when they crossed the bridge, they shot joy on the towers and walls, as is the usual custom.

Riding in imperial and royal majesty persons.

14 In this entry into the city, the Imperial Majesty held King Ferdinand of Hungary and Bohemia, her brother, on the right, and the Papal Legate, Cardinal Campegium, on the left. The Imperial Majesty drew His Majesty in the middle. Majesty in the middle. The clothing was a surcoat divided with gold and black velvet strokes, the head covered with a black summer hat; Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia 2c. was dressed in a gold surcoat with silver cloth underneath, and cut above it, somewhat more delicious and apparent than Imperial Majesty. Majesty had been dressed. Cardinal Campegius went in his usual costume, a red scarlet, and had the cross presented to him.

  1. bor imperial majesty are the secular princes, namely the princes of Bavaria, Margrave Hans of Brandenburg; and behind their majesty the cardinals Salzburg, Trent, imperial. Majest. Confessor, and the Bishop of Passau.
  1. And as the imperial majesty (who has a mere sword and two pillars, 1) each at one cubit
  2. "Pillars" - Scepter.

The two long, on each an imperial crown, have been presented, also the guardians of honor in their paludaments 2) have ridden before) come into the city, was on a stage, so lovely, artificial and well-ordered, that it amazed everyone, and would not have been possible to improve, about two hundred paces from the gate, on the right hand the story of Esther, and after that about two hundred paces, also called in the valley, on the left hand the story of Thameris Tomyris, who thrusts King Cyro's severed head into a tub of blood. And third, in the castle gafse, the story Cambysis Persä, so an unjust judge to flay verschuf. All of living wonderful antics, held in honor of the imperial majesty. And on the square also a castle of linen and woodwork with several hundred key shots made and lit, and so in general the bonfire done there.

After all these things, both majesties rode to Duke Wilhelm's fortress, as to their hostel. On the eleventh day, however, the princes held a hunt. On the 12th day, the Imperial and Royal Majesties and all the princes rode to Our Lady's Church, and in the evening a princely banquet was held in the duke's pleasure garden, called the Rose Garden. After this, the Imperial and Royal Majesties and all the princes rode to the town hall to dance: the Imperial Majesty danced the first dance with Duke Wilhelm's wife, after which they danced for two hours at night, and everyone rode back to the inn. On Monday, the thirteenth day, the Imperial and Royal Majesties and several princes hunted all day. On the fourteenth day, the Imperial and Royal Majesty went to Fürstenfeld to the monastery, and the other courtiers to Bruck, three miles from Munich, and in the morning of the fifteenth day rode toward Augsburg, as follows.

III.

The entry into Augsburg of the Roman Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has taken place, as follows.

On Wednesday, the fifteenth day of June, at an early hour of the day, about 4 o'clock, the Councils of the Electors met in the Town Hall of Augsburg, and after that, at the fifth hour, the Electors, namely Cologne, Saxony, and Brandenburg, also came in person to the Town Hall. After that, at the sixth hour, all of the

  1. palnänoasuturü - Oberklerd, coat.

714 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 847-849. 715

other princes, ecclesiastical and secular, also met at the town hall. And when the aforementioned princes and princes and their councillors were in one room, some imperial councillors (namely the bishop of Speier, Margrave Hans Albrecht of Brandenburg, and Count Wolf of Montfort) appeared before the aforementioned princes and princes with an imperial credentials and commission, 2c. issued their order; and after these, the imperial councillors and commissioners left the town hall for their lodgings, and soon thereafter rode out to meet the imperial majesty in a village called Kissingen, a mile from Augsburg. Majesty to a village called Kissingen, a mile from Augsburg, in which village the Imperial Majesty ate lunch and prepared to ride to Augsburg the same day, as was done. But after the aforementioned imperial councillors had come from the town hall, the princes and rulers remained at the town hall until the eleventh hour, conferring with one another to ride out to meet the Roman imperial majesty. At about three o'clock, in addition to the city of Augsburg, the Electors of Mainz, Cologne, Saxony, Brandenburg, and the other two Electors (Trier and the Palatinate), as well as all other ecclesiastical and secular princes who had been in Augsburg prior to the arrival of the Imperial Majesty, were present. Majesty's arrival at Augsburg, with all their courtiers, almost honestly up to a bridge to meet Imperial Majesty. Majesty, with the exception of the Cardinal of Liège and the Bishop of Eichstädt, who did not appear due to age and weakness. Also the bishop of Augsburg, who went to meet the imperial majesty in the city with the entire priesthood in procession, and as princes and rulers waited at two hours of the imperial majesty until they had arrived. Majesty, until the same with the Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia 2c. and several ecclesiastical and secular princes, namely, two Cardinals, Salzburg and Trent; Archbishop of Bremen, Bishop of Passau, Bishop of Brixen; Duke Frederick, Count Palatine; Duke William and Ludewig, brothers, of Bavaria, Count Palatines; Duke Otto Henry and Philip, Count Palatines, and many other princes more, great and powerful lords, Germans, Welsh and Spaniards, all most daintily dressed and lovely to behold, rode before Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

2nd And when the Imperial Majesty and, besides their Majesties, the Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia. Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia, also both Majesties' dignitaries and persevatives, five (who rode before them), joined the Electors and Princes (who had previously stood on foot) at a safe distance of fifty to sixty paces.

and because the princes and princes went against the K. Majesty, she and her Majesty's brother immediately got off the horses. Brother from the horses. The princes and princes (who were waiting for their Majesty to receive them) wanted to insist on this, so that their Majesty would not dismount, and hurriedly ran to their Majesty, but their Majesty had too nimbly dismounted on foot. Thus, the King's Maj. first, then the King's Maj. Maj. shook hands with the Electors and Princes, and showed themselves to each other with quite cheerful and lovely faces. Immediately the Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz, as Archchancellor and Prince of the Roman Empire through Germania, received the Royal Majesty on behalf of all other princes and princes with a dainty and brave speech, thus with such words or the like:

Conception of Imperial Majesty. Majesty, which was done by the Cardinal of Mainz.

Most Sublime, Most Great, Most Invincible, Most Gracious Lord! My brothers, friends and superiors, princes, prelates, counts and other estates of the empire and the same embassies, present, and I, who have obediently appeared at Your Imperial Majesty's invitation and request at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg. Maj.'s invitation and request to attend the Imperial Diet held at Augsburg, are hereby presented to Your Majesty, as the most gracious Lord of our blessed arrival in the Holy Roman Empire, do hereby most humbly receive the same, and wish Your Majesty much happiness for the height and dignity of the Imperial coronation received, and a long, peaceful and blessed reign, in the submissive comforting hope that all this shall and will, by means of divine help, benefit Your Majesty, to the highest honor, praise and welfare of common Christendom and the German nation; with the humble request that we, as the required members of the Holy Roman Empire, want to help, advise and act in the most faithful way at the Imperial Diet that may first of all bring honor, benefit and good to God Almighty, to Your Majesty, to common Christendom and to the German nation, and thus we command Your Majesty as our most gracious Lord.

His Majesty answered and thanked them through Count Palatine Frederick. Afterwards, the Electors, Princes and their councillors and courtiers all sat on the horses, and first of all the Elector of Saxony, Count Palatine Ludwig, Elector, Margrave Joachim, Elector, Arch-Bishop of Trier, Cologne, Mainz, Duke Wilhelm, and Ludwig of Bavaria (who were

716 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. Ro. 935. w. xvi. 849-882. 717

invaded by force before Margrave George 2c.), Duke Henry of Brunswick, Margrave George of Brandenburg, and other princes court servants. After them many counts, lords and of nobility, K. and con. Majest. Councils, also several Spanish princes and counts, all of whom belonged to Imperial and Royal Majesties. Majesties, several counts and lords of the empire, who rode in honor of the emperor. Majesty in honor. Afterwards, the Imperial and Royal Majesties' Majesties noble boys, on the most beautiful stallions, geldings 1) and Turkish horses, so often seen together. After those K. and kön. Majest. Trumpeters, so with and beside each other ridden and blown, together with a German army timpanist and three drum beaters, K. and kön. Majesty. Thereupon followed three imperial and two royal guardians and perseverees. They were succeeded by both majesties' highest court masters, as the count of Crop, the one of Rops, and Lord Wilhelm, baron of Rogendorf 2c., and all secular princes. Lastly, Duke Johann of Saxony, Elector, as Archmarshal in the middle with the bare sword, and on the right side Margrave Joachim, and on the left Count Palatine Ludwig, Elector, Ambassador, a Baron of Erbach, called Schenk Veltin, before Kais. Majesty. And behind him, the royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia. Majest. of Hungary and Bohemia 2c. and all other ecclesiastical Electors, Cardinals, Archbishops and Bishops, touched above, rode; and beside, behind and in front of kais. Majesty went a hundred German, a hundred Dutch, a hundred Spanish satellites, belonging to Kais. Majesty. Likewise royal majesty 2c. a hundred German and Bohemian, also of other electors and princes many satellites; and after the above-mentioned ecclesiastical electors and princes 2c. rode a hundred imperial majesty equipped hatchets. Majesty's armed cavalry, and then the Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia's courtiers with a thousand horses.

When the imperial majesty came close to the city, the mayors and the council of Augsburg fell to the imperial majesty on foot for the third time. Majesty on foot for the third time, and received them as befitted, and thus went on foot alongside the Imperial Majesty into the city. When this reception took place, and one moved a little further, on one side about 1500 well-equipped horses, of citizens, merchants, Purschen, were to be seen quite merrily, with beautiful clothes, feather bushes and ornaments, held, and next to them four ensigns of foot soldiers, also all citizens, merchants and inhabitants of the city over 2000 quite bravely and well dressed with velvet and silk.

  1. "Genetter" (Italian Zinstto) - light horse.

Most of them dressed, together with their armor, which also had almost one each, held in a quartered battle order; and in front of them, as far as the Imperial Majesty and the whole troop could draw, stood twelve falconets. Majesty and the entire troop could move between the aforementioned infantry and the cannon, stood twelve falconets, all of which were fired in the presence of Imperial Majesty on a screen. Majesty on a screen. Prior to this entry, however, a thousand lansquenets, belonging to His Imperial Majesty, were drafted, and the entry of His Imperial Majesty continued until night. Majesty's entry was delayed until night. And when kaiserl. Majesty came close to the city gate, Cardinal Campegius, papal legate, stopped in a pleasure house and wanted to ride in next to Imperial Majesty. Majesty; however, the princes and rulers did not want to permit it under any circumstances, neither with the said Cardinal, nor with the Royal Majesty or any other prince, but wanted the Imperial Majesty to ride freely on his own. Majesty should ride free alone. And when they came under the city gate, four of the council carried a delicious sky, under which His Majesty rode further than the middle of the city; there the Bishop of Augsburg, together with all the priesthood, as reported above, went out to meet her with the procession and the sky, and Imperial Majesty the Pope. Majesty. Reverence. Thus, Imperial Maj. Maj. rode under the same sky, which was carried by some of the six canons, to the cathedral church, there he descended together with the royal majesty, ecclesiastical and secular princes, princes 2c., and entered the church; there his majesty, the said bishop of Augsburg, consecrated him, and read the Psalm Exaudi 2c. together with several prayers and collects; finally, by imperial majesty, the bishop of Augsburg, the bishop of Augsburg, the bishop of Augsburg, read the Psalm Exaudi 2c. together with several prayers and collects. Majest. Capellan sang the Te Deum laudamus, and thereafter, in the Palatinate, Imperial Maj. Maj. went to his court, and soon the Royal Majesty together with the princes and princes also went to their hostel.

  1. How and what imperial majesty, also princes, ecclesiastical and secular. It is impossible to describe how and what imperial majesty, princes, princes, both ecclesiastical and secular, together with their courtiers, were clothed with gold and silver cloths, pearl ornaments, velvet, silk, feathers and all ornaments, for all this was an unbelievable abundance.

On Thursday, June 16, that is, on the day of Our Lord's Fronlerchnams, the Imperial and Royal Majesty together with all princes and rulers, ecclesiastical and secular (without the Elector of Saxony, Margrave George of Brandenburg, Duke of Lüneburg, and Landgrave of Hesse) went with the procession. The Cardinal of Mainz carried the Sacrament under the sky; next to it, on the right hand, is the royal crown.

718 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, M2-8S4. 719

Majest. and to the left Margrave Joachim 2c. gone, and kaiserl. Majest. is behind them outside the sky (first on one side Duke Ludwig of Bavaria, Elector of Brandenburg's son, and Duke George of Pomerania, and on the left Count Palatine Philip, Duke Henry of Brunswick and Duke of Mecklenburg, carried up to the chapel on Verlach, after which the said princes changed, and other six princes carried up to the Holy Cross, and there again other princes carried up to the cathedral) with bare head and a burning light; After that all ecclesiastical princes, cardinals, archbishops and bishops, and before the sacrament all secular princes, before them both Majest. Hofmeister, Ehrenholde, Persevanten, Trompeter, Heerpauker, and even in front the priesthood, and imperial and royal Majesty. Court servants, counts and lords, walked with burning lanterns.

From the 16th day until the 20th, nothing special was done. However, on Monday, the 20th day, the Holy Roman Emperor began to act in the Diet, as follows:

8 First, the Cardinal of Mainz has an office de spiritu sancto, the Imperial Majesty. Majest. Capellan responded, sang on the high altar in Our Lady's Church, and both sides of the choir were hung with almost exquisite golden cloths and tapestries. First of all, the Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, was present. Majesty, next to it royal. Majesty, then the Archbishop of Cologne, Elector of Saxony, Elector of Brandenburg, the Trier Embassy, Count Palatine Ludewig's, Elector, Embassy, Duke Wilhelm of Bavaria, Duke George of Saxony, Duke Ludwig of Bavaria, Margrave George of Brandenburg, Count Palatine Otto Heinrich, Duke Heinrich of Brunswick, Count Palatine Philip, Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg, Duke George of Pomerania, Duke Barnim 1) of Pomerania, Electors of Saxony, Electors of Brandenburg, Duke George of Saxony's son, Duke of Lüneburg and the Landgrave of Hesse and several others have not been able to stand, have been on the Porkirche.

  1. on the left side of the choir stood the Papal Legate, Cardinal Campegius, Cardinal of Trent, in place of an Archduke of Austria, Cardinal of Salzburg, Archbishop of Bremen, the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, and
  1. "Barnim" put by us instead of: "Bernhard". - All those named up to this point have stood in the church (see Förstemanns Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 292); whether the register of those "who may not have stood" already starts here is doubtful to us because of the mention of "Duke Georgen of Saxony's son".

Administrator of the Grand Master's Office, Bishop of Würzburg, Eichstädt, Speier, and other bishops. And in the middle of the choir several stands were opened, in them stood the King of France, Angelland and other embassies.

Before the offertory, the Archbishop of Rossano made a beautiful oration, recounting all the tyranny of the Turks that they had committed so far, and especially the past year in Austria, and that the Germans, in whose power all the welfare, happiness and salvation of the whole of Christendom were, were so sleepy, negligent and even disunited among themselves, and how difficult it was for them to be responsible for this. This speech lasted longer than an hour.

Afterwards, when the offertory was sung, the Imperial Majesty and all the ecclesiastical and secular princes, cardinals and archbishops went to sacrifice. Majesty and all ecclesiastical and secular Electors, Cardinals, Archbishops 2c. went to sacrifice; and after completion of the Office of the Mass all rode to the Town Hall, and the Elector of Saxony presented the bare sword (which under the Office of the Mass the Hereditary Marshal of Pappenheim constantly held) to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. And when now the Imperial and Royal Majesties, together with the Princes and Princes, came to the Town Hall, and each, as is proper and according to ancient custom, was in his session, without the Royal Majesty, about ten steps from and against the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, sat on a special three-tier high chair, covered with gold cloth, as a king of Hungary.

12 Firstly, by order of Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty. Count Palatine Frederick 2c. began to speak orally about this opinion, and told how the Roman Imperial Majesty had initially been unanimously elected by all princes, crowned at Aachen, and later described an Imperial Diet at Worms. There, His Majesty did everything possible to bring about peace, unity and acceptance of the Holy Roman Empire as quickly as possible. However, since the same Roman Imperial Majesty could not remain longer in the German nation due to noticeable high wars and other causes, so that his Majesty was challenged, and immediately (but with all princes, 2c. and foreknowledge) to their Hispanic hereditary kingdoms and lands, in the hope of bringing them, together with the whole of Italy, into peace and tranquility, and then to rejoin the Holy Roman Empire, and in the meantime the Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia, His Imperial Majesty's dear brother, as a state. Majesty's dear brother, as governors, also as councillors and regents, who have all full power (all that sprouts for the good of the Holy Roman Empire).

720 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 935. W. xvi.854-8S7. 721

may) to act, and in that case His Majesty reserved little power for him, leaving behind His Majesty the gracious hope of being able to present the same to His Imperial Majesty. Majesty. The governors and regiment have acted in his Majesty's absence in such a way that everyone should not bear any burden, although his Majesty was by no means in the mood to be out of the Holy Roman Empire for so long a year. Rather, when it appeared credible to His Majesty on a daily basis what great error, displeasure and disunity had grown up in the Holy Roman Empire without ceasing, he considered without hesitation out of innate imperial mild love and inclination that His Majesty had always borne to the Holy Roman Empire, and with God's help found ways that His Majesty could cross the sea with great danger from the Holy Roman Empire. has come with great danger over the sea, from his dearest wife and children, through the Italian countries (which were mostly hostile at that time, but brought them to peace, tranquility and unity) and back into the Holy Roman Empire, and has indeed announced an Imperial Diet, but for the above-mentioned reasons has not been able to appear sooner. Therefore, graciously trust, Princes, Princes and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire do not want to have any displeasure or complaint because of this. And since His Majesty sees that the Princes, Princes and Estates, and their absent embassies, have gathered in such valiant numbers at the request of His Imperial Majesty, he has decided to take up the matter. Majesty's request, thus show obedience, therefore bear His Majesty's high and gracious favor, in the undoubted hope that His Majesty will, together with the affected subjects, give his Majesty his blessing. together with the affected Princes, Princes and Estates, will act so bravely, earnestly and beneficially in praise of God Almighty, with the help and comfort of all common Christendom, and especially for the benefit, welfare and uplift of the German nation, and for the resistance of the Turks, that the Turks will be broken off by force, and all peace, unity and praiseworthy order in the Holy Roman Empire will be flushed away 2c.

After these and similar words, the above-mentioned Count Palatine Frederick said: the Electors, Princes and Estates would accept this and other opinions, therefore Imperial Majesty proclaimed this Imperial Diet. Majesty had announced this Diet, would continue to take it according to its length (as written). Thereupon Imperial Majesty Majesty's secretary, Alexander Schweiß, began to read the lecture; as I have described word for word in another booklet of my own. But the summary content is the first article because of the Turkish invasion; the other is what the secular authorities have against the clergy, and again the clergy against the secular for complaint, shall

Both parties, ecclesiastical and secular, shall write such articles in Latin and German and submit them to the attention of His Majesty. In it, Imperial Majesty wants a gracious, divine Majesty seek a gracious, divine, honest and inexpensive means 2c. The third article is to reject all kinds of concerns, shortages and discord in the whole Roman Empire, and to consider what is useful for the benefit, welfare and better order.

After such reading, the Electors and Princes stood up and talked with each other for a short while; then Margrave Joachim, Elector, on behalf of all the Electors and Princes, first of all answered the oral presentation made by Count Palatine Frederick, and thanked Imperial Majesty for his gracious arrival. Maj.'s gracious arrival, and that the Electors and Princes were most pleased with such arrival 2c. Further to the written presentation, the Electors, Princes and Estates ask Imperial Majesty in all submissiveness for the gracious arrival. Majesty in all submission, that the latter should send them the aforementioned submission, then they will have it copied, take it in hand, deliberate on it, and thus decide on everything possible, on which their Imperial Majesty's gracious favor. Majesty's gracious favor. Count Palatine Frederick again replied by order of the Imperial Majesty, and approved the read writings to be copied by princes, princes and estates. Thereupon the hereditary marshal of Pappenheim said aloud that the princes, princes and estates should each send a scribe to the town hall at three o'clock and have the lecture copied, which was read out by the Secretarium of Mainz. After all this, the Emperor. Majesty arose, and all the princes and princes, together with the Imperial Majesty, rode home to court. Majesty rode home to court, which was nearly one o'clock.

15 From that day until June 24, there was nothing to report here. But on June 24, at three o'clock, the Imperial and Royal Majesty appeared at the town hall together with all the princes, princes and estates; some princes and princes had been at the town hall long before, but some went to the Imperial Majesty and accompanied him. Majesty and accompanied them on it. When all of them had talked for a little while with and among each other, Cardinal Campegius, Papal Legate 2c. Legate 2c. also arrived, to whom the Imperial Majesty together with the Royal Majesty arrived. Majesty together with the Royal Majesty and all the Princes and Princes went to meet him at the stairs and led him forward. After that, the Imperial Majesty and all the Majesty and all the Princes, each to his own session, and the said Cardinal, as announced beforehand, sat on the chair on which, on June 20, the Royal Majesty had previously stood about ten paces away.

722 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 857-859. 723

of and against kaiserl. Majesty, and King Majesty has this time sat as a king of Bohemia below that of Mainz.

16 When now Imperial Majesty and all (to whom it is due) were seated. Majesty and all (to whom it is due) were seated, the aforementioned Cardinal presented his advertisement and order of papal authority in Latin, and, according to the usual old custom, issued to the first Imperial Majesty a letter of credence from the Papal See. Majesty a letter of credence from Papal Holiness. His Majesty gave the letter to the one from Mainz, then the one from Mainz to his secretary, to read it; and after the reading, he, the legate, perorated for more than half an hour, the Imperial Majesty, the Electors, and the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty, princes and chieftains, as members of the Roman Church, that they should not turn away from it, but keep to the old custom and resist the infidels. Holiness, as a governor of Peter and servant of the servants of God 2c., would be helpful in all this, as much as in his power and ability 2c., and after the speech he, the Cardinal, rode home again. Immediately Mr. Nicolaus, Count of Salm 2c., Mr. Wilhelm von Rogendorf, Mr. Hans von Lannberg, Mr. Wolfgang Volkra, Mr. Wilhelm von Zelting, Mr. Watzlau von Hofkirchen 2c. came out on behalf of the country of Austria under the Ens. Item, Mr. Siegmund von Dietrichstein, Mr. Erhard von Polheim, Mr. Laßla Rottenstorfer, Mr. Asmus von Trautmannsdorf on behalf of the principality of Steyer. Item, Mr. Balthasar Thanhauser, Mr. Moritz Welzer, Georg von Neuhaus on account of the Principality of Carinthia. Item, Mr. Georg von Aursperg, Mr. Siegmund von Weixelburg, Knight, on account of the Principality of Carniola. Item, Count Julius von Hardeck, Johann Fernberger 2c. on account of the land above the Ens. Item, Hans Hofer, Captain at Tübin, on account of the County of Görtz, as appointed commissioners and ambassadors to Imperial Majesty. Majest. Churfürsten, Fürsten und Ständen des heiligen römischen Reichs, von allen niederösterreichischen Landen.

17 Thus, first of all, the aforementioned Mr. Siegmund von Dietrichstein has orally delivered an elegant and serious speech (to Imperial Majesty, Princes and Estates), The first of these is that the said Lord Siegmund of Dietrichstein has made a dainty and serious speech orally (to the Imperial Majesty, princes and estates), with a recounting of all the evils and cruel acts that the Turk has inflicted on the whole of common Christendom in so few years and in the memory of men, and especially in the 29th year, in Austria and Styria, and how they, the lands of Lower Austria, have so far resisted more than they could possibly have done. So that they are now for

The imperial authorities are not in a position to resist a military attack, let alone such a force. Therefore to Imperial Majesty Majesty as a gracious Christian emperor, sovereign and head of all Christendom, and also to princes, rulers and estates, that they will heed their supreme, unspeakable request, destroy their wives, children, bodies, honor and goods, and show themselves with a considerable, brave, persistent, emphatic help against the enemy of all Christendom 2c. And since it would not be possible to announce all this verbally, they ask their Imperial Majesty, also the Electors, to send them a message. Majesty, as well as princes, princes and estates, that they will (without complaint and annoyance) hear their highest request, as it is written, in the most gracious, gracious and friendly opinion.

18 After such a speech, which took place with a little more content, Dietrichstein immediately handed over the aforementioned document, a complete libell, to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and the Imperial Majesty has handed it over to the Majesty sent it to the von Mainz, and the latter to his secretary, to be read out, as then happened. After the reading, which was almost piteous, pitiful and serious to hear, the said embassies, in lieu of Imperial Majesty, are to be read to the Electors of Mainz. They have listened to their oral and written presentation and advertisement, and wanted to act on everything that a Christian most gracious emperor, together with the same princes and princes, would consider godly, honest, common, useful and fair 2c.

19 When the embassies or envoys of the imperial majesty, princes, and princes gave thanks and resigned, the Elector of Saxony, Margrave George of Brandenburg, both Dukes of Lüneburg, and Landgrave of Hesse, from their session on and against the imperial majesty, the elector of Saxony, the Margrave of Brandenburg, both Dukes of Lüneburg, and the Landgrave of Hesse, stood up for and against the imperial majesty. Majesty. Then the Chancellor of the Elector of Saxony spoke approximately on such opinion: that his most gracious and gracious lords, electors and princes at present, without doubt manifold against imperial majesty, electors and princes. (The Holy Roman Empire) as if they had dared to raise new unheard-of sects, heresies and errors in the Holy Empire of the German Nation, and were a cause for this. Therefore, they ask their Imperial Majesty in all submission, princes and princes, friendly and neighborly

  1. "failed" indicated, blackened.

724 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 935. w. xvi, ssg-862. 725

Opinion, they want to listen and hear at length and without annoyance, what his most gracious and gracious lords, Mr. Johann, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Mr. Georg, Margrave of Brandenburg, Mr. Ernst and Mr. Franz, Dukes of Lüneburg, brothers, Mr. Philipp, Landgrave of Hesse 2c, have preached in their principalities and lands everywhere, and what all articles of their faith contain 2c.

20 After these and other speeches of the Chancellor, as an almost well-educated, brave and respectable man, royal majors, princes and princes have gone to imperial majesty, advised and answered the above-mentioned princes and princes. Majesty, and through N. answered the above-mentioned princes and princes and said: "Imperial Majesty desired to have the same speeches made to him. Majesty requested that the same articles of their faith and church customs be sent to His Majesty in writing, which His Imperial Majesty wished to receive with the same authority. Majesty with the same council and then give a gracious answer. Thereupon the aforementioned Chancellor of the Elector, by order of and in place of the Elector and the Princes, has once again subjected the Imperial Majesty to the laws of the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty again humbly requested that His Majesty hear this publicly. There the kaiserl. Majesty again conferred with the Royal Majesty, Princes and Princes and had them say and indicate through N. that the Imperial Majesty, for their gracious favor, would have it publicly read out the next day, that is June 25, in Her Majesty's Court, in the presence of the Princes and Princes. They have again humbly requested the Imperial Majesty, since his Imperial Majesty does not wish to hear such articles of their faith and church customs this time, that his Imperial Majesty leave the same writings in his most gracious and gracious hands, for reasons (that there may be an etching or other deficiency in them), which they want to earn for the sake of his Imperial Majesty in all humbliness, and in addition, at his Imperial Majesty's request, to read the other writings. Majesty's request, they will appear the next day as the obedient ones. Therefore, His Imperial Majesty Majesty again held council with princes and rulers, and finally granted that they, the Elector of Saxony and his followers, may keep the writings in their hands. Thereupon they have expressed their subservient thanks to Imperial Majesty. Thereafter, His Imperial Majesty is in the same court. Majesty rode home in the same court, and several princes and princes with him.

21 On June 25, at three o'clock past noon, at the request of the Emperor's Majesty, the Royal Majesty, Princes and Princes appeared in the same court in the Palatinate, as well as the

Elector of Saxony, together with the four princes above, with their written presentation, read out at length in the presence of Imperial Majesty, Elector, and princes. In it, their entire faith, with the introduction of the Holy Scriptures, from the Bible, Prophets and Gospels, is presented, and besides this, all their church customs, ceremonies, order, opinion, and intentions with the same clergy, and what their clergy (as bishops and pastors), office in the Holy Scriptures shows, are told, and lasted almost into the third hour.

22 Thus the Imperial Majesty has again consulted with the Royal Majesty, princes and rulers and answered them. Since the articles are difficult for them, and there are many of them, His Imperial Majesty would like to draw up a council on the matter, and then give a gracious answer as to what His Imperial Majesty intends to do about it. So the Imperial Majesty and all the men went and rode into his custody.

On Monday, June 27, Imperial Majesty and several princes and princesses came to the town hall. Majesty and several princes and princes came to the town hall, and were led to the oriel by Imperial Majesty's upholsterer. Majesty's tapestry makers led them to the bay window, where the Emperor Frederick and Maximilian also stood, the Imperial Majesty's exquisite tapestries were opened, and the mayor, council and community of the city of Augsburg stood before the town hall to administer the usual oath to the Imperial Majesty. So sing to kaiserl. Majesty Ehrenhold (Caspar Sturm, called Germania) to speak against the mayor, city council and community: because His Imperial Majesty requires that they take the usual oath. Majesty requires them to take the usual oath, they should pay attention, pay attention and repeat what is read to them, then Imperial Majesty wants them to keep their liberties. Majesty would have them observe their liberties and privileges, confirm and confirm them, and be their most gracious Emperor 2c. So they, mayor, council and community, have taken the oath. According to this, the Emperor's After the morning meal, the imperial and royal majesty, as well as several ecclesiastical and secular princes, rode out to hunt, and that same evening, both queens, Maria and Anna, joined them in the hunt, and thus stayed overnight outside at the castle, called Wellenburg, which belongs to Salzburg.

  1. on After Monday, 1) June 28, early at seven o'clock, both Majesties and Queens, without the prior knowledge of all Electors and Princes (the
  1. "After Monday" ---- Tuesday.

726 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 862-864. 72.7

The two princes and princes, who would certainly have ridden to meet the two queens, rode in quietly, so that they did not see many people. The same day, also the 29th day, most of the princes and lords rode to the queens and received them, after which many princes and lords came to them every day.

The income of the Electors and Princes who rode to Augsburg before the arrival of the Imperial Majesty.

On the 2nd day of May, the Elector Duke Hans of Saxony rode in, with him His Grace's son, Duke Hans Friedrich, Duke Franz of Lüneburg, Count Wolf of Anhalt, Count Wolf of Henneberg, Count of Mansfeld, Count of Gleiche, had 160 horses almost well equipped, all carrying shooting gear, in liver-colored clothing; before them came a large cortege and many wagons, and may have been about a hundred horses.

On the 10th day of May came ridden Duke Georgen son of Saxony, with him Prince Joachim of Anhalt, had 30 horse, dressed in liver-colored clothes, and led shooting.

On the 12th day of May rode in the Elector Margrave Joachim, had 100 horses, with him his grace sons, were shooters, in liver-colored clothes. Next Duke Henry of Brunswick, had at 30 horses, in gray clothes, and led almost all pigskins. More, the Landgrave of Hesse, has 120 horses, in gray clothes, all led -shooting stuff.

On the 14th day of May came riding in the Duke of Lüneburg, the reigning, had at 30 horses, dressed in liver color, led pork kebabs.

On the 15th day of May, the bishop of Speier rode in, with 50 horses, red clothes, and leading sheep.

On the 16th day of May, the Elector and Bishop of Cologne rode in, had 60 horses, dressed in red, some archers, and some led shafts on their manners, and several days before came in reported armor with 40 horses, in his charge.

On the 18th day of May the Elector of Mainz rode in with 130 horses, dressed in red, all carrying spears and light main armor.

On the 22nd day of May, the bishop of Würzburg came riding in with 50 horses, dressed in red, all carrying firearms; the day before, 40 horses came, all carrying spears and armor, in his charge.

On the 24th day of May rode in Margrave George of Brandenburg, with his graces a young Duke of Munsterberg, had at 160 horses,

dressed in green clothes, and all carried light main armor and spears.

On the 27th day of May, Duke George and Barnim, 1) brothers of Pomerania, rode in with 80 horses, dressed in red clothes, all carrying pigskins, and were not equipped.

On May 28, Duke George of Saxony rode in and had at 50 horses, dressed in liver-colored clothes and riflemen.

On the 7th day of June Mr. Walther von Kronenberg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order 2c., rode in with 40 horses, dressed in black, all carrying shooting gear.

On June 12, the bishop of Eichstädt rode in with 34 horses, dressed in gray and carrying firearms.

On the 13th day of June, the Dukes of Mecklenburg rode in on horse-drawn carriages, with about 30 horses, dressed in gray.

On June 14, the Bishop of Bressanone rode in with 28 horses, which were not equipped, dressed in black clothes, in the French manner.

On June 14, Duke Philipp, together with the armor of Duke Otto Heinrich, Count Palatine, arrived with 150 horses, dressed in red, all wearing bare armor, light main armor and spikes, and foreheads at the nags.

On the 15th day of June, the bishop of Liège arrived with 50 horses, dressed in gray. They were beautiful, mean 2) horses, not equipped, his person was led in a litter.

The Roman Imperial Majesty, also the Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia, together with the princes and rulers of the Roman Empire, who appeared at the Imperial Diet held here in Augsburg in 1530.

Carolus, Roman Emperor.

Ferdinandus, King of Hungary and Bohemia. Albertus, Archbishop of > Mainz 2c, Elector. Hermannus, Archbishop of Cologne, Elector. John, > Duke of Saxony, Elector.

Joachim, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., Elector.

Duke Frederick, Count Palatine of the Rhine 2c.

Duke Wilhelm, in Upper and Lower Bavaria, Count Palatine.

Duke George of Saxony 2c.

Duke Ludwig, in Upper and Lower Bavaria, Count Palatine.

Duke Erich of Brunswick.

  1. "Barnim" set by us instead of: "Bernin".
  2. Maybe: "Dutch"?

728 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 935, W. xvi, 864-867. 729

Margrave George of Brandenburg 2c.

Duke Otto Heinrich, Count Palatine.

Duke Henry of Brunswick, the Younger.

Duke Philip in Bavaria, Count Palatine.

Duke Henry of Mecklenburg.

Duke Ernst of Brunswick and Lüneburg.

Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg.

Landgrave Philip of Hesse 2c.

Duke George of Pomerania, Duke Barnim of Pomerania, brothers. > Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt.

Berchtold, Count and Lord of Henneberg.

Follow the spiritual princes.

Matthew, Archbishop of Salzburg 2c.

Christoph, Archbishop of Bremen.

Waltherus, Hofmeister des Deutschen Ordens, in Deutsch- und Welschen Landen 2c.

Wigandus, bishop of Bamberg.

Conradus, Bishop of Würzburg, Duke of Franconia.

Gabriel, Bishop of Eichstädt.

Heinrich, Bishop of Worms, Count Palatine.

Philip, Bishop of Speier.

Wilhelm, Bishop of Strasbourg, Landgrave in Alsace.

Christoph, Bishop of Augsburg.

Balthasar, Bishop of Costnitz and Hildesheim, Vice Chancellor 2c.

Paul, Bishop of Chur.

Ernst, Bishop of Passau 2c.

Erhard, Bishop of Liège 2c.

Bernhard, Bishop of Trier 2c.

George, Bishop of Bressanone.

George, Bishop of Lebus and Ratzeburg.

Young princes who do not rule will follow.

Duke Wolfgang, Count Palatine Ludwig, Churf, brother.

Duke Hans Friedrich, son of the Elector of Saxony.

Margrave Joachim, son of the Elector of Brandenburg.

Frederick and Hans, sons of Duke George of Saxony.

Duke Franciscus of Lüneburg has come to an agreement with the Elector of Saxony.

Margrave Hans Albrecht of Brandenburg.

Margrave Frederick of Brandenburg, Cathedral Provost 2c.

Johann, Prince of Anhalt, has come to an agreement with the Prince of Brandenburg.

George, Landgrave of Leuchtenberg, has come to an agreement with the Margrave of Brandenburg.

Joachim, Prince of Anhalt, has come to an agreement with Duke Georgen of Saxony.

Count Wolfgang von Henneberg, has come to an agreement with the Elector of Saxony.

Duke George of Münsterberg, has come to an agreement with the Margrave of Brandenburg.

Count Ernst von Henneberg, has come to an agreement with the Landgrave of Hesse.

A young Duke of Mecklenburg, has come to terms with Duke Henry of Mecklenburg, his father.

Duke Frederick of Bavaria, Count Palatine and Count of Spanheim.

The absent princes and rulers

Messages.

The Archbishop and Elector of Trier, Johann von Metzenhausen, Provost of Trier Cathedral, and Dietrich von Stein.

Des Churfürsten, Pfalzgraf Ludwigs, treffliche Botschaft, Schenk Veltin von Erbach, Freiherr, Ludwig von Fleckenstein, Groß-Hofmeister, und Wilhelm von Habern, Marschall 2c.

The Archduke of Austria is named before.

Of the Duchy of Würtemberg/) Mr. Georg Truchsess von Walburg, Baron 2c.

Of the Duke of Jülich, Count Weinrich von Falkenstein, Johann von Flatten, provost, and Dietrich von Weilich, hereditary courtier of the principality of Jülich.

Of the Duke of Bavaria, Count of Veldentz, also of the Margraves of Baden, D. Jeronimus Foisch, Chancellor.

Of the Bishop of Osnabrück and Paderborn, Mr. Reinbrecht von Kersenbruch; Otto Beckmann, Licentiate, and Friedrich Widenmann, Official.

Of the Bishop of Münster, Doctor Johann Lilie.

Of the Bishop of Freisingen, Mr. N. Albersdörfer, Canon, Matthäus Lux, Chancellor of Freisingen.

Of the Bishop of Regensburg, Mr. Caspar von Gumpenberg, Canon, and Augustinus Rofe, Chancellor.

Of the Bishop of Metz, Doctor Claudius 2c.

Of the Bishop of Camin, Otto Döring, Chancellor.

Of the Abbot of Fulda, Mr. Philipp Schenck von Schweinsberg, Dean.

Of the Abbot of Hirschfeld, Ewald von Baumbach.

The Abbot of Reichenau, Mr. Marcus von Knöringen, in person.

  1. "Würtemberg" set by us instead of: "Wittenberg".

[730]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 867-"e9. 751

The Abbot of Weingarten, personally, Mr. Gerwi from Plarer, by force and command of all the prelates of Upper Austria.

The Abbot of Sanct Gallen, personally.

Several Counts and Gentlemen Ambassadors, Doctor Lorenz Wilhelm.

Lord Wilhelm, Count and Lord of Henneberg, Peter von Gundelsheim, Doctor and Court Master.

Counts and lords so appeared for themselves at the Diet.

Hoyer, Count and Lord of Mansfeld.

Felix, Count of Werdenberg.

Wilhelm, Count of Nassau.

Friedrich and Wilhelm, brothers, Counts of Fürstenberg.

Günther, Count of Schwarzburg.

Johann Ludewig, Grass of Nassau.

Albrecht and Wolf, brothers, Counts of Hohenlohe.

Ulrich, Count of Helfenstein.

Wolf and Hans, brothers, Counts of Montfort.

Carl, Ludewig and Martin, Counts of Oet-

tingen.

Joachim, Count of Zollern.

Antoni, Count of Eisenberg.

Renhard, Count of Bitsch.

Johann, Count of Jsenberg, Lord of Büdingen.

Philipp, Count of Nassau, Lord of Weilburg.

Christoph, Count of Werdenberg.

Haug, Count of Montfort.

Emich, Count of Beinningen, the elder.

Mr. Wilhelm von Rapoltstein, Baron.

Adam, Count of Beuchlingen, Chamber Judge.

Johann, Count of East Frisia.

Mr. Walther von Gerolzeck, Baron.

+-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | | Free cities and imperial cities | | | | follow thereafter. | | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | 1. | > 2. | 3. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Cologne. | Colmar. | Lindau. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Re | Rothenburg an der Tauber. | Bibrach. | | gensburg. | | | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | St | Goslar. | Ravensburg. | | rasbourg. | | | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Augsburg. | Schwäbisch-Hall. | Kempten. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Metz. | Mulhouse. | Kaufbeuern. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | N | Nordhausen. | Winsheim. | | uremberg. | | | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Worms. | Ueberlingen. | Dunce game. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Costnitz. | Wetzlar. | Schwäbischwerd. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Lübeck. | Rothweil. | Weissenburg on the | | | | North Gau. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Ulm. | Offenburg. | Cheeks. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Speier. | Heilbronn. | Jßm. | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | E | Gengenbach. | Schweinfurt. | | sslingen. | | | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | F | Schwäbischgemünd. | Älen. | | rankfurt. | | | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Re | Friedberg. | Bopfingen. | | utlingen. | | | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+ | Hanau. | Memmingen. | | | | | | | Noe | | | | rdlingen. | | | +-----------+------------------------------------+--------------------+

The Roman Imperial Majesty Majesty, also Royal Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia. Majesty of Hungary and Bohemia, together with all other counts, lords and nobles who appeared with princes and rulers as courtiers at the Imperial Diet, will be listed and named in a special print, according to the contents of the handed over slips. Date the 22nd day of June.

936 The answer given by Count Palatine Frederick on behalf of the Emperor to the speech delivered by the Archbishop of Mainz on behalf of the princes, princes and estates.

From Cölestins kist. eoinit. Vol. I, p. 74. Translated from the Latin.

Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has most graciously heard the speech of the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, congratulating him on the crown he received in Bonaventure and wishing him long life, welfare and all the best for his regiment, and he expresses his great gratitude to the Princes, Princes and other Estates.

But since His Majesty, our most gracious Lord, who by divine providence has been elected Roman Emperor and has now been confirmed by the coronation that took place at Bononia, sees in fact in what great and rich numbers the Electors, Princes, Prelates, Counts and other Estates of the Empire and of the same Bot-

[732]{.underline} Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 936 f. W. xvi. 86g-87i. 733

His Majesty is immensely pleased and testifies that he is very gracious about this, and has also decided to act with special earnestness and zeal with the princes, princes and the estates of the empire to do what can be helpful for the glory of the Almighty, for the salvation and welfare of all Christians, and for the best benefit of the German nation, and welfare of all Christians, to the benefit and best of the German nation, and especially to help overcome and drive out the Turks, and will think of ways and means by which the errors and discord in religion may be eradicated, and general peace and harmony established in the Holy Roman Empire. He will think of ways to eradicate errors and discord in religion and to establish general peace and harmony in the Holy Roman Empire, confidently hoping that God will lend His support to such undertakings and guide and promote them according to His wise counsel. But now His Majesty demands that they continue on their way and move into the city.

Another description of the imperial entry into Augsburg. The first is in Augsburg.

This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (4569), vol. IX, p. 408d; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 26; in the Altenbürger, vol. V, p. 25 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 201. According to the Wittenberg edition, it is found in des Chyträus Historie der Augsb. Conf., p. 83 "no in the Latin edition of the same, p. 43.

About 6 and 7 in the afternoon, on June 15, the princes and princes assembled here rode to meet their Majesty, and the reception by the Bishop of Mainz took place at the Lech Bridge.

When the Electors and Princes were dismounted, their Majesties also departed. When, after the reception, each of them returned to his horse, Duke Johann Friedrich of Saxony 2c. and next to him Duke Franciscus of Lüneburg, Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, with the Elector of Saxony 2c. He was preferred by the Elector of Saxony 2c. and thus had the preference due to an archmarshal of the empire.

Following is drawn Palatine Ludwigs, Churfürsten, geschickte Räthe, with their stuff.

Following Margrave Joachim of Brandenburg, Churfürsten, Zeug.

Following the stuff with bishop of Cologne.

Following the skill of the bishop of Trier with their stuff.

Following the bishop of Mainz stuff.

Although the Princes of Bavaria are obliged to follow the example of other common princes of K. Majesty, they have nevertheless complied with the above-mentioned

Prince Churfürsten stuff, safely with five hundred equipped horses, pushed nai^uziehen, which narrowness half of the ways and opportunity may not have been changed.

The following is the King of Bohemia's stuff, among which there were few scrawny people, only a lot of samle and silk skirts.

Following is K. Majest. Stuff drawn, among which few gerüster people gewest, which the Hatschierer 1) gewest, but otherwise much sammele and silk skirts.

Following are drawn the princes in their own person, Friedrich, Wilhelm, Otto Heinrich and Philipps, brothers and cousins, all dukes of Bavaria.

Landgrave of Hesse, Joachim the Younger, Margrave of Brandenburg, Duke Frederick of Saxony, two Dukes of Pomerania, brothers, Duke Henry of Brunswick, Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg, Duke Ernst of Lüneburg, two Princes of Anhalt of Dessau, brothers, a young Duke of Liegnitz, Landgrave of Leuchtenberg, Margrave George of Brandenburg, and Duke George of Saxony.

Just outside the city, the Elector of Brandenburg received the papal legate in Latin on behalf of the bishops and ecclesiastical princes. Our clerics know so much Latin that a secular prince had to speak Latin for their sake.

The Elector of Saxony followed, and presented the Emperor with the bare sword, as is his office. On the right side, the skillful Count Palatine, Elector, is drawn to him; on the left side, the Elector of Brandenburg.

Before the three Electors, the Bishop of Trier's skillful one is drawn instead of a Elector.

Under the gate stood the abbot of St. Ulrich with a heaven and procession, under which heaven the emperor moved and thus moved in. The Bishop of Mainz was on his right, and the Bishop of Cologne on the left, by the foremost bars of the sky; by the rearmost bars the King of Bohemia was on the right, and the Papal Legate on the left. Legate is drawn to the left side.

Following 3 Cardinals, and the King of France and King of England messages are drawn between them.

After that are drawn the common bishops, the same and all kinds of messages.

  1. In the Wittenberg and in the Jena: "Hertzschirer".

[734]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 871-873. 735

According to them, the common secular and ecclesiastical princes are witnesses, as they belong to and are arranged according to the old usage.

And after the Council of Augsburg received the Emperor's Majesty with two hundred well-equipped horses. Majesty, with two hundred well-equipped horses, two thousand very well groomed servants, and a beautiful cannon, all of which went off after the reception, they had the following on the prescribed princes' witness.

As kais. Majesty. When the Emperor's Majesty arrived on the square of the wine market, the canons stood with a large procession, many monks and priests, also received Her Majesty, and took her under another heaven, thus moving to the front of the cathedral church; There Her Majesty, together with all the other princes and princes, sat down, went into the church, sang the Te Deum laudamus there, and rang with all the bells; after that the princes and princes led Her Majesty into their lot, and after that each one went to his hostel.

Such bragging has granted until 10 o'clock the night.

938 Philipp Melanchthon's letter to D. Martin Luther about the emperor's arrival, about the prohibition of sermons and attacks of the opposite kind. About June 18 or 19, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's spp. lib. I, x. 7 and from it in Cyprians Beilagen zur Hift. der Augsb. Conf., p. 171. Further, in 6orp. It agrees exactly in content with a letter of Jonas to Luther, from June 18, 1530, Kolde, p. 137. According to this, our approximate time determination. Burkhardt, p. 177 assumes June 19.

Translated from Latin by I. F.

The day before the Feast of Corpus Christi, in the evening at eight o'clock, the Emperor made his, God grant happy and blessed, entry into the city of Augsburg. Our Elector, as usual, carried the sword before him. When they arrived very late (because the procession was slow) at the Emperor's hostel, the first request was that the sermons be stopped. This was discussed three days in a row, since the others did not want to stop preaching, until finally, after a long discussion, the emperor ordered both parties to stop preaching). He himself let one preach the Gospel and Epistle without the other.

  1. This happened on June 18.

Read the explanation here. In this way, according to my insight, the papists will harm their cause even more. But you will be able to take much from it according to your wisdom.

This is the beginning, and we have no great hope in the imperial court, since Campegius only advises that force should be used against us. Nevertheless, no one at the entire court is more lenient and merciful than the emperor himself, who, as Duke Heinrich von Braunschweig tells me, softens the bitter attacks of the princes. We have only two princes who take care of our danger, namely the Archbishop of Mainz and the Duke of Brunswick. The Elector Palatine and the Margrave of Baden are not present. The Dukes of Bavaria are very boastful. Pray diligently for us. Cornelius 2) thinks that we would still have had some hope of peace if Mercurinus had remained alive; after his departure, however, he does not know of any man in good standing at court who would advise peace; but he is only playing his own way, and seems to take special care that he should not be suspected of being on our side. That does us no good. A certain Spanish secret scribe 3) has also promised everything good and has already held a conference with the Emperor and Campegius in my opinion. But everything is with God. Farewell.

    1. Narrative of the Emperor's request that the Protestants stop preaching and attend the procession on the Feast of Corpus Christi, and how the matter turned out.

June 18, 1530.

This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 409d; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 27; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 26; and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 202. The time determination results from the signature.

  1. Majesty has ridden in the evening Corporis Christi, harmless by three strokes to Augsburg under the heavens, and in riding in,
  1. Cornelius Duplicius von Schepper, formerly in the service of King Christian II of Denmark, then became Carl V's secretary of state.
  2. According to Burkhardt: VuläbsiuL, des Kaisers Secretär.
  3. Walch added this report to Spalatin, although the Wittenberg and Jena editions only have the heading: "Schrift aus Augsburg gethan, Anno 30. Likewise with the continuation No. 948 and 950.
  4. That is, under a carrying sky.

736 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 939. w. xvi. 873-876. 737

When Her Imperial Majesty came across the Lech. When Her Imperial Majesty came across the Lech River, she had the Lutheran princes summoned to her and requested from Her Electoral and Princely Graces that they not allow preaching in Augsburg from now on. The princes then consulted with each other and, through Margrave Georgen, again briefly explained why their electoral and princely graces could not agree to refrain from preaching; His Majesty again said that His Majesty could not refrain from their request, and thus twice raised the excuse and the reapplication; and the king himself seriously said that Imperial Majesty could not nor would not refrain from preaching in Augsburg. Majesty could not nor would not desist from it. So the Margrave said to Her Imperial Majesty: "Before I want to do it, I will do it again. Majesty: "Before I would deny my God and His Gospel, before I would kneel down here before Your Imperial Majesty, I would not do so. Majesty and have my head cut off. Has thereupon Imperial Majesty said. Majesty said: Not head off, not head off; and again based on her request. The princes have taken it into consideration to give an answer again until the morning, that is, on the true Corpus Christi Day.

2 Early in the morning, the young Duke of Saxony, Margrave George, Landgrave of Anhalt, rode to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and the Elector stayed in the hostel. After Imperial Majesty Majesty requested in the evening to go along in the procession, the princes responded to yesterday's request and, for the aforementioned reason, stood by their previous opinion in length, granted longer than two hours, and thus delayed Imperial Majesty so that he could not be allowed to go along in the procession. Majesty was delayed by the fact that his Majesty did not enter the church until after ten beats. Our princes went home, let the emperor hold the procession with other churls and princes. The bishop of Mainz took the sacrament. And if the rulers had been taken away with their servants, not a hundred Augsburgs would have been found to follow the sacrament. And I may well say that in this procession, among all ranks, spiritual and secular, I have not seen a more devout, more chaste person than the imperial majesty. Carrying a burning light like the others, the whole procession went bareheaded, and for the sake of the long procession, lasted until one stroke.

3 After our princes were also ordered by Imperial Majesty to hand over in writings the reason why they refused to go along with the procession. Majesty, because they refused to go along with the procession, that they should hand over in writings the reason why they were troubled to go along; also why they did not want to let up preaching. This therefore

has imperial majesty submitted it to all the changing princes. They all met on Friday in the Cathedral Provostry after noon, and finally formed a committee among themselves, which came to our Princes on Saturday at noon, and most earnestly requested that Imperial Majesty 1) refrain from preaching; for Imperial Majesty desired this not from them alone, but also from the opposite party, with this promise: If all refrained from preaching, then Imperial Majesty wanted to have them do so, not only from them, but also from the opposite party. Majesty requested this not from them alone, but also from the opposite party, with this promise: If all of them refrain from preaching, then Imperial Majesty wants the matter to be settled. Majesty will then take care of the matter and act in accordance with the invitation.

4 Our people have pleaded all their Christian necessity, why they could not consent to it, and because Imperial Majesty has indicated that he is a sovereign of this city. Majesty claims to be a sovereign of this city, and that the decree of the first Imperial Diet at Speier would allow any authority to do so, as it could answer to God and the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, our princes, as those who are of their authority and charge, do not want to put a measure to Imperial Majesty in this; but do not want to refrain from preaching, but have to suffer and bear their Majesty's business. And in this, Brunswick, along with the Archbishop of Mainz, showed itself to be particularly good, more than could have been expected. God grant his grace. But Imperial Majesty Majesty wants to appoint preachers from the imperial authorities, but not from any of the parties, not even the Fabrum. Those whom Imperial Majesty shall ordain shall not do anything. Majesty shall say nothing more than badly the Gospel with the Epistle, according to the bare text, without all interpretation, and conclude with the Confession Prayer 2).

5 This was done, and the emperor was given great thanks with a peaceful heart. Thereupon, on Saturday, His Majesty had the whole city proclaimed by his heralds with several trumpets: that no one should preach in Augsburg under corporal punishment, except those whom His Imperial Majesty has ordered to do so. Majesty has decreed. It is a wild thing here with preaching, for it is full of sacramentalists, and Eisleben has proven himself well against them in his preaching, but has earned badly for them. God grant his grace, there is good hope everywhere.

(6) The Emperor is found inclined to peace and to establish good Christian order, although some great leaders, together with their entire group, are of a different mind and would like to see this game, as they decided at Munich, continue, and the Imperial Majesty has said that they would be glad to do so, if only she could. Majesty, if only she would command, they would be happy.

  1. "herein" is missing in the Wittenberg.
  2. The Wittenberg and Jena editions have the marginal gloss: "offve Beicht" ("confession prayer").

[738]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 878-878. 739

that they would do what their majesty desired; as they have sufficiently proven with words and deeds. But God has graciously turned it around. Our princes, praise be to God, have been strengthened by His grace and have remained steadfast, not letting fear deter them. God grant His mercy to them. By Monday, they will start the Kingdom Day. May the merciful God send His Holy Spirit.

940 Margrave George of Brandenburg, on behalf of the Protestant princes, presented to the Emperor and stated the reasons why they could not attend the procession, nor could they abolish the sermons.

From Cölestin's dist. ooru. Vol. I, p. 82.

Translated from Latin by Ll. A. Tittel.

Causes why the Protestant princes cannot be at the solemn company on Corpus Christi.

1 Your Imperial Majesty should not be disconcerted as to why we are unable to keep in touch with and be present at such frequent invitations and appointments. For we are minded to briefly recount and properly state the important and obvious reasons we have for this. 1) First of all, we are very humbled to be able to offer Your Imperial Majesty this kindness and hospitality. Majesty this favor and service without neglecting our consciences; however, since 2) Your Majesty's command means that this service must be done without neglecting our consciences. However, since we know that this kind of service is not commanded anywhere in the prophetic and apostolic writings, we cannot in good conscience consent to such a request.

  1. Since it is known to all reasonable, learned, and reasonably judging minds, and there is no need for dispute and proof, that the whole and unmutilated use of the true body and blood of Christ was prescribed and instituted by the founder himself in holy scripture, we consider it a burden to our consciences to show, as it were with our applause, that a part of it, which is carried around, namely the body, is in accordance with Christ's commandment and not contrary to it; which is evident from our confession, soon to be presented to Your Majesty. Majesty, which will soon be delivered. For what would that be not only for

A rash carelessness, but even desperate wickedness, insolence and recklessness, holding what is instituted and decreed by human authority higher than God's commands and commandments, and boldly saying that it is a service of God in the church, when it is written, In vain do they serve me with that which men have commanded.

  1. We do not mean to strengthen and introduce such ungodly and obvious human doctrines that conflict with God's Word and Christ's commands by our consent; rather, we unanimously declare without hesitation that such unrighteous and ungodly human doctrines (traditions) are to be completely abolished from the church and destroyed, so that the other still healthy and pure members of the church are not infected and stained with the same deadly and harmful poison.

(4) Moreover, we also know well that the opposite expressly seeks this and deals with it, as they have also added this declaration that this contact should be a service of God. For they have believed for certain that we would not have so much trust and confidence in God that we would refuse obedience and submission to His Majesty, who has called us so often and so earnestly, as if one did not know that one must obey God more than men. And if, on the other hand, we were obedient to the imperial order, we would not know that we have to obey God more than men. And if, on the other hand, we were to obey the imperial command and approve the observance with our presence, that would serve and contribute greatly to destroying and depressing the reputation of our religion and of the divine word, because we had no hesitation in honoring and confirming the observance and the comedic performance of Corpus Christi with our presence, which obviously conflicts with the word of God and our part of the sermons and church customs, and consequently this would give a beautiful and desirable opportunity to accuse us of a tacit (or secret) recantation in the matter, and to blaspheme us with good causes, about which they would rejoice and exult to the highest, if only they could have such cause and occasion to strike down the prestige of the Gospel and the divine word.

5 For if they had not brought it about by their secret plots and treacherous counsel, Imperial Majesty would not force us to be in the company. Maj. would not force us to be in contact with them, but would leave us free to do so, as with other princes and rulers. What suspicion Imperial Majesty's Majesty's entry increases with, so just Vigilia, the holy evening, before

[740]{.underline} Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 940 f. W. xvi, 878-881. 741

The people of Augsburg, who had to arrive on the Feast of Corpus Christi and move into Augsburg, thought that the practice, which had been omitted, discontinued and abolished for many years, would be reintroduced, established and confirmed by their presence, since the opposite flattered itself with the hope that this practice, which had thus been reestablished, would then remain easy and continue for many hundreds of years, that it would agree with the word of God and evangelical truth or argue with it and destroy it.

6 One can clearly see by whom it has been instigated that Imperial Majesty wants to enter the Holy Evening before Corpus Christi. Majesty wanted to enter the holy evening before the Corpus Christi feast, since they had to toil all day in the hot sun and dust, and the entry had been prolonged and extended into the late night. And that was not enough, there had to be even more trouble and effort. For since one had to get home (to the inn) late, and Imperial Majesty had to take care of the rest. As soon as they got down, they had us summoned to them, above all other things, and earnestly urged us to stop the sermons and to join in the conversation.

Causes why the Elector of Saxony and the princes related to him in the same religion cannot abolish nor stop their preaching.

7 And since, furthermore, Her Imperial Majesty has earnestly demanded that we cease and abolish our sermons. Majesty has earnestly demanded that we should cease and abolish our sermons, I have, by the advice and will of the princes who are related to religion, answered Your Imperial Majesty thus. Majesty thus:

    1. That by the grace of God we know and believe without doubt that the doctrine we profess is founded in the prophetic and apostolic Scriptures, and is unanimous with and similar to the creed accepted in the Church.
  1. Therefore, we cannot and may not revoke or deny them by silence, unless we would esteem man's commands and commandments higher and more than God's, that we would prefer those to our name's greatest disgrace and eternal ruin of souls, which God would graciously prevent and avert from us.
    1. Furthermore, it is more than too well known that our doctrine is neither heretical nor seditious, but has now been spread and propagated throughout the world for many years, and that it is more likely to be respected by the Christian authorities and all estates.

and increase, rather than destroy and diminish; therefore no one will deny that men may improve and learn much a more Christian way of life from it; which we heartily desire.

    1. And since at all other imperial congresses, which have now been held several times, our sermons have never been inhibited and forbidden, we must now be justifiably disconcerted as to what moved Your Imperial Majesty to insist so strongly that they be stopped. Majesty's reasons for insisting so strongly and so often that they be stopped. Be that as it may, however, we can easily guess and surmise who is behind it, and by whose counsel and operation (which we leave to God's righteous judgment) all this is being arranged and instigated. Therefore, we religiously related princes, whom we most humbly entrust to Her Majesty's high and most gracious protection, most diligently request that Her Majesty not trouble our consciences with such requests in a matter concerning the honor of the divine name and the salvation of our souls.

941: Margrave George's speech to the emperor on his own behalf.

From Cölestin 1. 6. p. 84.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tittel.

Most invincible emperor, most gracious lord!

After this has been said by the Elector of Saxony and other Protestant princes on account of 1) urgent necessity, I have also presented my opinion to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty my opinion and discover it. Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty cannot be ignorant of the services I have rendered to the House of Austria, how faithfully and steadfastly I have at all times looked after and served it, what dangers I have joyfully and bravely endured and assumed for it, so that I have endeavored to show it not only the obedience due to it with the addition of my property and possessions, but also with good and blood, which everyone will bear witness to. Nothing to remember of my ancestors' glorious deeds, faithfulness and zeal, which they performed for His Majesty the King in the Austrian and Hungarian territories. Majesty's ancestors in the Austrian and Hungarian wars. To the same of my ancestors for laudable succession I promise and vow to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, that also for the House of Austria and Imperial Majesty, I will assist in the succession. Majesty.

  1. "Princes" put by us instead of: "Churfürsten".

[742]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 88i-ss3. 743

I will not lack the right to do so, if only I am not forced to approve in the matter of religion what goes against God and His Word.

All this I ask Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty most humbly to move and signify in mercy, and not to be moved by any slander and allegations of the adversaries to believe them and to be of an unequal mind against me. For in this matter concerning God, I am driven by the unchangeable divine commandment to resist and disobey such commands and desires, no matter how hard and dangerous it may be, because it is written: One must obey God more than men. Therefore, because of the confession of the doctrine, which I know for certain to be the voice of the Son of God and the eternal, unchanging truth, I refuse any danger, even of life, since I hear that such is threatened and decreed for those who accept the true religion.

942: Written reply and apology to the emperor from the Protestant princes and rulers on June 17 that they could not stop preaching.

From the original concept in the Weimar archives, printed in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, p. 283. Also in Chyträus, p. 88; in Müller, p. 538 and in Spalatin's Annals, p. 201. Latin in Cölestin, vol. I, p. 86 and in Chyträus, p. 46. The author is D. Brück.

Most Sublime, Great and Invincible Emperor, Most Gracious Lord! After Your Majesty has given us a farewell today, among other things, that we should hand over our complaint in writings to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty we should hand over our complaint in writings, so that Your Majesty may hold further council on it 2c. As a most humble consequence of your Imperial Majesty's farewell, Your Majesty has graciously heard from the verbal reports that have been made, which we also inform Your Majesty of and recover with this document, that Your Majesty is graciously pleased with it. Majesty should graciously consider it, if we find that our preachers teach or preach news and that which is unfounded in divine holy scripture and contrary to our holy faith, that we knowingly do not want to tolerate such from them, but want to show ourselves with fair understanding against them. However, we cannot note otherwise than that they alone preach and interpret the holy gospel in a pure and unadulterated manner, just as it is preached and interpreted.

The following is preached and taught by the Fathers, who are to be considered the most proven 1) and credible in the Holy Christian Church, and the Imperial Decree, which was made at the Imperial Diet in Nuremberg in the 23rd year, publicly admits it. This is the public permission of the imperial decree made at the Imperial Diet in Nuremberg in the 23rd year, as it appears to be in the presentation of each opinion and opinion, at the gracious request of Your Majesty. Should such preaching of the holy gospel be set down as if it were an unjust doctrine, and should it be approved by us, it would be terrible, and would also be unaccountable to God the Lord (who does not want His holy word to be bound) as a sin in the Holy Spirit. Thus, as poor sinful human beings, we are also in need of such preaching and proclamation of the divine word to comfort our conscience and to seek help from God in all the needs and concerns that we and every human being encounter daily. For as little as we may need the daily food of the body, so much less can we, or may we, be without the preaching and proclamation of the divine word, since man lives not only in bread, but in all the word that proceeds from the mouth of the Lord; as we have heard from Ew. We have informed Your Royal Governor and Brother, the Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, our special dear Lord and gracious Lord, together with the commissioners appointed by Your Royal Highness at that time, of the same four years ago, at the Imperial Diet at Speier, which was announced by Your Royal Highness.

(2) And even though it would otherwise be preached here, Her Royal Highness and everyone know that there is a discord in the doctrine; for which reason Her Royal Highness, in addition to other causes, has called this Diet of Her Majesty, with the most gracious and Christian 3) notice that every opinion and opinion will be heard here, and then that which would have been done unjustly on both sides will be stopped. Imperial Diet, with the most gracious and Christian 3) indication that every opinion and opinion should be heard here, and then that which would have been done unjustly on both sides should be put aside and brought to Christian unity.

  1. for this reason, Your Royal Highness may graciously consider how we, for the sake of our consciences, may be helped or advised, even if it were otherwise preached, if we were to hear the same preacher alone, we should drop our sermon.
  1. We would also, if we were to agree to the discontinuation of our sermon, as we otherwise would not agree with E. K. M. in everything that is outside 4) divine.
  2. Spalatin: "beweresten"; Förstemann: "wegersten". The sense is the same.
  3. Förstemann: im.
  4. Thus Spalatin. Förstemann: "most Christian".
  5. So Spalatin. Förstemann: .chnser halb".

744 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 942. w. xvi, m-bss. 745

We are humbly inclined to comply with the law of the Holy Word of Glory and Honor, thereby compelled, against our conscience, to judge our doctrine to be unjust and the contrary doctrine to be just, before the matter is heard, which is not 1) justified on either side, by virtue of the notice of this Imperial Diet which has already been issued by Your Majesty. For Your Imperial Highness can, from a high imperial intellect, graciously consider the matter. For Your Imperial Majesty can graciously consider that one thing must follow if we 2) discontinue our sermon and hear another sermon, that we are thereby urged in reason and effect to confess that our doctrine, from the fact that it has been discontinued, is wrong, and the other, which we hear and accept on that account, is right.

For what is to be done must, by virtue of Your Imperial Majesty's decree, and according to every man's reason, be unjust at the time. Majesty's decree, and also according to every man's reason, must be unjust at the time, and that which is erected for this reason must be just. And thereafter, as we can well judge and respect, little further action in these most important matters, concerning God our Creator, the soul and salvation, should be estimated necessary, which would then be immediately against often reported to H.K.M.. The latter clearly implies that each one must first be heard, and only then, what is not rightly aligned on both sides, that is, from the other part, as well as from this part, and not from our part alone, must be taken away.

  1. For if anyone should want to say to the church that novelty would be taught and preached on our part, which would be burdensome for the faith and also for the sake of annoyance, we have above, and also yesterday in the verbal lecture to the church, informally indicated to the church that it should be found, if our opinion and opinion, according to the letter of the church, is heard here, that before 3) us the true gospel, and as it is also preached by the most proven fathers of the church with the Scriptures, will be preached. 3) that the true gospel, and how the most proven and excellent fathers of the church have preached and interpreted it with the Scriptures, and nothing else, nor newness, is preached before us.
  2. And I alone want to shred it, and yet contrary to divine truth and unproven in any way have known that abusive news would be among them: so is E. K. M. also quite blatantly what frightening news, from and unlike the Holy Scripture and the first fathers' teaching, 4) on the other hand, both in doctrines, customs and walk are led, and daily-.
  3. Förstemann: "nit"; Spalatin and Walch: "mit".
  4. So Spalatin. Förstemann: "man".
  5. Thus Förstemann. In the other editions: from.
  6. that is, most fruitful, best. Cf. St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 455, ?39 and 457, 8 45.

The whole world and the pious before that time cried out and lamented about it, as they still do every day. In this regard, Your Majesty will be graciously reminded of the noticeable abuses and the number of them presented to Your Majesty at the first Imperial Diet in Worms by the estates, which, together with the other and much more important ones, remain unchanged to this day.

(8) And we indicate this to Your Majesty in the most humble opinion that Your Majesty, as the most illustrious Emperor, must graciously accept from this how unequally the matters are demanded from Your Majesty by the opposing party and are presented against us.

(9) To this end, we truly hope and trust that no one who hears and listens to our preachers and their teaching can or may be offended by it with a conscience. If, however, there were anyone who had received or would receive such annoyance about our preachers' teaching, we would hold them to that effect, as we have also humbly instructed Your Catholic Highness on the previous day, to give every one of them Christian information and reports about their teaching, so that no one should have to complain about them in any way. For it would be a grievous thing in the sight of God Almighty that, for the sake of those who do not desire to be informed and therefore want to be unnecessarily annoyed, the preaching of the holy gospel and the truth of God should be omitted and put down, even though, according to their own rights, the annoyance should give way to the truth and not the truth to the annoyance.

(10) But to what extent we would and would have to offend our neighbor against faith and love, if it should sound from us that we had agreed to discontinue the preaching of the Gospel, and thus had judged our doctrine itself to be wrong, can be easily judged by Your Holiness and everyone else, and how such a thing, for the sake of our conscience, would stand against God, the strict judge; that Your Holiness, as we have the most submissive hope for the same, would not allow us, as a Christian emperor, to be judged in God's judgment and wrath, as we are in the most submissive hope of the same, as a Christian emperor, would not grant us in any way that we should thus throw ourselves into God's judgment and wrath, unproven things, whom we also want to implore for mercy and call upon to graciously protect us from this and all evil.

11 We have also humbly reported to His Holiness that our preachers, after their sermons have been preached, daily exhort the people with the best of diligence to help God in all distress.

746 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 885-888. 747

We ask him to diligently implore the Church, and especially that he grant grace to His Imperial Highness as his decreed authority, as well as to princes, princes, estates and us, to act in these dwindling troubles for the praise of God, and for Christian peace and right Christian unity at this Imperial Diet. Which exhortations to omit, because God wills and commands that we should call upon Him and ask Him for the aforementioned need, may not be good, nor beneficial to Christendom.

(12) There is also a faithful report from them against some doctrines, which, for the sake of the sacraments, are taught to the people here, because of which they would be quite burdensome and harmful to much improvement (as to hope to God), where our preachers should stand still with the preaching.

(13) If we should agree to such a cessation, our own consciences would and would have to judge us before God, that we would be guilty of the deceived perdition. For this purpose, the conflicting matters have now been discussed for several years, and especially at both imperial congresses at Speier, the doctrine of the Gospel has been preached publicly and morally for us and our friends in such a way that especially now, for the sake of discussion, 1) there should be no hesitation, or, as we have been reproached by the Holy Roman Emperor, no fear of trouble.

14 To all this it is knowingly and on the day that the parting, which was made a year ago at Speier, although we were not able to heal in it for reasons which were indicated there, does not affect us as much as we should now consent to the cessation of the preaching 2) of the holy gospel.

(15) It has been free and unrefused among Your Royal Highness's ancestors, as well as among Your Royal Highnesses themselves, princes and chieftains (for what happened to us at the two next imperial diets held at Speier, that the churches were refused to us for the preaching of the Gospel), that each one may have his preacher preach the divine Word publicly in the church before him, and whoever else has gone to do so.

16 Thus, Your Royal Highness will also have to graciously consider that if Your Royal Highness should decree with us the discontinuation of the sermons in such a way, it would undoubtedly be understood by men as such.

  1. Förstemann: "nhu meher disputiren halben"; Spalatin: "um mer disputation halben".
  2. Förstemann and Spalatin: "Prediger", probably read from "predigen", which is sermons.

as if E. K. M. wanted to lay down this doctrine on our part, unheard of, and also, according to E. K. M.'s tender, untreated, that we nevertheless granted E. K. M., as our most gracious Lord and Emperor, out of subservience, that such E. K. M., because of Her Majesty's tender, should be able to lay down this doctrine on our part. M., because Her Majesty's letters have been sent out over the whole Empire and beyond, and everyone, whatever his state, stands in consoling hope of God and of E. K. M. for this reason. K. M. that these most important matters will be dealt with here in an orderly manner, in right faith and love, for the investigation of the divine, eternal and everlasting truth; they are also to E. K. M.'s most consoling confidence that E. K. M.'s opinion will not be in any way to have these matters dealt with in any other way than as indicated. And after all this, it is once again addressed to H.K.M., our most gracious Lord, our most humble and most submissive request, as we may and should always most humbly ask, as we have also done the past two days, that E. K. M. may graciously consider and consider this Christian notice and information of ours, given from our rightful, well-meaning hearts, and may graciously spare us the deliberate discontinuation of our preaching, for the sake of faith, love and our conscience, and may not allow Her Majesty to oppose our preachers' preaching, as was previously done at Speier and has been done here until now. In everything else that concerns our body, goods and property, we also want to acknowledge that we owe it to God's word and command to be worthy of all willingness and obedience to His Majesty as the most subservient Elector and Prince of the Kingdom, and to show that we are willing and obedient to His Majesty in all things that concern His Majesty's body and goods, We will not be the last, if God wills it. Actum Augsburg, Friday after Corporis Christi June 17 Anno 2c. 1530.

E. K. M.

most subservient > > Johans, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c. > > George, Margrave of Brandenburg. Ernst, Duke of Brunswick and > Lüneburg. > > Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. Wolf, Prince of Anhalt.

[748]{.underline} Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 943 f. W. xvi, 888-890. 749

943 Two concerns regarding the requested refraining from preaching.

I.

The question is whether preaching can be discontinued in good conscience at the request of His Majesty the Emperor. Majesty's request with a clear conscience? About June 16, 1330.

From the original in the Weimar archives, printed in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 281. In Müller 1. e. p. 546. In content, it agrees sentence for sentence with the third concern communicated in No. 918, and this document seems to us to be the first draft of that concern.

  1. M.'s request that the princes and rulers cease their usual sermon, it is considered that the sermon (to be given to K. M., the answer given 1) is to be handed over this night or in the morning) is nevertheless to be continued, on the grounds that K. M. has not yet seriously commanded to refrain from such, but only requested it. Now it is permissible for princes and rulers that their graces often refuse a mediocre request with good fugues, not to mention an unreasonable demand. 2) And it is to be assumed from many circumstances that the Lord's request is more a word of fright than a persistent undertaking, by which one dares to try whether the nail in the wall wants to shake, and one might frighten a hare out of the hedge, so that, whether one commits a small thing in the beginning, confidence and way would be made for the adversary to break in further. Where now their intentions do not extend in the beginning, their hearts will fall away in such a way that they will let their defiance stand henceforth.
  2. secondly, that together with the sermon, a public Christian prayer, in which one prays for all the estates of the empire, now assembled at the Imperial Diet, is led, and the same is now most necessary.

But if the church in which the sermon was preached was closed, it is intended that it should not be opened by force, since the electors and princes here in Augsburg have no authority over the churches, but that our most gracious and merciful lords should go back to their hearth, and there have their courtiers recite the Word of God in the appropriate place in the hearth, which, as a householder instructs his household, he himself instructs or teaches.

A Christian prince is obliged to promote the fear of God in his court by listening to Christian preaching.

4 If, however, the King would not stick to the proposed request, but would abolish the sermon in the hostel with a serious mandate: in this case, the consideration has been rejected until the matter actually comes to pass, because it is not possible to fish before the court, and the present actions usually carry the council on their backs by the miraculous instigation of God.

II.

Concerns of Mr. Philip, and reasons why preaching could be stopped for a while. June 18, 1330.

From Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 89. Only on June 18, the emperor forbade both parts to preach, therefore this concern will have to be moved to this day. This does also the 6orx. Lei. vol. II, 111 f.

The first reason for admitting it is that the emperor, since he bequeaths it to both parts, gives no cause for reproach.

  1. the other, because he promises to listen to our cause.
  2. the third, because a greater good is preferable to a lesser one. If, then, the investigation of our matter were to be interrupted by such obstinate demonstrations, what could come of it?

The fourth cause of N. Agricola: because we have been called here, not to preach; but as the one party, to answer for ourselves, and to give account of our doctrine.

The fifth, because we are not preachers at Augsburg.

944. formula of the prohibition to preach, which the imperial herald had to proclaim publicly. June 18, 1530.

In Müller's History, p. 551 and in the German Seckendorf, p. 1039.

Hear, hear, hear what the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has decreed. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, that no preacher here in Augsburg, whoever he may be, shall preach any more, except those whom Her Majesty decrees, avoiding Her Imperial Majesty's highest punishment and disfavor. Majesty's highest punishment and disfavor.

  1. No. 942.
  2. Förstemann: "to strike off".

750 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, wo-m. 751

945: Luther's letter to Sl. Johann Agricola, in which he praises the fact that the Elector has given way to the authorities, but at the same time opens his thoughts that the Imperial Diet will end badly in terms of reputation. June 30, 1530.

This letter is found in the Ooä. 3on. L. 24. n. toi. 163 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 37; subsequently in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 57, also in Buddeus, p. 119. Incomplete in Cölestin, vol. I, p. 92 d, also in Chyträus, p. 40 and in the German edition p. 96, also in Walch. A small piece, German from the Weimar archives, in Müller, p. 556 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 194. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ. From the letters and the silence I write to the others who are with you, 1) my dear Agricola. Incidentally, this is my opinion of the Emperor's interdict, by which he forbade all preaching: that our prince did right in recognizing the Lord in a foreign city and did not seek to rule, however much it may seem to be an act of violence. For one must not resist evil Matt. 5:39, and Christ commanded that one should depart, saying Matt. 10:23, "If they persecute you in one city, flee into another"; likewise v. 14, "Come out of the same house." Thus I consider that the prince, since he is not allowed to leave as a member of the emperor's body, nevertheless by his silence fled, as it were, to another city and went out 2) from that house. He can read and honor the word with Naaman the Syrian in the temple Nisroch 2 Kings 19:37. 5:18., even for himself. But the matter serves as an evil example, of course not to the annoyance, but I assume that from it a similar end of the Diet may come, namely that 3) the emperor asks the prince to renounce the whole doctrine, as he first asked him.

  1. On the same day Luther wrote letters to Augsburg to Jonas, Spalatin, Melanchthon and Joh. Brenz, No. 958 and No. 981-983 in this! Volume, also to Duke Johann Friedrich, No. 1180.
  2. In Latin, the construction is broken here, and instead of the infinitives and exivisso, the torupora ünita, namely luZit and oxivlt, are placed.
  3. Here we have deleted prirunm because it is too much.

But if, when he is asked, he does not want to, then the same interdict against the teaching follows. These are my thoughts. And only then will the real crisis of the kingdom (paroxysmus comitialis) be there, in which the hand of God is to be expected and implored. For it is quite certain that the papists, who have been handed over to the devils, cannot do otherwise than rage. For the blood of Abel presses upon them, and their abominations harden them, so that they cannot live unless they have drunk blood.

Admonish Philip to temper the sacrifice of the crushed spirit, so that he will not finally lack the cost of sacrificing longer. It is indeed a great comfort to know that one is anxious in spirit for the sake of the best cause, for the sake of God Himself, where one cannot doubt that one pleases God like an exceedingly sweet odor, but in things moderation is to be kept. It is sacrifice that is pleasing, not destruction, and God does not want souls to be ruined. This is an addition from the devil. Because hoping for the Emperor's mercy is nothing. I think that the papists have urged the emperor to interrogate the matter, so that, after hearing our defense, they may then do as they please and obtain this pretext, that they have heard us enough, and so that the blasphemy that we are obstinate may be brought against us all the more freely and apparently, since we, having been heard and admonished, have not finally given ear to the emperor. For what should Satan intend otherwise, or what good can we expect from him? Do we not know his thoughts, that he turns everything with false appearances, lies, cunning and guile so that he is beautiful, but Christ is exceedingly ugly? At Augsburg, you certainly do not have to deal with men, but with the gates of hell itself, and that with exceedingly well-equipped and well-practiced, but what is comforting, very angry ones; blinded by this anger, they finally cannot escape that they run against the wisdom of God, and cheat themselves in their prudence. Amen.

It is here with me Caspar Müller 4) with mei-

  1. Chancellor of the Count of Mansfeld.

[752 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. 945 f. W. xvi, 892-894. 753]{.underline}

I have been with my brother Jacob, and he has told me what he told you to tell. Therefore, this evil must also be added for us, so that we are plagued everywhere with the abominations of the devil. About this another time. May the Lord Jesus, who sent you all there as his confessors and servants, for whom you also offer your necks, be with you, and give you through his Spirit the testimony of certainty of faith, so that you may know and not doubt that you are his confessors. This faith will make you alive and comfort you, because you are messengers of a great king. These are reliable words, amen. From the desert, last June 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

946 Letter from Elector John to Luther about the abolition of sermons and other matters. June 25, 1530.

This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 411; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 28b; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 28 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 175. Also in Chyträus, German p. 114; Latin p. 69, and in Cölestin, vol. I, p. 139.

By the Grace of God John, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c.

To the venerable, highly learned, our dear devotee, Mr. Martin Luther > at hand.

1 Our greetings first, venerable and learned one, dear devotee! We know not to leave the state of our affairs, concerning God's word, undisclosed to you in your gracious opinion.

(2) First of all, the Imperial Majesty requested us and our relatives to stop preaching. Majesty, as soon as she had come here to Augsburg and had dismounted from her horse, requested of us and our relatives that we cease preaching; against this we asked Her Majesty most humbly the same evening and also the following day, with the instruction of many good reasons.

We did not receive it, however, but were finally informed that Her Majesty wanted to prohibit preaching on both sides for movable reasons, and to appoint preachers who would preach the gospel loudly and clearly, so that no one would lack nourishment, and that Her Majesty's Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia 2c. Brother, shall also not let the Fabrum preach.

4 The emperor then forbade preaching in the city and proclaimed the ban in all the streets by one of her majesty's servants, who blew two trumpets beforehand. The emperor then had the preaching forbidden in the city and proclaimed this ban in all the streets by one of her majesty's servants, who blew two trumpets beforehand.

(5) Now we are told that the preachers, whom the emperor ordains, commonly say no more than the text of the Gospel; what they teach besides is childish and unskillful. Therefore, our Lord God must remain silent at this Imperial Diet. We know, however, not to blame the pious emperor for this, but rather our enemies and the clergy, who favor the Gospel.

(6) Thus we, together with the other princes and states, who are related to us in the matter, had to agree to surrender our opinion and confession of faith. But our opponents who do not want to surrender it (as we are reported) should be willing to report to the Emperor that they have kept the edict and the faith that their fathers grounded and brought upon them, and that they intend to remain so. If, however, the pope or, in his place, the legate, together with His Majesty, should direct them to a different faith, and that they should accept a new one, they will humbly hear the emperor's objections.

Therefore, on the day of St. John the Baptist, we appeared with our relatives before His Majesty the King of Bohemia, as well as the Electors and the Estates, in a public audience, and offered to present our articles in Latin and German at His Majesty's request, and to read out and hand over the German articles in public.

8 However, we were not able to obtain the public reading in such a way at the request of many subjects. For the king and the opposing party have been most diligent in their efforts. But we have received so much that today His Majesty will hear the same article in His Majesty's palace. Palace. That is why it is arranged so that not many people can be there.

May the Almighty God continue to grant His grace, so that things may be done to His praise and glory. Therefore, you should also pray to Almighty God and call upon Him diligently, as we have no doubt that you will do so without this reminder from us.

(10) And how these things shall further come to pass, we will also make known. For we are graciously inclined toward you and all that is good. Date at Augsburg, June 25, 1530.

754 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, mi-m. 755

947 The articles or the short concept of the Protestant and the opposite doctrine, which the emperor demanded from Phil. Melanchthon, and which Melanchthon handed over to the imperial secretary Valdesius.

Walch has taken this document from Cölestinus, Vol. I, p. 93 under the above title. But already Seckendorf, Hist. Outü., lik. II, p. 166 8^. rightly doubted that the timid Melanchthon should have written such a sharp document and even handed it over to the imperial secretary for his master. In Cölestin this writing has the title: drevis et eruäitn utriuZgue

xurtis dootriuurn 6ontin6N8 n O. kdilixxo NeiunedIdone eon8Mpta et Iinx. Oarolo V. exdikitn. According to Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 461 f., this writing originally appeared in German in a different external form and was republished by Ströbel under the title: "Phil. Melanchthon's Difference between Protestant and Papist Doctrine, German and Latin. Lehre, deutsch und lat." Nuremberg 1782. octav. Also Förstemann says 1. 6. p. 462: "We are completely satisfied with the most definite certainty that these antitheses cannot have been handed over by Melanchthon to the emperor at Augsburg in 1530."- According to Melanchthon's letter to Camerarius of June 26 (in this volume no. 976), Valdesius had taken a look at the Augsburg Confession before it was handed over.

Translated from the Latin by Ll. A. Tittel.

Preface.

  1. Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, Son of God, when he hung on the altar of the cross and paid a sufficient ransom to his eternal Father for the whole world's sin, shortly before, in the presence of his mother Mary and the disciple John, before he gave up the spirit, Mariam, his mother, commanded John, and thereby wanted to indicate that he commanded his poor church, which is subject to all contempt and persecution in this world, to protect and guard all men, but especially emperors (rulers).
  2. Therefore, all people, especially baptized Christians and those who have been incorporated into the church, who have lived from the world until now and are still alive, should think of themselves as if they were standing under Christ's cross, and look with eyes and most diligently at the wonderful work that is beyond all human wisdom, since the Son of God bears the sin of the whole world and the heavy wrath of His Father, does enough for us, reconciles us with the Father, and opens the door to eternal life for us. We should recognize these high and unspeakable benefits, contemplate them, and praise Him with gratitude; we should also seriously direct all our lives and actions to God's praise and honor in this way, and make it our concern that the healthy, godly, and right doctrine of such high and important things be preserved.

and be propagated to the descendants, so that they also have the opportunity to recognize such benefits and to thank God for them. Therefore, let us preserve and protect the church, in which this doctrine resounds loudly and purely, and God the Father is rightly called upon in the knowledge of His Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, to the best of our ability; which Christ also requires of Petro, when He says: "If you convert once, convert your brothers also Luc. 22, 32.

For it is well established and true among all people who do not deny God altogether, but have only a spark of true godliness and faith, that every person who has the true knowledge of God, and wants to know or do more than others, must make every effort and endeavor not to live life in silence, like cattle, or to seek the lusts of the flesh only through the temptation and stimulation of the world.The first thing is not to seek the lusts of the flesh, but to devote all diligence and effort to the true knowledge of God, the propagation of pure doctrine and the preservation of the true-believing church.

  1. which no doubt, out of the impulse of the spirit, Her Imperial Majesty is now considering and contemplating. Majesty is now well considering and contemplating, for which reason (as can be seen and inferred from many circumstances) she is diligently consulting with learned men, and is concerned with all her might that everything in the church not go through one another, but that the disputes be brought before a legitimate church assembly (synod) and settled by peaceful means, but that the abuses be corrected, and the doctrine of godliness be restored. If we did not gratefully recognize these benefits of Her Imperial Majesty, this zealous effort to settle the disputes in the church, the earnestness and the intention to establish good discipline and to put an end to vicious customs, also to improve the abuses, and heartily thank God for it, we would not only be considered incomprehensible and stupid, but also highly ungrateful and unworthy of the name of man with every right.

5 We therefore beseech God with heartfelt wishes, earnest prayers and supplications of the heart, that He may graciously assist Her Imperial Majesty in her useful and good intentions. Majesty in his godly, useful and good intentions, that he may strengthen them and keep them strong against the marvelous cunning of the devil and the plots of evil men, Amen!

But the matter itself exists, and the greatest need shows and proves that this prayer is most necessary at this wretched and miserable time, and in this very miserable condition.

7 For first of all, he would have to be completely blind who

756 Section 4: The Emperor's Entry into Augsburg. No. S47. W. xvi, 896-899. 757

not see what the devil, as the worst enemy of the human race, endeavors to do; what tricks he uses to prevent the course of the divine word, and how he challenges the true and sound doctrine of God. For he is always bent on, and directs his daily thoughts and endeavors towards, completely exterminating, destroying and exterminating the confessors of the pure doctrine and of the true God, and on the other hand, introducing all kinds of false, ungodly, erroneous, inconsistent doctrines, which have absolutely no basis in Scripture, and causing terrible turmoil and miserable wars in the German nation, and thereby causing destruction, plunder and other mischief and damage.

(8) Such misery, now told and other misery, of which there is no number, Her Imperial Majesty desires to avert and prevent as much as possible by kindness and gentleness, in which she does, in my opinion, a most noble work worthy of eternal remembrance.

(9) For it is incumbent upon their majesty not only not to strengthen or tolerate open idolatry and worship, which obviously conflict with the Word of God, by their authority, and thereby open the door to others and more of the same, but rather, in order not to be guilty of other sins, to forbid, eradicate and remove them from the church.

(10) Thereafter, Her Majesty also acts as a praiseworthy and godly emperor in this, that she, without any regard to person, graciously tries many ways to bring about harmony, and is not ashamed of defending the word of God; for Your Majesty, as well as all men, is especially created for the end that she may rightly recognize and praise God. Majesty, as well as all men, is especially created for the end that she may rightly know, honor, and praise God, and that, as she has already happily and diligently begun, (through her) the doctrine of godliness may be restored and the glory of Christ may be propagated and extended.

11 Since, however, Her Imperial Majesty sent me through her council and secret scribe, Mr. Alphonsus Majesty, through her councilor and secret scribe, Mr. Alphonsus, asked me to draw up a brief outline of both our doctrine and the doctrine of the other side and to have it presented to Her Imperial Majesty. Out of the most humble obedience and courtesy, I have, as briefly as possible, compiled both parts of the doctrine in this document; and I ask in the deepest humility and with a debt of reverence that Her Majesty may most graciously accept, overlook and well consider it, and also conclude, pronounce and judge from it what may serve God's honor and serve and benefit the settlement of the church's disputes. With this I most humbly command myself to their grace.

I. Article.

Of Christ and the Faith.

The teaching and content of the gospel is this: that God, out of unspeakable mercy and goodness, sent His Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, into the world, that He might be completely sufficient for our sin, and take away sin and eternal death, and show us that this is His unchanging will, that sin is forgiven us only through Christ's merit, that we are counted free of it, and declared righteous before God without any merit on our part, and that we have no other reason to believe and think.

Contrast.

Contrary to this, the opposite does not even think of faith, but argues against it, and teaches that one must always doubt whether one has forgiveness of sins and is in grace. Then he mischievously attributes the honor due to Christ's merit to our works, and boldly says that we thereby attain forgiveness of sins and are reconciled to God. This doctrine is not only very detrimental to the death, suffering, and merit of Christ, but also confuses and entangles the conscience in a series of constant and terrible doubts.

II. article.

From the invocation (prayer).

The Gospel teaches that we must call upon God in true and firm faith, not doubting, but believing with certainty that He will hear our prayer.

Contrast.

But the adversaries teach that one must not put all doubt aside in prayer. But they have such distrust in common with the pagans and the Jews. Therefore, it is not easy to see and say how much they differ from paganism and Judaism.

III Article.

Of good works.

The Gospel teaches that these are only good works, pleasing to God, which He commanded to be kept and performed in His Word; e.g., loving God, trusting and believing in Him, loving, confessing, praising and calling upon Him, and thanking Him for the benefits received, diligently practicing and spreading sound and godly doctrine, diligently and gladly attending to our professional work, and according to the Ten Commandments directing all works to God's glory.

758 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1536. w. xvi, 8ss-soi. 759

Contrast.

The adversaries, however, invent and forge good works and special services for themselves, without God's command, as monasticism, difference of food and clothing, celibacy, and many other quite childish and ridiculous innumerable antics; and go about it so foolishly and impudently that they hold such divine services, instituted and commanded by human will, much higher than what has been ordered by divine command, to the extent that they also call such works excess works 1) and place them above the ministry of the word (or preaching ministry), marital status, worldly offices and domestic life.

IV. Article.

How the works please God.

The Gospel teaches that the good works of the born-again, even if they were imperfect and still had sins attached to them, were pleasing to God, if only they recognized their weakness, rose again in faith, and firmly believed that such works were pleasing to God because of Christ.

Contrast.

The adversaries teach that there is no sin left in the saints, so much so that they can also do excess works and more than the law of God requires. Nevertheless, they always cause man to doubt whether he is in grace. This harmful error, which comes from the pagans, has become so ingrained and prevalent that it can hardly be eradicated.

V. Article.

From invocation of the saints.

The Gospel teaches that we should call upon God alone, who is one in essence and three in persons, God the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. Spirit; and that we have no other mediator and intercessor than Jesus Christ, the Son of God, for whose sake God will surely hear our prayer. On the other hand, the gospel of all saints reproves and rejects invocation as ungodly and sinful.

Contrast.

The adversaries teach that one must invoke the saints; and they gloss over and excuse this invocation in many ways. But if one considers the real cause, one will find that it is a pagan idolatry that carries with it a host of abuses that defile the name of God.

  1. supererogationis.

VI. article.

On the Use of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ.

The gospel teaches that the sacrament of the true body and blood of Christ must be administered to the people in public meetings, not that it may be a sacrifice for others, but, according to the words of Christ, to awaken and strengthen the faith, and to remind all of the suffering and death of Christ, by which he reconciled us to the Father. These great benefits of Christ must be appropriated by each one in true faith, believing assuredly that he is incorporated into Christ as a branch or member, washed away by his blood, and cleansed from all sins, and by such highly important things his memory must be awakened and kindled to thanksgiving.

This usage has been completely changed in the Papal Mass and its Canon. This usage has been completely changed and reversed in the papal mass and its regulations (Canon). But since a sacrament, apart from its use, e.g. in sacrifice, silent masses and transference, is not a sacrament, or is considered equal to it, everyone can see how horribly and terribly guilty those are who do not shy away from reversing this order and manner established by Christ in a completely wrong way, and instead introduce idolatrous services and superstitious, ungodly invocation. Moreover, our Lord Jesus Christ has instituted and commanded to take the Sacrament of His Body and Blood whole and unmutilated.

Contrast.

But the pope with his army (or guard) of priests and monks teaches that the sacrament of the altar is a sacrifice, and pretends that it earns (such a sacrifice) forgiveness of sins not only for the one who offers it, but also for all living and dead, and that after and with the mere act (ex opere operato). Therefore, they boldly claim that with such mass stuff they obtain all kinds of good from God for both the living and the dead; and say that the priests' nefariousness does not prevent the good that he asks for through such sacrifice from happening to others. After that, they also want to dispute that a mass said for many is not as useful as if one were said for each person. Moreover, by the playful (and comedic) transference, they have shamefully mutilated and separated the sacrament of the altar; since such ceremonies are not to be considered sacraments without the proper use.

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This is one of the most noble abuses, to which Christ points with his fingers, as it were, when he speaks out of Daniel: "It shall come to pass that abomination shall arise in the church, whereby the true worship of God shall be destroyed and cut off. For Christ is the priest who sacrificed himself, through whose once completed sacrifice we are all sanctified, as it is written in Heb. 10:14. Then it is clear from Romans 4:5 that we receive forgiveness of sins through faith, but not through the work of sacrifice.

After that, they are also very lacking in this, that they may only give the laymen (or common persons) one figure, and pretend that it happens that the priest's deeds are held in higher esteem and value.

VII Article.

Of repentance.

The Gospel teaches: one must have an earnest will to recognize and repent of sins, and gives us to fear the wrath of God; also presents the remedy by which we may be helped from such torment, anguish, and terror of conscience; namely, if we believe the promises of the Gospel, and are assured that sins are forgiven and given to us by grace, freely, without any works or merit on our part, in which faith we feel comfort and the grace of the Holy Spirit working in us.

Nor does the gospel require a recounting of all and any sins, but completely rejects and banishes as ungodly all the shameful and unrighteous lies of human satisfaction, which obscure and make worthless the grace of Christ and the faith.

It also instructs us very usefully how to comfort frightened consciences by presenting to us such a doctrine of the counting of lots, by which we are reminded that forgiveness of sins is offered and proclaimed to us through the gospel; and that this doctrine is not to be practiced commonly, but must be specially administered to each one, with the most sweet consolation that forgiveness of sins is announced to us by means of the ministry of preaching, through the doctrine of the gospel. This excellent custom of counting lots, and the most delightful consolations to be taken from it for frightened consciences, has been completely abolished and obscured by the opposite, as can be seen from the contrast.

The Gospel adds that repentance or conversion must be followed by new obedience in all good things.

Actions and customs that God blesses, which works God repays with all kinds of physical goods; as it is written: "Turn to me, and I will turn to you" Mal. 3, 7..

Contrast.

The opposing view uses the name, but leaves the matter as it is. But he does not even touch on faith, through which we attain forgiveness of sins, and says: one must doubt; thereby the consciences are plunged into despair. Thus, not only does he punish God with lies and revile Him, but he also persecutes and severely tortures those who preach and inculcate this faith, through which we attain forgiveness of sins, before the people.

They also press and weigh down the consciences with the recital of all sins, and say, in contempt and disdain of the reckoning, that it is of little use unless sufficient satisfaction is added to it.

Then they obscure the true doctrine of repentance even more when they bring self-chosen statutes into the church by their own power and order certain works, thereby boldly claiming that one can do enough for one's sins and thereby acquire salvation from eternal torment.

Which falsifications of the pure doctrine are so many and great that we can be justly excused by all pious people for having separated ourselves from them. But since there are still many greater and more foolish ones, I hope that we will be the more forgiven if we are of a reasonable mind. For since they have obscured the true doctrine of repentance, falsified it, and expelled it from the church, they have brought another, false, lying, and incorrect one into the way. Not to mention that by their fictitious satisfaction they strengthen and increase other innumerable, harmful and horrible errors, such as the mass, monastic life, pilgrimages, indulgences, purgatory and innumerable other antics and superstitious customs, which all serve to disgrace and dishonor God.

VIII. Article.

From the violence of the keys.

The gospel teaches that through the keys we are given power to preach the gospel, to administer the sacraments, and to call to repentance and punish those who are in manifest gross sins, so that they may hear that they are no longer members of Christ, but of the devil, and thus are condemned and rejected.

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unless they repent and enter the way of salvation from which they have departed; likewise, to count out those who bear righteous remorse and sorrow for the sins they have committed and repent.

The gospel also teaches this, that by the power of the keys we are not released to order something new in the church, to conquer many countries and to change the ban into a secular regime.

Contrast.

The pope needs the keys to the coat of arms, and desecrates them shamefully. First of all, he arrogates to himself the power that belongs to the church, and teaches that he is set up to be the judge and superintendent of all churches, pastors, bishops and the whole world, in all spiritual and temporal matters. And secondly, that he has power to appoint and order bishops, and to introduce doctrines of men into the church, and to use the ban for temporal government, so that he may take away the power and dominion of the kings whom he wills. All this is in conflict with the Word of God and is thoroughly repugnant.

IX. Article.

Of human statutes.

The gospel forbids the introduction of such services into the church, which are not expressly commanded in the Scriptures. For the audacity, by which human wit wants to create services that God must consider good, is a terrible sin that few recognize and repent of.

Therefore the world, which was always in such darkness, out of blindness carved new and all kinds of saints (or gods) and offered to call them. Similar examples can be found among the pagans, some of whom have chosen Jupiter, others Mars for worship. From which pagan use of our popes and bishops is little distinguished, in that they impose on us the difference that should be kept in food and clothing in the church, enjoin celibacy, establish new orders and rules, approve and defend the worship of images and the invocation of saints, also choose certain fast days. In which customs and statutes it is not merely a matter of considering and contemplating the fact that eating meat or not is not a great matter, but rather it is to be emphasized and highly respected that God does not want, but seriously forbids, to choose and to impose such services on others, which do not have the slightest reason or command in His Word. Therefore, we must consider it certain that such works do not earn us forgiveness of sins.

God abhors all such falsehoods when He says: "In vain do they honor Me with the commandments of men" Matth. 15:9. Therefore, those who abhor and abolish such hypocrisy do not sin, but those who support it become a burden to others by deceiving and confusing the simple, who think they are doing God a great service by keeping and performing such things.

Contrast.

The pope, bishops, priests and monks claim and defend such humanly instituted services as those that deserve justification and bring about grace and forgiveness of sins, and say that they are excess works. Yes, whoever does not keep them, they strike him with the ban, call him a rotten member who has fallen away from the church, and banish him as a heretic, a rebel and a spirit of the mob; with which thunderbolts and harsh words they scare the people and force them to do such works forbidden by God.

Such errors, however, adorn and disguise them with human wit and pretend that good order is very necessary for discipline in the church, and one cannot blame that these orders and scales of persons are in it, by which the rulers of the same are distinguished. Moreover, the ceremonies, the difference in food and clothing, and many other things cannot be told now, which they claim to be useful and profitable for good order.

All of this has a fine appearance and seems to be tolerable; but God does not want to take the rule or to prescribe services. Nor can he suffer and tolerate that we, disregarding his word and command, follow our own conceit and opinion, from which, as from a rich spring, all kinds of errors have come and are coming forth. In this we have the example of the Egyptians, who worshipped cats and serpents. For this is where we must finally fall when we abandon the Word of God and begin to keep and embellish the statutes of men. It cannot be unknown to anyone that the timid consciences often could not bear such things.

X. Article.

From the priestly marriage.

The Gospel teaches that no one should be forbidden to marry who is capable of doing so, and that the doctrine which does this is brought about by the devil. Yes, it praises marriage, and testifies that such chastity is the most important thing.

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and purity are pleasing to God in the believers; also commands all persons, whoever they are called or whoever they want to be, and in some places also expressly the priests, since it speaks of them, as 1 Cor. 7 and Tit. 1, that they should marry.

Contrast.

The pope, however, has taken away the marriage of the priests against the order set by God, and thus has opened a large window to abominable lecheries and has brought innumerable scoundrels into the world. And although the old church statutes (canones) merely deprived the priests who married of their church goods and pay, the pope was not satisfied with such previously set punishment, but began with his ancestors to exercise greater tyranny over them, so that he killed and cleared away all who took such a stand. These are all abominable sins and the actual characteristics of the Antichrist, of which the prophet Daniel prophesied, saying: "He will despise women love of women Dan. 11,37.. Thereby the contempt of the marriage state and abominable lusts are indicated.

XI. Article.

Of monastic life and monastic vows.

The monastic vows, as well as everything else in the same state, are precisely contrary to the Gospel and the Law of God. For the monastic state abolishes and annihilates faith by robbing and taking away Christ's glory, and instead ascribes it to human works; claims that human statutes and ordinances in the church are equal to the service of God, drives to sacrifice and invocation of the saints, and prefers this holiness of life, as they call it, far above the works and states ordered and instituted by God, and sets it above them. All this is obviously contrary to the Gospel.

Contrast.

The monks teach: that their vows merit forgiveness of sins and eternal life; in them there is a holiness and perfection that is valid before God, and one can compare them to the state of Elijah and Elisha, the prophets, who taught the word of God among the people, and in great tribulations and persecutions helped to carry the state (or the worldly regime) with their shoulders, and did not deal with the statutes of men; Whereas in the monastic state nothing but lies, idolatry, and a lascivious life is to be found.

XII. Article.

Bon of sin.

The Gospel teaches that not only outward works that conflict with the Law of God are sin, but also inward wickedness; for example, not fearing God rightly, not trusting Him, burning with many and varied unchastity, all of which are forbidden in God's Law and are truly sin.

Contrast.

The adversaries teach that the natural incapacity and inclinations that are against the law of God are not sin. And consequently, they horribly obscure the doctrine of the law, repentance, sin and grace.

XIII Article.

On the Difference between the Law and the Gospel.

It is important to know the difference between the Law and the Gospel, which Paul teaches and describes in Romans 3 and 7 and 2 Corinthians 3. For it gives great light to the word of God to understand this correctly. Namely, the law commands and requires perfect obedience, punishes all men, and remits no sin, and does not take away death where there is no merit.

But the gospel is such a sermon of repentance, which at the same time forgives sins for Christ's sake, without any merit on our part, and thus starts a new and eternal life for us. This high and most consoling article we do not want to deal with here completely.

Contrast.

The opposite one, who has no understanding, talks and talks in all his books about three kinds of laws: the natural, the Jewish and the evangelical, and teaches that all were saved by the law of their time, and that there is no difference between law and gospel. Then he wants to imitate the law of Moses and establishes the same priesthood, ceremonies and sacrifices in the gospel as are found in Moses. And on this foundation the foolish clergy build their mass.

XIV Article.

From pilgrimages.

The Gospel teaches and gives that one must call upon and honor God alone, and does not bind Him to a certain place or time; as Christ speaks Joh. 4, 21. ff, therefore one must bind much less of the saints' power and help to this or that image, because they are not omnipotent.

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Contrast.

The adversaries teach that God is more gracious and more powerful in this or that image, which is clearly contrary to God's word, in which the worship of images is seriously forbidden. But the adversaries reject this reason, follow their conceit, attribute a divine power to idols or images, and say that their power is stronger in this or that place. Which idolatry is a manifest impiety, and is nothing else than the pagan custom they used in the worship of their Diana of Ephesus.

XV Article.

From Purgatory.

The gospel teaches that those who die in the Lord are blessed. Likewise, one should not believe in ghosts, and Paul says in Romans 6:7 that those who have died are justified from sin. Therefore, the opposite teaching, that one must do enough for sins in purgatory, is full of shameful lies.

Contrast.

The adversaries teach that one must atone for sins; and on this weak foundation they build purgatory and all the mass stuff. All of which is false and ungodly.

XVI Article.

The Gospel teaches that it is incumbent upon the temporal authorities to punish all people, regardless of their rank or honor, who are afflicted with obvious crimes, and as a member of the church also to abolish all idolatry, and to enjoin and order the true doctrine and worship of God.

Contrast.

But the pope and his army break away from this law and defile his life with all kinds of fornication and lechery. In addition, he arrogates to himself the power to set and decide everything he likes; on the other hand, he denies the kings and princes the right to protest against this, or he does not allow them to pass judgment at all. And that is not enough for him to assert and spread such errors; he also deposes those who punish them from God's word, drives them out and torments them with all torture, and even puts them to death. In this way, he sufficiently demonstrates and clearly shows that he is the servant of the devil, as the father of lies and murderers, and that he has sworn to be his servant.

Therefore, all who ask about the true religion and their own salvation, which they see so desperately evil, will pay no attention to doctrine and commandments, nor will they let their faith rest on them; but rather will eagerly and earnestly care how God may be rightly honored and called upon.

XVII Article.

From the fair.

We call such a sacred custom par excellence the Lord's Supper, 1 Cor. 11, because not only the same words of Paul confirm our opinion, but also the learned antiquity agrees with us in this: in which I find that in former times it was customary that mass was held in all churches, in which the priest might offer such to those who wanted to eat and drink the true body and blood of Christ.

Then we believe that the mass was especially instituted and ordered for this end, that this ceremony is, as it were, the power and support of the public assembly, in which we thank the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, for the whole work and benefit of the redemption and gathering of the Church, and appropriate His promises and merits to ourselves, and certainly believe that God will receive us. Some of the ancients called this custom agapen (love feasts), because this communion was, as it were, a covenant of common love among the pious, and because bread and other offerings for the poor were formerly sacrificed or pooled.

Finally, we do not hold fairs to be like a vain, empty, and ridiculous spectacle, but that in such gatherings the Sacrament of the true Body and Blood of Christ, according to His command or commandment, is acted and dispensed.

Contrast.

The adversaries, however, have brought into the Church a multitude of horrible errors, and have passed off the Mass not only as a sacrifice of thanksgiving or praise, but also as a sacrifice of atonement, saying that it must be offered for the living and the dead, for sins, punishments, atonements, and for other necessities.

And many have written before these times that in the mass there is a sacrifice for the living and the dead, and earns the one who does it and others forgiveness of sins and redemption from the punishments of purgatory, by the mere act (ex opere operato). They have also boldly taught that a bold and unlearned priest can.

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By the mere murmuring of the silent mass, not only themselves, but also all others who were standing by, could achieve and acquire all kinds of physical good, such as fresh life, good health, blissful well-being, desirable navigation, rich profits in trade and commerce, victory and happiness in hunting, and the like.

All of which has not the slightest foundation in Scripture, was unknown in the old Catholic Church and orthodox antiquity, and obscures the true doctrine of the faith; therefore it is right for me to reject it and abolish it from the Church.

This is now, most invincible Emperor, Major of the Empire, most gracious Lord, the doctrine and opinion of both parts; and I wish and ask from the bottom of my heart that Your Imperial Majesty may consider them well and devoutly in God. Majesty may well and devoutly consider and contemplate such on both sides in God, and may also finally conclude on which side she will incline and agree.

948 Report on the gift presented to the Emperor's Majesty and on Valdesius's action with Philipp Melanchthon.

This document is the continuation of No. 939 and can be found at the locations indicated there.

On the aforementioned Saturday June 18, the Chapter of Augsburg received Imperial Majesty and sent their gift; he personally heard it, and ordered the Bishop of Hildesheim with eager eyes that it be noted, to say these words: Imperial Majesty accepts the gift with grace, His Majesty asks, together with his brother, wanted God to give the

Ask the Almighty for him, as a poor sinner, to send his Holy Spirit to instruct and instruct him, so that he may establish a common and Christian order in these great matters and not anger God. If his eyes are open.

Alphonsus, 1) imperial. Majesty Hispan. Alphonsus, the Chancellor of Spain, and Cornelius, had some friendly talks with Philippo, and told him that the Hispanics had been persuaded that the Lutherans should not believe in God, nor in the Holy Trinity, nor in Christ and Mary, so that they thought that if they strangled a Lutheran, they would be doing God a greater service than if they strangled a Turk; Although he talked to them a great deal and explained what he was doing, he obtained nothing, and at last they left their opinion.

On Saturday, Alphonsus sent to Philip, informing him that he had been with the Emperor's Majesty in the morning and had not had a more convenient place and time to speak with his Majesty for a long time, that he had informed the Emperor's Majesty of all the Lutheran articles, and that they believed nothing against the Church. The emperor said: Quid volunt de monachis? And ordered Alphonsus to tell Philip to send a short list to his majesty without any prolixity. That Philippus did so, and therefore also ordered Alphonsus to go to the legate, and to act with him out of it, has also happened, and the shock is greatest everywhere in the mass. So, praise to God, there is good hope. The Emperor wanted to help the cause gladly, God also threw his means to him.

  1. Alphonsus is Valdesius. - Cornelius Schopper, formerly in the service of the King of Denmark, now secretary to the Emperor.

[770]{.underline} > Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**, W. xvi, 913-915.**

771

The fifth section of the thirteenth chapter.

From the opening of the Reichstag, and from the public reading and handing over of the Augs

burg Confession.

949: Address of the Papal Nuncio, Vincentius Pimpinellus, to Emperor Carl V, King Ferdinand and the Estates. June 20, 1530.

This speech is found in Latin in Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 105. It was published in German in Augsburg in 1530 in octavo under the title: "eine oralion; oder Rede vor Röm. Kays. Majest. Carolo V. Augusto, King, Princes, Princes and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, delivered in Latin at the entrance of the present Imperial Diet, by the Reverend Vincent, Cimpinollo, Hereditary Bishop of Rossano, Papal Holiness. Holiness Message. Most diligently translated."

Translated from the Latin by LI. A. Tittel.

Vincentius Pimpinellus, Archbishop of Rossano, Apostolic Nuncio, > wishes Her Most Holy Imperial and Catholic Majesty his greetings. > Nuncio, his greetings!

Since, Most Sublime Emperor, the Christian religion has been brought about by the sins of men (as I believe), that it has almost never been in greater distress since the birth of Christ, and the little ship of Peter has been driven about in one place by so many sectarian eddies: so it has needed a good hero and undaunted ruler in such perilous circumstances. And therefore God has chosen you an emperor, by whose government and institution everything would be kept in good condition, and what is broken and unstable would be mended and restored. For you have heard that the tyrant of the Turks has spread so far on one side that he has now already (after Greek-Weissenburg, Rhodus and Hungary have been taken away) devastated Austria, your ancient hereditary land, last year with fire and sword, as it were from the bottom; and not all of us know yet which we must wonder more, whether the impudence to venture into such distant lands, or the cruelty against all inanimate creatures, let alone against the people themselves, without distinction of years.

On the other hand, you see new evangelists and seducers of the soul who have torn the Christian faith into so many pieces that it must either fall completely or be called back to its former path. All of which you alone, although you have your brother Ferdinand to help you, can deny.

and the most supportive must bring it to an end. Clement, the Roman Pontiff VII by that name, as a most faithful shepherd, desires every day from the bottom of his heart that it may proceed happily, and that your excellent deeds may be highlighted everywhere throughout the world, for the encouragement (or succession) of all other princes and for the immortal fame of the House of Austria, and has indeed tried everything to this end so far. Who, although he praises your brother, the unconquerable king, for his spiritedness in all dealings, and admires his courage in the resistance against the Turks, has nevertheless wanted to assign me to him, not as an assistant, but as a visible witness of all his deeds and undertakings, and as a faithful messenger, who in everything, in the name of the apostolic see, would like to assist him with counsel and action (where such was needed against the raging enemies). Which I have also done most diligently.

3 But to Your Majesty, who is happily returning from tranquilized Italy and wants to fight as an unconquerable Hercules against unheard-of many-headed monsters, he has placed Cardinal Campegius, apostolic legate, as another Jolaus, 1) at your side, so that what Your Majesty strikes down with the mace of imperial power, Campegius holds down with his learning and fiery eloquence. Campegius will hold down with his erudition and, as it were, fiery eloquence, and with your prestige prevent the monsters from rising again and gathering anew to our destruction. So there is no small salvation and happiness to be hoped for, since two kings, brothers, are leaders of such undertakings, and such a learned Cardinal-Legate contributes to such praise, and becomes a part of it. May God grant that our time may see you, as in the restoration of Christian harmony as courageous authors, so also in the restoration of the Catholic faith and the overcoming of the enemies as brave victors!

4 But since it is the work of all of you to act bravely, in order that I might also have something to do on this battlefield, it has fallen to me (by the command of our most holy Lord) to speak out.

  1. "Jolaus", son of Jphiclus, a constant companion of Hercules.

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to make good use of it, and to reveal what is necessary to do. Not that I would first encourage you to do what you already find necessary, but that I might persuade others, who are lukewarm and perhaps do not have the same opinion, to do the same by several ideas.

5 And therefore the most noble King Ferdinandus has deemed it good to put into public print this, which with your knowledge and will was presented before the German princes the day before. With your knowledge, this was presented orally by me before the German princes with the usual ceremonies, and now it is to be printed publicly, so that all may read it, and not only Germans, but also all other people may be informed of it. But because all your deeds are praised by all righteous men with full mouth, but our writings are barked at by many envious minds, I did not want to let them pass around in people's mouths and hands without protection and shield. Therefore, if they are not protected under your mace and supported by two firm pillars, they may easily fall.

6 Therefore, I ask your sovereigns and implore them most diligently that what the sovereign Ferdinand has wanted to be issued, you protect with your sovereigns, so that it is read favorably by all, if not for my sake, then for your sake. And if some wish that I would have spoken more learnedly, more delicately, and more neatly, and that I would have set everything more wisely, as often happens, then they may look at my good intention and intentions, and for that reason refrain from censuring me, even replace and improve abundantly in the same piece what I was not able to do through lack of wit, as they wish; if only they do not spurn my bad things, which they see attributed to your Majesty, sanctified and secured, as it were, under your divinity. Fare well, fight and win!

Bineentius Pimpinellus, Archbishop of Roffano, apostolic envoy and nuncio, speech delivered at Augsburg, June 20, 1) 1530, to the most illustrious King of Hungary and Bohemia, Ferdinandum rr. in the public Diet.

  1. for the happiness and salvation of the Christian religion and tranquility of the Roman Empire and the whole world, let us ask the Almighty God that what I am going to speak today in this place,
  1. In the old edition, by wrong resolution of the date in Latin: "the 19th of June". This was a Sunday. But the Reichstag was not opened until Monday, June 20. See No. 950.

may remain firmly in your hearts in such a way that it does not disappear from them as soon as possible, but is carried out by you with the greatest zeal and diligence.

  1. God, who does not want the death of sinners, but that they may be converted and live, look down to the help of Christians, and grant that the opponents of the holy faith, who persist in their hardening, may, enlightened by the Holy Spirit, eagerly return to your ways from which they have long departed.

3 Whether I see many reasons, godly Carl and Emperor, all-time ruler of the Empire, unconquerable King Ferdinand, and most worthy apostolic Cardinal-Legate, Campegius, as well as all you other highborn, great princes, of what rank, honors and dignities you are ! Although I have, I say, many reasons why I could have refused today's duty to speak, and could have left the burden, which is too heavy for me, to other, learned and well-spoken men, I have nevertheless considered it more decent for me to be reprimanded by those present here, at my discretion, rather than to neglect my duty in this, because I could not have denied my duty without shame to my most holy Lord Clement, who entrusted me with this office.

(4) But I am almost sorry for such an undertaking. For when I look at your respectable assembly, which is magnificent in majesty, nobility and power before others, at which I now want to speak first; and if something should slip my mind that is not too well and delicately set, I do not see how it will be held to my credit. Not to mention that if you imagine (as tends to happen with new things) that you will hear something special from me, because a Roman, an archbishop, an apostolic envoy, who has long practiced the art of oratory, will necessarily give and present not words, but thunderbolts; not eloquence, but erudition never heard; not the art of persuasion, but the art of persuasion, as something heavenly; and you therefore expect such things and are of the firm opinion that I can do something, for which my ability is too weak, my reputation will necessarily decrease greatly if you see and hear in me not a god but a man, not a speaker of divine (and incomparable) but of human things, and not to wonder but according to ability.

5 But on the other hand, I am comforted and encouraged by the fact that I believe that you, although you are high and great, are nevertheless very great.

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I hope that you, kind and fair judges, will listen to me and, if I should fail today, think that I have not stumbled with my will, and that what I have failed to do, I can mend; even if I have been displeased with the presentation of a hateful and adverse matter, I can once again gain favor in a more pleasant matter.

Since it cannot be otherwise, I will firstly speak of the cruel nature of the Turkish war, secondly, how they must be overcome by us and can also be easily defeated, and thirdly, if you do so, what honor, benefit and reward will result for you from it, with your kindest permission. And before I have gone through this recently, I ask, according to your usual kindness, an attentive and highly favored hearing.

If I wanted to recount all the terrible and bloody wars with which the cruel Turks have oppressed the neighboring peoples, and almost the whole world, because of Christian disunity, to conquer and subjugate their empire, in this place one after the other: since they conquered more countries than others desired (or may desire), and have done such great and famous deeds so far, that I cannot express them all in words in such a short time, and therefore keep them quiet. If I wanted to mention how many years they fought with the Hungarians, whom Christianity once so valiantly defended; what defeats and victories occurred now and then among each other; how many prisoners were dragged away: it would certainly become annoying for me today to tell all this, but for you to listen to such things.

But if we want to tell the story of the unfortunate and lamentable Vienna and the whole of Austria's devastation, we will, as it were, proclaim our shame, and thereby secretly raise the bravery of the enemy to the heavens. For who must not admire and highly praise the Turks' march from such distant lands, while the Christians' lukewarmness, even slothfulness or malice, is to be detested to the highest degree?

  1. although I have been willing to describe the Turks' cruelty, so that you may see from it how they, as tyrants, only like to spoil everything and want to seize and dominate it more and more, I will not abuse your patience with too much expansiveness, if I should bring up everything that has happened to plague you, nor will I use futile effort in this.
  2. for you Germans know very well, and

I wish you did not know that the cruel Turks plagued you with fire, robbery, blood, destruction, fornication, violence, imprisonment and other such horrible tortures for the past years.

You Germans know, and God would have you not know, that the cities have been burned, the villages devastated, the grapevines uprooted, the seeds substituted, the trees cut down, and finally everything destroyed to the ground.

You Germans know, and would God you did not know, that people have been stabbed to death, some have been cut in half, others have had their limbs mutilated, others have been buried in the ground, others have been hanged in the air, others have been killed by hunger.

(13) You Germans know, and would to God! you would not know that the women were cut out (torn open), and the womb torn out of the wounded place; the children partly smashed to pieces on stones, partly pierced through the gullets with pointed stakes, partly tied like rabbits to the horse saddles at the back with their heads hanging down to the ground in front of the miserable parents' eyes, who have to watch such misery of the children, and so quickly dragged away, and soon after strangled (or suffocated).

14 You Germans know, and would God you did not know, that the enemies' public cruelty, and rather mockery and public disgrace, is that the corpses are stripped, not that the booty is stripped and taken from them (as war brings with it), but that, when all preciousness has already been taken from the head to the legs, they only lie there naked and the Christians' shame is seen. As I have seen her lying naked and bare with my eyes, to the eternal shame of Christianity and its outrageous sloth.

  1. and since you Germans know this, you still consider yourselves, you still sleep, you still shut your mouths because of laziness!

16 Where is your ancient strength? where is your bravery? which before, if it was not seen, was nevertheless feared by foreign peoples? Would to God that this tale would not fit you for tears, which hardly puff for women, or for crying and weeping, so nu^for cowardly people; not for lamentation and pity, so only a female mind indicates, but for the fury, anger, hatred and revenge of your and the German nation's innocent blood to ignite and provoke! because today, as another Fabius Maximus, I carry war in my bosom, and no peace; death, and no life; fire, and

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no water; revenge, and no kindness. You have lost goods, friends, wives, children 2c.; all things that indeed hurt, but are nevertheless to be repaid and not so much to be mourned. For since everything is born to die, it matters not much whether the turn comes to one today or in a few years. For we are born to die. But who will replace our honor, glory and name again, if you Germans, I say, do not do the same harm and damage to the enemy, even much worse harm and damage, and just as they could not have done without anyone's resistance (so without your disgrace), so to speak, they came upon you defenseless people's necks: So also ye, being armed, by your valor come to their asses, and snatch your spoils out of their hands, that they may be laden, and restore to their former liberty the cities, villages, and lands, which they possess by force (as is due to valiant warriors)? All this you will easily accomplish with God and with your united power.

(17) Now you have recently heard of the tyrant's murders and his bloody ways, and that he is not a human ruler, but a quite barbaric and savage executioner.

18 But now hear also how and in what way he is to be destroyed, and how easily he can be beaten and overcome. We read that Fr. Scipio Nasica and Marcus Cato, very wise men, were zealous in the Roman council, the one that Carthage, always emulating the Roman majesty, would be destroyed; the other that the neighbors and allies would always be helped even in the smallest wars; that the warlike Romans, if they lived in Rome in the city in peace and pleasure, would not learn the trade of war and become womanish; or, since they had a lack of foreign enemies, would start internal wars. As long as they kept these rules (but always with zealous worship of their gods), they had such peace at home that they not only maintained a quiet city for a long time, but also, since they preserved religion and helped friends, neighbors and confederates, they managed themselves and expanded their rule.

(19) It is a beautiful thing, noble lords, to abide by the sacred orders of your ancestors, and to help others in such a way that you do not neglect yourself; to keep the fire from your neighbor's house so that your own does not burn. Therefore, also you, dear Germans, do not despise such great people's rules and admonitions, from which you can hope for peace, your descendants for glory, and the empire for continuity.

(20) Are the Germans, who before were so devoted to religion and war, and who were so strong and experienced both in body and in warfare and valor, to lie idle and lazy at home, putting religion aside? What shame is it that those who were accustomed to teach others Christianity are now lacking in it themselves and are being punished for it? and that the Turk keeps on tearing in and destroying everything as he pleases, while the Germans sit quietly by without keeping such devastation from themselves and their neighbors' borders? Beware lest, through God's wrath, if you do not take foreign wars to heart, you again fall into internal ones!

If God had willed, you would have saved and preserved other places according to Cato's example, so that you would not now have to worry about yours. Would to God that you had helped Hungary before it was so miserably oppressed by the robbers! which you could have protected much more easily and comfortably then than you could now save from the enemies.

22 But just as you denied your power to your neighbors and allies, so they inflicted a great defeat on you first, and then on Hungary and Austria as well.

Beware, ah! beware, lest, when you still have to deal with inner dissension, and again keep the enemy low and do not come to the aid of your neighbors, you atone for such unbelief and obstinacy once, but too late. Just look at the wretched and unhappy Austria's misery, which lies torn and miserable on its knees before you, and not without tears begs for help, and cries out to you as friends, allies, neighbors and fathers. And if you do not consider its downfall as good as your own, then I must call you justly hard and inexorable.

(24) The council and people of Rome, even though they were pagans and far from the right religion, were not so slow to maintain their religion, nor did they tolerate the enemies. For they cared for nothing more than to propitiate their gods, whether they had already been invented, with their usual and own ceremonies, and to avenge the enemies' wrongs and violence, even in the slightest, with force, fire and sword, always saying what has now almost become a proverb: if one tolerates the old wrong, one gives rise to a new and different one. Therefore, even in the smallest matter, they started fierce wars, so that the Roman council and people's reputation and dignity would be

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foreign peoples would be preserved unbreakably. But you Germans, who are Christians and worshippers of the true and almighty God, with contempt for the sacred customs of your mother, the Church, want to leave the greatest insolence of the enemy and his unheard-of knavery unscented?

(25) The Romans believed that the mayor Varro had fought unhappily with the Carthaginians at Cannae, because of Juno, whom he had offended; but you Germans think that if you abolish the true sacrifice, deny the sacraments, strike down the priests' prestige, even against the will of Him who is a Lord of hosts, valiant and mighty in battle, you will conquer and beat the enemies?

The Romans wanted to raze and destroy Corinth, a famous city in Greece, because they might have heard falsely that their envoys were not held honestly enough: and you want to let live those who tormented your friends, relatives, brothers-in-law, and children with all kinds of pain, and not only heard it, but saw it with your eyes?

The Romans, because of a false god, Aesculapius, cut down the grove that Turullius, M. Antony's colonel of war, had had hewn down to build ships, and when the imperial army overcame Antony, they first had Turullius cruelly beaten in that very place and then hewn to pieces: but you Christians want to let such robbers of the temples of the true God and destroyers of the sanctuaries live? Virginius, a Roman, though of commoner status, yet noble in mind and deeds, has publicly stabbed his daughter, whom Appius Claudius, one of the ten men, had only wanted to incite to fornication, with a dagger in the marketplace, and you, of such noble status, want to let those who have really violated your daughters, without thinking of your honor, ride over them like this and close your eyes to it?

(28) Now, dear Germans, when the whole Roman power has come to you, if you want to be rightly called the heirs of the religion, the rule and the warfare of the Romans, keep what you have received and make yourselves more and more worthy of a higher glory, and do not let such mischief happen in your life.

  1. let the misery of your cities, which you cannot leave, go to your hearts in public; let the contempt of religion, the desecrated sanctities, your wives' honor and chastity, for which you have to care above all things, move you, that this may stir you to pity, pity to hatred, hatred to war. For you will

You will become peasants again, or slaves of the Turks, or lead a miserable and pitiful life as exiles. Neither nobility nor wealth will help you, but rather the enemies will be attracted to raid you and take them away because of your discord. Consider the outcome; consider the cases, and learn (as befits wise people) to avoid your pending misfortune by other means. No repentance will help where there has been no counsel or caution for the future.

(30) Oh, that you would hear your captive sons and the noble women carried away into the worst servitude. They would ask nothing day and night for lamentation but that your brave hands might be stretched out against them for salvation, or that death might come upon them for the quieting of their lamentation and their restlessness.

31 So it is up to you to overcome the fierce enemies and to snatch the captives out of their hand. It is up to you to bind and loose the bound. It is up to you to save and liberate Christendom, which you will now do without hindrance, since you may not have been able to do so before.

For since you, most invincible Emperor Carl (for that is how I must address you, the Savior of Christendom), since you, I say, have gone to Italy, where everything was full of war and inner hostility, everything was found sick and, as it were, already decayed by you, you appeared as a desired physician, who, even with the mere arrival, immediately refreshed the sick and brought them back to life through the promise of health. For you, as if sent by God, have healed all the wounds of Italy with your wisdom, care, patience and most delicious medicine. How much hatred, strife and discord you, as the sun, have dispelled! And you have not come there both for your crown, honor and praise (though all should burst who think otherwise!) and for the love of the Christian faith, the desire for peace, and the hope to calm everything in the bet.

For when you saw that the tyrant would come soon after, calling from the former war to another, and from the sword to another, you yourselves, according to the example of our Savior Jesus Christ, whom you constantly follow in everything, wanted to rise from the far western parts and bring peace to us. Neither rain, nor weather, nor storm, nor sour roads, nor any other hardship of yours and yours could have kept you from helping us,

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and to save us from distress, fear and death itself.

Therefore, peace has come about through your virtue and word: everything that had lain down and wanted to perish before is laughing and living again, which thanks you for its life, salvation and peace. If God had willed, you would not have left in such a short time, and could have strengthened poor Italy, which is only now recovering, and left everything in it well and efficiently preserved and cleansed. But so, most wise emperor, it is the duty of a prudent householder to see first of all where the danger is greatest.

35 And therefore, since you have helped up Italy, which was in danger of falling further, you have risen up in Germany: You have risen up in Germany so that you may restore this sick, devastated empire, which is oppressed by many hardships. Which you will easily do, because you are an excellent, clever and happy physician, and whoever is healed by you will, which is something rare nowadays, not become ill again in eternity.

(36) Now that the quarrels of the French have already been quieted by the emperor, and (for I turn again to you Germans) you will also have quieted your disputes in the Christian faith, how easily will you not be able to start the Turkish war?

You will not lack Italian power; nor will Clement VII, the Roman Pontiff, who is the most benevolent in name and deed, arise, but with his fathers, by virtue of his prestige and fortune, he will help in such a great war, and, if need be, he will himself take on all the trouble, danger and hardship, so that he may be the first in such a war, and will by all means omit nothing, so that the salvation and peace of the world may be promoted.

You, most noble King Ferdinand, can especially testify to the help, money and gifts he sent you, so that he would not leave you in your distress. And if other Christian princes had followed his example, they could not only have prevented the defeat of the past year, but also chased the tyrant out of Hungary and the Turks away from its borders.

The most Christian king Franciscus will not come into being, because he would not want to use this high surname, as everyone would judge, since he is called the most Christian not only from the protection of the Christians, but also from the extermination of the unbelieving enemies.

  1. nor Henry, the king of England, the protector of the faith, he wanted (God forbid!) rather the same persecutor (or exterminator).

because that is just as much as persecuting when one leaves and does not protect one.

Nor Joannes, the most powerful king in Portugal, who is the diligent successor of his ancestors. Nor the brave and pugnacious Spaniards, whose bravery and prudence we will perhaps praise in another, more convenient place, where not now, and their victories and praise they deserve that they do not remain hidden, with full mouth.

(42) All other Christian princes, by whatever name they may be called, will not come into being. And if they come into being (which we do not believe), you alone will do it. Let this, you noble Germans, be your own praise!

(43) And the multitude of the Turks need not terrify you; for valiant men need never ask, How many are they? but: Where are the enemies? He who would rule over many must contend with many. Their power is indeed very great, but God's power is much greater, as it scatters and destroys everything before it, wherever it wishes, like dust, chaff and stubble. It is God alone who strengthened and conquered Moses, Joshua, the Maccabees, David, and others who prayed and fought with little multitude. He it is whose hand shall help you, and whose arm shall give you strength. It is he who can do all things; who gives and takes away, in whose hand is life and death, war and peace. For with God there is nothing so hard that will not be lightened, nothing so firm that will not be easily and completely conquered by you.

44 But in such a way that if you want to fight against the Turks, you first fight against yourselves and reconcile the Almighty God, whom you wish to have on your side, and put Christ's faith in order so that you are sure that otherwise none can exist without the other. I will not mention the examples, I will not mention the ancient victories, I will not mention many miraculous deeds of our time.

The Turks have a lot of money, but mainly that which they have torn from the hands of the Christians by force, and which they have acquired almost every year by ransoming your prisoners. But you do not lack money either. You have large numbers of people, among whom there are more Christians than Turks, but you also have enough people. They are fast, that is the praise of the horses. You, however, have more cavalry and heartiness. The Turks always win. Yes, but not so much through their bravery as through your sluggishness, they overcome everything they want. Wake up and think things through, and you may have as much or more in everything than the Turks.

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Consider only the tradition, consider the way of life. They are ignoble, you are noble. They are effeminate, you are manly. You weak and soft Asiatic peoples, you hard and strong Germans. They are robbers, and therefore fearful; you (as you have always had this praise) faithful, honest men. But if they are superior to you in something, it is only the captive Christians' wit and strength that makes them attack you and throw you to the ground, if you do not believe nor arm yourselves properly.

(47) Do you think that all the captives will be able to bear their cruel tyranny and servitude, and that, when they see you armed, they will be able to hope that, by your help, they will obtain victory over the enemy, and will not fall to you, or pass up any opportunity of proving themselves enemies of the Turks? They will be the first to go out with you against the Turks, so that they will be free from their hand, which is so burdensome to them; the first to fight against the infidels.

(48) But the Turks fight against you especially with two main enemies, namely your discord and their supreme harmony, which they love and value as a goddess on earth.

Dear Germans, do not take it amiss if I tell you the truth here. I name (as that one says) no one, therefore no one must be angry with me, who does not want to show himself met first. For the Turks are under one prince, whom they obey; but among the Germans there are many who obey no one. It is the Turks alone through whose unanimous counsel everything goes well, but among the Germans there are many through whose discord everything comes to ruin.

Those do not think that they are wiser than the ancients, and therefore, by following them, they always gain new kingdoms. But among the Germans there are many who ridicule their ancestors as fools, and therefore acquire the name of new servants. The Turks live under the same law, custom and religion; but among the Germans there are many who always devise new laws, new orders, new religions and keep them at will, but ridicule the old one as something rotten and stinking. They spoil and destroy the unsewn skirt of Christ, which is already torn into many pieces.

(51) The true and most honorable teachings of Christ, which have been ordered by the agreement of so many pious fathers and confirmed by the Holy Spirit, they disturb out of devilish conceit, and make of them nothing but buffoonery and shameful stuff.

But if this monster should give birth to something, then you should at least have brought forth a better, wiser and holier faith in the place of the former, so that you would have departed without foolishness and disgrace from the true way of our ancient fathers, which has always been and will always be the best.

Would to God that you had not only deceived the poor gullible people, but also the pious and wise princes by your evil and poisonous teachings! But I have many things to say, which I pass over with diligence, lest I fall into a rich field, over which a great laborer (husbandman) is tilled, who (with your, the princes', permission) will make all the fruits better by his wisdom, diligence and teaching.

I come back to my intention. How much are Aristides and Themistocles praised among the Greeks, who were always sent away as envoys or commanders; and therefore, even if they were enemies, they nevertheless used to leave all enmity and injustice at the borders of the Athenian territory, and then (if it was convenient for them) wanted to accept them again on their return.

55 Cretinas and Hermias, who fought for the supreme rule in the city during the Mithridatic War, were also considered just as praiseworthy; but afterwards, seeing that the common people would perish through their enmity, they did not refuse to cede the rule to each other, so that Cretinas finally took over the city with his counsel, but Hermias left with his wife and child, and let the long-sought rule go.

This is true peace, this is harmony, and consequently the salvation of cities and countries, through which small things are elevated. Thereby is victory, life and dominion. With peace dwells justice, with peace truth, with peace bliss. Now, if you consider these things, according to the examples of Aristidis and Themistoclis, Cretinä and Hermiä, you will drive out discord by unity, and disunity by unity, and self-interest by common benefit:

If you imitate Father Scipio Nasica, M. Cato, the Roman people, and, after the manner of your forefathers, keep the one holy Catholic faith, you will not sit quietly at home, but will help your neighbors and covenant relatives, and respect other people's suffering as well as your own.

  1. What are you afraid of the Turk? What of the infidel barbarians? What of the whole

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The world? Send yourselves to this blessed war, and tear yourselves free from the ropes of wicked people, so that you can do this.

59 Poor devastated Hungary is waiting from you, for whom you cannot refuse help. For if it has resisted the Turk for many years at its own expense, and covered the whole of Christendom with its power, why, now that it has been exhausted and miserably oppressed by its enemies, should not all of you hasten to its aid?

(60) Therefore, if (as is your due and right) you will do with all diligence what we hope of you, only hear patiently and attentively what glory, benefit and welfare you will gain from it.

(61) Two things are chiefly implanted in man, which it is difficult for men who are otherwise rational (rationi cedentibus) to refrain from, namely, virtue and honor or glory; the one of which is the preserver of souls, but the other is a child (alumna) of the body. For virtue is contrary to vice, and he who desires it forsakes all that is shameful and acquires what is honorable. But honor (or glory) is the praiseworthy reward of our bodies and of our good deeds. And if the desire for honor is not there, it can, as everyone can easily see, bring excellent benefits to the soul.

Virtue is obtained through good morals and a well-managed life, but honor is obtained through brave deeds and great examples. For the sake of virtue, St. Paul, St. Anthony, St. Benedict, St. Hilarius, St. Jerome and many others went to forests, lonely and desolate places and sustained themselves with water, dates, sedge and herbs.

For the sake of honor, Curtius threw himself into a pit; the two Decians sacrificed themselves; Mucius Scävola burned his right hand; not to mention others. But how much happier you Germans will be if you diligently carry out what I advise you today. I do not call you to go into solitude to attain virtue; I do not desire that you eat herbs, or drink water, or put on sackcloth and scourge yourselves, or walk barefoot, but that you go to war well armed, well clothed, well fed, yet with restoration of the holy customs of your ancestors, for which the

  1. OMLikus, where it should not read dry figs, 6nrioi8, (Walch). - Perhaps rndieidus (roots) is to be read. Because enrioikus (from enrex) is sedge.

Heaven will be opened, but hell will be closed. But if you seek honor, for which all good souls gladly strive, what better opportunity can you have, since more reward and more glorious retribution could come to you than this holy and just war, which no man can speak ill of you? For you do not seek to destroy Christians, but to preserve them; not to shed their blood, but to subdue the enemies of Christianity, or at least to keep them away. Who will blame this? Who will not praise it?

(64) After this, I do not exhort you to conquer and take away any little spots, huts or deserts, but great cities, mighty and famous kingdoms, dominions, silver, gold, precious stones, which I hope you will not spurn. And so you can see what signs of victory, honor, praise and immortal glory await you.

  1. For when you have stripped off the larvae of the wicked teachers, who bring forward nothing of their own, but bring forth again to your destruction the embarrassed opinions, which have long since been rejected and put down by the most holy conciliarities; and when the godly princes have subdued their wickedness, you will snatch the holy city of Jerusalem, the tomb of our most glorious Lord JEsu Christ, the place of Judaism, Mount Oel and Mount Sion, and other places where our Savior shed his blood, out of the hands of the unbelieving dogs and shameful murderers, and after that you will win more kingdoms and countries and spread the borders of Christendom everywhere.

Soon you will also restore the Hungarians, such pious and Christian men, who were so useful to you in the past, who protected and preserved the Christian faith for such a long time, to their property, from which they drove the foreigners' wickedness. To you the pious will ascribe their fatherland and their peace (where they are grateful) entirely. All of which, as I have promised you, will bring bliss to the soul and immortal name and fame to the body. Thus you will also ward off war and upheaval, as wise people are wont to do, from your borders, because the calamity is on your head and your destruction. Finally, you will catch (as they say) two wild sows in one forest (or create two good things with one effort).

67 For you will protect Ferdinandum, your son, foster child (nlumnuin), friend and benefactor, the king in Hungary, against all false kings and wicked adversaries in his kingdom, and save you from many a vexation.

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For the good prince does not know to whom he should take refuge but to you Germans. To whom, if you (as is fair, and his virtue certainly seems to deserve it) will restore his kingdoms and crush his enemies, he will not only not be allowed to continue to ask you for help, money and assistance, but will rather dedicate all income, all kingdoms, principalities and everything he has or can have to your will and make it your territory.

69 Here I should state all the reasons why the Germans should not have refused to help you, most noble King Ferdinand. But it could not be told without your great praise. But since I know that you do not like to be praised at present, because you are so chaste that, when you hear your own praise, you are overcome with distress, and you prefer to hear the praise of others and the deeds of brave men, which you also like to do, rather than your own in your presence, I would rather keep quiet about the good things you have done in this youth of yours, both because not everything can be said in a short time, and because you are so great and praiseworthy that you do not need my fame, but are already famous throughout the world.

  1. But how will you, dear Germans (that I come to you again), be rightly called worthy, if you bring back and restore the true Christian faith, which has been almost completely driven out everywhere, so that it comes back, as it were, through you after a long time; if you prepare yourselves for this holy, just and necessary war; if you take the kingdoms and dominions of the enemies; if you protect the neighbors and confederates by virtue of the law of nature; if you avenge the wrong done to you; if you drive the enemies from your borders; if you reinstate King Ferdinand, as is right, in his kingdom. All the most beautiful epithets of the ancients will be attached to you alone. For you will be just, godly, friendly, wise people; you will be called the conquerors of tyrants and the saviors of kings by all right.

What you will do, what you will contribute to the preservation of religion, what you will use and control in this war, all this will be attributed to you. You will have no companion in this, because without you no one will be victorious. The common good is based on you. Others protect the fatherland, others the parents, others the own goods; but you will not only protect all this, but also Christ, the redeemer of the world.

You will defend the human race and the whole world and keep them unharmed. You will be quite blissful and praised with one mouth by all Christians. The Holy Mother, the Church, will call you children, heirs, and, with disregard for others, saviors. You will be the ones through whose salvation and life our salvation and life will be preserved. You will be rightly honored; you will be owed rewards; you will be prepared triumphs, crowns, and titles of honor. Those who will not pray, pledge and sacrifice for you will be considered unworthy of the Christian name. And because I firmly conclude from your beckoning and attention that you are completely ready and well disposed for these two necessary and most holy works, that you need no further coaxing from me, I will pass over the rest with silence.

I only have to say that because you, most blessed Emperor Carl, have willingly accepted such points, which otherwise would not have been suitable for your Highness and imperial name, that you only want to calm everything down. You, most invincible (bravest) King Ferdinand, have been concerned day and night for the harmony of the whole of Germany and other Christian princes, so that you may establish what is and is called Christian, and that peace in Italy may be sown by you, as much as possible, in such a way that the whole world may reap rich fruit from it: We must ask the Almighty God with each other to keep peace in Italy, because it is well seen that life and death, salvation and destruction of the whole Christian religion hang on it as on a delicate thread. And if some maliciously want to prevent such peace from lasting long, nor the Christian religion from recovering; if some do not want to give help against that seven-headed serpent, the tyrant of the Turks; if some do not want to allow Hungary, as the stronghold of our faith, to be conquered again, Austria to be protected, Germany to be defended: we call upon you, St. Peter and Paul, of the Christian faith. Peter and Paul, heads and causes of the Christian faith, that you, key-bearer, lift up rock-hard and sluggish hearts of all princes and men; and you, sword-bearer and chosen vessel, cut away, separate and set apart such unheard-of hardness from the hearts of mortals.

Come in the clouds of heaven, scatter the nations that love to war against the Christians, and convert these sorcerers of Simone, these Attilas and Totilas, as many as they are, and bring them back to the former Christian faith. And if their wickedness (which God does not want!) is so great that they will not be converted by you holy apostles.

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If in blindness they honor the enemy, the devil, more than God, our Savior; if they concede more to the unbelievers than to the Christians, and without mercy on the incoming faith will mock and crucify Jesus Christ again: let not the human race, which is wholly devoted to thee, be lost through the faithlessness of some wicked men; but smite them, O Lord, smite them, that they may have locusts, moths, and maggots enough; Let them be blinded and ravaged, that their ways be not right; let them lack the fruit of the olive tree, and the fields bear no meat; let the sheep be torn from the folds, that there be no cattle at the manger; let death take hold of them, and let them go alive into hell!

But if they think of human weakness, and turn to you, and set you, O God, before their eyes; if they honor your holy catholic and apostolic church (as is right) with a single heart; if they do not break the bonds of peace; if they stand by Ferdinand against the Turks: let them succeed and prosper continually!

Give them, Almighty Lord, abundant blessings, that the streams may flow to them with milk and honey, that the earth may bear them seed of its own free will; let them not, O Lord, lack any good. Their herds, their flocks, their cattle and their sheep must increase and be blessed; their years must be many and long, so that they may see their children's children and their descendants. Fishes of the sea and birds of the air must be obedient to them, so that all may know that you are Lord over all lords, giving to each according to his works, and that you alone do great wonders.

  1. narration of the previously held mass de Spiritu Sancto and the subsequent opening of the Imperial Diet.

This document is the continuation of No. 939 and 948. The location is given at No. 939.

On Sunday June 19, His Imperial Majesty received the Sacrament of the Holy Cross. Majesty, according to his usage, received the reverend Sacrament of the Holy Cross, and after noon summoned all the princes to him, and, for the sake of the session, kindly received them, which could never have happened before at any Imperial Diet. On Monday June 20 the Mass de Spiritu Sancto was sung with all its glory; the Archbishop of Mainz officiated. After the Credo

that orator pontificius a quick Oration in Latin and German language; promise me, it will be printed and scholirt 1). After the oration, Imperial Majesty went to the sacrifice. Majesty went to the sacrifice, and the Elector of Saxony presented him with the sword. Then the king and all the princes went to the sacrifice, but ours with laughter; only the landgrave did not sacrifice, but was present at the mass.

After the mass, His Imperial Majesty rode up to the house. Majesty rode to the house with the princes and chieftains, began the Imperial Diet there, and held two things before them for deliberation according to length: first, that they should deliberate on how to deal with the Turks, and second, that each prince should submit his opinion on religion in writings for the morning of Wednesdays, in two languages, one Latin, the other German. Please forgive me, Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty will deal with the matter in his own council, since the princes are opposed to this.

This much has been done so far. Be warned with this; if rumor should come that our princes should have given way somewhat, then know that it is not true. At the highest request of His Imperial Majesty, and in particular of His Majesty the Emperor. Majesty, and especially the Elector for the sake of his office, they could not refuse to go to church with us. However, they protested earlier that the mass is none of their business, and they do not want to pay their respects to it, as has happened. To this end, they do not refrain from preaching, but rather interpret the commandment, because the papists are not allowed to preach either, and those whom the imperial majesty has appointed from high authority are not allowed to preach. Majesty has decreed from high authority, must say nothing more than the Gospel, without all interpretation. Here the eating of meat, and other things, is not contested. Ask God to give his Holy Spirit to preserve his divine word and common peace.

951 Lecture of Count Palatine Frederick in the name and presence of the Emperor to the Estates of the Empire, delivered at Augsburg on Monday, June 20, 1530.

This document is found in Latin in Cölestin, vol. I, p. 116 and in Chyträus, p. 53; in German in des Chyträus deutscher Edition der Historie 2c. p. 99. The second part, concerning religion, is also found in the German editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 442b; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 99 (wrong 92); in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 225 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 213. Also in Müller's Hist, p. 564.

  1. "scholirt" will mean: to be provided with bulkheads, glosses.

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I.

First proposition point, concerning the Turkish War.

  1. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has no doubt that Her Majesty's dear friends, nephews, brothers, grandparents, princes and commoners of the Holy Roman Empire have in fresh remembrance and good knowledge that Her Imperial Majesty was elected to the dignity and height of the Imperial office and government of the Holy Roman Empire by a unanimous vote by God Almighty. The Holy Roman Empire was first elected by a unanimous vote, and received its royal crown at Aachen. She received her royal crown at Aachen, held a general imperial diet at Worms, and thereupon discussed the affairs and necessities of the Holy Roman Empire. The kingdom's affairs and necessities, which existed at that time, were carried out and acted upon with the utmost and most gracious diligence. When, at the same imperial diet that was or is still in progress, her imperial majesty was confronted with enemies, the Holy Roman Emperor was forced to take action. When, at the same time, in the same Imperial Diet, which was or is still in progress, her Imperial Majesty was opposed with enmity against her Majesty, war and hostile acts were started and practiced, and her Majesty conceded such great and excellent causes as are possible, that, although she had been completely willing to remain longer in the Empire, she had again withdrawn from it to her Majesty's Hispanic hereditary kingdoms. Hispanic hereditary kingdoms; however, with the good knowledge and will of the estates of the empire, after that all necessary business and things of the holy empire had been established and decided beforehand, and with the consent, advice and decision of the estates, her dear brother Ferdinand, of Hungary and Bohemia, whom her majesty does not respect differently than her majesty himself, to her majesty's state. himself, as her Majesty's governor, and appointed and established a regiment in the Holy Roman Empire consisting of princes, chieftains and all the other estates; which governor and regiment had all the power, in the absence of her Majesty from the Empire, to do and act in accordance with the needs of the Empire and the matters at hand, as if her Majesty herself were present. In addition, her Majesty's brother and governor, as well as the regiment, have not spared their persons' effort, labor and expense, but have at all times done everything that has been possible for his love and them in the form of the matters and events that occurred after the Diet of Worms was held, and the edict and order that were made on it, and have been committed, so that her Majesty's Majesty can be assured of the preservation of peace and rights in the kingdom. to decree nothing for the preservation of peace and rights in the Holy Roman Empire. For this reason, Her Majesty has also left the empire for the kingdoms in question with less complaint.
  2. after which Her Majesty's Re-arrival in Hispania, Her Majesty. has now been informed that not only have some troublesome things occurred, but also that there has been some disagreement between the inhabitants of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, on account of the Christian religion and otherwise, but also that the hereditary enemy of the Christian name and faith, the Turk, is in the process of damaging some Christian frontiers, namely the Kingdom of Hungary, as he has begun to do, and has thus conquered by force some of the gates and passes of the place. For this reason, Her Imperial Majesty has been granted the right to use his power. Majesty. brother and brother-in-law, King Louis of Hungary, by his and the common countryside's excellent message, appealed to her Majesty's governor and regiment in the Holy Land. Governor and Regiment in the Holy Empire, thus and besides also to Her Majesty's Commissars and Orators. The Hungarian authorities, the commissioners and orators, as well as the princes, princes and estates of the Imperial Diet held at Nuremberg at that time, were informed of the danger and hardship they were then facing from the Turks after the capture of Greek-Weissenburg and other passes of the Hungarian lands, and especially of the fact that they, the Hungarians, were complaining of the Turks, that they were one thing with the same estates of the empire and other Christians, and that there was a common danger on them.If they, the Hungarians, were not given adequate help, that they would be too weak to avert the Turk's authority and force from them; if they were also assisted in time, that they, the Hungarians, would not only meet their fortune, along with other help from the empire, with sufficient salvation, but would also try to reconquer by force what they had been deprived of. If, however, they were ever not supplied with the shell, they would, as is to be feared, be subjected to Turkish force themselves, and thus would not only no longer be able to prove salvation or help to other attacking Christians, but would also be forced to act against them as the enemy of the Christians. All with further narration of the same messages, advertising how formerly the Christian Empire of Constantinople and Trapezium, the Kingdom of Bosnia, Dalmatia, and a large part of Croatia, together with many other kingdoms, lands and regions, were also conquered by the Turk, thus, that in a short time the Turk has extended his power to such an extent that, besides many other nations and great lands, he has forced two empires and twenty kingdoms under his power, all of which are subjected to him with the most burdensome and humiliating servitude, and must wait and serve him.
  3. what complain complaint and submission

792 Sect. 5: Transfer of the Augsb. Confession. No. 951. W. xvi, 940-943. 793

In view of the same Hungarian message, as well as the pressing danger that would certainly arise not only for the Crown of Hungary, but also subsequently for common Christendom, Her Imperial Majesty has taken it to heart. Majesty has therefore taken to heart and, in order that this danger may be countered with haste, has taken the measures previously taken by the common estates of the Empire at the Diet of Worms for Her Majesty's march to Rome and the attainment of Her Majesty's crown. Rome and the attainment of her imperial crown. The same, however, is the case with the Hungarians, who have agreed to follow the help promised and granted by the common estates at the Imperial Diet in Worms for their march to Rome and the attainment of their imperial crown. And because the same help granted to Her Majesty was not followed by the Hungarians at that time, but in part, for the rescue of the Hungarians, and because the Hungarians were not able to shoot them at that time, then that the Turk, after conquering Greek-Weissenburg, as reported above, other passes and towns in Hungary were taken by the Turks, with the Christian people being damaged and spoiled, and then, not far from Rhodes, they were overrun and, after a hard siege, they were taken under their control, which were two strong fortresses and passes against the Turks, on which Christianity had no small comfort; And because then the reported Turk directed his power to the Hungarian country, after further conquest of many passes, castles and best spots, the places, the above-mentioned King Ludwigen and the same war people, so by his, the Turk's, rage and invasion to salvation and resistance pushed, beaten in the field, and thus the Christian army lay down burdensome; That the same King Louis should perish, and the said Turk should follow up his victory, forcing all castles, cities and towns between the rivers Sau and Drava by force, and Ofen, the capital of Hungary, and Pesth opposite, and other towns and cities, should be thoroughly plundered and burned, many Christian peoples beaten, and the survivors dragged away with considerable goods; That he also became insatiable, but from one victory to another to damage and ruin the Christian lands much more meager and eager, then directed his fierce mind on common Christianity and especially on the German nation, and her Majesty's kingdom and principality of Croatia and Kram raided, burned, devastated and led away from it more than thirty thousand people, male and female sex, and those who did not want to follow with the robbery, cruelly murdered.

4th And now most recently, in the next past 1529th year, with such great power, as before and since the time of Attila, who there was a scourge

The king, who is called God, was never heard, marched again and in his own person to Hungary, devastated it thoroughly from all sides, turned his innumerable army immediately afterwards to her Majesty's land of Lower Austria, besieged the capital Vienna and forced it with a cruel challenge. There he besieged the capital city of Vienna, and with cruel hostility pressed and coerced it, and besides that, with his roving troops, on the side where Vienna is situated, he roamed everywhere with great rage, and destroyed, devastated, and burned everything that was before him, far and wide, up to Linz, as far as the water, the Ens, old and young Christians and children with inhuman fury, and also abused many women and virgins, as often happened before, and is his, the Turk's, practice and desire, to their worst will, and otherwise dragged away like cattle with them, besides a noticeable loot.

(5) Whereupon, too, if the reported hereditary enemy of our Christian name and faith had not departed, Her Majesty was completely determined and prepared to put aside all things, and to oppose it personally with all her might, and to put all her fortune into it, as then Her Majesty wrote to the aforementioned her brother, and likewise to the supreme commander of the estates in the Holy Roman Empire, and also to the knights and men of war who were besieged in Vienna. wrote to the aforementioned her brother, likewise to the chief captain of the estates in the Holy Roman Empire, also of the knights and men of war who were besieged in Vienna, and finally put them off that they should rely on it completely, but nevertheless, as Her Maj. and, for many good reasons and motives, considered it best and most useful to bring and place the Italian lands in peace and tranquillity before her Majesty's departure; also to dispose of the city of Bonavia for papal sanctity, and to act with her Majesty in this and other matters concerning the welfare of all Christendom, including our holy faith; as is further stated in her Majesty's writ of this Imperial Diet.

  1. that also subsequently her Majesty, when she found that the supreme necessity of the matters reported in the above-mentioned invitation to this Diet, and especially the thought of our hereditary enemy the Turk and of our holy faith, required that the same Diet be called; besides this, she considered and judged it best and most useful to immediately take her royal crown there in Bononia, as she has done; which crown, as being known to men, her Maj. without any objection or hindrance at Rome, to dispose of it in her Majesty's Kingdom of Neapolis, and to take advantage of its excellent objects and things, which are especially present at that time,

794 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 943-945. 795

and the kingdom's welfare and her Majesty's benefit. In this case, however, Her Majesty has also postponed them so that she may promote the common Christian benefit, as she has been and has been inclined to do, and so that they may come and appear here at this Imperial Diet the sooner.

(7) And even though he, the Turk, has not been able to conquer the city of Vienna by the providence of God and by the fortified hand and salvation of the knights and men of war who were located there, nevertheless such great damage to the land and people has been inflicted on Her Majesty the Archduke of Austria by such devastation that it may not soon be recovered and restored. And even though he, the Turk, has departed, he has left his followers, Masha and captains, behind him on the borders there, and has since then challenged the Kingdom of Hungary and Crabatia, as well as the German nation of Austria, Styria 1) and Carniola, with constant raids and incessant damage. Moreover, nothing else and nothing more certain is to be assumed than that he will, for his opportunity and his advantage, with previously used and perhaps more power and rage (because he now unfortunately borders with Christendom), again break in to persecute Christendom, especially also the German nation, thus without ceasing with constant contestation, and to thoroughly and finally destroy and exterminate it. And what and how much the Turks, before and after the conquest of Constantinople, have taken with no less cruelty and Christian bloodshed, weakened Christendom, and thus pushed it into a corner and a place, is partly shown above; and because it may be manly to pity and complain more than is necessary to tell at length.

  1. What deeds and rages, which have thus been accomplished with the loss of many Christian lands and people, also with cruel bloodshed, all Christian members and estates should consider with heartfelt compassion, and take an example from the past deeds, and thus certainly hold for it, Whereas now, as before, the Turks have acted negligently, carelessly, and without restraint, and their rash intentions, cruel ravages, and the introduction of the Turks have not been countered with more noble care and braver and more serious counteraction than has hitherto been the case.
  1. Walch: "Speier".

that some welfare or arrival of the Christians could no longer be hoped for, but that one Christian country and region after another would be lost, and that in a short time it would be completely under Turkish control and wiped out, finally to be waited for.

9 Now, however, in Her Majesty's absence, the concerns and affairs of the Empire and, most importantly, the unmistakable harassment of the Turks, and how to counter them, have held several imperial diets and assemblies, at which Her Imperial Majesty would have liked to appear in her own person, but has always been prevented from doing so because of the troublesome encounters of her enemies and repugnants. Her Majesty would have liked to appear in person in her own time, but was always prevented from doing so due to the troublesome encounters of her enemies and repugnance, as her Majesty has partly indicated by letter and also verbally by her appointed commissioners in the next Imperial Diet and elsewhere, and has been excused for such absence. With which of her Majesty's enemies and adversaries her Majesty has nevertheless united and come to terms, for the sake of the Empire and the common Christian good, so that these complaints of the Turk and others may be the more strongly rejected, and has not considered their benefit, but for the promotion and affirmation of peace has left a considerable part of hers. He also inquired about it, when her Majesty the Turk's invasion and other above-mentioned ingrown objections in the holy empire appeared more burdensome than ever before, did not want to forgive their arrival for longer, and thus departed from the aforementioned hereditary kingdoms, lands and people; has, not with little danger of the sea, in Italy, where at that time still the several part of her Majesty the Turk was an enemy and repugnant. and, by the grace of the Almighty, also restored peace and unity to the affected Italian lands, which her Majesty then also somewhat prevented, so that her arrival at this Imperial Diet has so far been denied; as her Majesty has also recently made such prevention and causes known to the Electors, Princes and Estates here.

(10) And after Her Imperial Majesty has found that at the nearer assemblies and imperial congresses some notices and records have been drawn up of a substantial persistent aid against the Turks, which has been sent beforehand to all the Estates of the Empire, to consider and discuss with their subjects, so that such a persistent aid might certainly have been decided at the next imperial congress following it: so there is nothing necessary on account of such aid.

796

796 Sect. 5 Handover of the Augsburg. Confession. No. 951, W. xvi, > "45-948. 797

neither acted nor decided. And only on several occasions urgent assistance was undertaken and ordered, which urgent assistance was granted by the estates at Worms at the Imperial Diet, only from her Majesty's assigned request, and thus her own money, for her campaign in Rome to attain the imperial crown. Her Majesty nevertheless, regardless of her own disadvantage, extended this aid to the Holy Roman Empire and Christendom for the benefit of the latter and to save them from the Turks, and, as has been mentioned, she also granted it leniently.

  1. And because this article, concerning the persistent emergency aid, is the foremost, in which not only the holy kingdom, but also common Christianity is much concerned, and the delay in this is in all ways sensitive, and every hour of delay may bring disaster, Considering the grave and imminent danger, and that the insatiable and meager tyrant of Christian blood does not celebrate, but with daily and persistent damage harasses and challenges Christendom, and his intentions are ever directed to bring it under his power and finally to exterminate it: so is J. K. M. s friendly and gracious request to the princes, princes and the other estates of the empire, who therefore want to take up this matter of persistent help without delay, and, as the occasion and the necessity require, to apply it to the above-mentioned written and handed over note, or in other suitable and expedient ways, so that the unavoidable and urgent resistance may one day be organized, ordered, raised and maintained with strong force and earnestness, shooting warriors in persistent exercise, certain entertainment and stately execution and emphasis. So that the Turk's plots and plans for further rampages against Christendom may, by the Almighty's gracious granting, be turned and broken, and the Christian empire, kingdom, country, cities, castles and villages that have been wrested from him may be conquered again, and he, the Turk, must finally feel the Christian hand of defense in his own lands as well, to compensate for his manifold damage and rampage. In this case, her papal holiness has given her good comfort that she will do everything in her papal holiness's power to advise and help, and to refrain from doing anything that may benefit the present affliction.

(13) Her Imperial Majesty also wishes to be informed of this. Majesty, on the fact that she has not fulfilled the promise made by the common estates of the Empire at the Diet of Worms for her Majesty's accession to Rome and the attainment of her imperial crown. and the crowning of her imperial coronet.

The Holy Roman Emperor has agreed to leniently provide assistance for such necessary work and rescue against the Turks as mentioned above, and to subsequently receive her Imperial Crown at her own not inconsiderable expense. Crown, at its own not inconsiderable expense, also without regard to the fact that Her Majesty without having had so many other considerable, excellent costs and expenses, which amount to many millions of gold, has graciously offered and granted, with all her kingdom's and country's wealth, to keep and show herself so imperial, Christian, and as is befitting in such a case, that males, high and low, shall publicly feel that in this, with comforting, brave and respectable help, her K. M. is neither lacking nor lacking in anything. M. nothing would be lacking nor would it go astray. Her Majesty is also in no doubt that her dear brother, the King of Hungary and Bohemia, who is now the rampart of the common Christendom and especially of the German nation against the raging Turks, will prove and hold himself with his own person, all his and his kingdoms, lands and people's fortunes, no less comforting, brave and helpful; as he has also done so far, which is also quite well shot and has come to good places.

13 In addition, His Holiness is confident that all other Christian kings, princes, and potentates will, according to their common need, also keep up this Christian work in a proper, Christian, and good manner, who will then be requested to do so in part by Their Majesties, and will also receive it in a needy manner.

II.

Second propostion point, concerning religion.

Concerning the confusion and discord of the holy faith and the Christian religion, Their Imperial Majesties have heard with troubled minds how the same confusion and discord have arisen in some places in the Holy Empire. Majesty, soon after receiving her royal crown and accepting her government in the Holy Empire, heard with a heavy heart how the same confusion and division had arisen and grown up in many places in the Empire of the German Nation. as Roman Emperor, Bailiff and Protector of the Christian faith, religion and church, in consideration of her office, at the first Diet of Worms, to meet the same complaints with temporal understanding, and before they took further root, were prevented and rejected, had diligent consideration, and thus for the rejection of such confusion and division, with the knowledge, counsel and consent of princes, princes and other common estates, issued an open edict and spread it throughout the empire.

[798]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 948-950. 799

of the complete oversight, where this was obediently complied with and lived, such error and complaint would not have occurred so far. But regardless of all such most gracious, necessary and well-considered action, Her Majesty did not hear and hear with a little complaint of her mind, how since then in more ways the said most gracious action went against and contrary to. This has resulted not only in the diminution and contempt of their imperial majesty, but also of God the Almighty and His commandments, and 1) in apostasy from the superior authorities ordered by God, which then 2) has all been to the detriment of the estates themselves, and not otherwise than to robbery, fire and war, and all that which may have come to the highest displeasure of God the Almighty and contrary to the holy faith, also otherwise to ruin and death; as this has unfortunately occurred in more ways in the German nation, especially in the recent past in the common peasant uprising, also with the rebaptism and other things that have occurred as a result, and may still occur, occur and occur. Therefore, and now Her Majesty, with the great grievance of her mind, has found that such confusion and discord has increased and grown more and more burdensome, and that the manifold, diligent, and most diligent actions that have been taken now and then, have not yet been left alone or settled, Her Majesty has considered that these confusions could not be more effectively nor more salutary than by the presence of Her Majesty herself, and that they could be brought back into unity. And therefore, out of innate kindness and gentleness, this path has been taken by virtue of the tender, the final hope, that it will have a favorable reputation among all those who understand, and that it will manfully move and guide that all things be turned around and turned to the best again, so that Her Majesty may persevere and remain in her gracious conduct, and furthermore carry out and accomplish what may be beneficial and good for all beings. And therefore, Her Majesty is graciously pleased to take up this matter, to deliberate and to decide how, in addition to the aforementioned averting of the troublesome burden and invasion of Christendom by the Turkish invader, the aforementioned confusion and discord in the holy faith and the Christian religion may and should be acted upon and decided upon; in a very friendly, gracious and

Desiring with the utmost diligence and earnestness that Princes, Princes and the common estates, as much and as this affects each one and is due to him, be similar in all this, and for the advancement of things, each one, according to the ability of their Majesty's touched. For the furtherance of the matter, each of them, according to the authority of their Majesty's writings, will set down in writing and hand over his discretion, opinion, and opinion, of the confusion and discord touched upon, including abuses, which the clergy may have against the secular, and again the secular against the clergy, or among themselves, or through each other, so that this confusion and discord may be the better heard and considered, and also the more quickly brought back and compared to a unanimous Christian being.

952 Concerns of some scholars for a papist prince, in which they show that it is necessary first to examine the point of religion, and then to deliberate on the help against the Turks.

From Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 122. In Walch with the wrong title: "Bedenken eines Gelehrten, worin erweiset" 2c.

(1) To the question: Which of the articles presented by Her Imperial Majesty? 3) of the disunity of the Christian faith and religion, of each one's opinion, delusion and belief, and of the abuses in the church which are pending between the ecclesiastical and secular princes, to be written in German and Latin and presented to Her Imperial Majesty. We answer thus, after having deliberated on the matter:

  1. although in kaiserl. Majesty. Although in the Imperial Majesty's invitation to this Imperial Assembly the tax to be levied against the Turks is mentioned first, and it is added that it is then intended to act on the basis of faith: Experience has taught that as often as help against the Turks was spoken of and acted upon at previous imperial assemblies, the Lutheran princes and their envoys never consented to such a request before they were sufficiently assured that no displeasure would be done to them on account of religion and the Gospel, or that any violence would be done to them. From this it is easy to assume that, if one wanted to begin first to make use of the tax and the institution against
  1. Walch correctly added this "and".
  2. In the old editions: "the that".
  3. Added by us.

[800]{.underline} Section 5: Handover of the. Augsburg Confession. Confession. No. 952 f. W. xvi, 950-953. 801

The Turks are to act and to conclude, but not how the religious disagreement is to be settled: so nothing praiseworthy and fruitful will be concluded and brought about.

Therefore, it seems to us that it would be very helpful for the advancement of the cause if it could be brought about before Your Imperial Majesty that first the religious matter be settled and the dispute about the faith be resolved. However, since some ecclesiastical and secular princes will write down their voice and opinion before Your Majesty, it seems that others, and especially Lutherans, will also ask and insist that the matter of religion and Christian faith be dealt with first; so that Your Majesty will also have the opportunity to accede to such a request.

4 If, however, all others desire and agree that first a quite permanent and lasting measure against the Turks should be taken, your Highness will be able, for many and highly important reasons, to present, request and insist that both matters be dealt with in one and the same treatise, and that council be held on them in due course, according to the necessity of the matter. This seems to be easily done for the sake of this cause, because the matter of religion and faith is dealt with in writings, while the matter of aid and taxation against the Turks is dealt with by Imperial Majesty and princes. This seems to happen very easily for this reason, because the matter of religion and faith is dealt with in writings, but the matter of aid and taxation against the Turks must be dealt with by the imperial majesty and princes, or by certain people appointed for this purpose.

  1. Concerning every opinion and delusion in faith: Your Highness can answer to this with the most confident courage and good conscience, and assert that before and after the Imperial Majesty's edict, J. Highness has shown obedience to the Roman Church and the Apostolic See in everything up to this time with the highest diligence and zeal. Majesty's edict, up to this time, the Roman Church and the Apostolic See have been obeyed in everything with the utmost diligence and zeal, and their subjects have also been earnestly enjoined and commanded to do and keep the same; for this reason they have also endured much persecution, and have incurred the scorn and ridicule of almost all men. Nevertheless, her daughter had little regard for such ill-minded mockery and blasphemy, and had thought that everything that the Catholic, holy, Christian and Roman church ordered and decreed had to be observed and kept with seriousness, as it had been kept for such a long time, and had been in the godly and praiseworthy custom, and her daughter had received and handed down from hand to hand, as it were, from her ancestors. - 6 She had kept and done all of this all the more diligently mainly because her imperial family had been the most faithful to her.

By a public edict issued at the Imperial Diet in Worms, His Majesty commanded and enjoined all to observe the same; to which His Holiness also did not in the slightest degree contravene, but maintained the old laudable order and manner established in the church, together with His Imperial command. Majesty's command, until the Catholic and Christian Church, and its unanimous Concilio (or spiritual assembly), and Her Imperial Majesty, do something better here. Majesty, something better would be agreed upon and taught in this regard.

(7) Concerning the matter of the abuses, their rulers may answer that it may happen that in the Catholic Church some abuses are found among the ecclesiastical and secular princes; but why their rulers cannot present them in a Latin and German script is because they have not perceived much of the same in their territories and dominions up to the present time. However, the reason why it could not present and present its directives written in a Latin and German script would be that it has not perceived much of the kind in its territories and dominions up to the present time; especially since its directives have not been inclined to change or innovate anything in the spiritual and secular state since their youth. Should it be admitted, however, that some abuses had crept into the church, they would infallibly be put in writing and handed over by those who had already separated themselves from the church; whereupon their sovereigns, on joint counsel with Imperial Majesty, would gladly do everything possible. Maj. would gladly do everything that can reasonably be done and be indicated, so that by a general concilium (or church assembly) the abuses would be corrected and abolished from the church in every possible way.

953 Speech of the Papal Legate, Laurentius Campegius, to the Imperial Estates, June 24, 1530.

From Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 124. - The time determination given by us is according to the information of Justus Jonas in the 957th Documente. Walch has the 20th of June.

Translated from the Latin by LI. A. Tittel.

If, Emperor Carl, most Christian King Ferdinand, and you other noble, great princes, of what rank, dignities, and honors you are, the matter of which I now wish to speak were mine and not yours; something peculiar and not something common; if it concerned the welfare of only one and not of all: I should like to fear that Your Majesties and Your Serene Highnesses, if I spoke of it, would not speak of it according to dignities, but only to a few,

802 Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 953-955. 803

might not hear me well after all. But I must not worry about such things, since, as you know, necessity forces me to speak of important matters. For the miserable evil that gives rise to so much dissension, discord and enmity, and opens doors and gates ever wider, continues to eat away at me. I am also not allowed to expound at length in many words that which is before everyone's eyes, and which greatly offends the minds of many godly people, lest I seem to reopen the wounds that I really want to heal.

(2) For the Christian religion has now been brought so far down by the malice of wicked men that it has never suffered such great distress from the first beginning of our salvation, and the little ship of Peter, in any place, has never been driven about by so many stormy sects as we see at this most distressing and miserable time. All of which is due to no other reason, and has come to such a pass, than because we have forgotten the commandments of Christ, and have left the true way of obtaining unity in the church. For he himself, when he prays fervently to his Father, includes not only those whose faith has already been proved, but also those whose still doubtful minds would afterwards believe in him, so that in this way they would all become one, just as he in the Father and the Father in him. To which commandment it is also very true that when he wanted to reconcile the eternal Father for the sin of the whole world and depart from this life, he still commands his disciples at the end that they should love one another, and that everyone would know by such love that they were his disciples. But this is not only evident from what we have already mentioned, and which is proved by the testimonies of Scripture, but we also have other passages of Scripture from which it can be seen and perceived that Christ had nothing more often in his mouth, and more often and more diligently driven into the ears of his disciples, than cordial love and goodwill toward one another.

3 Paul also, the chosen vessel, taught that love should be preferred to all other virtues, because it is the bond of perfection to love one's neighbor as oneself, and because it is the fulfillment of the law, and that those who do not practice love depart from the true way, and fall into vain babblings, and become as a tinkling bell unfit for all good works.

4 If we now, dear Emperor Carl, most Christian King Ferdinand, and you other sovereign princes, remember these commandments, keep them in mind.

If they had had the laws of the world before their eyes and had considered them with devotion, not so many disputes and corruptions (errors), not so terrible disorders of horrible opinions, not so impudent propositions and strange doctrines, nor so dangerous errors and confusions would have arisen and taken root in the church. But as in the secular regime, when some abandon the laws of the authorities and choose and forge new statutes for themselves, they not only disturb and destroy the common society of the world, but also introduce a terribly wild life and disorder into the commonwealths: Thus, careless minds also make their dreams, rather than the sayings of the divine word, which they put on the page, their rule, and therefore bring unruly and unpleasant miraculous things (crickets) on the track, and in the church of the same burden godly members and the grafters incorporated into Christ to approve and accept them. Which, unfortunately, some in our time have been tempted to do, and have led to the abandonment of Christian love and common benevolence, and have caused the worst enmity.

5 And such a change of doctrine and ceremonies has not only remained with the church, which it has miserably torn apart, but has also attacked the secular regime and raged horribly within it. For, as it has brought into the latter ungodly doctrines and mad opinions, so it has brought into the former ghastly, miserable and grim wars and hideous defeats and bloodshed, thereby almost completely reversing and destroying both, and the beautiful, highly praised Germany has been so spoiled that hardly a shadow of the flourishing prosperity is to be seen, in which it was a few years ago.

6 Some Roman popes have endeavored to help this lamentation and decayed condition, but on no occasion, by no entreaties and pleas, nor by any legations to the imperial diets in Germany, have they been able to bring about and obtain that these religious dissensions be abolished, the wounded church be healed, and peace and harmony be restored among its teachers. Although their fruitless and futile efforts were not hidden from Clement, by that name the seventh Roman pope and most vigilant shepherd, he nevertheless, so that he would not appear to have left anything undone, or not to have observed his duty in all respects, ordered me, his legate, to this office, that with Your Majesties and Serene Highnesses, who are assembled in this glorious assembly, I should be able to make an appeal to your Majesty.

804 Section 5: Handover of the Augsb. Confession. No. 953, W. xvi, 956-958. 805

The church should be careful, and diligently exhort to everything that can promote peace and harmony, and also, with counsel and action, restore, heal, and improve the church's decayed and almost completely shattered and shattered condition.

For since the invincible Emperor Carl V ordered this Imperial Diet as a forerunner, so that the dangerous and all too outdated disease would be countered and controlled with a healing remedy, Clement VII, Pope, has also created the good hope that many would recognize the error and turn back to their dear mother, the Roman Church, Clement VII, the pope, has also entertained the good hope that many would recognize and abandon the error and turn back to their dear mother, the Roman Church, so that in this way such distressing and dangerous disagreements would be tolerated and finally the old peace and harmony, which so many pious people have so long heartily desired and longed for, would be restored. For if these heresies remain in the church and continue to eat away at it, and the enemies of public tranquility are not eradicated, neither will the church be freed from error, nor will it be possible to administer and govern the commonwealth properly.

(8) Which, since Your Majesty and Serene Highnesses, the most invincible Emperor, the most Christian King, and the rest of you sovereign princes, well recognize. They also see at the same time what a godly and holy business, and what a heavy burden we all have upon us, and what important things rest on our deliberations; which, if they are not settled, that we support the unsteady and decrepit condition of the church by our reputation, and severely punish the heretics and disturbers of the common tranquility, we can boldly believe that nothing will come out of it but extreme confusion for the whole church, of all wisely ordered communities, a complete disruption, a terrible confusion of divine and human things, and that finally the wild and cruel boys will come upon the pious members of Christ, and that nothing at all human will remain on earth. If, however, we strive in time to control such great evils, to quell the disunity of the church, to break the course of quarrels, and to reconcile the minds; if we strive to restore public peace and harmony, and then also to maintain them: then the salvation and prosperity of the church will remain unchanged, so that we will accomplish our course of life on earth and among men without error, live quietly and honorably, and finally please all righteous people in it.

(9) Since this is the case, I urge Your Majesty and Your Highness for the sake of eternal blessedness, which we can obtain through the intercession and the

We ask you, if you wish to attain the mediatorial office of our Lord Jesus Christ after this mortal and miserable life, faithfully and brotherly, to work in that which serves for unification and common peace in such a way as befits wise men who have been chosen for such important trade and treaty. And so that this may happen the sooner, the heresies be eradicated and the minds united, the first and foremost concern and effort of the sovereign princes, princes and other imperial estates must be to be obedient to the most invincible emperor and to follow him in everything that her majesty will deem good and order in the matter of religion and the articles of the Christian faith. And we believe that it is known and clear to all what great effort and care she has taken so far to restore, set on good foot and maintain the salvation, peace, tranquility, harmony and former prosperity of the church and of the common people, in such a way that their reputation, fame and honor cannot be called into question, insulted or offended by anyone's malice or malicious gossip. For she has always been concerned, at most, that she should prefer the common good to her own or her own, promote and spread the salvation of the church and of the common people, and then arrange all her actions and deeds not for the benefit of a few who do not understand or judge anything right, but for the benefit of all righteous and intelligent people, and especially for the benefit of the great God who tests hearts and kidneys. And that this is so, no one will doubt or deny who knows to some extent about their diligence, godliness and efforts to put aside disagreements and to advise the common good. But it would be too long to speak of the glorious virtues of the most blessed emperor in particular, which, because they are so well known and praised everywhere that they do not need foreign words, and the most invincible emperor is so modest and chaste that he does not like to hear such things praised and extolled in his presence, so I will pass over the others, which could otherwise be heard here, with all diligence.

10 Since, you German princes, these benefits of Imperial Majesty come upon you and these great services of the most invincible Emperor for you are well known, I have no doubt that such gratitude will be found in your minds. Majesty have come upon you, and these great services of the most invincible Emperor for you are well known, I have no doubt that such gratitude will be found in your minds that you will not only praise and extol the benefits you have received, but also willingly obey and obey Imperial Majesty in everything. Majesty in everything willingly obedient and compliant. So make every effort, noble princes, that you present the person you have chosen, and the person you have chosen.

806 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, m-wi. 807

to administer and do the office commanded to you by God in such a way, keeping God alone before your eyes, that all and everyone may recognize, as in the clear day, that you have taken the best possible care of the holy Catholic and Roman Church (which has always called you its children) and of the common peace and unity. I, in turn, promise all diligence, zeal and due care to work and maintain everything that the Pope can grant and do for the preservation of the holy Church communion and welfare, also common peace and tranquility, without offending his conscience.

(11) Having said this, about the abolition of errors and the healing of the wounds of the church, I now turn to you, you German princes, that I also speak something about the other and absolutely necessary piece. If I had such eloquence that your minds would be awakened and moved to believe that I have spoken nothing fictitious or false, but the truth, I would consider myself highly pleased and believe completely that things would be better for Christianity in the future.

  1. But here let it be far from me to think you so imprudent and careless, or so simple-minded and ignorant, that you do not know that up to now not once but many times the immortal God's temples, dwellings, houses, altars, flocks, the graves of the ancestors, laws, freedom, wives, children, friends, and the dear fatherland itself were in extreme danger, and that your and the whole empire's rights were violated by the cruel Turkish tyrant's victories over the corpses of Christians, so that your fields were flooded with the blood of pious but miserably murdered people, and he drove away many thousands of people into horrible servitude. This miserable defeat of the Christians will hopefully move, sadden, grieve and torment you the more you are generous and noble-minded by nature and have much more mercy and compassion than they do.

Consider, therefore, you noble princes of Germany, what a miserable and sad state all German peoples have fallen into because of the cruel Turkish tyrant, and let the great danger that hangs over all our heads move you to earnestly defend the freedom and welfare of our common fatherland, and consider it better and more praiseworthy to die with glorious glory than to suffer shameful servitude and to take upon yourselves all ignominy. For, that the cruel rage has nothing else in mind and is not willing,

It is clear enough from this that he overpowers all Christians, makes them miserable slaves and even destroys them: because he does not desist from the old hatred and fury he harbors against Christians, but increases in it day by day, seizing more territories, kingdoms and dominions, with all Christians' harm and shame, increasing and spreading the borders of his kingdom, taking much from us, but losing little himself, meanwhile, since we ourselves war among ourselves, and do not believe that such a cruel, savage and nefarious people can be overcome and overpowered sooner than when we ourselves are first completely weakened, executed and worn down by terrible wars, internal enmity and miserable fighting. And that this is so, no one who still has an honest heart will deny; to the extent that many do not at all shy away from the flames, fire and destruction of the fatherland, that they also help to do this and help to increase it, so that they again arouse and inflame the evil that has already been half-satisfied and consider war to be beneficial, but peace to be harmful.

Thus Germany, torn and divided into so many disunited and hostile parts, gives the savage enemy a desirable opportunity to attack us with war, and not only to clear away the necessities of life, but also to seek our lives and goods. For what violence he uses, what murder, scorching, burning, robbing, plundering and other inhuman things he commits has long been known and heard enough. And since your mind trembles at such tales, your ears ring, your skin shivers, and your whole body freezes: who then should not wake up, and take care of the common welfare of all Christians, repel the inflicted violence and injustice, and protect the dear fatherland from such tyranny and supreme cruelty of such a barbarian enemy, and keep above the old honor and our honest name?

  1. O we sluggish and slothful people! O we careless, rash and insensitive people! O we hard and rock-hearted people! He does us such harm, takes away so many cities and towns, threatens us with such murder, slavery, war and misery (expulsion); but we do not allow ourselves to be challenged by such danger, sit and watch our misery idly, and, to protect our well-being, do not want to dare to become one with the fierce enemy.

16 Can we not conclude and realize from all such circumstances that it will soon happen that we will all be brought under such a tyrant's yoke, our children, the dearest pawns, before our

808 Section 5: Handover of the Augsburg Confession. Confession. No. 953. W. xvi, 961-963. 809

eyes, as it were, to lust, and our wives and daughters to be forced to surrender and submit their tender bodies to the cruelest enemy of beastly lust, as shameful dung-houses? Now that this danger is at hand, why do we sleep and tarry any longer? Who then has made our minds and eyes so blinded and hard that we cannot understand nor see such great and common evils? What kind of sleep addiction and dizziness has made us so deafened and taken in that we do not wake up, even though we hear such terrible things? What kind of unmerciful and hard heart do we have, that it does not let itself be moved by such a great danger and need of the fatherland and of all Christians?

  1. For the fact that we must not be lukewarm and slow or sluggish and foolish in this matter at the present time, we have highly important reasons, since all the shameful and cruel misdeeds and miscreants, which the same arch-enemy and scanty persecutor of the Christians has perpetrated on others, will also hit and plague us or our descendants very soon, and how they will not only hear from afar, as now, which is not so miserable, but will even have to see and experience with these eyes of ours. Which, what misery and misery, yes, shame and dishonor it will entail for us, everyone who does not want to be completely blind and madly respected, must see and grasp.

If now your mind still has something human about it; if the love for the fatherland (for which everyone must be willing to die) is not completely extinguished; if the welfare of your wives and children and friends is dear to you, wake up, you estates, wake up; let the sad and restless quarrels go! Put an end to the dangerous disagreements, and put your minds, necks and shoulders together, so that, if you do not in time, with all your might, diligence and prudence, ward off and avert the danger and harm that lie in wait for you, and chase the savage and cruel enemy out of Germany, lest he first exterminate all Christians, and lest noble and highly renowned Germany, the noblest seat of all godliness and learning, when the Christians have been killed and all estates and orders removed, become a castle or fortress of Mahometan blasphemy, and a refuge of Turkish murderers (robbers); and that this delay and procrastination, in raising and waging the Turkish war, is not only a disgrace to you, but also the greatest harm and ruin. For if the cruel

If such a powerful, cruel, wicked, lecherous, avaricious, lecherous and cruel enemy is not subdued and chased out of Germany by the common council and combined power of the Germans, what will we have to wait for but imprisonment, escape, murder, strangulation and all misery? What will remain for us to wait for but imprisonment, flight, murder, strangulation, devastation, and all other misery and wretchedness? With what eyes, however, will we be able to look upon such bloody victories of the defiant enemy, and where will it finally end with its insatiable lust, will and desire to devour and ruin everything?

19 For you must not in the least think that he, because he is already famous for so many victories and loaded with plunder, will henceforth cease from his hatred of the Christians, or be satisfied with his riches, but rather, as an unfortunately! Rather, as an all-too-certain rumor goes, out of immense eagerness to extend and enlarge his empire, he will first invade the Pannonian (Hungarian) borders with a mighty army and from there into Germany, and also attack and devastate other nations in fury and rage. For the way is open to him now that Ofen and Belgrade, the strongest cities of the same country, have been conquered and captured, and because the Christian princes are at war among themselves, there is no one who can resist his insolence, resist his fierce onslaught, or let the holy church and the common fatherland's welfare complain. Accordingly, I ask you, German princes, for God's sake, that you once become witty, not only through foreign harm, as wise men usually do, but through your own, and that you draw the sword, so that you may stab and strangle yourselves among yourselves for so long, against the cruelest enemies; the strong power, so that you destroy Germany, use it against the worst of the rage, and the council, so that you rage against yourselves and your innermost being, turn to the extermination of the Turks and the reconquest of yours.

  1. O iron and inhumane people, if you will not be moved here! O nefarious and wicked people, if you will not fight and wield the sword for God's honor! O foolish and rash people, if you do not respect the danger ahead! O loveless and cruel ones, if you do not take the murder of children, wives and friends to heart! For what can keep you from such a necessary war and such a holy undertaking, I do not see, since the enemies with whom you are to war and fight are soft.

810 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 963-966. 811

They are used to dancing, but you are used to rifles and weapons; they are unclothed by all things and inexperienced in the art of war, but you are incomparable in the bravery of soldiers and the experience of commanders; they wage unjust wars, but you seek to defend yourselves against injustice; they are predatory and cruel, but you are their protector and devoted to justice; they wage war out of hatred against God, but you seek to save and avenge the honor of God from such a great enemy's dishonor; they call upon Mahomet, their lying prophet, for help and assistance, but you seek protection and help from the power and hand of our Savior Jesus. Now if the matter itself did not exist, whose condition was better and the cause of the war more just, I would endeavor to show and prove it with many and clear reasons and words. But now that I think I have spoken enough about the reasons why it is necessary to take up arms and wage war, I must also say by what means it can be started more easily and waged better.

21 First of all, you have on your side the invincible and most powerful commander, who can drive out and expel the strongest army with a mere wave of his hand, conquer and destroy the strongest castles without artillery, topple the highest towers from the ground, and without sword and helmet can bravely fight and maintain victory. If you ask who he is, I say: God, who, being angered by the great and many disgraces of our Lord Jesus Christ, will not only save the honor of His name, but will also protect the righteous cause. And whoever does not believe this must be a cattle and not a Christian, but a Turk; not a pious, but a denier of God.

Therefore lift up your minds to him; put your trust and hope in him. With him let your salvation, welfare, honor and triumph stand or fall! He will equip you and your peoples with the spirit of joy; he will give you good and useful counsel; he will arrange your battle orders, give you courage, send you provisions (or food) even from heaven, provide all other necessities, if only you will bravely and joyfully save his majesty and name from the dreadful enemy's highest shame and blasphemy.

23 And if you also look around for human help and ask for advice, then I am also finished with the answer here. For all Christian kings, even foreign ones, will help you.

and princes warring nations will not arise to help. The Swiss, a brave and in war well-tried and famous people, will make themselves known; the French, English, Dutch will help; the Bohemians, Hungarians, Poles will bring their power here and with united spirit and weapons break the hostile undertakings, chase the enemy away and come back triumphant full of plunder. Even Clement, the pope and most vigilant shepherd, has decided to spare no expense for such a godly, just and necessary war; that I say nothing of so many free imperial cities, whose combined might would also be almost alone capable of stopping or driving away this terrible enemy's power. Nor must you doubt that you will win the victory and the spoils as often as you look at so many princes and heroes, all of whom flourish so excellently in youth and physique and strength. For their name and fame are so glorious, their stature and strength so great and important, that whoever looks at them easily calculates that the Turks are not only not to be particularly feared, but that one can also expect a certain victory.

(24) For you also have the most experienced warlords; you have a fresh and strong people; you are not only superior to your enemies, but also much more valiant; you defend a more just cause than they; you wage a well-authorized war; you fight out of necessity, and have an abundance of war expenses and all accessories. What then could be the reason or cause why such a useful, necessary, praiseworthy, godly and honest war should not be waged?

(25) Why would you open your mouths and listen to all this as if deaf? Why should your minds not be moved by such great things and miserable murderous games? Why would you not take revenge on such a fierce, ignominious, blasphemous, furious and cruel enemy? Ah! you German princes, an otherwise so feared and powerful people, do you now want to be lazy and indolent, since your virtue and bravery before were not only known to all foreign nations, but also terrible? Will you now be deaf and implacable, since your love and compassion for your fatherland have already been proven by so many trials? be so slow and tardy in averting your own danger and inflicted suffering, which you were otherwise so ready and swift not only to avert but also to avenge on foreign peoples?

26 Therefore, even now, let your courage go from

812 ection 5: Handover of the Augsburg Confession. Confession. No. 953 f. W. xvi, 966-968. 813

and such harmful delays must be done away with. Seize the righteous weapons at once; chase the enemy out of the common fatherland, and with united minds, after the abolition of all internal wars, assemble your power; With your old bravery and former zeal, save and defend your fatherland, cities, towns, villages, villages, castles, houses and farms, freedom, women and children from the fury and rage of such a great enemy, so that you may escape a miserable, wretched life, wretched slavery, the disgrace and shame of women and children, the devastation of the fields, the desolation and destruction of the cities, yes, murder and death. For if you let the Turkish armies advance further; if you do not keep the tyrannical undertakings, nor drive back the enemy force, then it is not to be asked first how it will go for you, but only to see where any hole is left for you.

  1. Since there is such an urgent, great need, the like of which has never been seen before; since you have been beaten up enough by internal wars and pranks among yourselves; since you have come to such a pass through all too long and persistent disunity that not only the Germans but also the foreign peoples have begun to fear violence and tyranny on the part of the Turks, it is your duty that, since you are the cause of such evils, you also seek to curb them; that, since you have inflicted such dangerous wounds on the church and the state, you also seek to avert them: It is your duty, since you are the cause of such evils, to try to curb and avert them; since you have inflicted such dangerous wounds on the church and the state, to heal and bind them up again; since you have thus divided and wrecked the condition of the common fatherland and the church, you must now, by unanimous counsel and action, straighten it out, set it right and make it firm.

If you do this, you will be considered wise and prudent, but if not, foolish and foolhardy. If you do it, you will be praised for being careful and prudent, but otherwise you will be scolded for being careless and imprudent. If you do, you will help the common fatherland, increase the majesty and sovereignty of the Roman Empire, and restore the common harmony, but if not, you will completely throw the rest of Germany's fortune to the ground, and shamefully lose the Roman Empire, which your bravery acquired and won, and fill everything with discord and disunity among each other.

29 Therefore, because such terrible evils of war and bloodshed and other mischiefs are hanging over your heads, and common peace and harmony have never been more necessary than now among the German princes, both the Christian religion and the Christian religion have never been more important.

than to expel the fierce enemy and restrain his violence and cruel deeds: I beg and exhort, through the death of our Savior and Redeemer, for your and your country's welfare and salvation, from the bottom of my heart, that you put away your errors, give Christ your suffering, injustice and enmity, unite your minds, and preserve and increase the common peace, goods and ornaments, the glory of Almighty God and of His Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, from Turkish disgrace and blasphemous filth, to defend the freedom of the common fatherland, to expand the Roman Empire, and to spread the glory of your name, to direct all your counsel, all your thoughts, thoughts and deeds to adorn Germany with victory and booty, and to snatch and save us all from miserable misery, murder and common danger.

(30) Which Pope Clement, Peter's successor and most vigilant shepherd, bestows and wishes his apostolic greeting and blessing on all who go to this war.

May God, the author and governor of all salutary counsels and deeds, rule and guide your minds in such a way that whatever you undertake and conclude at this Diet may bring glory to His name, unity to the Church, and peace and tranquility to the common people. Amen.

954 The Archbishop of Mainz's response on behalf of the Estates to the speech of Cardinal Campegius.

From Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 131.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tittel.

Most Reverend Sir! The invincible Emperor Carl, always the ruler of the Empire, the most noble King of Hungary and Bohemia, Ferdinand, the most noble princes and princes present here, and the envoys who are absent, and all the estates of the Holy Roman Empire, have devoutly listened to and diligently heeded your emphatic, godly, Christian speech, which is especially necessary in these times.

And since the invincible emperor knows that he, as the supreme bailiff of the church and the highest ruler on earth of the common Christianity, is set and given by God, he also considers it his duty to try and do everything that may lead to the abolition of the disunity of the church, to the settling of the disputes of the teachers, and to the rebuilding of the church.

814 Erl. 84, IK9 f. Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**, W. XVI, S68-S71.** 815

The aim is to serve and serve the restoration of the previous peace.

And since he has experienced the devilish fury and the cruel Turkish rage of Wolfsgrimm for so many years with the greatest sorrow, he also believes that the greatest need requires that henceforth all power and all wealth in gold and silver be used for war against the Turk, so that the danger that hangs over the Germans and the wounds that can strike the German blood may be averted and prevented, that the same savage enemy may be snatched from the Roman Empire, conquered again and taken from it.

To whose Majesty the most illustrious King of Hungary and Bohemia, Ferdinand, and others of the Roman Empire, the Princes, Counts and Estates, as assistants to their care, faithfully accede. The princes, counts, prelates and estates of the Roman Empire, as assistants to their care and toil, faithfully join in, willingly take upon themselves all work and trouble, bear the costs that come to them, and, in case of need, give all the assets of their kingdoms and countries, yes, even themselves, for the protection and preservation of the Christian religion, to the protection and preservation of the Christian religion and the expulsion of the cruel despot from the borders of the empire, and will show themselves in all things in such a way that their counsels and deeds will first of all please the most high God, and then also our most holy father, Pope Clement VII., Shepherd of Christ's sheep and Peter's successor, and they will also do before men what their duty and office entails.

955 Report of Elector John to Luther on the reading of the Confession, which was difficult at first, but was finally approved.

See above the 946th document.

956 D. Luther's answer to the Elector, in which he testifies to his great joy at the reading. July 9, 1530.

As Burkhardt, p. 180 states, the original of this letter is in the Weimar archives; as De Wette says, also a simultaneous copy. The same is printed in Flacius' German collection, no. 3. In the editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p.420 (incorrect 402); in the Jenaer (1566), vol. V, p. 94; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 220; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 176; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 82 and in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 169. - It is obvious that this letter cannot be the answer to the 946th document of June 25 given by Walch in the previous number, since Luther says right at the beginning of this letter that he is answering the Churfursten's letter of July 4.

  1. grace and peace in Christ. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I received E. C. F. G.'s letter, given on July 4, today on July 9, and was pleased to hear that E. C. F. G.'s thoughts have been alleviated. For God knows that I do not write such letters to E. C. F. G. for any other reason than that I worry that Satan (who is a master of evil thoughts) would grieve E. C. F. G.. Otherwise, I know and respect that our Lord Christ Himself comforts E.C.F.G.'s heart better than I or anyone else can.

2 The work also exists, and bears witness to it; for the adversaries think they have almost succeeded in having preaching forbidden by imperial decree. On the other hand, the wretched people do not see that more has been preached through the written confession than ten preachers might otherwise have done. Is it not a fine wisdom and a great joke that M. Eisleben and others must remain silent; but instead the Elector of Saxony and other princes and lords appear with the written confession, and preach freely before the imperial majesty and the whole empire under their noses, so that they must hear it and cannot speak against it. They do not want to let their servants listen to the preachers; but they themselves must hear nuisances (as they call them) from such great lords, and fall silent. Christ is not silent at the Diet, and if they should be mad, they must hear more from the confession than they would have heard from the preachers in a year. So St. Paul says that God's word wants to be unbound. If it is forbidden in the pulpit, it must be heard in the palaces. If poor preachers must not speak it, then great princes and lords speak it. Summa, when all is silent, the stones will cry out, says Christ himself.

  1. however, on the other, so E. C. F. G. of me desire, I want to indicate only my opinion. Firstly: If Your Imperial Majesty would request that Your Imperial Majesty be allowed to be judge in this matter, because
  1. Thus in the original according to Burkhardt. De Wette: broken; Wittenberger and Jenaer: smelled.

[816]{.underline} Erl. 84,170-172, Sect. 5, Uebergabe d. Augsb. Confession. No. 956 f. W. XVI, S71-973. 817

Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty does not intend to dispute much in this matter: I think that E. C. F. G. could indicate that Imperial Majesty will bring a letter of invitation to the court. Majesty will issue a writ of summons to hear the matter graciously. But where this should not be done, such a writ would have been without necessity, and Imperial Majesty would also have been able to take such judgments into consideration. Majesty might well have done such judging in Hispania, and E. C. F. G. should not have demanded such heavy trouble and expense to Augsburg, and may also spare other imperial states the same. For where no more could have been obtained or hoped for, such a reply from Imperial Majesty's postmen would have been of no avail. Majesty's letter carriers could have sent such a reply. It would, however, be a great pity for His Imperial Majesty and the whole Empire. Majesty and the entire empire a great disgrace and perhaps great annoyance and unhappiness, where Imperial Majesty's unheard matter would be badly received. Majesty would want to take a bad approach to the matter and be the judge, and not give any other answer. For, of course, such wise counsel is no one's, but E. C. F. G.'s dear friend N. N.; it is certainly not the emperor, as everyone will and must say.

4 Secondly: Where Imperial Majesty (that is, N. N.) wanted to insist Majesty (that is N. N.) wanted to insist that Her Imperial Majesty should not be allowed to be a judge in this matter, E. C. F. G. can say with all joy: Yes, it should be her Imperial Majesty. Majesty be the judge in this matter: E. C. F. G. can say with all joy: Yes, Imperial Majesty shall be the judge in this matter, and E. C. F. G. can say with all joy: Yes, Imperial Majesty shall be the judge in this matter. Majesty be judge here, and E. C. F. G. will accept and suffer everything, as far as and except that His Imperial Majesty will not go against the light of day. Majesty does not judge against the clear Scriptures or God's Word. For E. C. F. G. cannot set the Emperor above God, nor accept his judgment against God's Word. With this, Imperial Majesty is honored enough. Majesty, because nothing, because only God, who should and must be above all, is preferred to His Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

(5) Thirdly, whether they would claim that one wanted to defile Imperial Majesty with this. Majesty, as one would consider her inclined to do against God, but should believe that Imperial Majesty, as a Christian prince, would not conclude or judge contrary to the divine word. Majesty, as a Christian prince, would not conclude or judge contrary to the divine word 2c. (as they also reproached me at Worms, in the same way as now E. C. F. G.): to this E. C. F. G. will well know how to answer, namely, that God has harshly forbidden to trust in princes and men, as the 118th v. 8. and 146th Psalm v. 3. says: Nolite confidere in principibus. Yes, also the

The first commandment of God does not suffer, because he says: "You shall not have other gods. Also, if the word of their own mouth is right, and if they are Christian princes, they cannot prove it better than that they judge and speak with and according to Christ's word: Thus saith Christ 2c.

(6) But if they judge without the Scriptures, or if they want their judgment to be accepted without the Scriptures, they are punished by their own mouths, because they want to be Christian princes without and apart from Christ; this is worse than being a lord without land, rich without money, learned without art; but it is called: Insipientia ipsorum manifesta fit.

  1. E.C.F.G. only be confident. Christ is here, and will again confess Him before His Father, as He now confesses Him before this evil generation, as He says: "Whoever honors Me, I will honor again" 1 Sam. 2, 30. The same Lord who started it will lead it out, amen. I pray for E. C. F. G. with diligence and earnestness; could I do more, I owe it. God's grace be, as before, and multiply in E. C. F. G., Amen. On Saturday, July 9, 1530.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

957 Letter to Luther from D. Justus Jonas. June 25, 1530.

From Cölestin, Vol. I, p. 135.

Translated from Latin.

  1. grace and peace from God in Christ! Her Imperial Maj. Maj. has postponed and forbidden the sermons here in both parts, since it was discussed for almost two days that against the imperial prohibition it is not possible to act. The two parts of the city have been postponed, since it was discussed for almost two days that no action should be taken against the imperial ban, but that this should be borne in patience and that Her Imperial Maj. Maj.'s command, especially here in the imperial free imperial city, especially since not only we, but also the papists and sacramentarians, who have had the upper hand here, have been forbidden to preach for the sake of peace, until the matter has been investigated. In the meantime, on Sundays
  1. De Wette and the Erlanger: "for his father".

818 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 973-976. 819

On these days, the Gospel text is read to the people without explanation, together with Paul's epistles; as Mr. Philip has already written to you about this matter, and as I have already done in my letters.

Yesterday June 24 1) the emperor met with the princes and estates of the empire in the town hall and heard Cardinal Campegium speak, although his speech was not very long. He exhorted the Germans to peace and that they should fight against the Turks. Against the Lutherans he did not say anything adverse or sensitive. Almost at the same time, an envoy arrived from the Austrians, or from the estates of this empire, who complained about the terrible harassment of the Turks, how they, together with all their belongings, wives and children, were already for the fifth time in extreme danger of their lives. Their instructions were read out as King Ferdinand was sitting in the presence. This day was also appointed for our princes, so that they could bring in the articles of their confession on the same day, and they signed them: our Elector, the young Prince, then Margrave George, Duke Ernst of Lüneburg, the Prince of Hesse, the Prince and Lord of Anhalt, the Council of Nuremberg and the Council of Reutlingen. The Landgrave mainly insisted on the fact that one should be able to present the matter to Her Imperial Majesty and to the imperial estates. Maj. and the imperial estates that the articles be read out loud and clearly. But King Ferdinand, in the midst of the ongoing session, soon had this, soon that, which he brought out of the way, blew into the ears of the others, and did not rest until he interfered with the reading on that day.

But today at 2 o'clock, since the assembly will not be too strong, our articles are to be read out before several princes, although in the imperial chamber. They will be read out before a number of princes.

4 We still hope that when Her Imperial Majesty will graciously investigate the matter. Maj. will graciously investigate the matter; although I do not know if it will happen, since he has so many cardinals around him: so, I say, we still hope that you, dearest father, will be summoned here by a herald. I cannot tell how many speeches of carnal prudence will be made, as if you will not be safe from secret persecution and violence; but since God has done great miracles before, we do not want to let our courage sink for now. Although I myself would not like to see you in

  1. After this, we have given the time determination of No. 953.

You should not make yourselves suffer for such a difficult matter and embark on the dangerous journey. But the Lord will govern everything. There are six Cardinals here, also many theologians and Spanish bishops. The Cardinal and Bishop of Trent and Salzburg, the Cardinal of Mainz, the Bishop and Cardinal of Rossano, the Pope's envoy to King Ferdinand; they are all in the Emperor's palace every day, and besides these there is a whole swarm of priests, who stand around their Maj. like bees, and are daily taken up by a new hatred against us and you, and burn no differently than the fire in the thorns.

(5) How your prophetic book, which is quite a holy book, has been received, I have written to you? But dear God, what is the use of writing, if we poor people have the misfortune with our letters that none are handed down. I would like you to write to Philip more often; the man is afflicted with a strange sadness, and especially for the sake of the common cause. I have to remember that he takes the Psalm and does not speak to God in his words but in David's words in such an important matter. But he lets himself be carried away by his affect. The Lord knows that I must confess that I consider myself bound to you with my life for your psalm, for I have nothing at all to sustain me in my manifold struggle than your catechism, of which you tell me that I can find my God at home in it. The golden psalms, thanks be to the Lord Christ! I understand, and the blind adversaries know nothing of them; that one must have more compassion for them than they hate. Ah God! Who could give thanks heartily. How much richer is Argula von Staufen than all the bishops who do not know God, and about whom God does not know either.

I beg and implore through Christ that you will not miss any opportunity to write to me. My heartfelt greetings to N. Veit, as well as to your dear wife, and likewise to your sons and daughters. May the Lord Christ grant, if it is His divine will in heaven, that I may see my own healthy and well, Amen. Given in Augsburg, June 25, on the Saturday after St. John's Day, in the year 1530.

  1. In a letter of June 12, which is reported in Kolde, Analecta, p. 126 ff. - By the "truly prophetic book" Luther's admonition to the clergy assembled at Augsburg will be meant.

[820]{.underline} Sect. 5: Transfer of the Augsb. Confession. No. 958. W. xvi, 976 f. 821

958. D. Martin Luther's Response to the Letter of Just. Jonas. June 30, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in Ooü. leu. b., Lol. 128 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 27. Printed in Oo6l68tinu8, Ilist. VnA. Oouf., torn. I, tot. 136 k; in Chyträus, p. 141; in lluckäeus, x>. 108 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 45 (with the incorrect date: 20 June). German in Chyträus, p. 239 and incomplete in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Conf., p. 176, of which Walch has given an imprint (without date). The time determination is corrected by us after Köstlin, M. Luther (3), vol. II, p. 656. We have translated after De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ. Finally your letters have arrived, 1) my dear Jonas, after you have plagued us with your silence for three full weeks, although I have written twice to M. Philip, 2) that you would not be so silent. And certainly, if the nature of the time lice had not prevented me, I would have thought of a revenge. But the time of prayer did not permit anger, and anger did not cease to pray. However, I have taken it upon myself to make you infamous everywhere because of this silence, especially in Wittenberg. Nor is it right for you to accuse the messengers; they have delivered the letters faithfully, especially the one hired by you. For from the time when he delivered your letter, I have received nothing but this last one about the arrival and the entry of the emperor 3) and yesterday the one about your complaints. But this I will avenge in its time.

^4)^ I am very glad and rejoice extraordinarily over the exceedingly great gift of God that our prince has such a steady and calm mind. For I believe that our prayers, which are poured out for this heart, are pleasing in the realm of glory before God, and I predict (propheto) that we will be heard in other things as well. This joy of mine has been increased by the fact that I realize that

  1. June 29. Köstlin I. o. p. 655.
  2. On June 5 and 7; De Wette, vol. IV, 32 and 35.
  3. The letter of Jonas of June 18 (Kolde, Anatecta, p. 134) was received by Luther on June 29. See No. 980 in this volume.
  4. It is only here that Walch comes in.
  5. De Wette: vos; Cyprian: nos.

You are quite confident in the Lord against this raging of Satan. Philip is troubled by his philosophy and nothing else, because the matter is in the hand of him who can say in the most hopeful way: No one will snatch it out of my hand John 10:28. I would not, nor would it be advisable, that it should be in our hand. "I have had many of them in my hand, and have lost them all, not keeping one 6)." But the things which I have hitherto been able to cast out of my hands upon Him, I have them still intact and whole. For this is the truth Ps.46:2., "GOD is our confidence and strength." Who hath trusted in Him, and been forsaken? saith the wise man, and again Ps.9:11., "Thou trustest not them that seek Thee, O LORD."

Here I have become a new student of the holy ten commandments, since, becoming a child again, I learn them from word to word, and see that it is true that His wisdom is not a number, and have begun to judge that the ten commandments are the dialectic of the gospel, and the gospel is the rhetoric of the ten commandments, and that Christ has everything that is in Moses, but Moses does not have everything that is in Christ, and I have called them (the ten commandments) by a new name. 7)... Thus they seem to me to be indefinite, but a very definite guide (calendarius) in all things.

With regard to the letters to be written to your wife, nothing has been omitted. For we also send all your letters immediately to Wittenberg, where they are awaited as it were by a thirsty country, and they write to us very frequently, so that I am ashamed on your account that you are surpassed by them in this service of love, whereas you should surpass them. The Elbe has leaked again, although there were no rain showers, but the greatest heat; so my mistress Käthe writes. 8)

  1. Thus Walch according to Cyprian. De Wette: "one"; in the codices: "one".
  2. Here is a gap in all sources. - Here it seems to be spoken of the ten commandments (Ü66ulo^u8) (after that our addition and the translation of the following).
  3. The preceding, from the gap on, is missing in Walch. The same news about the leakage of the Elbe is already in the letter of June 7 to Melanchthon, De Wette, vol. IV,. P. 35, almost with the same words.

[822]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 977-979. 823

I am glad that the pope is given a sign with the birthing mule, so that he has something, that he despises God even more and goes to ruin all the faster. I cannot wonder enough about Ferdinand that he is so oblivious of the Turk, indeed, of the plight of his own. I, if so many people had been snatched from me and killed, would die in an hour, especially if my conscience had added that I had caused it through negligence. But I have never seen an ungodly man perish, unless he was hardened and secure, that the truth might stand 1 Thess. 5:3: "When they shall say, There is peace, and there is no danger" 2c. Such will be the fate of our bishops. For since there is no hope that they can be changed, I like to see them become obdurate and angry as they deserve. Let us only be bold in Christ. He lives, and we will also live, even if we die, and he will provide for the children and wives of the dead. He reigns, and we shall reign, yea, we reign already. If I am called, 1) I will undoubtedly come, if Christ wills it, although I am dealing with the thought that I wish to come unsolicited and uncalled. The grace of God be with you. From the desert, June 30, 2) 1530. Martin Luther.

959. extract from a manuscript of the chancellor Brück, which has the title: Plot of the

Religious affair at Augsburg, 1530.

The manuscript of this writing is in the Weimar Archives, Ue.]. L., toi. 3. seckendorf, nist. Initü., jid. II, x. 202 a already expresses the assumption that Brück is the author of this report. Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p.459, who had this writing printed in his "Archiv", p. 50, speaks of it as a certain thing. Therefore, we have changed the old caption, as not sufficient. Walch correctly notes that this writing is opposed to the report given in this volume No. 1159. It is found in Müller's History of the Protestation of the Protestant Estates and in Cyprian's Supplements to the History of the Augsburg Confession, p. 105, from which it is included here.

  1. This refers to No. 957, §4. This confirms our time determination of this letter, against Burkhardt, p. 177.
  2. At De Wette the "20th of June".

Because the five electors and princes, 3) as indicated, have been thus bound to deliver their opinions and articles, and in three days, as on Friday, their electors and princes have ordered their preachers and scholars to do so. However, since it is feared that it will not be possible to finish and write them purely and ad mundum, so that they could be handed over and presented on Friday after a certain amount: it is intended to send to the Archchancellor of Mainz, as the Archchancellor of the Empire, and to ask his Electoral Grace that the articles be presented on Friday. He intends to send to the Archchancellor of Main, as the Archchancellor of the Empire, and to ask his Electoral Grace that the surrender be extended by one day. However, the said von Mainz has given an answer to the skilful one of the five Electors and Princes: "If it is in the power and authority of his Electorate, he is entitled to the surrender. If it were within the power and authority of his Elector, he would gladly comply with his Grace; but since it had been presented to His Majesty, it would not be up to him; he was also concerned that, since His Majesty had been present at the same meeting, it would not be up to him. Majesty had ordered the Papal Legate, Cardinal Campei, to be present on the same Friday as on the day of St. John the Baptist. He was also concerned that, since Imperial Majesty would hear the Papal Legate, Cardinal Campegium, after Vespers on the same Friday as on the day of St. John the Baptist, and would then also await such transfer, it would be difficult to obtain a change from Her Majesty. Therefore, Her Electoral and Princely Grace have sent themselves to Her Majesty. They must therefore send themselves and be prepared with the articles, as well as they could in such a hurry. And because the embassies of the cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen, have indicated to their sovereigns and princes the order of their lords. And since the embassies of the cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen, have indicated to their sovereigns and princes that they should settle the matters with their sovereigns, the same embassies have also signed with and according to their sovereigns and princes. The same messages have been signed with and according to their sovereign and princely sovereigns.

  1. And as the historian 4) further indicates that over certain four days, including the appointed Tuesday June 21, the five Electors, Princes and the two cities of the Imperial Majesty wanted to hand over their Christian articles and opinions in duplicate in Latin and German. Majesty their Christian articles and opinions in duplicate, in Latin and German, so it happened:
  1. as the imperial. Majesty heard the Cardinal Campegium at about three o'clock, after vespers, after the Cardinal's ending, as papal legates, publicity and then by imperial legates. Legates, advertisement, and thereupon by Imperial. Majesty's answer, after the Cardinal's departure, the five Electors and Princes from their
  1. The "five Churfürst and Fürsten" are the five princely signers of the German Confession, which are given in the St. Louis edition of the Concordienbuch, p. 50; likewise in the next following number.
  2. The unnamed papist author of Report No. 1159 in this volume.

824 Sect. 5: Transfer of the Augsb. Confession. No. 959. W. xvi, 979-931. 825

They have joined together with the two related cities in the opinion that they should present their confession and articles of faith in simplified form to the imperial majesty in the presence of the royal dignities of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as to the other princes, princes and estates. Majesty in the presence of the royal dignities of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as the other princes, princes and estates, to present their confession and articles of faith in twofold form.

  1. Majesty has held talks with the King, several Electors and Princes, and has ordered the Elector of Brandenburg to become their elector and prince. He has ordered the Elector of Brandenburg to meet with his electors and princes and the embassies of the cities: Her Majesty graciously requests that they be forgiven a little with their request. For Her Majesty wanted to hear the Austrian, Carniolan and Carinthian embassies, which wanted to present their objections to Her Majesty and the Estates on account of the Turk. After that, Her Majesty also wanted to hear Her Royal and Princely Graces.

5 The aforementioned five princes, rulers, and embassies of the two cities have allowed this to happen, and the aforementioned embassies, due to their burdensome duties, have gladly escaped.

6th Now that the same messages have been heard, and their farewells have been obtained, the aforementioned Electors, Princes and cities have let them be heard:

    1. Since Her Imperial Majesty has appointed this Imperial Diet, among other things because of the discord that has arisen in our holy religion, in such a way that every person's opinion, opinion and opinion shall be graciously heard, and thereupon at the beginning of the same Imperial Diet, in Her Majesty's lecture, she has graciously agreed to hand over such articles and opinions of every part in Latin and German in writings. Her Majesty had also been informed by the Committee of the Electors, Princes and Estates that the aforementioned five Electors and Princes would present and hand over their opinions, opinions and views on Friday; and although the time was somewhat short for their electoral and princely graces, they would nevertheless have taken care, as much as was possible in a hurry, to bring their articles together in writing and in both languages. They had them all there in hand, and asked Imperial Majesty in all submissiveness. Majesty in all submission that they want to be free to hear them read together with royal dignitaries, princes, princes and estates. Afterwards, they wanted to submit them to their Majesty, confident that the other Electors, Princes and Estates would now also present their opinions in the same way.

(8) However, it has been requested that Her Majesty hold council and discussion with several Electors, Princes and embassies, and Her Majesty has given the five Electors, Princes and the aforementioned cities the answer that Her Majesty is inclined to listen to their Elector and Prince and the cities' confession. However, it was now almost late and in the evening, it would also be an unnecessary delay. For since the matters were written in documents, Her Majesty requested that the same documents be sent to her, as if Her Majesty wanted to consider and deliberate on them according to necessity.

On the other hand, the five Electors and Princes have indicated that their Majesty should consider it gracious that they would not want to burden their Majesty with unnecessary things as much as they could be sure that it would be inconvenient for their Majesty and other important business. However, it would have been in such a way that their electoral and princely graces would have been affected by their disfavor. It would, however, be in such a form that their electoral and princely graces would have been carried out by their detractors on account of the faith, and what would be pending in the matter, as they would have experienced it, with their Majesty and others in and outside the realm, as they still do today, as if they had such articles held for them and preached in their lands and territories, which should be against God and his holy gospel. So that now their majesty and masculine, who would be opposed to them, may hear that such an imposition is done to them for vain innocence:

(10) Their great and immeasurable need requires them to seek this from their Majesty humbly, and they would again ask their Majesty in all humility and for the sake of God, who do not want to be burdened, to hear these articles together with the royal dignities, also the other princes, princes and estates; so it would also be the case with the writings that they would be collected in a hurry and would be difficult to read, therefore the electoral and princely graces of their servants would have ordered one of them to read these articles as soon as possible and not to delay their Majesty in particular. Therefore, the electoral and princely graces of their servants have ordered one to read these articles as quickly as possible and not to delay their majesty in particular.

11 Thereupon Her Imperial Majesty again consulted with the princes and embassies and had almost the previous opinion renewed. 11. Then Her Imperial Majesty again consulted with the princes, as well as with several princes and embassies, and had almost the previous opinion renewed, and beforehand requested that the writings be handed over to Her Majesty, who also wanted Her Majesty to read them no less, and to listen to them, as they heard Her Majesty now and this time, with the request that the same not be meant for any disgrace to them.

12th For this reason the five princes, lords, and embassies of the cities have again spoken: that out of subservience they have lasted high, that they have

826 ' Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, ssi-ssi. 827

If their Majesty should further request to hear their confession: now they urge, for the aforementioned reasons, in particular, that they could not spare their Majesty and other estates so great a burden, as they would otherwise gladly do; and if their Electoral and Princely Graces, even those of related cities, should ever have anything to ask of their Majesty, it would be just this, and that their Majesty would graciously grant them this request. If their electoral and princely graces, as well as the related cities, ever had anything to petition their Majesty, it would be just this, and that their Majesty would graciously oblige them in it.

13 Thus also Her Imperial Majesty would have Her Imperial Majesty has hitherto always abided by the gracious imperial will towards everyone. That Her Imperial Majesty has not refused anyone such a request in much lesser and unimportant matters. Majesty had not refused anyone in much lesser and unimportant matters. These, however, would be matters which their sovereign and princely Their kinsmen's souls and oaths 1) were concerned.

14 Their most imploring request and plea to Her Majesty would again be that Her Majesty would graciously hear their plea for God's sake. As they also wanted to put off this to Her Majesty in all subservience without refusal. However, may it be their sovereign and princely graces and the messages of the cities. If, however, their electoral and princely graces and the messages of the cities were not received by their Majesty, they would have to order it to the eternal God, but for their honor, necessity and Christian glory, and to praise God, they would have done their part. For they could consider that it was not their intention to set their Majesty's measure further than their Majesty's gracious will; with most humble request that their Majesty would not understand such otherwise than for their unavoidable necessity and for no disgrace.

15 Thereupon, the Imperial Majesty has again indicated that After a discussion, His Majesty once again announced that His Majesty would not do this to His Electoral and Princely Grace. The Emperor's Majesty has again indicated, after an address has been held, that Her Majesty will not grant this to Her Electoral and Princely Graces, nor to the related cities, but for the reasons stated. However, in order that Her Majesty should not feel any lack, Her Majesty wished to hear such writings on the morning of Saturday after the eighth day of Corporis Christi, June 25, in the presence of the royal dignitaries, Her Majesty's brothers, as well as electors, princes and estates according to length.

The above-mentioned Electors, Princes and Embassies of the two cities have thanked him in all humility and offered to wait for his gracious decision. On the aforementioned Saturday, almost at four o'clock in the evening, His Imperial Majesty, the now-named Prince, has issued a decree. Majesty held an audience in the presence of the King,

  1. Maybe: "Honor"?

Princes, princes and embassies, also estates, in Her Majesty's chapel. The church is a place from which those who are not the princes' and lords' councillors have been ordered to escape.

17 And after a short speech of submission, which the above-mentioned Electors, Princes and the embassies of the cities had made before the Imperial Majesty, the German Confession was publicly and brightly published by the Chancellor of Saxony. Majesty, the German Confession was publicly and clearly presented by the Chancellor of the Elector of Saxony, so that everyone could note the substance, before the Imperial Majesty, in the presence of the persons concerned. After that, both documents were handed over to Her Majesty, and Her Majesty, through Count Palatine Frederick, after the reading and handing over of the documents, had them safely announced.

  1. After Her Majesty had heard the presented document, and after it had been delivered to Her Majesty, Her Majesty wanted to have this deal, which would be great and important in itself, moved, and to show himself in it seriously and unprovable.

19 And thereupon the said Count Palatine, by order of the Imperial Majesty, immediately asked the five Electors, Princes, and embassies of the cities not to accept the confession now read out. Majesty, the five princes, princes and embassies of the cities were persuaded that they did not want the confession now read out without Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's prior knowledge.

20 Thereupon His Princely Grace, the Grace, the aforementioned Electors, Princes and cities replied that they would rely on such Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's request without reference.

21 And although it is true that at that time no more than two cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen, were related to their confession, soon after four more cities, namely Weissenburg, Heilbrunn, Kempten, and Winsheim, turned to them and asked them to support them with their sovereign and princely graces and other two cities in their Christian confession. They asked them to join them in their Christian confession. This has thus been done. Thereafter, in the actions that occurred for the sake of faith, they were also consulted by their electoral and princely graces. Their messages were present at the same time. Therefore, the historian praises God that he has increased the lowly house even in weakness, and not 2) diminished it, as it will be in the end, should have reported the same also, or afterwards, when he has not done so, therefore he should have reported the same to the one, in which GOt.

  1. "not" added by us. It would also like to be read: "and has diminished their pile". - But the author of No. 1159 has reported in § 9 of his report in passing that "in the meantime four other cities have joined them".

828 Section 5: Handover of the Augsb. Confession. No. 959. W. xvi, 984-986. 829

tes Wunderwerk should be praised, has written too little.

22 But too much mildly he writes soon after, since he indicates that the five Electors, Princes and associated cities should have requested to have their confession publicly read out in the town hall, that they sought the chance or the listening of the people.

23 For, he has heard it from those estates which the Imperial Majesty has at that time called upon in her Majesty. Majesty has drawn to that time in Her Majesty's council and discussions. Council and discussions, then it is to be assumed that the public reading in that place was prevented, that is, by them, as those who were so partial, for these inexplicable reasons, or the scribe, who must have invented it himself on the five Electors, Princes and cities: for although he further adds in his booklet that Imperial Majesty, when she understood such a thing, did not give it to her Majesty the Princes, she did not give it to them. Majesty, understanding this, did not want to grant the request of the princes and cities; nevertheless, other causes, namely that it was late in the evening, and not these, were brought forward by Her Majesty.

24 But since such a confession was not to be read out and heard publicly, what would have been so great about it that it would have been considered harmless by the Elector of Mainz, even though their electors and princes and the cities had first handed over such a written confession on the aforementioned Saturday? and the cities would have handed over such a written confession first on the aforementioned Saturday. F. Gn. was still unhappy and not very comforted, since the day for such a transfer had been set for Friday, and since the Imperial Majesty had also ordered the confession to be made on Saturday. Maj. would be in the house without it, together with the fact that the other part does not hand over its opinion, opinion and discretion at all. For since it was to be a mere handover, it would have been unnecessary for the Imperial Maj. The writings could have been handed over to Her Majesty's Council by some of the Electors' Councillors on Friday or early on Saturday morning.

Therefore it is a palliation, which has neither truth nor reason, and by the historian or his pretender to the opposing parties to glorify and supposedly cover up their disgrace, which they incurred at that time with males, that they, to have the truth of God's word publicly read out, prevented Imperial Majesty the Holy Roman Emperor from believing that the five Electors, Princes and related cities for cause asked to hear the writings publicly. Majesty had prevented them from believing that the five Electors, Princes and related cities had asked to hear the writings publicly, which their Electors and Princes had not heard. Gn. and they, as has been stated, have submitted, as namely, the

because they would have been highly complained of and denigrated in the Imperial Majesty and other high and low estates, both within and outside the Empire. Majesty and other high and low estates, both within and outside the empire, would be highly burdened and disparaged on account of their faith, that for this reason they would like to be heard publicly, in which 1) the matters of faith would be on their side. For the fact that they wanted to seek favor with the common people by this means is evident from the assumption, which they have for themselves without this, that their opinion would have been more Christian, better, and more right, since it would not have been possible for them to have been able to convince their electoral and princely graces of the same through history. and princely graces would have been perverted by the historian and his followers, it can be sufficiently understood that Pimpinellus 2) shortly before, in a public audience, where everyone who was of the estates and their councils might have listened, their chur- und prinstl. and their co-relatives, but that he had not named them, had challenged them in the highest and most burdensome way for the sake of faith, and had challenged the Imperial Majesty and everyone else. Majesty, as well as everyone else, against their sovereign and princely graces. He has also violently insisted on the fact that he has not named them, and that the Imperial Majesty, as well as everyone else, has violently insisted on the fact that he has not named them.

  1. Furthermore, that it can be clearly understood from several previously indicated reports, namely from the Instruction, 3) which was issued to the Elector of Saxony from Insbruck, and in addition from the trade, that at the hour of Imperial Majesty's arrival in Augsburg and the following days with their electoral and princely representatives. Majesty's arrival at Augsburg and the following days with her electoral and princely graces. All this, as well as other things that are still in progress, should have given the five Electors and Princes sufficient cause to request a public reading.
  1. consider what he would consider his need to be in such a case, since it concerns much lesser things than his soul, honor and conscience.

Thus the audience at the town hall has not been such that males who are not members of the Imperial Majesty, nor of the royal dignities, princes, princes and estates, have been allowed to go up. Majesty, nor of the royal dignities, princes, princes and estates, were allowed to go up. For the doorkeepers and guardians were ordered not to permit the same at the door slams: with what truth then might the historian indicate that the many-named electors, princes and cities sought the favor of the people, and yet were not present?

Therefore, everyone can conclude with him with more reason this assumption that the her-

  1. wherein" put by us instead of: "why".
  2. Document No. 944.
  3. Document No. 930.

[830]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 9 6-988. 831

The five princes, princes, and cities sought the applause of the people by the public reading of the documents, and the prevention of the opposing party on such a pretense, as if they had practiced such with the imperial majesty. Majesty that they had such, because they and their followers had received their electoral and princely favors from the imperial majesty. They have practiced such with the Imperial Majesty and other states that they had such disparagement, because they and their followers had publicly read out the Christian confession of the five Electors, Princes and related cities, that it would be understood from this that they had untruthfully accused the same Electors, Princes and their relatives for unjustified reasons.

30 It is also safe to believe that they would have preferred, as much as they could, to prevent the same confession from being publicly read either at that time or afterwards, if the affected princes, princes and cities had not so often, in all submission and for the sake of God, admonished Imperial Majesty as a noble emperor with necessary and permanent causes. Majesty, as a praiseworthy emperor, with indication of necessary permanent causes.

For the truth is, when the same confession was read out on the other day in the Palatinate, many devout Christian and kind-hearted people, who were not of the common people, said that the things were shown to them by the aforementioned Elector, princes and cities much differently than they understood from the public reading out of the confession. Some also let themselves be heard, how much they did not want to take for it, that they should not have been at the reading.

32 Christ, the mouth of truth, testifies that everyone who shuns the light does not love the truth, but he who does not shun the light loves the truth. Since the five princes, rulers and related cities have requested that their confession be read out publicly, let every reader know whether the people will favor them in it. For what good would it have done them if they had won the favor of twenty or thirty incomprehensible people for an hour or two, and yet, if they themselves had understood that the articles presented did not have the truth on them, they would have had to expect mockery again from the great Hansa and the most intelligent of their foolishness?

For whether the same confession was mocked or ridiculed by anyone, even by them, the adversaries themselves, when it was read out publicly, and that it was not rather listened to with great silence and seriousness, let each one who was present at that time testify with his own conscience.

34 Therefore, the historian should have refrained from discrediting the five princes, princes and adhering cities for their request, which they had made several times for the sake of God, which name they did not want to use uselessly for vanity, and to set themselves up as judges against the office of a historian, or he should have judged according to open and probable truth.

35 It is also safe to assume that the aforementioned historian must condemn himself in that in which he wanted to judge the five Electors and Princes, as namely to gain the common people, among whom these books were to be spread, by accident and to roll the displeasure onto the five Electors, Princes, and dependent cities.

36 With these now heard accusations, he is also sufficiently overcome, in the hope that he has thereby restored his and those who may have incited him with gifts and promises to foolishness and disgrace. 1)

The Augsburg Confession

or Confession of the Faith of Several Princes and Cities, Delivered to Imperial Majesty at Augsburg, Anno 1530 (Read on June 25, 1530).

The original of the Augsburg Confession has not yet been recovered, but a large number of manuscripts of it are available, namely ten Latin, fifteen German and one French, which J. T. Müller describes and discusses in detail in his historical-theological introduction to the symbolic books of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, p. 4XII ff, as well as Förstemann in his Urkundenbuche, Vol. I, p. 369 ff. It is not our task to report about them in detail, therefore we refer the reader to the aforementioned sources. It should only be mentioned here that both declare the so-called second Ansbach manuscript to be a collation with the original, and to be one "that gives us the text of the Confession in a form that has a high degree of conformity with the copy given to the emperor. Of the Mainz manuscript Müller says I. o. p. I.XXVII f., that this, whose text the Concordienbuche is based on, has not a few errors, namely spelling mistakes, omissions and sentences disfigured by transposition. However, it cannot be denied that its text mostly corresponds to that of the best manuscripts, and its errors are easily improved according to the same and according to the editio princeps.

  1. Since this last paragraph is meaningless in Walch, we have put Deß instead of "Das"; overcome instead of "überfunden"; his instead of "his"; him instead of "them"; habe instead of "heben".

832 Section 5: Handover of the Augsb. Confession. No. 960. W. xvi, 988 f. 833

so that we have no reason to abandon the ecclesiastically received text and accept another one in its place, of which we also cannot prove that it is closer to the original. - The Emperor had indeed demanded of the Protestant estates that they not allow the Confession to be printed without the Emperor's prior knowledge, and they had agreed to this (see the previous number, §§ 19 and 20.), but without their knowledge and will, seven different editions appeared during the Imperial Diet and soon after its conclusion, six German and one Latin, all without indication of the place of printing, the editors and publishers. They are all printed from a single copy, the first four of the German editions under the title: "Arpeiguug vnd bekantnus des Glaubens vnd der lere, so die adpellierenden Stände Key. Maiestet auff yetzigen tag zu Augspurg öberantwurt habend. NVXXX.", in quarto, in Upper German dialect; the fifth in Lower Saxon, probably by Bugenhagen; the sixth in High German. They differ little from each other; the first four are rife with printing errors; the fifth is more correct and even more so the sixth. The Latin edition has the title: Confessio exhibita Caesari in comitiis Augustae Anno MDXXX 2c, also in quarto. It approaches the Ansbach manuscript in its peculiarities and also has many printing errors. The unreliability of these prints prompted Melanchthon to organize an edition of the Latin and German text. This has the title: "Confessio Fidei exhibita in- victiss. Caesari Aug. in Comiciis Augustae, Anno MDXXX. Addita est Apologia Confessionis. Both, German vnd Latin. IVitsbsrgae." At the end: ,,Imprint per Georgium Rhau. MDXXXI. " Quart. - Confessio oder Bekantnus des Glaubens etlicher Fürsten vnd Stedte: Vberantwort Keiserlicher Maiestat: zu Augspurg. Anno N.V.XXX. Apologia of the Confession." Quarto. At the end: "Printed at Wittenberg by Georgen Rhaw. Anno Vl.v.XXXI." On this Müller remarks l. o. p. QXVI: "From this date one must not conclude that this edition was published only in 1531," and provides evidence that the Augsburg Confession was completed and issued as early as 1530, but that the year refers only to the Apology. This edition was arranged in such a way that either the German or the Latin alone, or both together, could be issued, and copies of both types exist. Therefore Walch (Table of Contents! of the 16th volume, p. 48 b) is surprised that in the copy available to him "both German and Latin" are promised on the title page, but the German text is not included. In rapid succession, several editions appeared, about the diversity of which Bindseil has reported most completely in the 26th volume of the Oorp. Rok. The aforementioned quarto edition is, as Walch states, the pure, improved and genuine one. However, Melanchthon already made changes in other quarto editions of 1531 and even more in the Latin octavo editions, which were followed by the German ones of 1533 and 1536. This did not cause any further stir, since the changes were limited only to the wording and the expression, but in no way approached the Lutheran doctrine in any way. Although Wigand, in his Ilist. de X. 6. Königsberg, 1574, stated that righteous people (bonls) would have been annoyed by the changes made by Melanchthon in the octavo edition of 1531, we have certain proof of the opposite in the main defense of the Aug.

apfels, Cap. 21, p. 336: "In the first ten years from anno 1530 to almost 1540, no change occurred in rsulibu8, and in the points so concerning the articles of faith." It was not until 1540 that a new Latin quarto edition was published by Georg Rau in Wittenberg, the so-called vuriatu, in which the doctrinal content of the Augsburg Confession was impaired in the 10th article, which therefore never received ecclesiastical validity, but has been regarded as a private writing of Melanchthon, even by himself (See J. T. Müller 1. c. p. bXXI.). The editions of the Augsburg Confession are so numerous that even J. T. Müller refrains from giving only a somewhat complete citation of it and refers to Bindseil in 6orp. Rsk., vol. XXVI. In the collections of Luther's writings it is printed, as Walch says, according to the Wittenberg octavo edition of 1531, namely in Latin in the Jenaer (1570), tom. IV, lob 191, with Melanchthon's preface; German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol.IX, bl.304b; in the Jena (1561), vol.VI, bl, 362; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 29, and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 9. "Most alleraccuratesten man sie an (sagt Walch) in der nothwendigen Vertheidigung des Augapfels, both Latin and German." Further, in Cölestins bi8t. oorn. ^uZ., toni. II, p. 151; in des Chyträus bi8t. oonb, p. 78 according to the Latin and p. 118 of the German edition; in Müller's Historie der evangelischen Stände Protestation, Book III, Cap. 19, p. 595; in Cyprian in the Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Conf., p. 3 and in Pfaff's writing: "Neue nach dem in der churmainzischen Reichskanzlei befindlichen Original errichtet Edition der Augsburgischen Confession" 2c. Walch used the copy in Müller's Historie as a basis and compared Chyträus and Cyprian. We have retained Walch's text on the whole, but have consulted Förstemann and J. T. Müller. This writing has been translated into many languages, such as Greek, Hebrew, Spanish, Dutch, Slavonic, French and others. Of course, it is in the editions of the Concordia formula and in the various oorporu clootrinas, as, the Philippico, Thuringico, Pomeranico, Prutenico, Julio, Noriber- gico 2c. more or less correctly. See I. T. Müller 1. o. p. 6XXII ff.

Preface.

Most Sublime, Most Great, Most Invincible Emperor, Most Gracious Lord!

When your Imperial Majesty shortly afterwards graciously announced a general Imperial Diet here in Augsburg) with notice and earnest request concerning matters relating to our and the Christian name's hereditary enemy, the Turks, and how the same might be resisted with persistent help, and also how the divisions in the holy faith and in the Christian religion might be dealt with, to advise, and to take diligence, to advise all of every one's good judgment, opinion and

  1. By Document No. 890.

834 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 939-991. 835

To hear, see and consider the opinions between ourselves in love and kindness, and to bring them to one Christian truth and to compare them, to do away with everything that would not be rightly interpreted or acted on both sides, and to accept and keep one unified and true religion through all of us, and as we are all under one Christ and contend, so also to live all in one community, church and unity. And we, the below-named Electors 1) and Princes, together with our relatives, like other Electors, Princes and Estates, are required to do so, so we have exalted ourselves to such an extent that we come here with the first ones in particular glory.

And when also Your Imperial Majesty Majesty, in obedience to your Imperial Majesty's Majesty, and in accordance with the same, on account of these matters, touching the faith, to Princes, Princes and Estates in general, graciously, also with the utmost diligence and earnestly requested that each one, by virtue of the previously notified Your Imperial Majesty's Majesty's request, that each of them should put in writing and hand over his or her discretion, opinion and opinion of the above-mentioned errors, disputes and abuses in German and Latin. Therefore, after due consideration and advice, Your Imperial Majesty was informed last midweek June 22 that we would like to present ours, by virtue of Your Imperial Majesty's presentation, in German and Latin. Majesty's presentation, in German and Latin for today, Friday. Therefore, and to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, we present and hand over our pastors, preachers and their teachings, as well as our confession of faith, what and how they preach, teach, hold and teach in our countries, principalities, dominions, cities and territories on the basis of divine holy scripture. And are against Your Imperial Majesty, our Allies. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, we are obliged in all submission that the other Princes, Princes and Estates will now also do the same, by means of a simplified written transmission of their opinions and views in Latin and German.

  1. In the St. Louis edition of the Concordienbuch erroneously "Churfürsten", because it was only Ein Churfürst, the one of Saxony; also in Latin it is Lleotori. Even the German Wittenberg edition has this error.
  2. that we wish to converse with their loved ones and them in convenient and even ways, and to unite them as much as is always possible for equality, so that our mutual, as parties, written submissions and afflictions between ourselves may be dealt with in love and kindness, and the same divisions may be led to a unified true religion, as we are all under one Christ and should contend and confess Christ, all according to the oft-repeated decree of Your Imperial Majesty and according to divine truth. Majesty's decree, and according to divine truth. Therefore, we also call upon God the Almighty with the utmost humility and ask him to grant us his divine grace, amen.

Where, however, with our lords, friends and special ones, 3) the princes, princes and estates of the other part, the action is such as Ew. Majesty. Majesty's words: "among ourselves, in love and kindness, convenient action", 4) neither provided nor wanted to be fruitful, as yet in us in none that can or may be serviceable with God and conscience to Christian unity, shall be erwinder 5) as Your Imperial Majesty has also reported our action. Majesty, our friends, the princes, princes, estates and every lover of the Christian religion, to whom these things occur, will have to graciously, kindly and sufficiently hear from the following confessions of us and ours.

After Your Imperial Majesty graciously gave to understand, and especially by a publicly read Instruction, 6) at the Imperial Diet held at Speier in the year of the lesser number 26, that Your Imperial Majesty is to conclude in matters concerning our Holy Faith, 7) for reasons which are to be found there, that the Holy Faith is to be respected. Majesty, in matters concerning our holy faith, to conclude, 7) for reasons which thereby arose, that the

  1. "Their beloved ones" are the princes; "to them" the non-princely estates. - We thought it necessary to note this here, because even highly learned people did not have this distinction of rank in mind, as can be seen at the beginning of the next paragraph.
  2. So, as I. T. Müller p. 790 notes, in all manuscripts and prints, which he has changed to: "especially the" 2c.
  3. This is a free citation from No. 890, in this volume Col. 627 at the beginning.
  4. "erwinden" -missing, lacking.
  5. Document No. 804 in this volume.
  6. "to let conclude ... not gemeinet", that is, not having been of the will to finally determine something. In Latin: from full" Hnick^nnrn cketerin innre.

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but wanted to apply to the pope for a concilium and to stop it. And a year ago, at the last Imperial Diet at Speier, by virtue of a written Instruction, 1) Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, through Your Majesty the Governor of the Empire, Royal Dignities in Hungary and Bohemia 2c. Maj. Governor in the Empire, Royal Dignities of Hungary and Bohemia 2c., together with E. K. Majest. Orator and decreed commissioners, have, among other things, presented this and have indicated: "that Your Imperial Majesty will grant the same state of Hungary and Bohemia. Majesty has considered the same governors, administrators and councillors of the Imperial Regiment, as well as the embassies of the absent princes, princes and estates, which were assembled at the announced Imperial Diet at Regensburg, and has also found it fruitful to establish the General Council. And because these matters have come to a head between His Majesty the Emperor and the Pope, it is not possible to decide on the matter. Majesty and the Pope to good Christian sense, that His Imperial Majesty would be certain that the General Council would be held. Majesty would be certain that the pope would not refuse to hold the General Council, so it would be His Majesty's gracious command to demand and act that the pope be the first to proclaim such General Council in addition to His Majesty. Majesty for the first time and that there should be no lack of it". Thus, we request from E. Kais. Majesty, we hereby, in all submissiveness, and to the excess in the case in question, furthermore, ask for such a common, free, Christian concilium, to be held at all imperial congresses held by His Imperial Majesty in the course of her reign in the Empire. Majesty held in the course of her reign in the Empire, by Princes, Princes and Estates, out of high and valiant movements, to which also, together with Your Imperial Majesty, we commit ourselves on account of these great events. Maj. we have, on account of this most important matter, 2) in a legal manner and form, at various times invoked and appealed to; to which 3) we hereby remain pending once again, and by this or subsequent action (unless these conflicting matters are finally heard in love and kindness, according to Your Imperial Majesty's letter, considered.

  1. In Document No. 816 in this volume, § 2 and § 3.
  2. In the old editions: "things"; this is the singular. In Latin: ounsu.
  3. "the"; to be added from the preceding: "appeal" or "appeal". The "legal manner and form" of the appeal is found in Document No. 820 in this volume. In Latin, instead of "the" it is oui uxpellationi.

and compared to a Christian unity), of which we hereby publicly testify and protest. And 4) is the confession of ours and of ours, as follows from article to article.

Articles of faith and doctrine.

The I. Article. ^5^)

First, it is unanimously taught and held, according to the Concilii Niceni, that there is one divine being, which is called, and truly is God, and yet there are three persons in the same one divine being, equally powerful, equally eternal, God the Father, God the Son, God the Holy Spirit, all three One divine being, eternal, without part, without end, of immeasurable power, wisdom and goodness, one Creator and Sustainer of all things visible and invisible. And is understood by the word persona, not a piece, not a quality in another, but that itself exists, as the Fathers used this word in this matter.

Therefore, all heresies contrary to this article are rejected, as Manichaei, who have set two gods, one evil and one good. Item, Valentiniani, Ariani, Eunomiani, Mahometists and all the like, also Samosateni, old and new, who put only one person, and make sophistry of these two, Word and Holy Spirit, and say that they must not be distinct persons, but Word means bodily word or voice, and the Holy Spirit is a created movement in creatures.

The II article.

Furthermore, we are taught that after Adam's fall, all people who are born naturally are conceived and born in sins.

  1. Thus the Wittenbergers and the Jenaers. In I. T. Müller: "seind".
  2. In Walch's Hist. der evangelischen Stände Protestation, Ub. 3, eup. 19, p. 595, all articles lack the superscriptions found in the Concordienbuche, as: "Von GOtt", "Von der Erbsünde" 2c. Likewise in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 381 ff, in the copy brought home from Augsburg by Margrave George of Brandenburg, and in all old editions of Luther's works.

838 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 993-9S6. 839

That is, that they are all full of evil lusts and inclinations from their mother's womb, and cannot have true fear of God, true faith in God by nature; that the same inherent pestilence and original sin is truly sin, and condemns all those under God's eternal wrath who are not born again through baptism and the Holy Spirit.

In addition, the Pelagians and others are rejected who do not consider original sin to be sin, so that they make nature pious through natural powers, to the shame of the suffering and merit of Christ.

The III Article.

Item, it is taught that God the Son became man, born of the pure virgin Mary, and that the two natures, divine and human, are thus inseparably united in one person. One Christ, who is true God and man, truly born, suffered, crucified, died and was buried, so that he would be a sacrifice not only for original sin, but also for all other sin, and atoned for God's wrath.

Item, that the same Christ descended into hell, truly rose from the dead on the third day, ascended into heaven, sits at the right hand of God, that he reigns eternally over all creatures and rules, that he sanctifies, cleanses, strengthens and comforts all who believe in him through the Holy Spirit, and also gives them life and all gifts and goods, and protects and shields them against the devil and against sin.

Item, that the same Lord Christ will finally come publicly to judge the living and the dead 2c., according to the Symboli Apostolorum.

The IV. Article.

Further, it is taught that we may not obtain forgiveness of sins and righteousness before God by our merit, works, and sufficiency, but that we receive forgiveness of sins and are justified before God by grace, for Christ's sake, through faith, if we believe that Christ suffered for us, and that for His sake sin is forgiven us, righteousness and eternal life.

is given. For God will count this faith as righteousness before Him, as St. Paul says to Romans 3, v. 28, and Cap. 4, 5.

The V. Article.

To obtain such faith, God has instituted the ministry of preaching, given the Gospel and Sacrament, through which He gives, as a means, the Holy Spirit, who works faith wherever and whenever He wills in those who hear the Gospel, which teaches that we have a gracious God through Christ's merit, not our own, if we believe such.

And are condemned the Anabaptists and others who teach that without the bodily word of the Gospel we obtain the Holy Spirit by our own preparation, thoughts and works.

The VI Article.

It is also taught that such faith should bring forth good fruits and good works, and that one must do good works, all the things that God has commanded, for the sake of God, but not to trust in such works to merit grace before God; for we receive forgiveness of sin and righteousness through faith in Christ, as Christ Himself says Luc. 17:10: "If you have done all these things, you shall say, we are unfit servants." Thus also the fathers teach; for Ambrose says, "Thus it is decreed by God, that whosoever believeth in Christ shall be saved, and shall not have remission of sins by works, but by faith alone, without merit.

The VII Article.

It is also taught that there must always be and remain a holy Christian church, which is the assembly of all believers, where the gospel is preached purely and the holy sacraments are administered according to the gospel.

For this is enough for the true unity of the Christian church, that the gospel is preached with one accord, according to pure understanding, and the sacraments are administered according to the divine word. And is it not necessary for the true unity of the Christian church that

840 Sect. 5: Handing over of the Augsburg Confession. Confession. No. 960. w. xvi, sss-ws. 841

everywhere the same ceremonies, instituted by men, are held; as Paul says Eph. 4:4, 5: "One body, one Spirit, as ye are called unto one hope of your profession, One Lord, One faith, One baptism."

The VIII. Article.

Item, although the Christian church is really nothing else than the assembly of all believers and saints; however, since in this life there are many false Christians and hypocrites, 1) even public sinners remain among the pious, the sacraments are nevertheless powerful, although the priests, through whom they are administered, are not pious; as Christ himself indicates Matth. 23, 3: "On the chair of Moses sit the Pharisees" 2c.

Therefore, the Donatists and all others are condemned to hold so differently.

The IX Article.

It is taught that baptism is necessary, and that grace is offered through it, so that one should also baptize the children who are given over to God and become pleasing through such baptism.

For this reason, the Anabaptists are rejected, who teach that infant baptism is not right.

The X. Article.

The Lord's Supper is thus taught that the true body and blood of Christ are truly present in the form of bread and wine in the Lord's Supper, where they are distributed and taken. For this reason, the contrary doctrine is also rejected.

The XI article.

Confession is taught that one should receive private absolution in church and not drop it, although it is not necessary to tell all wrongdoings and sins in confession, since this is not possible. Ps. 19:13: Who knows iniquity?

  1. This "are" (sein) is missing in the Ansbach and Munich manuscripts, also in the Wittenberg and Jena editions; likewise in Latin.

The XII. Article.

It is taught about repentance that those who have sinned after baptism may obtain forgiveness of sins at all times when they come to repentance, and they should not be denied absolution by the church. And true true repentance is actually having remorse and sorrow or horror over sin, and yet believing in the gospel and absolution that sin is forgiven and grace is obtained through Christ, which faith again comforts the heart and makes it content.

After this should also follow correction, and that one should refrain from sins; for these should be the fruits of repentance, as John speaks Matth. 3, 8: "Work righteous fruits of repentance."

Here are rejected those who teach, so that those who once became devout may not fall again.

After that 2) the Novatiani are also condemned, who refused absolution to those who had sinned after baptism.

Also, those are rejected who do not teach that we obtain forgiveness of sins by faith, but by our satisfaction.

The XIII Article.

Of the use of the sacraments, it is taught that the sacraments are instituted not only to be signs by which Christians may be known outwardly, but that they are signs and testimonies of divine will toward us, to awaken and strengthen our faith by them; for this reason they also require faith, and are then used rightly when they are received in faith, and faith is strengthened by them. 3) The sacraments are not used for the sole purpose of being signs by which Christians may be known outwardly.

The XIV Article.

The church regiment teaches that no one may teach or preach publicly in the church, or administer the sacrament, without a proper profession.

  1. In the Ansbach, Munich, and Hesse manuscripts: "Es"; "Darnach" in Walch; "Dagegen" in I. T. Müller, in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.
  2. "mans" - man them.

842 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, m8-1000. 843

The XV article.

Church ordinances made by men are taught to keep those that may be kept without sin, and serve for peace and good order in the church, as certain celebrations, festivals and the like. But instruction is given that the consciences should not be troubled with them, as if such things were necessary for salvation. It is taught that all statutes and traditions, 1) made by men to propitiate God and earn grace, are contrary to the Gospel and the doctrine of faith in Christ; therefore monastic vows and other traditions, of different food, days, 2c., by which one supposes to earn grace and to do enough for sin, are unfit and contrary to the Gospel.

The XVI article.

It is taught of the police and secular government that all authority in the world and orderly regiments and laws are good orders created and instituted by God. And that Christians may be without sin in the office of sovereignty, prince and judge, pronounce judgment and justice according to imperial and other customary laws, punish evildoers with the sword, wage lawful wars, fight, buy and sell, take oaths. To have one's own, to be legitimate 2c.

Here the Anabaptists are condemned, who teach that none of the above is Christian.

Also, those are condemned who teach that Christian perfection is to leave house and home, wife and child in the flesh, and to express themselves of the pieces touched before; when this alone is right perfection, right fear of God, and right faith in God. For the gospel does not teach an outward, temporal, but an inward, eternal nature and righteousness of the heart, and does not dispute about worldly regiment, police, and marital status, but wants one to keep all these things as true God's order, 2) and in such states

  1. "Tradition" is plural; Latin: traditiones. The plural endings are very often repelled by the ancients, as. in the next article "regiment" for: Regiments.

2s So in the Wittenberg and in the Jena editions, also in Latin. In I. T. Müller "GOttes" is missing.

Christian love and right good works, each according to his profession. Therefore, Christians are obliged to be subject to authority and obedient to its commandments in everything that may be done without sin, for if the authority's commandment may not be done without sin, one should be more obedient to God than to men, Apost. 5, 29.

The XVII article.

It is also taught that our Lord Jesus Christ will come to judge on the last day and raise all the dead, giving eternal life and joy to the faithful and elect, but condemning the godless and the devils to hell and eternal punishment.

Therefore, the Anabaptists are rejected, teaching that the devils and damned people will not have eternal torment and torture.

Item, here some Jewish doctrines are rejected, which also appear now and then, 3) that before the resurrection of the dead all saints, the pious, will have a worldly kingdom, and all the ungodly will be destroyed.

The XVIII. Article.

Of free will it is taught that man has a certain amount of free will to live outwardly honorably and to choose among the things that reason comprehends; but without grace, help and the action of the Holy Spirit, man is not able to become pleasing to God, to heartily fear or believe in God, or to cast out of the heart the innate evil desire; but this is done by the Holy Spirit, who is given through God's Word, for Paul says 1 Cor. 2:14: "The natural man hears nothing of the Spirit of God."

And so that it may be recognized that no novelty is being taught in this, these are the clear words of Augustine on free will, as now and herein written, from the 3rd book of the Hypognosticon: "We confess that in all men there is a free will, for they have all natural, innate understanding and

  1. In Walch: "ereignen", which will be a false resolution of "ereugen" (to let oneself be seen).

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Reason, not that they are able to do anything with God, but to love God from the heart, to fear; but only in external works of this life they have freedom to choose good or evil. Good 1) I mean that which nature is able to do, such as to work in the field or not, to eat, to drink, to go to a friend or not, to put on or take off a garment, to build, to take a wife, to do a trade, and the like, something useful and good, all of which is not, nor does it exist, without God, but is all of Him and through Him. On the other hand, man can also do evil of his own choice, as kneeling before an idol, doing a death blow 2c.

The XIX article.

As to the cause of sins, we teach that although God Almighty created and sustains the whole of nature, yet the wrong will works sin in all the wicked and despisers of God; as then is the will of the devil, and of all the wicked, who immediately, when God has removed his hand, have turned it from God to evil, as Christ says John 8:44: "The devil speaketh lies of his own."

The XX article.

Of faith and good works.

It is untruthfully charged against ours that they forbid good works, for their writings on the Ten Commandments and others prove that they have given good, useful reports and exhortations about right Christian morals and works, of which little was taught before this time, but instead, in all their sermons, they mostly focus on childish, unnecessary works, such as the rosary, saintly service, becoming monks, pilgrimages, fasting, celebrations, brotherhoods, and so on. Our opponents no longer praise such unnecessary works as highly as they did in former times; in addition, they have now learned to speak of faith, of which they preached nothing at all in former times, yet they now teach that we are not justified before God by works alone, but rather put the

  1. In Latin: Bonis dico == I say of good.

Faith in Christ in addition, speak: Faith and works make us righteous before God; which speech may bring more comfort, 2) than if one teaches to trust in works alone.

Since the doctrine of faith, which is the main part of Christianity, has not been practiced for such a long time, as must be confessed, but only the doctrine of works has been preached in all places, such instruction has been given by our people:

First of all, our works cannot reconcile us to God and earn grace, but this happens through faith alone, if one believes that our sins are forgiven for Christ's sake, who alone is the mediator to reconcile the Father. Whoever thinks that he can achieve this by works and earn grace despises Christ and seeks his own way to God, contrary to the gospel.

This doctrine of faith is publicly and clearly dealt with in Paul in many places, especially in Ephesians 2:8: "By grace you have been saved through faith, and that not of yourselves, but it is the gift of God, not of works, lest anyone should boast" 2c. And that no new understanding has been introduced here can be proven from Augustine, who deals with this matter diligently, and also teaches that we attain grace and become righteous before God through faith in Christ, and not through works; as his entire book de spiritu et litera shows.

Although this doctrine is much despised by untried people, it is nevertheless very comforting and salutary to the troubled and frightened conscience. For the conscience cannot come to rest and peace by works, but only by faith, if it is certain that it has a gracious God for Christ's sake, as Paul also says in Rom. 5:1: "If we have been justified by faith, we have rest and peace with God."

This consolation was not preached in the past, but the poor consciences were driven to their own works, and many works were done, for some people's consciences were not consoled.

  1. Here the Ansbach manuscript has better: "mag". Latin: atksrre xotsst.

846 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, e-ioos. 847

Some have devised other works to earn grace and to do enough for sin; many have experienced that one has not come to peace through them. Therefore, it was necessary to preach and diligently practice this doctrine of faith in Christ, so that people would know that they can obtain God's grace through faith alone, without merit.

It also happens that here one does not speak of such faith, which also the devils and the ungodly have, who also believe the stories that Christ suffered and rose from the dead, but one speaks of the true faith, which believes that we obtain grace and forgiveness of sins through Christ, and who now knows that he has a gracious God through Christ; therefore knows God, calls upon Him, and is not without God, as the heathen are; for the devil and the ungodly do not believe this article, forgiveness of sins, therefore they are enemies of God, cannot call upon Him, cannot hope for anything good from Him. And so, as is now indicated, Scripture speaks of faith, and does not call faith such knowledge as devils and ungodly men have, for so it is taught of faith, Heb. 11:1, that to believe is not merely to know history, but to have confidence in God, to receive His promise. And Augustine also reminds us that we should understand the word "faith" 1) in Scripture to mean confidence in God that He is gracious to us, and not only to know such histories as the devils also know.

Furthermore, it is taught that good works should and must be done, not that one trusts to earn grace with them, but for the sake of God and to praise God. Faith alone always obtains grace and forgiveness of sin; and because the Holy Spirit is given through faith, the heart is also sent to do good works. For before that, because it is without the Holy Spirit, it is too weak, it is under the power of the devil, who has too much power over poor human nature.

  1. Here, instead of the brackets used in the old pressures to emphasize something, we have put the (then uncommon) speech marks.

sins; as we see in the Philo

sophen, who undertook to live honestly and blamelessly, nevertheless did not do so, but fell into much greater public sins. This is how it is with man when, apart from the right faith, he is without the Holy Spirit and governs himself solely by his own human powers.

Therefore, the doctrine of faith is not to be criticized for forbidding good works, but rather to be praised for teaching to do good works and for offering help on how to do good works. For apart from faith, and apart from Christ, human nature and ability are far too weak to do good works, to call upon God, to have patience in suffering, to love one's neighbor, to perform commanded duties diligently, to be obedient, to avoid evil lusts. Such high and right works cannot be done without the help of Christ, as he himself says Joh. 15,5: "Without me you can do nothing" 2c.

The XXI article.

Of the service of the saints, ours teaches that the saints are to be remembered, so that we may strengthen our faith when we see how they were graced, and also how they were helped by faith, and that examples are to be taken of their good works, each according to his profession, just as the Emperor may blessedly and divinely follow the example of David in waging war against the Turks. Maj. may blessedly and divinely follow David's example of waging wars against the Turks; for both are in the royal office, which demands protection and protection of their subjects. But it cannot be proven in Scripture that one should call upon the saints or seek help from them, for "there is only one reconciler and mediator set between God and men, Jesus Christ," 1 Tim. 2:5, who is the only Savior, the only supreme priest, seat of grace and intercessor before God, Rom. 8:34, and who alone has promised that he will hear our prayer. This is also the highest service of God according to the Scriptures, that one should seek and call upon the same Jesus Christ in all needs and concerns from the heart, 1 John 2:1: "If anyone sins, we have an advocate with God who is righteous, Jesus."

848 Sect. 5: Transfer of the Augsb. Confession. No. 960. W. xvi, 1005-1008. 849

This is almost the sum of the doctrine that is preached and taught in our churches for the proper Christian instruction and consolation of consciences, and also for the correction of believers; as we would like to put our own souls and consciences in the highest and greatest danger before God by misusing the divine name or word, or to pass on to our children and descendants a doctrine other than that according to the pure divine word and Christian truth. If this doctrine is clearly founded in holy scripture and is not contrary to the common Christian, even Roman church, as much as can be noted from the Fathers' Scriptures, we also take care that our adversaries cannot disagree with us in the above-mentioned articles. For this reason, those act quite unkindly, quickly and against all Christian unity and love, who for this reason separate, reject and shun ours as heretics, without any consistent ground of divine commandment or Scripture. For error and strife are chiefly over some traditions and abuses. If, then, there is no lack or defect in the main articles, and if this confession of ours is divine and Christian, the bishops should, if there were a lack of tradition in our country, show themselves more lenient, although we hope to show constant reasons and causes why some traditions and abuses have been changed in our country.

Articles of which there is discord, as are narrated the abuses so changed.

Since the articles of faith are not taught in our churches contrary to the Holy Scriptures or the common Christian church, but only certain abuses have been changed, some of which have been torn down over time and some of which have been forcibly erected, our necessity demands that they be recounted and the cause explained why changes have been tolerated, so that the Emperor may recognize that we have not acted un-Christianly or unjustly in this respect, but that we are compelled by God's commandment, which is justly held in higher esteem than all custom. Majesty may recognize that we have not acted in an unchristian or unjust manner, but that we are compelled by God's commandment, which is to be respected more highly than all custom, to permit such changes.

The XXII article.

Of both forms of the sacrament.

Both forms of the sacrament are given to the laity for this reason, that this is a clear command and commandment of Christ, Matth. 26, 27: "Drink from it, all of you. There Christ gives clear words about the cup, that they should all drink from it.

And so that no one could dispute and gloss over these words as if it belonged to the priests alone, Paul indicates in 1 Cor. 11:25 ff. that the entire assembly of the Corinthian church used both forms, and this custom remained in the church for a long time, as can be proven by the histories and the writings of the fathers. Cyprianus remembers in many places that the chalice was given to the laity. St. Jerome says that the priests who administer the sacrament distribute the blood of Christ to the people. Thus Gelasius the Pope himself says that the Sacrament should not be administered. Distinet. 2. de Consecrat, c. Comperimus. Nowhere is there a canon that commands to take only one form. Nor can anyone know when or by whom this habit of taking a form was introduced, although Cardinal Cusanus thinks when this way was approved. Now it is public that such a custom, introduced against God's commandment, also against the old canons, is wrong. Therefore, it is not proper to burden and force those consciences who have desired to use the holy sacrament after Christ's institution to act contrary to our Lord's order. And because the distribution of the sacrament is contrary to the institution of Christ, the usual procession with the sacrament is also omitted in our country.

The XXIII Article.

Of the marriage state of priests.

There has been a great mighty lamentation in the world among everyone, high and low, of great fornication and wild nature and life of the priests, who were not able to keep chastity, and had also ever come to the highest with such abominable vices. So much ugly great vexation, matrimonial

850 Cap. 13. of the imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, ioo8-ioio. 851

In order to avoid fornication and other immorality, some priests have entered into marital status with us. These priests show by these causes that they are urged and moved to it out of great need of their consciences, since the Scripture clearly states that the marital state is instituted by God the Lord to avoid fornication, as Paul says 1 Cor. 7:2: "To avoid fornication, each one has his own wife"; item v. 9: "It is better to become married than to burn. And after Christ says Matth. 19, 11: "They do not all grasp the word", Christ (who well knew what was in man) indicates that few people have the gift of living chastely, because, "God created man male and female", Gen. 1, 27. Whether it is in human power or ability, without the special gift and grace of God, to make or change creatures better by one's own efforts or vows to God, the high Majesty, experience has made it all too clear; for what good, what honorably chaste life, what Christian, honest or upright conduct results in many, how terrible, horrible trouble and anguish of their consciences many have had at their last end because of it, is evident today, and many have known it themselves. Since God's word and commandment cannot be changed by any human vow or law, priests and other clergy have taken wives for this and other causes and reasons.

It can be proved from the histories and the writings of the Fathers that in the Christian Church of old it was the custom for priests and deacons to have wives; therefore Paul says in 1 Tim. 3:2: "Let a bishop be blameless. A wife's husband." In Germany, too, it was only four hundred years ago that the priests were forced by force to take the vow of chastity from the married state, and they all opposed it so earnestly and harshly that an archbishop of Mainz, who promulgated the new papal edict on the subject, came very close to an outrage by the whole church, was very nearly killed in an outrage of the entire priesthood in a crowd, and the same prohibition was made so quickly and unseemly soon after the beginning that the pope at that time not only forbade future marriage to the priests, but also forbade the

This is not only contrary to all divine, natural and secular rights, but also to the canons (made by the popes themselves) and the most famous councils.

Also, many high, God-fearing, intelligent people have often heard this kind of speech and concern, that such a strict celibacy and deprivation of the marital state (which God Himself instituted and left free) has never done any good, but has introduced many great evil vices and much evil. One of the popes, Pius ll, himself, as his history shows, often spoke these words and had them written: there may be some reasons why marriage is forbidden to the clergy, but there are much higher, greater and more important reasons why they should be allowed to marry freely again. Undoubtedly, Pope Pius, as a sensible, wise man, spoke this word out of great concern.

For this reason, we wish to express our subservience to Imperial Majesty. Majesty that Her Majesty, as a Christian, noble Emperor, will graciously take to heart that now and in the last times and days, of which Scripture reports, the world is getting worse and people are getting frailer and weaker.

For this reason, it is highly necessary, useful and Christian to do this diligent institution, so that, where the marriage state is forbidden, worse and more shameful immorality and vice may not break out in German lands. For no one will ever be able to change or do these things more wisely or better than God Himself, who instituted the marriage state to help human frailty and to prevent fornication. Thus, the ancient canons also say that one must at times soften and lessen the severity and rigorem for the sake of human frailty, and to prevent and avoid trouble. Now, in this case, this would also be Christian and highly necessary. What can be detrimental to the priests and clergy marriages of the common Christian church, especially of the pastors and others who are to serve the church? There would probably be a lack of priests and pastors in the future if this harsh prohibition of marital status were to last longer.

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Now if this, namely that the priests and clergy may become married, is based on the divine word and commandment, and the histories prove that the priests were married; so also the vow of chastity has caused so much ugly, unchristian trouble, so much adultery, terrible unheard fornication and abominable vices, that also some among canons, also 1) Curtisans at Rome, have often themselves confessed and miserably attracted such, as 2) such vices, in the clero too abominable and overpowering, would arouse God's wrath.

It is therefore pathetic that Christian marriages are not only forbidden, but that in some places they have been punished as quickly as possible, as if for great misdeeds. Thus marriage is also forbidden in imperial law and in all monarchies. This is why marriage is highly praised in imperial law and in all monarchies where it has ever been law and right. But at this time people begin to torture innocent people for the sake of marriage alone, and in addition priests, who should be spared before others; and this happens not only against divine rights, but also against the canons. Paul, the apostle, 1 Tim. 4, 1. 3. calls the teachings that forbid marriage devilish teachings. Christ himself says John 8:44 that the devil is a murderer from the beginning, which is consistent with the fact that it must be the devil's doctrine that forbids marriage, and that he must be able to maintain such doctrine with the shedding of blood.

But as no human law can do away with or change God's commandment, so also no vow can change God's commandment; therefore also St. Cyprian gives the advice that the women who do not keep the vowed chastity should become married, and says Epist. 11.^3^ ) thus: If they do not want to keep chastity or are not able to, it is better that they become married than that they fall into the fire through their lust, and they should be careful not to cause trouble to their brothers and sisters.

In addition, all canons require greater obedience and adequacy to those who have taken vows in youth, as priests and monks have more often come to such a state in youth out of ignorance.

  1. "also" is missing in I. T. Müller.
  2. Here we seem to be missing the word "through".
  3. So also in the Ansbach manuscript. In I. T. Müller: I. sxist. II.

The XXIV article.

from the fair.

Our people are wrongly accused of having taken Mass, for it is a public fact that Mass is celebrated with greater devotion and seriousness among us than among our opponents. In this way, the people are often taught with the greatest diligence about the holy sacrament, what it is used for, and how it is to be used, namely, to comfort the frightened consciences, so that the people are drawn to communion and mass. At the same time, instruction is given against other unjust teachings about the sacrament. In the public ceremonies of the Mass, no noticeable change has occurred, except that in some places German chants (to teach and practice the people) are sung alongside Latin chants, since all ceremonies are primarily intended to teach the people what they need to know about Christ.

But since the mass was abused in many ways before that time, as in the day that a fair was made of it, that it was bought and sold, and that more and more were held in all churches for the sake of money, such abuse has been punished many times, even before that time, by learned and pious people. When the preachers in our country preached about it, and the priests were reminded of the terrible condemnation, which should move every Christian, that whoever uses the sacrament unworthily is guilty of the body and blood of Christ, then such masses for sale and corner masses (which until then were held out of compulsion for money and for the sake of the prebends) fell in our churches.

In this way, the abominable error is also punished, that it was taught that our Lord Christ, through his death alone, had sufficed for original sin, and that the mass was used as a sacrifice for other sins, and thus the mass was made a sacrifice for the living and the dead, thereby taking away sin and reconciling God. From this it further followed that it was disputed whether a mass, considered to be much, deserved so much, as if it were considered to be a special one for each one. Hence came the great innumerable number of masses,

854 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1013-uus. 855

that with this work one wanted to obtain everything from God that one needed, and besides this, faith in Christ and right worship were forgotten.

For this reason, instruction has been given, as there is no doubt that necessity demands that we know how to use the sacrament properly. And first of all, that there is no sacrifice for original sin and other sins, except the one death of Christ, is shown by Scripture in many places; for thus it is written in Hebrews Cap. 10:12, that Christ sacrificed himself once, and thereby made atonement for all sin. It is an outrageous novelty to teach in the church that Christ's death should have sufficed for original sin alone, and not for other sins as well, hoping therefore that men will understand that such error is not unreasonably punished.

On the other hand, St. Paul teaches that we obtain grace before God through faith, and not through works. Against this is publicly this abuse of the Mass, if one thinks to obtain grace by this work; as it is known that one uses the Mass to put away sin by it, and to obtain grace and all goods from God, not only the priest for himself, but also for the whole world, and for others. The living and the dead.

Thirdly, the holy sacrament is used, not to offer a sacrifice for sin (for the sacrifice was made beforehand), but to awaken our faith and comfort the consciences, which are reminded by the sacrament that they have been promised grace and forgiveness of sin by Christ. Therefore, this sacrament requires faith, and without faith it is used in vain.

Since the Mass is not a sacrifice for others, living or dead. Since the Mass is not a sacrifice for others, living or dead, to take away their sin, but should be a communion, where the priest and others receive the Sacrament for themselves, this way is kept with us, that on feast days (also otherwise, if there are communicants) Mass is celebrated, and some, who desire it, are communicated. Thus the Mass remains with us in its proper custom, as it was held in the Church of old, as may be proved from St. Paul 1 Cor. 11, and also from many of the Fathers' writings. For Chrysostom

The old canons indicate that one of them holds the office and communicates with the other priests and deacons. Also, the old Canons indicate that one has held the office and communicates with the other priests and deacons; for thus the words in the Canon Niceno read: The deacons are to receive the Sacrament properly from the bishop or priest after the priests.

If there has been no innovation in this, which was not in the church before ages, and in the public ceremonies of the mass no noticeable change has occurred, only that the other, unnecessary masses, perhaps through an abuse, have fallen next to the parish mass, this way of keeping mass should not be condemned as heretical and unchristian; because in the past, even in the large churches, where there was a lot of people, even on the days when the people came together, mass was not kept daily, as Tripartita historia lib. 9, that in Alexandria on Wednesday and Friday the Scriptures were read and interpreted, and otherwise all services were held except the mass.

The XXV article.

From confession.

Confession is not dispensed with by the preachers of this part, for we have this custom of not administering the sacrament to those who have not first been interrogated and absolved. The people are diligently taught how comforting the word of absolution is, how highly and precious absolution is to be esteemed; for it is not the present man's voice or word, but God's word that forgives sin, for it is spoken in God's stead and by God's command. Of this command and power of the keys, how comforting, how necessary it is to the frightened conscience, is taught with great diligence; in addition, how God demands that we believe this absolution, not less than so that God's voice from heaven may shout, and cheerfully comfort us, and know that through such faith we obtain forgiveness of sins. Of these necessary things, the preachers of old, who spoke of the confession

  1. Thus the Hessian manuscript. Ansbacher: "of absolution".

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The people of this country have not stirred up a single word, but only tortured their consciences with long stories of sins, with repentance, with indulgences, with pilgrimages, and the like. And many of our opponents themselves confess that this part of right Christian repentance is more appropriately written and acted upon than it has been in a long time.

And it is taught in confession that one should not urge anyone to tell the sin by name, for this is impossible, as the Psalm says (Ps. 19:13): "Who knows iniquity?" and Jeremiah says (Jer. 17:9): "Man's heart is so bad that it cannot be learned.The wretched human nature is so deep in sins that it cannot see or know them all, and if we were to be absolved only by those we can count, we would be of little help. Therefore, it is not necessary to urge people to tell the sin by name. So also the fathers have held, as one finds Distinct. I. de poenit., where the words of Chrysostom are used: I do not say that thou shalt offer thyself publicly, nor accuse or plead thyself guilty with another, but obey the prophet, which saith, Reveal thy ways unto the LORD." (Ps. 37, 5.) Therefore confess to God the Lord, the true Judge, besides your prayer; do not tell your sin with your tongue, but in your conscience. Here it is clear that Chrysostom does not force to tell the sin by name. So also teaches the Gloss in Decretis de poenitent. Distinet. 5, cap. Considered that confession is not commanded by Scripture, but instituted by the Church; yet it is diligently taught by the preachers of this part that confession is to be received on account of absolution, which is the principal and most distinguished thing in it, for the consolation of troubled consciences, and for the sake of several other causes.

The XXVI article.

From the difference of the food.

In ancient times, it was taught, preached, and written that the difference of food and similar traditions, instituted by men, serve to merit grace and suffice for sin.

For this reason, new fasts, new ceremonies, new orders, and the like have been devised daily, and have been pushed fiercely and harshly, as if such things were necessary divine services, by which one earns grace if one keeps them, and great sin occurs if one does not; from this, much harmful error has taken place in the church.

First of all, the grace of Christ and the doctrine of faith, which the gospel holds out to us with great earnestness, is obscured by this, and it drives home the point that the merit of Christ should be held in high esteem, and that we should know that faith in Christ is to be placed high and far above all works. For this reason, St. Paul fiercely fought against the Law of Moses and human traditions, that we should learn that we do not become godly before God from our works, but only through faith in Christ, that we obtain grace for Christ's sake. Such teaching is almost completely extinct; because one is taught to earn grace by laws, fasting, distinction of food, clothing 2c.

On the other hand, such traditions have also obscured God's commandment; for one puts these traditions far above God's commandment. This alone was considered Christian life, who kept the celebration thus, thus prayed, thus fasted, thus was dressed; this was called spiritual, Christian life?)

In addition, other necessary good works were considered a worldly, unspiritual being, namely, those that everyone is obliged to do according to his profession, as that the householder works to feed his wife and children and to raise them to godliness, the housemother bears children and waits for them, a prince and ruler governs land and people 2c. Such works, commanded by God, had to be a worldly and imperfect being, but the Traditions had to have the glorious name that they alone were called holy, perfect works. Therefore, there was no measure nor end to making such traditions.

Thirdly, such traditions have become a great burden to consciences; for it was not possible to keep all traditions, and yet people were of the opinion that such was a necessary service, and that it was not necessary to keep all traditions.

  1. I. T. Müller: "live". In Latin: vitn.

858 Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1018-1021. 859

Gerson writes that many have fallen into despair, some have even killed themselves, because they have not heard any comfort from the grace of Christ. For one sees with the summists and theologians, how the consciences are confused, who have taken upon themselves to draw together the Traditions, and xxxxxxxxxx sought that they might help the consciences, have had so much to do with it, that, because all wholesome Christian doctrine of necessary things, as of faith, of consolation in high temptations, and the like, has lain low. Many pious people complained about this before this time, that such traditions cause much strife in the church, and that pious people are prevented from coming to the right knowledge of Christ. Gerson and others complained strongly about this. Yes, Augustino also disliked that consciences were burdened with so many traditionibus. For this reason, he gives instruction that it should not be considered necessary.

Therefore, ours have not taught these things out of sacrilege or contempt for spiritual authority, but great necessity demanded that we teach against the above-mentioned errors, which grew out of a misunderstanding of the traditions. For the gospel compels that one should and must practice the doctrine of faith in churches, which cannot be understood if one thinks to earn grace by one's own chosen works; and it is therefore taught that one cannot earn grace, or make atonement for God, or do enough for sin, by keeping this human tradition, and for this reason no necessary service should be made of it. Cause for this is drawn from Scripture. Christ, Matth. 15,9, excuses the apostles for not keeping the usual traditions, saying: "They honor me in vain with the commandments of men. If he calls this a vain service, it must not be necessary. And soon after v. 17, "What comes into the mouth does not defile the man." Item, Paul speaks Rom. 14, 17: "The kingdom of heaven is not in food.

  1. Ansbach manuscript: "in the church". In Latin: IN 666168N8.

or drink"; Col. 2:16: "Let no one judge you in food, drink, Sabbath" 2c. Apost. 15,10.11. Peter says: "Why do you tempt God by putting a yoke on the necks of the disciples, which neither our fathers nor we may bear? but we believe to be saved by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ." Peter then declares that consciences should not be troubled with more outward ceremonies, whether of Moses or others; and 1 Tim. 4:1, 3, such prohibitions as forbidding food. Forbidding marriage 2c., are called "doctrines of the devil". For this is contrary to the gospel, to institute or do such works as to merit forgiveness of sin, or as if no man should be a Christian without such services.

But that one blames ours here, as if they forbade mortification and discipline, like Jovinianus, will be much different from their writings. For they have always taught from the holy cross that Christians are guilty of suffering; and this is right, serious, and not fictitious mortification. Besides this it is also taught that every man is bound to keep himself in bodily exercise, such as fasting and other exercises, so that he may not give cause to sin, not that he may merit grace by such works. This bodily exercise is not only to be practiced for certain days, but constantly; Christ speaks of this (Luc. 21, 34.): "Take heed that your hearts be not burdened with filling"; item (Matth. 17, 21.): "The devils are not cast out except by fasting and prayer"; and Paul speaks (1 Cor. 9, 27.): "He chastises his own body, but he does not do it.), "He chasteneth his body, and bringeth it into obedience"; so that he shows that mortification is to serve, not to merit grace, but to keep the body skillfully, that it may not hinder what every man is commanded to accomplish according to his profession; and therefore fasting is not rejected, but that a necessary service has been made of it for certain days and meals, to the confusion of consciences.

Also, in this part, many ceremonies and traditions are held, as the order of the mass and others, 2) chants, festivals 2c. which

  1. "und andere" is missing in the Ansbach and Hessian manuscripts. In I. T. Müller: "und andere Gesänge".

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serve to keep order in the church. In addition, the people are taught that such outward worship does not make one pious in the sight of God, and that one should keep it without burdening one's conscience; thus, if one omits it without offense, one does not sin in it. This freedom in external ceremonies was also kept by the ancient fathers, for in the Orient the Easter feast was kept at a different time than in Rome. And since some wanted to consider this inequality as a separation in the church, they are admonished by others that it is not necessary to keep equality in such customs, and Irenaeus speaks thus: inequality in fasting does not separate the unity of faith; as also Distinct. 12. is written of such inequality in human orders, that it is not contrary to the unity of Christianity; and Tripartit. Historia lib. 9. shows together many unequal church customs, and fetches a useful Christian saying: The apostle's opinion was not to institute holidays, but to teach faith and love.

The XXVII article.

From monastic vows.

To speak of monastic vows, it is necessary, first of all, to consider how they have been kept until now, what kind of character they had in monasteries, and that very much has been done in them daily, not only against God's word, but also contrary to papal rights: for in St. Augustine's time, monastic buildings were free; subsequently, since the right discipline and doctrine have been disrupted, monastic vows have been invented, and with them, just as with an invented prison, one wanted to re-establish discipline.

About that, besides the monastic vows, many other pieces more have been brought up, and with such bonds and complaints of their much, even before due years, burdened.

Many people have come to such monastic life out of ignorance; some of them, although they were not otherwise too young, have not yet sufficiently assessed and understood their fortune. All of them, thus entangled and implicated, are forced and urged to remain in such bonds, notwithstanding that even papal law gives them much freedom. And

This was more burdensome in virgin monasteries than in monastic monasteries, where it would have been proper to spare females as the weak. The same severity and harshness also displeased many pious people in the past; for they have well seen that both boys and maidens were hidden in the monasteries for the sake of preservation of the body. They have also seen how badly this has turned out, what trouble it has caused, what a burden on the conscience, and many people have complained that in such a dangerous matter the canons were not respected at all. Moreover, there is such an opinion about the monastic vows, which is hidden, and which has also displeased many monks who had little understanding.

For they pretended that monastic vows were equal to baptism, and that with monastic life one earned forgiveness of sin and justification before God; yes, they added still more that with monastic life one earned not only righteousness and piety, but also that with it one kept the commandments and counsels written in the Gospel, and thus the monastic vows were more highly prized than baptism. Item, that one earned more with the monastic life, than with all other professions, which are ordered by God, as priests and preachers, authorities, princes and lords and the like, who all serve according to God's commandment, word and order, in their profession without fictitious clergy, as then none of these pieces can be denied, because it is found in their own books. About that, who so caught and come to the monastery, learned little from Christ.

For instance, schools of the Holy Scriptures and other arts that serve the Christian church were held in the monasteries, that parish priests and bishops were taken from the monasteries; but now it has a much different form. For in former times they were of the opinion that in the monastic life one learned the Scriptures; now they pretend that the monastic life is such an essence that one earns God's grace and piety before God with it, yes, it is a state of perfection, and they put it far ahead of the other states, so appointed by God. All this is put on, without any disparagement, so that the more

862 Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet of Augsburg, 1530, W. xvi, 1023-1026. 863

We hope that you will hear and understand what and how our people preach and teach.

First of all, they teach us about those who take up marriage, so that all those who are not qualified to be single have the power and the right to marry. have the power, authority and right to marry, for vows are not able to annul God's order and commandment. Now God's commandment is this, 1 Cor. 7:2: "For the sake of fornication, let every man have his own wife, and let every woman have her own husband. To this end, not only God's commandment, but also God's creature and order, urges, compels and drives all those to marry who, without God's work, are not graced with the gift of virginity, according to this saying of God Himself, Genesis 2:18: "It is not good that man should be alone; we will make him a helper to be around him."

What can one do against this? One may praise the vow and duty as high as one wishes, one may exalt it as high as one can: nevertheless, one may not force that God's commandment be lifted thereby. The doctors say that the vows, even against the right of the pope, are unbinding, so how much less should they bind. To have power and authority, against God's commandment!

If the obligation 1) of the vows had no other cause that they should be taken up, the popes would not have dispensed or permitted against it; for it is not proper for any man to break the obligation that grows out of divine rights. Therefore the popes have well considered that in this duty an equivalence should be used, and have often dispensed with it, as with a king of Arragon, and many others. Now, if one has dispensed for the preservation of temporal things, it should be dispensed much more cheaply for the necessity of souls.

Next, why does the opposite party push so hard that one must keep the vows, and does not first see whether the vow has its nature? because the vow should be willing and unconstrained in possible matters. But how eternal chastity is in man's power and capacity is well known;

  1. "Duty" - obligation, odliZAtio. Here "duty" is to be taken as plural, equal to: obligations.

There are also a few, both male and female, who have willingly and thoughtfully taken monastic vows themselves. Before they come to their right mind, they are persuaded to take the monastic vow; sometimes they are also forced and coerced into it. Therefore, it is not fair that one should disputes so quickly and harshly about the duty of the vow, considered that they all confess that such is contrary to the nature and manner of the vow, that it is not vowed willingly and with good counsel and deliberation.

Some canons and papal laws tear up vows made under fifteen years of age, because they consider that before that time one does not have so much understanding that one can decide the order of the whole life, how to order it.

Another canon admits even more years to human weakness, because he forbids to take the monastic vow under eighteen years. From this, most of them have excuses and reasons to leave the monasteries, since they were more often sent to monasteries in childhood before these years. Finally, even if the breaking of the monastic vow might be censured, it could not follow that the same marriage should be broken, for St. Augustine says, 27. q. I. cap. Nuptiarum, that one should not break such marriage. Now St. Augustine is not held in low esteem in the Christian church, although some have subsequently held otherwise.

Although God's commandment concerning the state of marriage has made many of them free and exempt from monastic vows, ours have even more reasons to claim that monastic vows are void and unbinding. For all worship, instituted and practiced by men without God's command, to obtain righteousness and God's grace, is against God and contrary to the Gospel and God's command, as Christ himself says in Matth. 15, 9: "They serve me in vain with the commandments of men. St. Paul also teaches everywhere that we should not seek righteousness from our commandments and worship, which are invented by men, but that righteousness and godliness before God come from faith and trust, that we believe that God has given us righteousness and godliness for the sake of His only Son Christ.

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graces. Now it is ever the day that the monks have taught and preached that the imagined spirituality suffices for sin, and obtains God's grace and righteousness. Now what is this but to diminish the glory and praise of Christ's grace, and to deny the righteousness of faith? Therefore it follows that such ordinary vows were unrighteous, false services. For this reason they are also covenantless; for an ungodly vow, made against God's commandment, is covenantless and void, just as the canons teach that the oath should not be a bond for sin.

St. Paul says to Galatians 5:4: "Ye are departed from Christ, which would be justified by the law, and are short of grace. Therefore also those who want to be justified by vows have departed from Christ and fall short of the grace of God, for they rob Christ of His glory, who alone justifies, and give such glory to their vows and monastic life.

Nor can it be denied that the monks have taught and preached that they become righteous and deserve forgiveness of sins through their vows and monastic ways; indeed, they have invented even more clumsy things and said that they share their good works with others. Now, if someone wanted to do all this in an unkind way, how many pieces could he gather, of which the monks are now ashamed themselves and do not want to have done! Above all, they have also persuaded people that the fictitious spiritual orders are Christian perfection. This is the praise of works, that one may be justified by them. Now it is not a minor annoyance in the Christian church that such a service is presented to the people, which men, without God's command, have invented, and teach that such a service makes men pious and righteous before God. For righteousness of faith, which should be practiced most in the church, is obscured when people's eyes are closed with this strange angelic spirituality and false pretenses of poverty, humility and chastity.

Above this, the commandments of God and the right and true worship of God will also be

when people hear that only the monks are supposed to be in a state of perfection. For Christian perfection is that one fears God from the heart and with earnestness, and yet also has a heartfelt confidence and faith, also trust, that we have a gracious, merciful God for Christ's sake; that we may and should ask and desire of God what is necessary to us, and certainly await help from Him in all tribulations, according to each one's profession and standing; that we should also, however, outwardly do good works with diligence, and await our profession. Therein is the right perfection, and the right service of God; not in begging, or in a black or gray cap 2c. But the common people form many harmful opinions from false praise of the monastic life. When they hear that the single state is praised without measure, it follows that it is with a weighted conscience in the married state. For when the common man hears that the beggars alone are to be perfect, he cannot know that he may have and handle goods without sin. If the people hear that it is only a counsel not to take revenge, it follows that some think it is not sinful to take revenge outside the office. Some think that revenge is not proper for Christians, not even for the authorities. There are also many examples that some have left their wives and children, as well as their regiment, and have taken refuge in monasteries. This, they said, means 1) to flee from the world and to seek such a life that pleases God more than the lives of others. They also could not know that one should serve God in the commandments He has given, and not in the commandments invented by men. Now this is a good and perfect state of life, which has God's commandment for itself; but this is a dangerous state of life, which does not have God's commandment for itself.

Of such things it has been necessary to do good report to the people. Gerson has also punished the error of the monks of the perfection in the past, and shows 2)

  1. "heiße" set by us according to the Ansbach handwriting instead of: "heißt".
  2. Thus Walch and Förstemann. J.T. Müller: "zeucht". Latin: testatur.

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that in his time this had been a new speech, that the monastic life should be a state of perfection. So much ungodly opinion and error clings to the monastic vows: that they are to justify and make pious before God; that they are to be Christian perfection; that one thereby keeps both the counsels and commandments of the Gospel; that they have the excess of works that one does not owe to God.

Since all this is false, vain, and fictitious, it also makes the monastic vows null and void.

The XXVIII. Article.

From the bishops violence.

Much and various things have been written about the power of the bishops in the past, and some have clumsily mixed the power of the bishops and the secular sword, and from this disorderly mixture very great wars, rebellions and outrages have resulted, from which, that the bishops, in the semblance of their power given to them by Christ, have not only instituted new services, and with reservation of some cases, and with forcible banishment 1) burdened the consciences, but have also refrained from installing and depriving emperors and kings of their favor. This crime was also punished for a long time by learned and God-fearing people in Christendom. Therefore, for the consolation of their consciences, ours have been forced to show the difference between spiritual and temporal power, sword and regiment, and have taught that, for the sake of God's command, both regiment and power should be honored and well kept with all devotion, as two of God's highest gifts on earth.

Now ours teach that the power of the keys or bishops is, according to the Gospel, a power and command of God to preach the Gospel, to forgive and retain sin, and to administer and perform the sacraments; for Christ sent the apostles with the command: "As my Father has sent me, so I also send you. Receive the Holy Spirit,

  1. "Ban" is plural - excommunicationibus.

To whom ye shall remit sins, to them they shall be remitted; and to whom ye shall reserve them, to them they shall be reserved. (Joh. 20, 21-23.) The same authority of the keys or bishops is exercised and carried out only with the teaching and preaching of God's word, and with the administration of the sacraments, to many or individual persons, according to their calling. For thereby are given, not bodily, but eternal things and goods, namely eternal righteousness, the Holy Spirit and eternal life. These goods cannot be obtained in any other way than through the ministry of preaching and the administration of the holy sacraments. For St. Paul says: "The gospel is the power of God to save all who believe in it." (Rom. 1, 16.) Since the power of the church or bishops gives eternal goods, and is only exercised and driven by the ministry of preaching, it does not hinder the police and the secular government everywhere, because the secular government deals with many other things than the gospel; which power does not protect souls, but body and property against external violence with the sword and bodily blows.

For this reason, the two regimes, the spiritual and the temporal, should not be mixed and thrown together. For the spiritual authority has its command to preach the gospel and to administer the sacraments; it should also not fall into a foreign office, should not appoint or depose kings, should not abolish or disrupt worldly law and obedience of the rulers, should not make law to worldly authority and set it from worldly affairs, as Christ himself also said (Joh. 18,36.): "My kingdom is not of this world"; item (Luc. 12,14.): "Who has set me as a judge between you?" and St. Paul to Philippians, 3, 20.: "Our citizenship is in heaven"; and in the second to Corinthians, 10, 4.: "The weapons of our knighthood are not carnal, but mighty in the sight of God, to disturb the plots, and all height that rises up against the knowledge of God."

In this way, our people distinguish between the two regiments and the office of authority, and call them both to be held in honor as the highest gift of God on earth. But where the bishops are secular regi

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If the bishops have the sword and the ment, they have them not as bishops by divine rights, but by human imperial rights, given by emperors and kings for the temporal administration of their goods, and the office of the gospel is of no concern at all. Therefore, the episcopal office according to divine rights is to preach the gospel, forgive sins, judge doctrine, and reject doctrine contrary to the gospel, and to exclude the ungodly, whose ungodly nature is evident, from the Christian community, without human authority, but only by God's word. And in this case the pastors and churches are obliged to be obedient to the bishops, according to this saying of Christ Luc. 10, 16: "He who hears you hears me. But where they teach, set or establish something contrary to the Gospel, we have God's command in such a case that we should not be obedient, Matth. 7, 15: "Beware of false prophets"; and St. Paul to Galatians 1, 8."If we also, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto you than that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed"; and in the 2nd epistle to the Corinthians 13:8: "We have no power against "wickedness, but for the truth;" item v. 10: "According to the power which the Lord hath given me to amend, and not to destroy." So also spiritual law gives 2. qu. 7. in cap. Sacerdotes, and in cap. Oves; and St. Augustine, in the epistle against Petilianum, writes that even bishops, if duly elected, should not be followed if they err, or teach or ordain anything contrary to the holy divine Scriptures.

But that the bishops otherwise have power and jurisdiction in some matters, such as matrimonial matters or tithes, they have by virtue of human rights. If, however, the ordinaries are negligent in such office, the princes are obliged, willingly or unwillingly, to give justice to their subjects for the sake of peace, to prevent strife and great unrest in countries. Furthermore, it is debated whether bishops also have the power to establish ceremonies in the church, as well as ordinances of food, holidays, and different orders of ecclesiastics; for those who give the bishops this power are referring to this saying of Christ, Jn 16:12, 13: "I, the bishops, have the power to establish ceremonies in the church.

I have much to say to you, but you cannot bear it now; but when the Spirit of truth comes, he will guide you into all truth. 15,20. since they forbade blood and suffocation. They also point to the fact that the Sabbath has been changed into Sunday, against the ten commandments, because they respect it, and no example is so highly exalted and emphasized as the changing of the Sabbath, and thus want to maintain that the power of the church is great, because it has dispensed with the ten commandments and changed something about them.

But ours teach in this matter thus: that the bishops have no power to establish and set up anything contrary to the gospel, as is indicated above, and the spiritual rights teach throughout the ninth Distinction. Now this is openly against God's command and word, to make laws of opinion, or to command that one may thereby suffice for sin and obtain grace, for the honor of Christ's merit is blasphemed if with such statutes we refrain from earning grace. It is also a fact that, for the sake of this opinion, human essays have become rampant in Christianity, while the doctrine of faith and the righteousness of faith have been suppressed. Every day new feast days, new fasts, new ceremonies and new reverence for the saints have been instituted in order to earn grace and all good things from God through such works. Those who establish human statutes also do so against God's commandment, that they commit sin in food, days and such things, and thus burden Christianity with the bondage of the law, just as if there should be such a service among Christians to earn God's grace, which would be like the Levitical service, which God should have commanded the apostles and bishops to establish, as some write about it; it is also to be believed that some bishops have been deceived with the example of the Law of Moses, from which innumerable statutes have come, that it is a mortal sin to do manual labor on feast days, even without offense to others; that it is a mortal sin to slack the seventh day; that some foods injure the conscience.

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That fasting is such a work to reconcile God; that sin is not forgiven in a reserved case, so one should first ask the reservator of the case, regardless of the fact that the spiritual laws do not speak of reservation of guilt, but of reservation of church penance.

From where do the bishops have the right and power to interpret such essays of Christianity, to ensnare the consciences? For St. Peter, in the Acts of the Apostles on the fifteenth v. 10, declares to put the yoke on the necks of the disciples; and St. Paul tells the Corinthians that they have been given the power to amend and not to destroy. Why then do they increase sin with such essays? But there are clear sayings in the divine Scriptures that forbid them to set up such essays, to earn God's grace with them, or as if they were necessary for salvation. Thus St. Paul says to Colossians 2 vv. 16, 17, 20-23: "Let no man therefore make you conscience of meat, or of drink, or of certain days, even of feasts, or of new moons, or of sabbaths, which are the shadow of things to come, but the body itself is in Christ"; item: "If ye then be dead with Christ from worldly statutes, why do ye then take hold of statutes, as though ye were alive? Who say, Thou shalt not touch these things, thou shalt not eat these things, thou shalt not drink these things, thou shalt not put these things on; which are all consumed with hands, and are the commandments and doctrines of men, and have a semblance of wisdom"; 1) item. St. Paul to Tito on the 1st v. 14 publicly declares that one should not pay attention to Jewish fables and human commandments, which turn away the truth.

So also Christ Himself says of those who do the bidding of men, "Let them go, they are blind guides to the blind," and rejects such worship, saying v. 13, "Every plant which my heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted up." Now, if the bishops have power to afflict the churches with innumerable essays, and to ensnare the consciences: why do they not

  1. Thus the Ansbach manuscript. J. T. Müller: "Truth."

Does the divine Scripture so often command to make and hear the human essays? why does it call them devilish doctrines? should the Holy Spirit have warned all this in vain?

Therefore, since such ordinances are established as necessary to propitiate God and to merit grace, they are contrary to the Gospel: so it is by no means proper for the bishops to enforce such services. For in Christianity the doctrine of Christian freedom must be maintained, namely, that the bondage of the law is not necessary for justification; as St. Paul writes to the Galatians on the 5th [v. 1.For it must always be preserved the most noble article of the gospel, that we obtain the grace of God through faith in Christ without our merit, and do not earn it through service instituted by men.

What then is one to think of Sunday, and such other church ordinances and ceremonies? To this ours give this answer: that the bishops or pastors may make order, so that things may proceed properly in the church; not so that they may obtain God's grace, nor so that they may do enough for sin, nor so that they may bind their consciences to consider such things necessary worship, and consider it sinful to break them without offense. Thus St. Paul commanded the Corinthians that the women in the congregation should cover their heads; item, that the preachers in the congregation should not all speak at the same time, but properly one after the other.

Such order is due to the Christian assembly, for the sake of love and peace, and to be obedient to the bishops and pastors in these cases, and to keep them so far away that one does not offend the other, so that there is no disorder or chaos in the church. But so that the consciences may not be troubled, that they may consider it necessary for salvation, and that they may consider it a sin if they break them without the annoyance of others; as no one says.

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that the woman commits sin, who goes out with bare head without people's annoyance. So is the order of Sunday, of the Easter celebration, of the Pentecosts, and the like celebration and manner. For those who think that the ordinance of Sunday is established as necessary for the Sabbath are very mistaken; for the Scriptures have abolished the Sabbath, and teach that all the ceremonies of the old law may be dispensed with after the opening of the Gospel; And yet, because it was necessary to ordain a certain day, that the people might know when to assemble, the Christian Church ordained Sunday for this purpose, and was the more pleased and willing to make this change, that the people might have an example of Christian liberty, that it might be known that neither the keeping of the Sabbath, nor of any other day, was necessary. There are many erroneous disputations about the transformation of the law, about the ceremonies of the New Testament, about the change of the Sabbath, all of which have arisen from a false and erroneous opinion, as if one should have such a service in Christianity that would be according to the Levitical or Jewish service, and as if Christ should have commanded the apostles and bishops to devise new ceremonies that would be necessary for salvation. The same errors have been introduced into Christianity, since the righteousness of the faith has not been taught and preached purely and correctly. Some therefore argue about Sundays, that they must be kept, although not by divine right, but in form and measure, to the extent that one may work on a holiday. But what are such disputations but snares of conscience? For although they presume to palliate and epiicirize human essays, one cannot meet any or palliation, so

For a long time the opinion stands and remains, as if they should be necessary. Now the same opinion must remain if one knows nothing of the righteousness of faith and of Christian freedom. The apostles said that one should abstain from blood and suffocation. But who keeps it now? But still those do not sin who do not keep it, because the apostles themselves did not want the consciences either.

We do not wish to burden ourselves with such servitude, but have forbidden it for a time for the sake of annoyance; for one must have respect in this statute for the main piece of Christian doctrine, which is not abrogated by this decree. No old canons are kept, as they read; many of the same statutes fall away every day, even among those who keep such essays most diligently. One cannot advise or help the consciences, where this alleviation is not kept, that we know how to keep such articles, so that it is not considered that they are necessary: that it is also harmless to the consciences, although such articles fall. But the bishops would easily receive obedience if they did not insist on keeping those statutes which cannot be kept without sin. But now they do one thing, and forbid both forms of the holy sacrament; item, the marriage state to the clergy; admit no one before he has taken an oath that he will not preach this doctrine, which is undoubtedly in accordance with the holy gospel.

Our churches do not ask that the bishops, to the detriment of their honor and dignity, make peace and unity again, although this is what the bishops are obliged to do in times of need, but they do ask that the bishops refrain from some unjust impositions, which were not even in the church in the past, and were accepted against the usage of the Christian common church, which may have had some cause in the rise, but they do not rhyme with our times. It is also undeniable that some statutes were adopted out of ignorance. Therefore, the bishops should be kind enough to moderate these statutes, since such a change does no harm to preserve the unity of the Christian church; for many statutes that arise from men have themselves fallen with time, and are not necessary to keep, as the papal laws themselves testify. If, however, it cannot be maintained even among them, that such human statutes be tempered and discarded, which cannot be kept without sin, we must follow the apostles' rule, which commands us to be more obedient to God than to men. Acts 5:29.

[874]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1039-10". 875

St. Peter bequeaths the rule to the bishops as if they had the power to force the churches to do whatever they wanted. Now one does not deal with how to take away the bishops' power, but one asks and desires that they will not force the consciences to sin. But if they will not do so, and despise this request, then they may think how they will have to answer God for it, because with such harshness they give cause for division and schism, which they should help to prevent 1).

These are the most distinguished articles that are considered controversial. For although many more abuses and inaccuracies could have been brought to light, we have, in order to avoid prolixity and length, reported only the most noble ones, from which the others can be easily gauged, for in former times there were many complaints about indulgences, about pilgrimages, about abuse of the ban. The parish lords also had endless quarrels with the monks about hearing confessions, burials, sermons, 2) and countless other things. All this we have passed over in the best way and for the sake of glimpses, so that the noblest pieces in this matter may be noted all the better. Nor shall it be held that anything is said or done in this matter to hate, oppose, or discredit anyone, but we have only told the things that we have deemed necessary to tell and to report, so that it may be heard all the more clearly that nothing is accepted among us, either with doctrine or with ceremonies, that would be contrary either to the Holy Scriptures or to the common Christian church. For it is now in the day and public that we have prevented with all diligence, with God's help (without speaking of glory), so that no new and ungodly doctrine would ever take root, break in, and gain the upper hand in our churches.

The above articles we have wanted to hand over according to the letter, for a display of our confession, and of our doctrine; and if anyone would be found to be

  1. Thus Förstemann. J. T. Müller: "sollen".
  2. In the Ansbach: "der beypredigen" in agreement with the Latin: Ns extraordinariis eoneionikus. In J. T. Müller: "Leichpredigten".

If anyone lacks this, he is required to give a further report on the basis of divine holy scripture.

E. Kaiserl. Majesty most humbly

John, Duke of Saxony, Elector.

George, Margrave of Brandenburg.

Ernst, Duke of Lüneburg.

Philips, Landgrave of Hesse.

Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt.

The city of Nuremberg.

The city of Reutlingen.

961: The Emperor's gracious answer given by Count Palatine Frederick to the protesting estates after reading out their confession.

This document is taken from Chyträu's Hist. der Augsb. Also in Müller, p. 586, § 9 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 3.

Roman Imperial Maj. Maj. has read and graciously heard the writing of your beloved, the Elector of Saxony, and others of my grandfathers, brothers-in-law and friends, their preachers' doctrine and attitude, and the confession of faith of all of you. But since this is an excellent, highly important and significant great deal, and therefore well worthy of consideration, let His Imperial Majesty take it into account, consider it with all diligence and deliberate on it, and when His Imperial Majesty has decided on something, let him take it into consideration. Maj. has made up his mind, he will then again announce it to His Majesty and have it heard in reply in such a way that His Majesty's gracious, Christian and well-meaning mind and opinion will be felt and noted.

Spalatin's account of the reading of the Augsburg Confession, together with an enclosed list of the most important points of it.

In Spalatin's Annals, p. 134. Also in the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 411; in the Jena (1554), vol. V, p. 29d; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 152 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 204.

On Saturday, the day after St. John the Baptist, one of the greatest works that ever happened on earth took place at this Imperial Diet in Augsburg. For on the same day after noon, my most gracious lord, the chur-

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Duke John, Margrave George of Brandenburg, Duke John Frederick of Saxony, Duke Ernst of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Duke Francis of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, and the two cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen of their faith and the whole Christian doctrine, which they have preached in their principalities, lands and cities, confession publicly, with Christian, his, comforting mind and heart, let read in German, from article to article, not only before all princes, princes, estates, bishops, councils, if any, but also before Roman. kais. Maj. himself, and her brother, King Ferdinando. But it was read by the Lord Chancellor, Doctor Christianus, 1) and he read it very well, so loudly and clearly that it was heard not only in the hall, but also down in the Palatinate, that is, in the court of the Bishop of Augsburg, where Imperial Maj. Maj. lies in residence.

Now the same confession was written in German and Latin, but for the sake of brevity it is read only in German.

And the confession has certainly been written in Latin and German, with divine scripture in the foundation and with such glimpses that such a confession has never happened, not only in a thousand years, but as long as the world has stood. Nor is such a thing to be found in any history, nor in any old teacher or doctor.

For the first are all the articles of faith, along with what is taught, preached, and held.

First of all, of the Holy Divine Trinity, of God the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit.

How to become pious and righteous before God. How all people are born > in original sin. What is original sin.

How to obtain God's grace.

How the sermon is necessary for justification.

How faith must bring good fruits and works.

What the common Christian church is.

That the sacraments, even administered by evil priests, be powerful.

About the baptism against the Anabaptists.

Of the reverend Sacrament of the true Body and Blood of Christ, in the Sacrament of the Altar.

Of repentance.

That the sacraments are such comforting emblems, thereby we become assured and certain that

  1. Beier.

God will be gracious, kind and merciful to us for Christ's sake, and will do us good temporally and eternally.

From the church servants.

Of ceremonies that one should keep for the sake of peace, which one can keep without sin, and not be saved by it.

Of secular laws and order.

That Christ would come at the last day to judge the living and the dead; to give eternal life and joy to the faithful, and to condemn the devils and the ungodly.

Of free will, that we have a free will to be outwardly pious, but not before GOD.

That sin is caused by the wrong will of devils and evil people.

Of faith and good works, that the right faith is that one heartily devotes himself to all good, grace and help to God for Christ's sake, and that faith without good works is nothing, which God has commanded.

And from the service of the saints, that one should also provide oneself with everything good to God, as the saints did, and that one should follow their faith, and love; but only call upon God.

After that, the articles in dispute followed, as, of both forms, why they are given to everyone in our country.

About the measurement, how it is held in our country, and what causes the angle measurement in our country.

From the priests, monks and nuns marriage.

From the monastic vows.

From the difference of the food.

From confession.

On the power of bishops and the difference between the spiritual and secular sword.

With every article of faith, the counter doctrine and erroneous opinion and heresies, as sacramentalists, Anabaptists 2c., were also rejected, with the request, where someone wanted to have further instruction, to do the same.

At the entrance, my most gracious and gracious Elector, Princes and Lords have protested that these matters are now, in love and kindness, not to be settled according to the Emperor's will. Maj.'s request in their invitation to this Imperial Diet, that they all be and remain subject to the previous appeal and protest at the next Imperial Diet at Speier, to the future, common, free, Christian Council which Imperial Maj. Maj. in some of her instructions to imperial congresses. The Imperial Council of the Holy Roman Empire is to be held in Speier in the near future.

Kaiserl. Maj. and King Ferdinandus, the Dukes of Bavaria, and also several bishops listened very diligently.

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Be sure that you have not heard so much of this doctrine all your lives, and that of course Imperial Majesty, King, many princes and bishops have taken us all for mammals. Maj., King, many princes and bishops have taken us all for mammoths who thought neither of God nor of faith.

When the chancellor had read in the Confession that about four hundred years ago, when the pope had forbidden the priests in Germany to marry, and an archbishop of Mainz had proclaimed the same commandment, and his priests had wanted to force them to oppose it by force so hard that he had been almost strangled in an outrage, King Ferdinand asked the archbishop of Mainz if it was true. Mainz said that it was true.

Finally, since the confession had been made, and both the Latin and German had been handed to Doctor Brück, Chancellor, Alexander Schweiß, Imperial Secretary, and through him to the Archbishop at Main. Secretaries, and through him to the Archbishop of Mainz, Imperial Maj. Maj. himself took hold of it, and took it to him, with gracious request to pursue the matter further through Duke Frederick, Count Palatine.

Some princes, who should rightly be our friends, have almost stood in such a way under the reading of the confession of faith and doctrine that it is to be noted from it that they did not hear it very gladly. For admittedly the opponents of it

The people of the city thought that they would be very shy about this part of the matter and would have to do everything that could be done.

God has ever given the grace that no one has been disparaged in the confession, and that it has been kept as light as possible, so that no one would ever have to complain about a single scandal.

Therefore, we hope to God that He will continue to give us grace, so that we may earnestly seek God with diligent prayer everywhere in all churches and sermons, and also in other ways, so that God may lead these things to a blessed end, so that we may remain in God's Word and keep good peace. We all earnestly pray for this.

And this deal should move us to act all the more in the fear of God. For if it should come to an unfortunate end, the country and its people would suffer great destruction, perhaps not only with the loss of life and property, wife and child, but also of eternal goods, since God wants to protect us from them.

One is said to have requested that the confession in Latin and German not be printed.

Also the eating of meat on Friday 2c. has not been forbidden so far. May God continue to help in all other main matters with all graces, amen.

The sixth section of the thirteenth chapter.

How the Augsburg Confession was handed over to some papist theologians for examination, and immediately refuted by them, but Melanchthon wrote the so-called Apology.

H.. What unequal judgments about the read confession have been made among the Roman Catholic states, and what censure has been made from both sides.

963: Spalatin's short account of it.

About this document Walch says in the Jnhaltsverzeichniß of the 16th volume, p. 49 b: "Steht in Spalatins unnub x. 140 and in the Theilen Luth. in the places mentioned immediately before." But only one part is found in the Annals, p. 140-147, the whole is an excerpt from a writing that has the title: "Etliche Historie", well to remember, so sich auf diesem Reichstag zugetragen 2c. von Magistro Georgio Spalatins verzeichnet. Anno 1530." This writing

is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 413 and in the Jena edition (1554), vol. V, p. 33. The individual pieces of this narrative are widely scattered there; in the Wittenberg 1. e. p. 413 u; 413 b; 414u; 414 b; 415; 416 b; 417.

Duke Wilhelm of Bavaria, when he heard the confession of my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, and of the other princes, who depended on his electoral grace in the Gospel, spoke to my most gracious lord in a friendly manner, and when he came home, he was supposed to have said: he had not been told about this matter and doctrine before.

HE other day a prince is said to have been

  1. This paragraph is not in Spalatin's Annals.

880Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 963 s. W. xvi, um-uns. 881

Princes and lords have said: The Lutherans have handed over a document written in ink; if I were emperor, I would give them another document with rubrics, that is, written in red ink. Another prince would soon have to answer to this: Nevertheless, the emperor would have to pay attention if he wanted to write with rubrics, as your lord says, so that the presiliaries 1) do not splash under his eyes.

Some Cardinals themselves confess that our cause and doctrine are right, but it should not have been done without the help of others; they do not know how to compare, they do not want to have acted wrongly in any way.

^2^) The archbishop of Cologne is said to have said last year: I am a bishop, and I am to govern my churches and preach. Now I cannot; but I only wanted to leave my diocese, so that this matter would be judged in good peace.

One says again, also some Bavarians themselves, that Duke Wilhelm of Bavaria said to O. Ecken: I have been told much different about Luther's teaching than I have heard in their confession. You have also put me off that their doctrine is too embarrassing. Then D. Eck spoke: With the fathers I dare to embarrass, but not with the Scriptures. Then Duke Wilhelm turned away from him.

His Imperial Majesty had his Spanish masters discuss how his Majesty should act against the Lutheran doctrine. To this they have given Imperial Maj. Maj. in the French language with this answer: where his Imperial Maj. Maj. finds in it such pieces as are contrary to the articles of faith, then his Majesty shall devote all his fortune to eradicating the same sects. If, however, the articles in dispute concern only the abolition of certain ceremonies and external things, His Majesty shall not violently oppose them. But to learn this, His Majesty shall submit the matters to some less pious people who are not related to any part. This is a fine, prudent, wise council, the like of which we would certainly have found hard to find in all German lands.

^3^) The Cardinal Campegius said to one of them: "I have often thought that the innumerable large number of monks will one day cause a great misfortune to the Church.

  1. "Presilgen" == Brazil, red color. Cf. St. Louis edition, vol.XX, 819.
  2. The following two paragraphs are not in Spalatin's Annals.
  3. The following two paragraphs are missing from Spalatin's Annals.

Doctor Paulus Ricener, King Ferdinandi's physician, spoke most honestly and best of remote matters, concerning God's word, and cannot be surprised enough at the great harshness of our counterpart.

Count Felix von Werdenberg, such a great adversary of Doctor Martin Luther that he is said to have let himself be heard: if it came to war against the Lutherans, that he would let himself be used for it in vain, had a panketirt with the Abbot of Weingarten on Monday after St. Kilian's Day July 11, and went there drunk, and was found dead in bed, and buried on Tuesday after St. Kilian's Day. God forgive him his sin. So one after the other always passes away. We still act as if we wanted to push Christ out of heaven.

It is said that when Count Felix von Werdenberg was carried to his grave, an honest citizen here in Augsburg stood before a prince's council, and when he saw the corpse, with more pomp than usual, he asked: who was the deceased? When he heard that Count Felix was the deceased, he was horrified and said: "God is a strange judge; only yesterday I heard from his mouth that he had spoken with dire words: he did not want to live, he wanted to devote his life and property to eradicating the Lutheran doctrine; then he went away so quickly. Now it is said that he was not drunk either.

Another count experienced this, who also opposed God's word so much, also with such defiance, he is also said to have been so frightened that he became ill from it.

The auxiliary bishop of Würzburg, Marius, often said in a collation: he wanted to stay with the mother, he meant the papal church. Brentius, as a pious, learned man, once said: "Dear Lord, you must not forget the Father, the dear God, in addition; then the suffragan bishop wanted to fly off the handle.

964 Luther's letter to Nicolaus Hausmann, in which the speeches of a certain bishop and Duke Heinrich von Braunschweig are particularly noteworthy. July 6, 1530.

Handwritten in 6o<l. 3en. d., col. 209 and in Aurifaber's unprinted collection, vol. Ill, p. 45. After the latter with obvious errors in Schütze, vol. II, p. 148. Also in Buddeus, p. 139; in Cölestin, torn. II, col. 206 6 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 69.

Newly translated from the Latin.

** **[882]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1048-1050. 883

To the venerable man, Mr. Nicolaus Hausmann, the faithful and very > loud bishop of the church in Zwickau.

Grace and peace in Christ! My dear husband, our Februarius 1) or "Hornung" will tell you everything that is happening both at Augsburg and here with me better than I am able to write. However, after his arrival here, D. Jonas wrote to me that our confession, which our Philip prepared, was publicly read by D. Christian, the chancellor of our prince, before the emperor and the princes and bishops of the entire empire (only with the exclusion of the common great crowd) in the emperor's palace itself. The following signed the confession: first the Elector of Saxony, then Margrave George of Brandenburg, Johann Friedrich, the younger Prince, the Landgrave of Hesse, Ernst and Franz, Dukes of Lüneburg, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, the city of Nuremberg and Reutlingen. 2) Now the imperial ones are discussing the answer. Many bishops are inclined to peace and despise the sophists Faber and Eck. A bishop 3) is said to have said in a private conversation: This is the plain truth, we cannot deny it. The bishop of Mainz is highly praised as a man of peace. Likewise Duke Henry of Brunswick, who kindly invited Philip to the banquet and testified that he indeed could not deny the articles of the two forms, the marriage of priests and the indiscriminate nature of the food. Our people boast that no one at the entire Diet was more lenient than the emperor himself. So it is with the beginning. The emperor treats our prince not only graciously, but almost reverently. So writes Philip. It is to be marveled at how all glow with love and favor against the emperor. Perhaps, if God wills that, like the first

  1. A game with "Hornung's" name.
  2. Luther gives here the signers of the Latin confession. From the report of the chancellor Brück, No. 959, it results that only five princely persons signed the German Confession apart from the two cities; in the Latin one, Duke Johann Friedrich and Duke Franz of Lüneburg were added.
  3. According to the following letter, this bishop is the bishop of Augsburg.

Emperor 4) was very evil, so this last one will be very good. Let us only pray, for the power of prayer is felt quite clearly. You will communicate this to Cordatus and all the brothers, because it is true. I believe that by now you have received my letter to you and your brother. The Lord be with you, amen. Greetings to all of us. From the desert, July 6, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

965 Letter of D. Justus Jonas to D. Martin Luther, in which, among other things, the above statement of a bishop is confirmed, and another equally strange one of the bishop of Salzburg is cited. About June 27, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 205; in Oorp. Lei, vol. II, 154 and a detailed regest in Burkhardt, p. 179. The latter has the date "June 29", but Köstlin, M. Luther, vol. II, p. 656 proves that it must have left Augsburg already on June 27.

Translated into German.

  1. faber is quite mad, and Eck not much wiser; they do it with all zeal and seriousness, one must use force, and not first make much interrogation. Because of the confession delivered before the Emperor on the Saturday after St. John's Day (which would have been delivered the day before, had it not been for the lamentable and moving speech of the Austrians by Sigismund von Dietrichstein, which presented the pitiful state of the siege of Vienna the previous year), our princes were heard in the Emperor's palace, in a not very spacious place; there could have been about 200 people inside. The Emperor sat down, and the Electors, together with the absent Electors' envoys, took seats on both sides. Then the other princes and estates of the empire sat on one side. Our Chancellor, D. Christian, read out our confession from article to article, clearly, loudly and audibly, so that it was heard by all. He read everything in two hours. The emperor was very attentive. The Bishop of Augsburg is said to have said in conversations among good friends: What has been read out is true; it is the plain truth, we cannot deny it. I have seen the emperor's face
  1. This will probably refer to the Diet of Worms.

884 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 965. w. xvi, 1050-1053. 885

and face now more closely and better than ten years ago at the Diet of Worms. In all things, this prince seems to radiate that which indicates a mild, honest, gracious and quite royal heart, and a sonorous, as it were, innate lightheartedness.

I have heard from a great man who was also in the council and assembly that whenever King Ferdinand speaks something harsh and ungracious, the emperor is in the habit of punishing him and saying that moderation and kindness befit kings, with which, however, he shows that he has an abhorrence for all heated and hasty proposals, and that anger and hasty zeal in princes is a very bad counselor. The emperor had our confession translated into Italian and French by Alphonsus Waldez and Alexander Schweiß. Only Nuremberg and Reutlingen signed the confession. The people of Strasbourg asked several times that it be accepted, with the exception of the article on the Sacrament, but the princes did not want to do so. The Landgrave has signed it with us, but says that ours do not satisfy him on the point of the Sacrament. The Bishop of Augsburg is to expressly contradict all suggestions of violence and cruelty in the Council. The Salzburg bishop is said to have said among good friends: I wanted both forms and marriage to be free; I wanted the mass to be better established; I wanted freedom in food and other statutes, and thus good order in everything; but that a few monks should reform us all, that is a disturbance of the peace, one must not suffer that!

The chancellor and the rest of us have advised the princes to go to the emperor and briefly present (and show) the summa of the doctrine, in which they can yield or not. Philip is writing articles here, which we want to consider together, which should also be sent to you, so that you can translate them and see for yourselves. As far as my conscience is concerned, I ask you through Jesus Christ, my most precious Father, that you take good care of it, because it is a very important matter. For you are the chariot of Israel and its driver; the Lord has endowed you with glorious gifts before others. The Lord Philip, out of good intentions, is proceeding in this matter quite deliberately and cautiously, and wants to give way to the common peace in many things. And in the end we have quarreled a little about the rule and power of the bishops, which I report to you so secretly. But

Here you should give good advice, so that it does not become a disadvantage for the whole posterity and torment us in our conscience afterwards. I would also like to see all this left undone, so that nothing is taken away from Christ. But I do not doubt that Christ will reveal to us what is to be done through your mouth, through which he has been presented and preached to us in a holy way. 1) The other day the Cardinal of Salzburg summoned Philip to him for an intimate conversation through Wolfgang Stromer of Nuremberg. And since he had returned from it rather heated, he told us, since it was already at 2 o'clock in the morning, what they had spoken with each other. I heard (he says) the most extreme threats, and only not a death sentence. The Salzburger, when he was told of his conscience, said: "Conscience! the emperor will not suffer the disturbance of common peace. They are safe, as if there were no God. It is astonishing how much they rely on human power, and how we are nothing but ants in their eyes.

I and Philip have been with Cornelius Schopper, who was formerly in the service of the exiled King of Denmark, but is now an imperial secretary. He said (as he likes to joke wittily and finely): if we had money, we would soon buy a religion from the Italians, as we only wanted. But if we had no gold, our cause would be a very meager and dry one. He also said that the emperor, who is now surrounded by cardinals and bishops, could not accept or put up with a religion other than the papist one, because the old one had been put into his head.

My gracious young lord will have your rose 2) cut into a beautiful stone and set in gold; it will be a very beautiful pitter-patter, which his princely grace will hand over to you himself.

(6) I would that ye would write unto Philip very often. For there is very great sadness in him, and the common matter is very dear to his heart. We are always telling him to take the Psalms of David and speak to God with foreign words, not his own, in such an important matter; but his excessive sadness keeps the upper hand.

  1. The following two accounts of Melanchthon's meeting with the Cardinal of Salzburg and the imperial secretary Cornelius Schopper are also found, almost word for word, in Jonas' letter of June 25, 1530, which Kolde, p. 138 ff.

communicates.

  1. which Luther had in his coat of arms.

[886]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1053-1055. 887

966 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he reports on the attacks of the opposing party after the handover of the Confession.

July 8, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 208 and in 6orx. Röt., vol. II, 175.

Translated into German.

We thank you very much that you have answered us without any worries. About other things orally. I will only briefly tell you what is going on here. After the handing over of our confession, three different opinions came to the fore in the assembly of princes. The first was the most stringent, that the Emperor should urge all princes and nations to comply with the Edict of Worms. The other was somewhat more lenient, and was to the effect that our Confession should be handed over to honest, learned and impartial men for examination, and that afterwards the Emperor should make a pronouncement. King Ferdinand also put up with this. The third, as it seems, is that the refutation of our confession should be read to us; but the Emperor reserves that we leave the matter to his judgment, otherwise we should bring everything back to the old state until a concilium is called. This latter opinion has not yet been made public, we have not yet received an answer; but I hope it will be proclaimed on Monday. I am waiting for it with great desire. For I have learned from experience how the Legate Campegius is minded. Since the Archbishop of Mainz saw that he could not achieve anything by much arguing, he did not come to the meeting the following day. Since the princes agreed with this opinion, the princely councillors were also excluded, from whom one assumed a more lenient statement. Among them is the chancellor of Dresden. Herewith I have told you not only the actions so far, but also what is still to be expected without any addition. For I foresee what movements, what a distressing spectacle the opinion of our opponents will cause. The farmer, 1) whom you know, is on top in the game, and is being incited by some hypocrites among the theologians. That is all I can write. Farewell and pray for us. July 8.

  1. Duke George.

967 Directory of the papal theologians who were present at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg.

From Müller's Hist., p. 653, Walch printed this directory under the title: "Verzeichniß der päbstlichen Theologen, die die Augsburgische Confession widerlegen sollen. However, according to Spalatin's Annals, p. 141, the Wittenberg edition, vol. IX, p. 413 d and the Jena edition, vol. V, p. 34, this is the "Directory of the twenty Doctores, so wider die Lutherischen hie zu Augsburg sind" which the preacher of Queen Mary had sent to the Protestants. In the various editions, the order of the names is different.

  1. doctor Johann Eck.
  2. D. Johann Faber, provost at Ofen, coadjutor.
  3. D. Augustin Marius, Bishop of Salon.
  4. D. Conrad Wimpina, Ordinarius Franco- furtensis.
  5. D. Johann Cochläus, with Duke Georgen at

Saxony.

  1. D. Paul Haug, 2) of the Order of Preachers Provincial.
  2. D. Andreas Stoß, the Carthusian Provincial.
  3. D. Conrad Colli, 3) Prior with the preachers at Kölln.
  4. D. Bartholomew Using, 4) Augustinian at the Bishop of Würzburg.
  5. D. Johann Mensing, preacher monk with the Elector of Brandenburg.

II. D. Johann Dittenberger?) Prior at Coblenz.

  1. D. Johann Burkard, Vicarius of the Order of Preachers.
  2. D. Hieronymus Montinus, 6) of the Bishop of Passau Vicarius.
  3. D. Matthias Kretz, 7) preacher at Augsburg.
  4. D. Peter Speiser, 8) Vicarius of the Bishop of Costnitz.
  5. D. Arnold von Wesel, Coloniensis.
  6. brother Medardus, of King Ferdinand: preacher, barefoot monk.
  7. D. Conrad Thoman, preacher at Regensburg.
  8. D. Augustin Tottelin 9) of Bremen.
  9. D. Wolfgang Redörffer, provost at Stendal.
  1. With Walch: Hugo.
  2. Walch: Collin.

4> Walch: Usinger.

  1. Wittenberg and Jena: "Dietenberger". - Because this name is missing in Spalatin's annals, only nineteen doctors are listed there.
  2. Jn Spalatin's Annals: Monting.
  3. In Spalatin: Gretz.
  4. Walch: Speisser.
  5. In Walch: "Thomä, Prediger zu Regensburg". - Spalatin writes: "Tottelin", the Wittenbergers and the Jenaers: "Cottelin".

[888]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 968 f. W. xvi, wss-iosr. 889

968 Spalatin's report on how the emperor had asked the Protestants whether they wanted to leave it at that or hand over more articles.

In Spalatin's Annals, p. 142; in the Wittenberg, vol. IX, p. 416b and in the Jena, vol.v, p.37.

On Saturday after St. Kilian's Day, July 9, early in the morning, 1) at the town hall, Duke Frederick of Bavaria, on account of his Imperial Majesty, in addition to Count Hoyer of Mansfeld and Count von Helfenstein, requested my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, and the other princes who are attached to the Gospel, to indicate whether they wanted to leave it at the articles presented, or to bring in more articles, so that, where one will take up the matter, there will be no hindrance. As a back passage has been requested, in view of the fact that the cities pending against them were not present, namely Nuremberg and Reutlingen.

The answer, 2) given to it, has been Christian, and thus put, praise God that one has not given anything to the cause, presented in writings on Sundays after Kiliani, with diligent request to promote the things. God grant that it may prosper, amen.

969 A document handed over by D. Justus Jonas, Joh. Rurk, Erhard Schnepf and Heinrich Bock to their masters, in which they advise the princes to consult with their scholars about the matters in which one can give in to the papists. June 28, 1530.

From Spalatin's Annals, p. 220.

Grace and peace of God through Christ. Most Serene, Most Illustrious, Most Reverend Prince and Princes, Most Gracious and Most Merciful Lords! After the articles of faith and doctrine recently published in Ew. churfürstl. and princely. Gn. lands have been preached hitherto, Roman Imperial Maj. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Electors, Princes and Estates of the Empire, and it is to be hoped that some will receive a clearer report from the opponents than they had before, it is nevertheless to be feared that this high, great deal, concerning the Christian religion and faith, will not be so regarded by some of the opposing party,

  1. At seven o'clock. See No. 973.
  2. Document No. 973.

and importantly respected in the pieces, since he is most important in himself. And if it came to the ways that one should seek means and measure of unification and concordia, perhaps the adversaries or negotiators would want to undertake these things with beseeching speeches and rebuttals, as in other worldly affairs, by which only a lot of time would pass, so that the main thing is fixed on some certain articles, since one Christian (if negotiated for the same length of time) cannot let up nor give way. Again, the adversaries would like to pay great attention to some articles, since one can well give in and give way without danger to the conscience. For this reason, it would be our humble concern if Your Highness and Princely Grace were to consult with each other for a certain period of time. We would therefore have our submissive concern if Your Highness and Your Royal Highness had deliberated over time and finally decided in which parts Your Highness and Your Royal Highness would adhere to something, and in which parts to give way. and Princely Grace have decided to give way to something, or nothing at all; thus, Ew. chur- und prinstl. and Princely Grace would be summoned to Imperial Majesty for their occasion. Majesty on their occasion, and reported such sum of the whole business to their Majesty humbly and confidentially, with humbly indication of what their souls and consciences are. We believe that this should be almost beneficial and useful for the speedy and otherwise good furtherance of these matters. For Imperial Majesty Majesty would like to take the more certain and easier summary report of these matters, to read, respect and move the handed over articles the more actually with gracious attention, also to give the less place and faith to many burdensome speeches of the opposing party. But whether here again there might be a misgiving, as if it should not be well to give oneself up to the adversary so far in the day and so completely naked, it has nevertheless not the opinion with this high trade, touching the faith. For those who want to be Christian must be really and steadfastly sure of the articles, which have divine unalterable command, and may suffer no trade. Therefore, as the Holy Scriptures report, as in the Proverbs of King Solomon, that God guides and directs the hearts of kings and princes as He guides the rivers of water, 2c., and for many reasons it is very important that this trade summa of the imperial majesty be carried out by considerable persons. Majesty by respectable persons, as Your Royal and Princely Grace. We have considered it good that Your Royal and Princely Grace will take care of it. Gn. want to see to it that Your Lordship and Your Imperial Majesty personally request this. Maj. themselves make such a request in person. This we have done, after we have acknowledged ourselves guilty of having asked Your Royal and Princely Grace in these matters, on our part. Majesty in these matters, on our souls and consciences.

[890]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 105--1059. 891

Hail, what we consider good to indicate, E. churund princely. We do not know how to behave in our submissive opinion. However, we place all of this in all submissiveness in the high princely mind and concern of Your Highness and Princely Grace. Gn. high princely mind and concern. May the Almighty God bestow His grace and spirit upon Your Highness and Princely Grace. Gn. his grace and spirit to do what his divine will and the honor of his holy name may be. Date Tuesday of the evening of St. Peter and Paul June 28 Anno Domini 1530.

E. chur- und prinstl. Graceful Servants

I. Jonas. Erhardus Schnepfius.

Joh. Rurk. Henricus Bock.

970: Luther's answer to the question of whether and to what extent the Elector could subject the Emperor's religious affairs to his judgment.

See above the 956th document.

971 Letter from Elector John to Luther in Coburg. July 15, 1530.

From Cyprian's Supplements to the History of the Augsburg Conf. This is the answer to No. 956.

John 2c.

Our greeting before. Venerable, reverend, dear devotee! We have heard your next letter to your gracious comfort and favor, and would be well inclined to report to you the state of our affairs. However, we do not know how to behave in your gracious opinion, that when we handed over our articles, they were still pending with us some other princes, of these matters, of which nothing further has been done, and are therefore waiting for a decision until this hour; but besides that, they are reported as being somewhat mistaken about their part of the matters among themselves, so that we have been delayed for a long time. But what will happen later in this matter and what we will be pleased to answer, that shall remain undisclosed to you.

And herewith, in response to the notice given to us by our personal physician and dear faithful friend, Caspar Lindemann, Doctor, we are sending you copies of the letter of consolation that you once sent us before. All of this we graciously

do not want to behave. Date Augsburg, on Friday after Margaret July 15, Anno Domini 30sten.

Leber G]etreuer]. We request that you give the 1) letter you > have in your custody to M. Luther for our sake, and that you do so so > that it may be given to him and not to anyone else. This is our > opinion. Date. Coburg to Schösser.

972 Causes indicated to the theologians why it would not be advisable to hand over more articles.

In Cölestin, vol. II, p. 21 and in Chyträus, according to the Latin edition, p. 123, according to the German, p. 196. German also in the Oorx". Rsk., vol. II, 182 with the superscription: ^Isluutlioujs suüieium.

First, because the princes have made their confession of the necessary doctrinal articles that are publicly preached to the people in their countries, and do not need to burden them with useless disputations, such as whether women can also eonsecrate? whether everything must be done the way it is done? and the like, which belong more in the school than in the sermons in the church.

  1. all the necessary articles are written in the confession that has been handed over. Therefore, all abuses that are contrary to this doctrine are punished at the same time, as everyone can understand the contradiction.

If the hateful articles were now handed over, the adversaries could interpret it to our disadvantage, as if we had previously handed over the apparent articles that were pleasing to everyone, and now the Imperial Majesty sees that we are hiding much and harmful error. Majesty sees that we are hiding much and harmful error, and if Her Imperial Majesty continues, we will be in danger. Majesty continued, more error would be produced.

  1. because we should not prevent the started action of these religious matters themselves, it is by no means advisable that the hateful and unnecessary articles, of which one is used to discuss in the schools, are settled at this time, as:

So whether everything has to happen the way it happens?

Whether free will is nothing?

Whether God also does evil?

Whether Christians are all priests?

Whether the pope, by divine right, is the supreme

Bishop is?

  1. Walch: "bey verwahrtem".

[892]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 972 f. W. xvi, iosg-um. 893

Whether to allow the indulgence?

Whether every good work is a mortal sin?

Whether a layman could eonsecrate the sacrament?

Whether matrimonial matters alone belong before the bishops? > > Whether there are more or less than seven sacraments? > > Whether the bishops can wield the secular sword and preside over the > churches at the same time? > > Whether the pope is a lord of all spiritual goods by divine right? > > Whether the divine election is partly due to our merit or not? > > Whether the priestly ordination impresses an everlasting characterem?

Whether a woman could eonsecriren?

Whether the auricular confession is necessary for salvation? 2c.

973 The protesting estates declare that they do not want to hand over more articles, but leave it at the handed over confession. July 10, 1530.

In Cölestin, vol. II, p. 118; in Chyträus Latin p. 123, German p. 196; from this in Müller's Hist. lib. Ill, vap. 21st, p. 667 and in the Oorx. Uek., vol. II, 184. This letter is addressed to the princes and counts mentioned in no. 968. Also in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 17 from the Margravial Brandenburg Reichstagsacten, p. 135 f. This letter is addressed to the imperial commissars, Count Palatine Friedrich, Count Wolf von Montfort, Count Hoyer von Mansfeld and the Lord von Helfenstein.

I. Highborn Prince, friendly dear uncle, 1) well-born Counts, dear special and faithful! Yesterday at seven o'clock, when E. Lieb and her Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, gave us the order that we wanted to let ourselves be heard. Majesty, our most gracious Lord's, order, that we wanted to be heard whether we would be willing to report and hand over more articles, or whether it would be better with those, so Imperial Majesty, that we would be subjected to next. Majesty's Majesty we had sent to you in writings, we kindly indicate our friendly and favorable opinion together with our fellow relatives: Although it is public that there are many great and grievous abuses in the church, concerning doctrine and the government of the clergy, which have first given cause, not only to ours, but also to many others, to preach and write against them for the instruction of consciences, which have been driven with unrighteous doctrine, to the detriment of their salvation, and have caused no one to be saved.

  1. So Förstemann; 6orp. Hek.: "Cousin".

The Holy Gospel has been a source of consolation; however, the Emperor's Majesty, the Holy Spirit, has not been a source of consolation. Majesty. has graciously indicated in her letter that these matters concerning religion are to be dealt with among ourselves in love and kindness, and are to be compared with the truth (which alone is God's pure Word), as is done Christianly and fairly: so in the next writing not all abuses are specified and referred to by name, but a common confession and confession is given, in which all the doctrine is safely set forth, which is preached in our country primarily for the salvation of souls, so that Imperial Majesty may be thoroughly informed that no unchristian doctrine is accepted in our country. Maj. may be thoroughly informed that no unchristian doctrine is accepted here. Thus we have also deemed it necessary to bring forward the abuses in which our and our consciences have been troubled, rather than other abuses concerning the conduct of the clergy, for which they will have to give account to God in their own time, if such abuses are not stopped or led to Christian correction.

(2) Therefore, in order that this matter may be dealt with the more in love and compared with God's Word from the truth, and that one may see and recognize the more clearly the most important parts in which changes have occurred, as well as the causes for which such things have occurred and been tolerated, the broadness, in particular all abuses, has been avoided in our Scriptures.

  1. with these articles, so delivered, all uncertain and unjust doctrines and abuses, which are contrary to the same submitted articles, and their causes, have thereby also contested, and therefore consider without necessity to bring in more articles.
  1. If, however, the widower uses the same abuses for his opinion and opinion, by virtue of Imperial Majesty, he shall be entitled to the same. Majesty. If, however, the opposing party should arouse the same abuses for its opinion and opinion by virtue of the Imperial Majesty's letter and the presentation that has taken place, or should challenge our confession, or should attempt to advance something new, it is hereby requested to report this further from God's word, as it has also been requested to do at the end of the written confession that has been submitted next.

5 And accordingly to the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, is our most humble request. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, our most humble request, because we have decreed ourselves most humble obedience to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty's most humble obedience, and have now been here for a long time at great expense, that Her Imperial Majesty will graciously grant our most gracious request. Her Imperial Majesty may graciously decree and encourage that Her Majesty's request be complied with and lived without further delay, as we also put ourselves off in all submission, and there has been no lack of us, nor, God willing, should there be. This is what we want for the sake of Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty,

[894]{.underline} Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet of Augsburg, 1530, W. xvi, 1061-1063. 895

Our most gracious lord, we deserve in all submission. Actum Augsburg, on the 10th day of July, 1530.

By the Grace of God, John, Duke of Saxony, and Elector. > > George, Margrave of Brandenburg. > > Ernst, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg. > > Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. > > Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, together with our relatives.

B. What Luther around this time with Melanchthon almost wanted to let sink the courage and other for strange letters exchanged.

974 Luther's letter of consolation to Melanchthon. June 27, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in the Ooä. len.d., tot. 110 and in Aurifaber, vol. ill, p. 33. According to the Jena manuscript in Buddeus, p. ill; in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius, Magdeburg 1549. 8th; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 198; in Chyträus, p. 135; in Lauttstug unnal. evanA. rsnovat. u<I ann. 1530. p. 157; in von der Hardts Uist. litterar. rekorwut, pars V. and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 48. German in Spalatin's Annals, p. 217; in Chyträus p. 93 incomplete; in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 425b; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 39b; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 163 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 184. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! In Christ, I say, not in the world, amen. About the excuse for your silence another time, my dear Philip. This messenger appeared by chance and suddenly, and since he wanted to leave, he could hardly wait for these letters which we had received from Wittenberg, which were to be brought by him as far as Nuremberg, that they might come to you from there, until we could write more widely by another messenger. 1)

  1. Flacius omitted the preceding sentence, and in all German editions it has remained untranslated; probably rightly so. For, in order to be able to translate it, we have conjicirt aä vos venirsnt (so. btterao) instead of aä nos vsnirst. In the manuscript, the latter may appear like this: a<I uos venirst. That our translation is correct can be seen from the letter to Link of the same date, De Wette, vol. IV, p. 50 f.

I hate very much your exceedingly great sorrows, by which, as you write, you are consumed; that they rule so in your heart is not due to the greatness of the matter, but to the greatness of our unbelief. For this same thing was even greater in the days of John Hus and many others than it is with us now. Then, even if it is great, the one who started it is also great, because it is not our cause. Why do you torture yourself like this without ceasing and without stopping? If the thing is false, let us revoke it; but if it is true, why, in such great promises, do we make a liar of him who commands us to have a heart that is confident and undaunted? He says Ps. 55:23., "Cast thy concern upon the LORD." The LORD is near to all those who are brokenhearted Ps. 34:19. who call upon him. Does he then speak this to the wind, or cast this to the beasts? I am also often broken-hearted, but not always. Your philosophy torments you like this, not theology, just like your Joachim, 2) who seems to me to be gnawed by the same worry. As if you could indeed accomplish anything through this useless worry of yours. "What more can the devil do than to strangle us?" What more? I beseech you, who are valiant in all other things, fight also against yourself, your greatest enemy, since you present so many weapons to Satan against you. Christ died once for sins, but for righteousness and truth he will not die, but lives and reigns. If this is true, what is there to fear for truth when he reigns? But, you will say, it will be struck down by the wrath of God. May we also be struck down at the same time, but not by ourselves. He who has become our father will be the same for our children. I certainly pray diligently for you, and I am sorry that you, as a very persistent worrier, 3) make my prayers so futile. I at least, as far as the matter is concerned (whether it is obtuseness or the spirit, Chri-

  1. Camerarius.
  2. eururum Iriruäinern - leech of worries, which pursues the worries as the leech pursues the blood. Spalatin: "as a stiff-necked leech".

[896]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 974 ff. W. xvi, lOW-ioes. 897

stus), not very worried, indeed better hope than I had expected. God is mighty to raise the dead, he is also mighty to preserve his cause when it falters, to raise it again when it has fallen, to promote it when it stands. If we will not be worthy of this, let it be done through others. For if we are not raised up by his promises, I pray thee, who are the rest of the people in the whole world to whom they should apply? But more about that another time, I am only carrying water into the sea.

Know that your letters, written before the emperor's arrival and after his arrival, went to Wittenberg yesterday. For even there they have been miserably afflicted by your silence, as you will see from the letters of Pomeranus. It is not the fault of the messenger, as Jonas complains, but thoroughly yours, and yours alone. Christ comfort you all by his Spirit, and strengthen and instruct you, Amen. If I hear that things are going badly with you and that you are in danger, I will hardly refrain from coming there in haste to see the terrible teeth of Satan standing around, as the Scripture says Job 41:5. From our desert, on Monday after John June 27 1530.

Meanwhile, greetings to all, next we will send other letters. Martin Luther.

975 Philipp Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. June 26, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's epist., lib. I., x>. 21; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 196; in Cyprian's Supplements, p. 181 and in the Oorp. kiel., vol. II, 140.

Translated from Latin.

We are here in the greatest misery and must constantly shed tears. Today, the extreme consternation of our minds has been added to, after we had read N. Vitus' letters, in which he indicates that you are so angry with us that you may not even read our letters. Now, my dear father, I do not want to increase my pain with words, but ask you to consider in which place and in how great danger we are.

since we can have no refreshment at all except your comfort. The sophists and monks run to us every day and try to make the emperor hate us. The bishops hate us cruelly out of their own impulse. Those who were on our side before are not there now, and we float in infinite danger, completely abandoned and despised. I therefore ask you to look either to us, who follow your reputation in such important matters, or to the common good, and to read and answer our letters, so that on the one hand you may assist us with good counsel, and on the other hand you may give us strong consolation. We have submitted our defense 1) to the Emperor, which I am sending you herewith to read. According to my insight, it is sharp enough. For you will see that in it I have painted the monks with vivid colors. But now, as I see it, it depends on a resolution before the opponents answer what we want to concede to them on the point of the two forms, of the marriage state, of the private mass; the whole trial will revolve around these things. About that answer, and especially about the private mass, which they will hardly drop. I have sent this messenger at my own expense, and the other day I already sent a special one, but it came back empty. The adversaries are already taking counsel as to what they want to answer. Therefore, everything is still pending. Farewell. Sunday after John "June 26, 1530). Philip.

976 Melanchthon's letter to Camerarms. June 26, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's epist. all Oara "rariurn, p. 139; in Cyprian's Supplements, p. 180 and in the 6orp. Het., vol. II, 140.

Translated into German.

Yesterday, by the grace of God, our confession was presented to the Emperor and publicly read out, and it is said that the princes were uncompromisingly silent and attentive. I changed and improved much of it every day, and would have changed even more if our councils had allowed it; and there is so much missing that I should think it was written too leniently, that I rather worry that some might take offense at our freedom. For before we

  1. This is the Augsburg Confession; it was initially called ^polo^ia - Schutzschrift.

[898]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, iv6s-io67. 89-9.

The imperial secretary Valdesius saw it and judged it to be far too bitter and acrid for the adversaries to bear. You will encounter a horrible mishmash if you read the Apology of my Aristarchus, 1) of whom you write. I cannot be very angry with such word judges. My mind worries and grieves miserably, not because of our cause, but because of the carelessness of our people. You need not worry on my account, for I command myself to God. Only something special troubles me a lot, but I can only speak about it verbally. Be well and write to me again. If God wished, you could read our Apology there; but the Emperor forbids that it be printed. Again, God commands. Philip.

977 Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. June 27, 1530.

In Melanchthon's epi8t., lib. I., x". 9; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 196; in Chyträus Latin p. 139, and German p. 228; in Cyprians Beilagen, p. 182 and in Oorp. kek., vol. II, 145.

Although we sent our own messenger to you yesterday that we apologized to you for our silence, but because Hornung wanted to travel today, we wrote again that we did not miss any opportunity to send letters to you. I cannot tell you how much we have been saddened by M. Vitus' letter, which tells us how you are so vehemently angry that we have not written often enough. Now at no time have we been more in need of your advice and comfort than now, since we have followed you, as our head, all the way here in the most dangerous matters. Therefore, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, I ask you to take care of us for the sake of the common good, which seems to suffer very heavy storms when you are not at the helm. Christ allowed himself to be awakened in the little ship that was in trouble. Now we are truly in much greater danger here, in which nothing worse could happen to us as a whole than if you left us. I must not complain about this to D. Brück, lest I deceive him more. Up to now, we have spent a lot of time crying. For this reason, you must not think of us as your, as

  1. Aristarchus, a critic from Alexandria; then also in general: a critic.

we would have forgotten Ulysses' companions, out of pleasure, have also often written, which we can truly prove.

Our confession has been handed over to the emperor; we have also sent a copy to you, which you will keep with you so that it does not get out. For the emperor has forbidden to give it out. I have written to you before that you should indicate to me, if it will be necessary, how much we can yield to the adversaries. As you know, the matters have been discussed beforehand, but when it comes to the meeting, it will all turn out differently than was thought of before. I think the biggest dispute will be about the private fair. But I don't know anything for sure yet. Faber, Eck, and even some princes, seek only violence and war. May God disperse the thoughts of the peoples who are eager for war. Hereby God commands and prays for us. Monday after John June 27, 1530. Philip.

978 Luther's letter of consolation to Melanchthon. July 31, 1530.

Handwritten in Aurifaber's unprinted collection, vol. Ill, p. 72; printed from it in Schütze, vol. II, p. 158 and De Wette, vol. I V, p. 115. Not quite complete and without date in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 197; in Buddeus, p. 112 and in Walch. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

M. Philip Melanchthon, the faithful confessor of Christ and true witness, his dearest brother, Martin Luther. 2) Grace and peace in our Lord! I had nothing to write, my dear Philip, only I did not want to let the messenger or rather this load of game go away without letters. However, I think that you have been fighting sharply with the evil spirits this week, and I assume that this is the reason why Weller and the messenger of the shoemaker have not yet returned. I am with you in faith and spirit as much as I can. But I believe that the weak Christ is more with you, as I ask him with sighs and words, which he himself has commanded and given 3) Matth. 18, 19. f..

  1. This inscription is found after Cölestin and Bud

deus in Walch, but missing in De Wette.

  1. In Latin: "zuidus i^86 fussit st äoäit. Instead of yuidus we have assumed.

[900]{.underline} Erl.54,175. section 6. papal confutation. No. 978 ff. W. XVI, ioe?-iytz9. 901

28,20.]. May the Lord grant that you stand firm on the matter (in statu causae) and do not engage in mutual accusations, for I believe that the adversaries will come out of this by not trusting their cause properly. But what will be the end if you begin to cover up the abominations of the pope against God and the worldly regime? But by God's grace, you will know how to avoid this better.

You should not be concerned about my health. It is indeed shaky, but because I realize that it is not a natural illness, I bear it all the more steadfastly and despise the blows of the fist that Satan's angel wields against my flesh. If I cannot read and write, I can still think and pray, and even so fight against him vigorously, then sleep, be idle, play and sing. Only, my dear Philip, see to it that you do not toil so much in this matter, which is not in your hand, but in the hand of him who is greater than he who is in the world, and out of whose hand no one will snatch it. Let us not let him say in vain Ps. 127:2, "To his friends he giveth asleep," and Ps. 55:23, "Cast thy cause upon the Lord," who quickeneth the dead, and is a Comforter of the humble, and a Physician of the brokenhearted, the God of all comfort, into whose bosom and arms I commend you all, as he himself hath called you and received you unto the confession of his glory. Greet all and every one in the Lord. From the castle which is full of devils, but in which Christ reigns in the midst of his enemies, on the last day of July, Anno 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

979 Philipp Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. June 27, 1530.

In Cölestin, vol. II, p. 197 and in 6orx. Hei, vol. II, 144.

Translated into German.

Our Confession was handed over last Saturday. Now the adversaries are discussing what they want to do in response: run together, work with united forces, and stir up the princes, who have already had enough

are against us. Eck is making every effort with the Archbishop of Mainz not to investigate the matter because it is already condemned. Our party is very weak; the number of those who are against us, on the other hand, is incomparably greater. The Archbishop of Mainz, the Bishop of Augsburg and the Duke of Brunswick are in our favor, although they do not fight bravely enough. Of the dukes of Bavaria, it was said that they had become more lenient after their confession; nevertheless, they do not stand up to Duke 1) George and Margrave Joachim. These are the fiercest leaders of the other party.

The emperor has written to Erasmus and summoned him to the Diet. I cannot see what good we can expect from the bitter hatred of our enemies. In the face of so much ignorance on the part of the mob, to whose wrong judgment we are subjected, we must take refuge in God alone and expect help from him; only ask him for us, that he may guide our cause and give us peace. There has been a terrible thunderstorm in Altenburg for three days: lightning has struck two towers, the castle tower and the church tower, whereupon a great flood has occurred. I was very frightened by this. King Ferdinand has regained the city of Ofen in Hungary, which in my opinion will be a new cause for the Turkish war. For the Turks will now be forced to reinstate their ally, to whom they gave the royal title. From Augsburg, June 27, 1530.

980 Luther's letter of consolation to Melanchthon. June 29, 1530.

Handwritten in 6oO. 61088., 6oä. Ion. d., col. 117 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 28. Printed in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius; in Cölestin, vol.ll, p. 198; in Buddeus, p. 113; in Chyträus Latin p. 139, in the German edition, p. 129; in Cyprians Beilagen, p. 183 and in De Wette, vol. I V p. 51. German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 426; in the Jenaer (1566), vol. V, p. 40; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 164; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 185; and (incomplete, with the wrong date "July 9") in the Erlanger edition, vol. 54, p. 175. Only in Aurifaber, Chyträus, Walch, and De Wette is the postscript found.

Newly translated from the Latin.

  1. "Duke" put by us instead of "Margrave". Because Margrave George is a fellow confessor of the Augsburg Confession.

902 Erl. 54, 175-177. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. LVI, 10S9-I072. 903

Grace and peace in Christ! I have read, my dear Philip, your oratorical writing, which washes clean because of your silence. But in the meantime I have twice written letters to you, in which I have sufficiently explained the reason for my silence (at least in the last one, which is brought by the messenger who was sent to the prince by our castle). Today, your last letters have been delivered to me, in which you remind me of your labors, dangers and tears in such a way that I seem to be unfairly inflicting suffering upon suffering on you by my silence, as if I did not know this, or if I were sitting here among roses and shared nothing of the sorrows with you. And yet God would have my affairs be such that they would allow tears to flow. Yes, even I, if those earlier letters about the Emperor's arrival had not come here in the evening, had decided to send a messenger to you the next day at my own expense, so that I could find out whether you were alive or dead. Magister Veit will testify to this, and yet I believe that all your letters have been delivered to us. For the letters that finally came late about the emperor's arrival and entry came almost at the same time. But it may have been the ate or some Satan, "and have him what he shall have".

I have received your confession (Apologiam), and wonder what you might want, since you ask what and how much should be conceded to the papists. With regard to the prince, this is a different question, what he could concede if danger threatened him. For my person, more than enough has been conceded in this confession; if they reject it, I see nothing more that I can concede, unless I see their reasons and clearer scriptural passages than I have seen so far. I occupy myself with this matter day and night: I consider it, ponder it, discuss it, and search the whole of Scripture, and the complete certainty of faith (πληροφορία) in this doctrine of ours continues to grow in me, and I become more and more fortified, "that now (whether God wills it) I will let nothing be taken from me, be it over it, as it may."

I had written to the younger prince.

as you wish, but I tore up the letter again, because I was afraid that I would make this! I am quite well here, for that spirit seems to be subsiding (namely, broken by the brothers and the people). I am quite comfortable here, because that spirit seems to have subsided (broken by the brothers and your prayers), which until now has beaten me with fists, although I suspect that instead of him another one has followed, who wants to weaken my body. But I would rather suffer this tormentor of the flesh than that tormentor of the spirit. And I hope that he who overcame the father of lies in me will also overcome the murderer. "He has sworn death to me, I feel it well, he has no rest, he has eaten me. Well, if he eats me, he shall eat a purgation (whether God wills it), which shall make his belly and ars tight. What is the point? He who wants to have Christ must suffer." It would be easy for us to rule, too, if we wanted to deny and revile Him Christ. It is said [Apost. 14, 22.), "We must go through many tribulations into the kingdom of GOD." 1) "Now these things are no longer words, but have come to pass, and we may follow them." But he is the one who works the end of the tribulation for the believers [1 Cor. 10:13.).

In your letter 2) I dislike that you write that you followed my reputation in this matter. I do not want to be an author in this matter or be called so, although this could be interpreted correctly, but I do not want this word autoritas. If it is not at the same time and equally your matter, I do not want it to be said that it is mine and laid upon you. I will conduct it myself, if it is mine alone.

I comforted you in the last letter, but God grant that he may not be a killing, but a life-giving one. What more can I do? You are tormented by the end and the outcome of the matter, because you cannot grasp it with your hands. But if you could grasp it, I would not want to be a part of this thing, much less the original one.

  1. The bracketed is set by us instead of "ste."
  2. No. 975, to which this letter is the reply.

[904]{.underline} Erl. 54,i77f. Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 980 f. W. XVI. 1072-1074. 905

Be lifter. God has put this matter into a certain general doctrine (locum quendam communem), which you do not have in your rhetoric, nor in your philosophy: this is called faith. In this doctrine lies all that is not seen, and is not before the eyes Heb. 11:1, 3; if anyone undertakes to make this visible, apparent, and comprehensible, as you do, let him bear sorrows and tears as the reward of his labor, as you bear them away, while we all oppose it in vain. "The LORD hath said that he will dwell in darkness" 1 Kings 8:12, and "he hath made darkness his tent" 2 Sam. 22:12, Vulg.. "Whosoever will, let him do otherwise." If Moses had determined to grasp the end, how he might yet escape Pharaoh's army, Israel might be in Egypt to this day. May the Lord grant you and all of us faith. If you have faith, what can Satan and the whole world do? If we do not have faith, why do we not at least comfort ourselves with the faith of others? For there are necessarily others who believe in our place, unless there is no longer a church in the world and Christ has ceased to be with us before the end of the world. For if he is not with us, I pray thee, where is he in the whole race? If we are not the church or at least a part of the church, where is the church? Or are the dukes of Bavaria, Ferdinand, the pope, the Turk and the like of you the church? If we do not have the Word of God, who are the people who have it? Therefore, if God is for us, who can be against us? We are sinners and ungrateful, but for that reason He will not become a liar. Yet we cannot be sinners in this holy and divine thing, though we are wicked in ways far from it. But you do not hear this, so despondent and weak Satan makes you. May Christ heal you, I pray earnestly and without ceasing, amen. Greetings to all, for I also cannot write anew to all. I wish that I may be given the opportunity to come to you, although I have great desire to come even without orders and calling. The grace

May God be with you and with all of you, Amen. On the day of St. Peter and Paul June 29 Anno 1530. Martin Luther.

Postscript.

After closing the letter, it occurred to me that perhaps it seems to you that I have answered too little to your question 1) how much and how far one can yield to the adversaries; but you have also asked too little, you have not indicated what and what kind you think will be demanded of us. I am ready, as I have always written, to concede everything to them, if only the gospel alone is left free to us. But what disputes with the gospel I cannot admit. What can I answer differently?

981 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. June 30, 1530.

This letter is found in a simultaneous copy in the Weimar archives; in the Ooä. 3on. 0., toi. Ill and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 35. Printed in Buddeus, p. 116; in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius; in Seckendorf's Hi8t. Imtü., lib. II, p. 1810; in des Scultetus annal. evanA. renovat. aä an". 1530. p. 157 according to von der Hardt's Nist. litt, retorin, Theil V; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition p. 136, according to the German p. 225 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 62. German in Spalatin's Annalen, p. 213 and in Frick's Seckendorf, p. 1091. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 4270; in the Jenaer (1566), vol. V, p. 42; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 166 and in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 187. We have translated according to De Wette, who compared the manuscripts.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ l What I should write to you in particular, my dear Philip, I do not know at all, because I am troubled by thoughts about your extremely evil and completely trivial concerns, since I know that I am telling a story to a deaf person. This is because you believe yourself alone, but do not believe me and others, to your great misfortune. I will confess the truth: I have been in greater anguish than I hope you will ever be, and I do not wish any man, not even you, to be in anguish.

  1. In Letter No. 975.

906 Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1074-1076. 907

those who are now raging against us, however wicked and worthless they may be, to become like me. And yet I have often been raised up in these troubles by the word of a brother, sometimes of Pomeranus, sometimes by your word, sometimes by that of Jonas and others. Why then, again, do you not also hear us, who certainly speak nothing according to the flesh or the world, but according to God without doubt through the Holy Spirit? Even though we may be small, dear one, do not let him be small who speaks through us. "If it is a lie that God gave His Son for us, let the devil be a man or one of his creatures instead of me. But if it be true, what shall we do with our grievous fears, and anxieties, and sorrows, and mourning 2c?" As if he would not assist us in lesser things, who gave his Son, or as if Satan were mightier than he.

In private battles I am weaker, but you are stronger; on the other hand, in public ones you are as I am in private ones, and I in public ones as you are in private ones (if otherwise what goes on between me and Satan can be called private). For thou despisest thy life, and fearest for the common cause; but I, as for the common cause, am of a very great and unconcerned mind, knowing assuredly that it is just and true, yea, even the cause of Christ and God Himself, which paleth not as one that would be guilty of sin, as I a single bad saint (privatus sanctuIus) paleth and trembleth. Therefore 1) I am almost a safe spectator and respect the threatening and raging papists for nothing (non hujus == not so much). If we fall, Christ will fall at the same time, namely the great ruler of the whole world. And, if he should fall, I would rather fall with Christ than stand with the emperor.

And also you do not have this thing on you alone. Surely I am faithfully with you with sighs and prayers, if God would that I could also be according to the flesh. For it is also my cause, and even more mine than yours. It is also not out of

  1. Instead of turn at De Wette is to be read sense.

I ask you, for Christ's sake, not to set aside those divine promises and consolations, as it is said Psalm 55:13: "We will not leave aside those divine promises and consolations. Therefore I ask you for Christ's sake not to set aside those divine promises and consolations, as it is said Ps. 55:23: "Cast your concern upon the Lord." Ps. 27, 14.: "Harp on the Lord, be confident and undaunted," and such promises and consolations is the book of Psalms and the Gospel 2) full [Joh. 16, 33.): "Be confident, I have overcome the world." "It will not be false, I truly know" that Christ is the overcomer of the world. Why then do we fear the overcoming world as if it were the victor? "Let one bring such a saying on his knees from Rome and Jerusalem!" But because they abound, are in constant use, and are well known to us, they are held in low esteem among us. "But this is not good." I know this is weakness of faith, but let us pray with the apostles [Luc. 17:5.), "Strengthen us, O Lord, in faith."

God will also repay the Salzburg tyrant according to his works, who has martyred you so. 3) But he would have deserved a different answer from you, such as I might have given him. "Well, let them do it, they have not yet made it up." They are anxious (I fear) to hear the word of Julius Caesar: That's what they wanted!

But I write this in vain, because you continue, according to your philosophy, to govern these things by reason, that is, you continue, as he says, to be senseless with reason, and kill yourself, and do not at all see that the matter is out of your hand and counsel, even without your care. And Christ would prevent it from coming into your hand or counsel, which you so stubbornly wanted: then we would truly be ruined and suddenly perish. But "it is said": Do not seek things that are too high for you Ps. 131, 1. Rom. 12,16., and [Proverbs 25, 27. Vulg.): "An exhor-

  1. We have the Weimar

I^vanMlion manuscript.

  1. Compare No. 965.

[908]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 981 f. W. xvi, 1076-1078. 909

scher of majesty will be pressed to the ground by glory," or, as the Hebrew text has it, "He who inquires into heavy things." This is on you. May the Lord Jesus keep you, so that your faith does not fall away, but increases and overcomes, amen. I pray for you, I have prayed and I will pray, and I have no doubt that I will be heard, for I feel the Amen in my heart. If what we want will not happen, something better will happen. For we wait for a future kingdom, when all things in the world shall have failed us. Last June 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

982 Luther's Letter to Spalatin. June 30, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, Vol. II, p. 200; in Flacius' Latin collection of letters (the second half); in Chyträus' Latin edition, p. 142, in the German edition, p. 233; in LuüüouK, p. 120 and in De Wette, Vol. I V, p. 59. German in Chyträus' Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Couf. p. 174 according to Spalatin's translation. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 428 b; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 43; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 167 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 194. Incomplete in all editions with the exception of Cölestin's, Walch's and De Wette's. According to the latter we have translated, which Ooä. Ion. a, col. 222 and b, toi. 136, together with a copy which Pastor Nopitsch possesses.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To Georg Spalatin, his brother in Christ.

Grace and peace in the Lord! You say, my dear Spalatin, that I will not suffer to be called a slacker in writing; but you will also have to suffer it against your will. For from the messenger of Doctor Jonas, through whom you vowed to write abundantly both to us and to the Wittenbergers, through the messenger of Doctor Apel, so that we expected forests of letters, and feared that you would become more noisy than our jackdaws , we have received no letter. 1) When this messenger of Apel 2) came, and

  1. The preceding sentence is unfinished and will probably have to be completed in this way.
  2. That Apel's messenger came without letters, Luther already complains about in his letter of June 5 to Melanchthon; likewise with regard to the Wildprets' carter.

alone brought Jonah's letters to Wittenberg, he was asked, "Don't you bring letters?" He replied, "No." "How are the gentlemen?" He answered, "Well." About this one thing I immediately brought a complaint against Philip. Afterwards a messenger on horseback came, who had been sent to Torgau, who brought me a letter 3) from the prince himself, and was asked: "Do you bring letters?" He replied, "No." "How are the gentlemen?" He answered, "Well." Then, as a wagon of venison departed from here, I wrote again to Philip; who returned equally empty. Here I began to have sad thoughts and suspected that you were trying to hide something bad from me. Fourth, Jobst Nymphen came. To the question, "Do you bring letters?" he answered, "No." "How are the gentlemen?" He replied, "Well." I pass over how often here our Schösser received letters from his brother, the Marshal of Falkenstein, while we meanwhile thirsted and starved for more than three weeks through your kind silence; from whose letters we had to obtain intelligence if we wanted to learn anything. Therefore I ask whether you would not say that I would be an underachiever if such had happened to you from me? I confess that I was moved by anger and fear, knowing Philip's sorrows and the prince's plagues. But I was relieved of fear when I heard that you were well, but I could not quite believe it. But enough of this, only may you not continue to dispute or think about disputing. Farewell. 1530.

That there the kings, princes and the people rage and rage against the anointed of the Lord, I consider a happy omen, and much better than if they flattered. For it follows in the 2nd Psalm, v. 4., "He that dwelleth in heaven laugheth at them." But since this our Prince laughs, I do not see why we should weep before them. For he does not laugh on his behalf but on ours, so that we too may confidently laugh at their vain counsels. Only faith is necessary, so that the cause of faith is not without faith. But

  1. Perhaps No. 946.

[910]{.underline} Erl. 54,172-174. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1078-1080. 911

The one who started this work certainly started it without our counsel and authority. He has also protected and ruled over and without our council and nobility until now. He is also the one who will complete it and lead it out without and above our council and authority, I have no doubt about that. I know and am sure whom I have believed, for he is mighty to do what we ask and understand, though Philip thinks and desires that he should do it under and according to his counsel, so that he may boast: Surely, so it must be done, so I would have done it. "No, it MUST not be called": so I, Philip. "The 'I' is too small. It is called": So I; I will be who I will be. This is his name: "Who I will be." "It is not seen who he is, but he will be, so we shall see." Let that be enough of words. Be strong in the Lord and continue to admonish Philip in my name, so that he does not become God, but fight against the innate desire for divinity that was implanted in us by the devil in paradise, because it is not good for us. It pushed Adam out of paradise, and this alone troubles us and deprives us of peace. "We are to be men, and not God. That is the summa; it will not be otherwise, or eternal unrest and heartache will be our reward." Farewell in Christ. Last June 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

983 Luther's Letter to John Brenz. June 30, 1530.

Handwritten in 6o6. Cstoss.; in 6o6. len. d, lol. 138 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 40. Printed in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 201; in Buddeus, p. 123 ans dem Jenaer Manuscript; in des Flacius lateinischer Briefsammlung; from the collection of Caspar Sagittarius in Schütze, vol. Ill, p. 167 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 55. German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 427; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 41; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 167; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 194 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 172 with the wrong date, July 9, 1530. We have translated according to De Wette.

Grace and peace in Christ! From your letter and that of Philip and the others

I recognize, my dear Brenz, that you are also plagued by sorrow in that assembly of idols. But to this you are moved by the example of Philip. For he is indeed in a godly way concerned about the public peace and the descendants 1) but he does not zeal wisely. As if our forefathers, by their care and sorrow, had brought about that we are what we are, and not God's wisdom alone, who will also be God and Creator after us, as he was before us, and is with us today. For He will not die with us or cease to be GOD, who also governs thoughts. It seemed to the priest Eli that the kingdom of Israel had completely fallen away after the ark of the covenant was taken by the Philistines, and so he rather fell away himself, but the kingdom of Israel then began to flourish the most 1 Sam. 4. And when Saul was slain, what could a man think but that the kingdom of Israel was ended? [And when the papists had burned John Hus at Costnitz, nothing was more certain than that the pope would be God, while he had never before been so despised as from that time. This I write to you and to the others, so that by the word of Gregorius Brück or anyone else among you Philip may cease to be the ruler of the world, that is, to torture himself. I at least, if I will be dead or killed by the papists, will bravely defend our descendants and take revenge on these cruel beasts righteously and more than I wanted. For I know that there will be one who will say, "Where is your brother Abel?" Gen. 4:9. and he shall make them inactive and fugitive on earth. And what need of many words? Let the emperor, after all, have a dominion shared with GOD. If there will be no avenger, we may eradicate the first commandment with the whole gospel. For what is it necessary to have a God only for this life, which is best for those who have no God? But if there is a God, then we shall not have

  1. We have assumed, what almost all given codices offer, postöritatk, which, it seems to us, is required by the following, against trunHuiUituds at De Wette.

912 Erl. 54,174 f. Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 983 f. W. XVI, 1080-1082. 913

live here alone, but we will live where he himself lives. If this is true, what, I pray thee, are these angry threats of idols after all, which are now almost not merely dying, but utterly dead? He who created me will be the father of my son, and the husband of my wife, and the ruler of the commonwealth, and the preacher in my parish, and better than I myself am. Yes, he himself will rule better 1) when I am dead than when I am alive, because I hinder him by my life. For it is written [Ps. 112:2.), "His seed shall be mighty in the earth." And indeed, the first commandment has also placed uufere descendants in God's protection, since it says s2 Mos. 20, 6.): "I do mercy to many thousands who love me." I believe these words; even though faith is weak, I still believe. But what am I saying to you, who are greater than I in all things by the gift of God? Only that I have tried in many ways to see if Philip, who believes that I am a man and that my words are the words of men, and so is less moved by them, can at least be moved by you, whom he must believe to be men of God. For I do not believe that he is so wrong-headed that if God Himself, through an angel sent from heaven, commanded him to be of good cheer, he would despise this command: how much less must he despise us if we all admonish him to do so. And if we are worthy of contempt, yet we must not despise the Psalms, the Apostles, Christ himself, who shower us with so many sermons, with consolations, with teachings, with admonitions, "Be of good cheer, fear not, hope, be ye manly, and be ye strong." If we do not believe these, we would not believe even if all the angels came. This I have written to you, my dear Brenz, in many words. Be well in Christ and pray for me.

I have made many words (verdo8atu8 8uin that I say so) about the 118th Psalm, and have called it "the beautiful Confitemini"?)

  1. We have assumed with Schütze and all German editions what is > missing from De Wette.
  1. St. Louis edition, vol. V, 1174-1251.

now it is to Wittenberg under the press. I have used up fifteen sheets of paper with this great quantity of words. I have touched on several lies about Purgatory 3) against the papists, in that I am, as it were, again beginning a new battle against them. 4) The grace of God be with you. On the last of June, Anno 1530, your Martin Luther.

984 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 3, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, Vol. II, p. 204; in Buddeus, p. 27 and in De Wette, Vol. I V, p. 67. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! This man, Franciscus, who is sent to us from Breslau by Doctor Hess, I recommend to you, my dearest Philip. He desires nothing but to see you and talk with you. With me he could not be admitted.

Yesterday I read through your confession very carefully, and I like it very much. But it errs and lacks in one thing, that it goes against Scripture, since Christ says of Himself Luc. 19:14, "We do not want this one to rule over us," and it violates the sentence Ps. 118:22, "The stone which the ball-men rejected." With such great blindness and obstinacy, what else can you expect but that he will be rejected? For they will not grant us the name of "builders," which they arrogate to themselves, and rightly so, 5) but we must be glorified with the name of those who destroy, scatter, and stir up trouble, that we may be reckoned among the workers of iniquity, since the stone itself was reckoned among the murderers and condemned. Therefore we have no hope of salvation but in the Lord alone; he must work miracles, and he will not leave this stone, because it follows: "He has become the cornerstone." But this was done by the Lord, not by us, therefore it is a miracle.

  1. "A Recantation from Purgatory," St. Louis Edition, Vol. X VIII, 874.
  2. The preceding in this paragraph is missing in all German editions.
  3. "rightly" because they are the ones who reject the stone.

914 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1082-1085. 915

before our eyes. But more about this elsewhere. 1) May Christ strengthen you together with us, and comfort you with His Spirit, and do with us according to all His wonders, amen. Greet all of ours respectfully. From the desert, July 3, 1530, your Martin Luther.

985 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 5, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 206; in Buddeus, p. 128 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 68. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! There was nothing I could write, my dear Philip, for I have written four times, and believe that the letters have reached you by and by, but I did not want to let this messenger go away empty. But all that I wanted, you have read in the last letters. I am expecting my psalm, the Confitemini, from Wittenberg. Now I am going with a sermon that exhorts to the schools, or rather that one should keep the children to school ;-). I wonder if I was as verbose before as I seem to be becoming now; unless this verbosity comes from age, as Cicero admits. Otherwise, thank God, we are quite well, and have good hope, not because of your Diet or your counsels, but because of Christ's power and presence, to use Peter's word. They write from Wittenberg that they are praying so diligently in the churches there that I am convinced that something good will be accomplished at this Diet. Greetings to Jonas, Agricola, Spalatin, Brück, the physician Caspar and all of our people. Yours, Martin Luther, July 5, 1530.

986 Luther's letter to Conrad Cordatus. July 6, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 207; in Buddeus, p. 141 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 70.

Newly translated from the Latin.

  1. Namely in the Confitemini, St. Louis edition, vol. V, 1238 ff.
  2. Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. X, 416.

Grace and peace in Christ! Here you have, dearest Cordatus, one living, and one not more living! Letter, that is, the Hornung (Februaryium) itself, and my letter to the bishop Hausmann, from which you can learn everything that I now know about this Reichstag. Therefore, I have nothing more to write to you. Jonas writes that he was among the audience when the Confession of Ours was read out by Doctor Christian for two whole hours, and he saw the expressions of everyone, about which he promised me an oral account. I have a copy of this confession here, but must keep it by order. It was certainly made by the adversaries and extraordinary efforts were made so that the emperor should not allow it and not hear it; however, it could not be read out publicly before the empire as a whole, that is where they took it. Then it was handed over by order of the emperor and read out before the whole empire, that is, before the princes and estates of the empire. I am extraordinarily happy that I have lived until this hour, in which Christ was publicly preached by his so great confessors in such a large assembly through this really exceedingly beautiful confession. And the word Ps. 119:46. Vulg. shall be fulfilled, "I spake of thy testimonies before kings"; it shall also be fulfilled, "I was not put to shame." For Matt. 10:32., "Whosoever shall confess me before men (so saith he that speaketh no lies), him will I confess before my heavenly Father."

About the other things (I think) you will have learned everything from others. For the splendor of the imperial entry has gone out in print. I am compelled to see and to grasp with my hands that God is in truth called in the 65th Psalm v. 3 a hearer of prayers; this name is rightly and justly attached to Him throughout the world. Therefore, continue to pray and to incite everyone to prayer, especially for the very good emperor, the young man who is worthy of the love of God and men; then for our no less good prince,

  1. De Wette: "?8n1. 82." Cölestin: "I>8. 62."

916 Erl. 54.15S-I61. Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 986 f. W. XVI, 1085-1087. 917

and who carries more cross, and for Philip, who miserably toils with sorrows. If I am called, I will also call you, do not doubt it. The Lord be with you, amen. From the desert, July 6, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

  1. D. Martin Luther's letter to Cardinal Albrecht, Elector of Mainz, that he wants to advise peace, together with an interpretation of the second psalm. July 6, 153Ü.

This letter first appeared in a single edition at Nuremberg (then also at Wittenberg) in 1530 and again in 1546 in quarto under the title: "Ein Brief an den Cardinal Erzbischof zu Menz mit dem andern Psalm. 1530." Then in the German collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 434d; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 72d; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 198; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 142; in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 159 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 72. Translated into Latin in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 211 and in Buddeus, p. 129. That the first edition was published at Nuremberg and not, as Walch states, at Wittenberg, we see from documents no. 989 and 990 in this volume, D. Johann Rühel delivered? this letter to the Cardinal; delayed in printing, it reached Augsburg only on July 22.

To the most reverend in GOD Father, most illustrious, highborn Prince > and Lord, Lord Albert, Tit. St. Chrysogen's Cardinal Priest, > Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, Primate in Germania, and > Administrator of Halberstadt 2c., Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., my most > gracious Lord.

  1. grace and peace in Christ our Lord. Most Reverend, Most Serene, Most Reverend Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I would have preferred to write this letter to E. C. F. G. secretly and in my own handwriting; in this way, I was worried that it might come out crazy, and then be interpreted to me in some other way, and perhaps lead E. C. F. G. himself into suspicion. That is why I want to make it public by printing it, so that the poisonous, suspicious interpreters can avoid the causes of their interpretation. I humbly request that E. C. F. G. graciously grant me such a letter.
  2. because E. C. F. G. is the most distinguished and highest prelate in German lands, the

Since I might be able to do more in these matters than anyone else, I have let my thoughts be able to petition E. C. F. G. in particular with this writing, so that I may do what is mine in abundance everywhere, and keep my conscience against God and the world, if perhaps a misfortune and God's wrath would follow (as I truly fear evil), I am hereby excused, as I have sought and offered to help peace in all ways.

3 E. C. F. G. have heard the confession and doctrine of ours, without doubt, together with all others; and I am quite comforted that she has come forward in such a way that she may say with a happy mouth 1) with Christ her Lord John 18:23: "If I have spoken evil, prove that it is wrong; but if I have spoken right, why do you strike me?" She shuneth not the light, and knoweth to sing from Ps. 119:46: "I speak of thy testimonies before kings, and stand not in shame." For he that doeth the truth cometh to the light, that his works may be made manifest: for they are done in God.

(4) On the other hand, I can be sure that our opponents will not accept such a teaching, much less dare to dispense with it; nor do I have any hope that we will become one with the teaching, for they cannot stand the light so well, and are so embittered and inflamed by it that they would rather lead us into the eternal fires of hell, if it were open to them right there, before they give way to us and abandon their wisdom. We have to let this go and happen, we are innocent of their blood.

5 But I have the thoughts, which is why I am also writing to E. C. F. G.. because our opponents cannot blame our doctrine, and with this confession we clearly testify and prove that we have not taught wrongly nor falsely, and therefore have not deserved that we should be so shamefully condemned, so horribly persecuted, as we have been and still are, if so much could be gained that our opponents would keep their peace, and not so blaspheme and kill the innocent, for the sake of this blameless doctrine, which they themselves have taught.

  1. The old editions: "thar"; De Wette: "dar".

[918]{.underline} Erl. 54,161-1K3. Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. XVI, 1087-1090. 91 9

We must praise them, least of all by stifling them, and they have nothing to say against it; for that they do not want to be taught by us, nor accept our teaching, we must let happen; we do not force anyone, not even to the truth, as they force to the lie.

6 Here I ask most humbly, because there is no hope that we (as has been said) will become one in the doctrine, that E. C. F. G. together with others will work to keep that part at peace, and believe what it may, and let us also believe this truth, which is now known before their eyes, and is invented unimpeachably. It is well known that no one should nor can be forced to believe, nor is it within the power of either the emperor or the pope; for even God himself, who is above all power, has never wanted to force a man to believe by force; how dare his wretched, poor creatures force not only to believe, but also to believe what they themselves must consider false lies?

(7) But if such peace is not to be obtained, then we have the advantage with God, and the disgrace with all the world, that we have freely confessed our doctrine publicly, have sought peace and offered it, and yet have not obtained it, since we have not been found guilty in doctrine, nor have we been found guilty of crime. What God and our descendants will say about this will be known, and we must take comfort from the example of the dear apostles, since the chief priests and princes of the people of Israel (as Lucas says Apost. 4, 14. 21.) could not raise anything against the apostles' deed and word, nor did they have anything to say against it; nor did they keep peace, but because they did not accept the truth, so that they would be convinced and overcome, they also pushed and persecuted the apostles.

8 Yes, how did they fare in the end? Where are they now? Where is Jerusalem? Gamaliel stood up among them and gave them such advice that they should keep peace and let the apostles do it, if they did not want to accept it, but it did not help. If God wanted, E. C. F. G. could, or whoever it would be, now also be a Gamaliel, who suggested such a counsel of peace to the others,

and asked them if perhaps God would grant them mercy, so that they would desist from their raving and not fight so stubbornly against their conscience and against God. It is the best advice one can have in this matter, and Lucas did not want to write such examples so diligently for nothing. It is certainly a sin against the Holy Spirit to dispute the truth we have recognized. And indeed, we would have sin enough otherwise, if we were not allowed to burden ourselves with the sin in the Holy Spirit as well.

(9) But they do not hear and respect this; they want to go where the Jews have gone. But even if some might be saved, if they would not go with them, but would accept and follow the faithful counsel of Gamalieli, C.C.F.G. would do no small service here. Dear God, such teaching does not harm you; it keeps peace and teaches peace, lets you remain what you are, also teaches that everything should be left to you and nothing should be taken from you; that alone should sufficiently move you to peace, although otherwise the truth itself would not do so. Yes, she truly helps to preserve you all, and has done so up to now. Let her then sing: qui retribuebant mihi mala pro bonis, adversantur mihi, it is not good, and not good for you all, that she must sing it about you clergymen and complain about you.

(10) But if neither peace nor unity will follow, if neither Gamalieli's counsel nor the apostles' and the Jews' examples will help, let that depart which will not remain, and be angry with him who will not leave it; he will find wrath and strife enough left for him to wrestle after. In the meantime, let us sing with our dear apostles and disciples (I know they will not refuse us).

The 2nd Psalm, briefly explained and interpreted by D. Martin Luther. 1)

Vv. 1-3: Why do the nations rage, and the peoples make vain declarations? The kings of the earth rebel, and the princes counsel with one another against the Lord and his anointed, saying: Let us break their bands, and cast away their cords from us.

  1. This heading is found in the Wittenberg edition and in the Jena edition.

920 Erl. 54.1K3-1KS. Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 987 W. XVI, 1090-1092. 921

How kings and princes now rage against the Lord and his known truth, and want to break his bands, to be uncaptured and unlearned by him, you all see for yourselves; but that such raging is in vain is not to be seen now, but in time, for it follows hereafter:

V. 4, 5: He who dwells in heaven mocks them, and the Lord ridicules them. Then he will speak to them in his wrath, and will terrify them in his anger.

Such things are not seen or believed, but they will feel them, and they shall. So it will be seen how futile their raging has been, how finely they have broken the bonds of the Lord and suppressed his word. But to us, who believe these things and know that they must come to pass, it is comforting and sweet. For when kings and princes have long raged, and have poured out, and have torn, and have cast down, they shall cause our king to sit down, as follows:

V. 6, 7: But I have set my king upon my holy mountain Sion. I will preach of the sentence, the LORD hath said unto me, Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee.

Let the kings rage here, let the pope rage, let the princes tear, let the heathen throw, the king sits there and is the son at home. Dear angry nobles, let him sit a while longer! If you do not want to leave us peace, then I ask for God's sake, let this king sit, and do not tear him down as soon as you think. Or, if he must come down, my dear, send him a letter of feud first, so that he may know your cruel anger and wrath; perhaps he will arm himself with rubble and bulwarks so that he will remain before you, at least until this imperial diet is over, or your anger and disfavor subside.

This king of ours also wants to be a priest, preaching a new sentence, namely, that he is the Son of God, and this should be believed. But if I were the kings and princes, we would forbid him to preach, lest he put us out of our guns 1) and with his

  1. "Tie rifle" Gewähr == the legal possession. (Dietz.)

He destroyed our own doctrine and old custom in one sentence. To him, quickly! Let him be silent, as a heretic. But otherwise see to it that you do not offend a priest, and the Si suadente give you the thunder and lightning; for there is a great bishop who has consecrated him and commanded him to preach, who is called the Lord, and has given him a format, which is called Noli me tangere, and reads thus:

V. 8, 9: Cry out from me, and I will give you the nations for your inheritance, and the end of the world for your possession. You shall smite them with the scepter of iron; you shall break them as pots.

Who has ever heard a greater lie in his life? The heathen are the inheritance of the angry kings, and the world is the property of the fierce princes; it is evident that they do with it as they please, as with their own. All their thoughts and proposals, especially against this king and priest, are as if they had learned to walk from crabs, or wanted to teach crabs to walk, that this king, of course, does not have a stick of his own in the whole world. But lay down your shame! Listen to what follows:

V. 10. And now, ye kings, be wise; be ye chastened, ye judges of the earth.

This is how kings and princes are to be addressed, what will that become? Such a shameful, blasphemous thing has never been spoken from the earth, shall kings become wise? Do you think they are fools? Shall judges be chastened? Do you think that they are children in school? Well, kings are wise beforehand, they have laws, statutes, lawyers and councillors, they know what they should do. Judges, too, have law, manners, manners and measures, customs and habits, and know well what they should judge, sentence and keep. This psalm is certainly a heretic, reviling kings, blaspheming judges, and acting as a rebel against the authorities and all their rights and customs, wanting to drive them out of the old guarantee. To this end, she contemptuously addresses "you kings, you judges," as a lord does his servant, you Hans, you Peter,

922 Erl. 54,165-167. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, I092-I09S. 923

as if he thought they were nothing at all, and were entirely his own, like a cow or a goose.

Yes, dear fellow, he confesses that kings and judges have reason, rights and wisdom; for there can be no king nor judge who does not have law and justice in the land. But with this verse he throws them all under this king, together with their rights, customs, reason, and what they have in wisdom and authority, and says: it is not enough for them to have this; no matter how beautiful law or customs may be, they should become fools and children against this king and priest, listen to him and let themselves be taught, take his word for master, go over everything and rule.

Since the pope, as well as the emperor and king, are not above this king, but must remain among the judges on earth, his decree and his teaching must also be a fool and a child against this king's word and teaching, and must not judge it, but be judged and taught by it.

But now at Augsburg they will probably master and pattern this verse differently, so that it must read thus: And now, thou king of Sion, be wise, thou judge of heaven, be thou chastened. For thou art a fool and a child against us; we must judge and set what thou shalt hold to be true or not. What we do not judge or confirm, you are commanded to believe to be true, or you will be burned with the heretics. This is certainly how it will be with this king, for they truly do not want to be deprived of the guarantee that they have been masters and judges of God's word until now. But what will this king say to this, who also sits in the guarantee, and wants to be unmastered and unjudged, but only mastered and judged? They will let him take care of it, and he will do so, as follows:

Serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and you perish in the way, for his wrath will soon come. Blessed are all who trust in him.

It says that whoever does not want to hear Christ's word, but wants to master it, shall perish in wrath, and that very soon, he will not

hem. We should serve him and not force his word to serve our head. We should kiss him and pay him homage, and not subject Christ or his word to our conceit; he does not want to suffer it, that is short and sweet.

11 I will inform C.F.G. of this, if God will grant grace through your diligence and work, so that the blasphemy will be less; if not, that peace will be established. For the fact that the pope boasts with his own in a printed note that the emperor will restore and complete everything for him, I know that he will miss that; For what would that be otherwise than that we should recant everything we have ever taught, even this present delivered confession, which you yourselves must hold to be right, and against it praise all the former lies, which you yourselves all much confess, and all the innocent blood shed by your part load upon us. Yes, dear pope and papists, give us again Leonhard Emperor, and all whom you have innocently strangled, all souls whom you have seduced with lies, all money and goods which you have robbed with cheating, all the honor which you have stolen from God with blasphemy, then we will act of restitution. It shall be written in a history that the pope and his papists may insolently and publicly desire such blasphemous things, as if they were vain lumps in German land, and in the imperial diet vain monkeys, and all the princes who are involved in it, that they should be an eternal stink among our descendants, for which one must spit and lick.

But the devil seeks something else with it. Would God that all our masters would pay attention to it. We Germans will not stop believing the Pabst and his whales until they bring us, not into a sweat bath, but into a blood bath. If German princes fell into each other, that would make the Pabst, the Florentine fruit, happy, so that he could laugh into his fist and say: There, you German beasts, didn't want me to be pope, so have that. O great love and loyalty he has for the emperor, as he finely proved before Pavia, when he went against the emperor. He prefers Germany still more, that he demands the emperor from Hispania (for who could have such prac-.

[924]{.underline} Erl.54.i67f. Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 987 f. W.xvi,iv95f. 925

tik?), and then crown him without the presence of the German princes, according to the bull. 1) I am not a prophet, but I ask all of you gentlemen to be careful, and do not let yourselves think that you are dealing with men, when you deal with Pope and his people, but with vain devils; for there are also vain devils behind them, that I know. May God Almighty help you, so that everything will be at peace, amen.

  1. hereby I will have commanded E. C. F. G. in God's grace, and what I can do by praying, serve him faithfully, and E. C. F. G. in God's grace. C. F. G. will graciously grant me this letter. I cannot leave it alone, I must also care for poor, miserable, abandoned, despised, betrayed and sold Germany, to which I do not wish any harm, but all the good that I owe to my dear fatherland. Eremo, feria 4. post Visitationis Mariae July 6, Anno M.D.XXX.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Mart. Luther.

988 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 19, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 231 d; in Buddeus, p. 157; in Chyträus in the Latin edition, p. 149 and in the German, p.244; in DeWette, vol. IV, p. 99, and incompletely and with a wrong date (July 9) in Walch. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! Although you do not write to us, my dear Philip, I write so that I may surpass you in favor and burden you with envy by preceding you in a superfluous good work (opere supererogationis). But you see that the matter is heading for a similar outcome as it was at Worms, namely that it is to suffer the emperor as judge. Thus Satan always fiddles on one string, and this artist of a thousand has only this one powerless strength against Christ. Dar-

  1. Document No. 893.

I have written more extensively to all the princes, and you will be better advised in this matter. I see, thank God, nothing in the opponents but mere threats, but threats against the Lord and his anointed, which David calls void, who was not only a mighty despiser of threats, but also the conqueror of Goliath's strength. If the proverbs are true, then this is also true: "He who dies of grief shall be buried with farts. 2) Although it is German, it is still valid. But with what kind of bells (combos) will you have to be tolled, who will be overcome not only by others but by yourself? We may hear threats, and nothing else but threats, but they are threats of stubble and reed, whose thoughts the Lord knows, and behold, they are void. But if war and violence should indeed ensue, it has not yet begun, and something may happen in the meantime; and even if it should indeed begin, it has not yet progressed; even if it should progress, it has not yet won. That a war should be aroused by them at this time, I cannot even conceive according to human reason, unless they want to perish completely. 3) Recently, about sixty peasants have begun to gather here anew, and have also tried to take Hohenstein Castle 4) by night (so our captains tell us), so that you can see that even in the presence of the emperor it is necessary to take all precautions against the uprising: what would happen if they started a war? But the messenger is already hastening by order of the prince, and you have not written. I will write to the others at another time. Be strong in the Lord. Amen. From Gruboc ^Coburg), July 19 Anno 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

  1. Thus Luther gives this saying St. Louiser Ausgabe, Bd. XV, 1806.
  2. The following is missing from Walch.
  3. Thus Buddeus and Seidemann in De Wette, VI, 685; in the text: Xotmsteu.

[926]{.underline} Erl. 54, 178 f. Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. XVI, 1097-1099. 927

989 Luther's Letter to Wenceslaus Link. July 13, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 210; in Buddeus, p. 151 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 87. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace! I am sending you the letter to the Bishop of Mainz, 1) my dear Wenceslaus, and would like you to give this copy, if it can be, to Georg Rotmeyer for printing, for whom you once wrote to me. If he should not undertake it, then you may give it to the printer Wolfgang at St. Lorenz; however, I would like the publication to be accelerated. As soon as the copy will be finished, you may send it immediately with this enclosed letter by an occasional messenger to D. Johann Rühel, for to him I write that he should take this letter and the copy and hand them over to the Mainzer. I beg you, do not take it amiss that you are thus weighted down by me. I hear that the opponents are pressing for the right of possession (possessorium) (which we have always suspected), but in vain. Greet the D. Abbot, Spengler and all of us, greet also your vine with its lovely grapes. From Coburg, on the day of Margaret July 13 Anno 1530. Yours, M. Luther.

990 Luther's letter to D. Johann Rühel. July 13, 1530.

This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 429d; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 116 d; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 244; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 145; in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 178; and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 87. Latin in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 2I0d and in Buddeus, p. 152.

To the respectable, highly esteemed Mr. Johann Rühel, the Right > Doctor, Chancellor of Mansfeld, my favorable master and friendly dear > brother-in-law.

Grace and peace in Christ. Esteemed, respectable, dear Doctor, and friend-

  1. No.987.

Dear dear brother-in-law! I have sent out a letter to your Lord, the Cardinal at Mainz, through the printer at Nuremberg, and have asked Doctor Wenceslaum to send you the copy. When it arrives, I ask you to hand it over to your master for my sake, with my request that S. C. F. G. accept it with grace, and to indicate my heartfelt good opinion, as you know well how to do. I also ask E. A. (as I am sure that you are doing diligently) to admonish S. C. F. G. faithfully that S. C. F. G. does not trust the desperate whales, nor does he believe them. For you know to some extent what kind of people they are, how they have meant us Germans up to now, and how they still mean us. We are afflicted with them; God help and protect us from them, amen. Herewith I command you GOD, and pray also for me, as I do for you 2c. Ex Eremo, die Margarethae July 13 anno 1530.

Martinus Luther, D.

991 Luther's Letter to Justus Jonas. July 9, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in the Ooü. Olo88; in the Ooä. .len. b, lob 130 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 55. Printed in Buddeus, p. 144 and in De Wette, vol.IV, p. 85. Incomplete in Cölestin, vol.II, p.2I0b. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! These days we have received many letters from you, dearest Jonas, and since that time of silence we have written again four times, even five times; this is the sixth time we are writing. Your letters have been extremely pleasant to me. I see indeed that now, after the statement of contents (argumentum), the preface (prologum) of the Diet will be recited; the meeting and what matters (epitasis), or the crisis, will follow; but those have a sad, we a happy outcome (comicam catastro- phen) to expect. Not, of course, that doctrinal harmony will ever be established; for who can hope that Belial will be united with Christ? unless, perhaps, the

[928]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 991 f. W. xvi, 1099-1101. 929

Marriage and both forms will be permitted (but here, too, this adverb must be "perhaps", and perhaps too much "perhaps"), but that I wish and almost hope that the discord in doctrine can be set aside and a political harmony can be made. If this comes about through Christ's blessing, then enough has happened and been accomplished at this Diet. For first of all, what is greatest, Christ is loudly proclaimed by the public and glorious confession, and is known in the light and in their faces, so that they cannot boast that we have fled, that we have feared, or that we have concealed our faith. I only regret that I could not have been present at this beautiful confession, and the same fate befell me as happened to the highest warlords outside Vienna a year ago, that no cooperation or victory could be attributed to them in the resistance and defense of the city against the Turks. But it fills me up and comforts me that in the meantime my Vienna has been defended by others. The second is that it is certain that we have always sought peace, and as the Psalm Ps. 34:15 says, we have said that we have offered it, asked for it, while those have sought nothing but war, murder and destruction, but to a certain testimony that we are children of God, since we are peaceable. If we now attain the third thing, that we part in worldly peace, then we have clearly overcome Satan in this year. This is not my predetermination about this Reichstag, but these are my thoughts. For how could I hope that the adversaries will do anything good? What can I hope from the emperor, however good he may be, since he is possessed? Christ lives 1) and sits at the right hand, not of the emperor (for then we would have perished long ago), but at the right hand of God. This is something incredibly great. But I have a desire for this unbelievable thing and am completely willing to die on it. And why should I not live on it? If only God wanted Philip to do this, at least with me, I would be able to live on it.

  1. De Wette: v6Lit. Aurifaber: vivit. We have assumed the latter.

He believed in one faith when he did not have another. "At my right hand" "is a small thing, but 'at my right hand', devil, where does it end? The pronoun will do it, because the noun Adonai, which follows the dixit Dominus 2), will well preserve the dear 2V sScheblimini ---- Set you at my right hand) until the 'at the footstool of your feet' also comes. What matter if David lie?" Unless Augsburg alone has begun to rule in this month, or to escape from the right hand of God, so that one must believe that Christ was pushed down there by the Sacramentarians, and David was corrupted by the Papists. If this happened, we do not know it here at Gruboc. Therefore write this to us, my dear Jonas, and I will look for another Christ and invent another David, who will not deceive me and mock me with empty words. But away with this jest, which is blasphemous, but not blasphemous in earnest. Thou art well pleased in Christ, and believe with us, as thou doest, that Christ is the King of kings, and the Lord the sovereign. "If he forfeit the title at Augsburg, he shall also forfeit it in heaven and on earth, amen." From Gruboc, July 9, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

992 Luther's Letter to Justus Jonas. July 13, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the possession of Baron von Meusebach in Berlin and is printed from it in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 76. Also in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 228; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 146, and according to the German edition, p. 247; in Buddeus, p. 150; in Flacius' Latin collection of letters; in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Geschichte der Augsb. Conf., p. 178 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 89. German first in Luther's collection of letters, edited by Flacius, then in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 429; in the Jena edition (1566s, vol. V, p. 115d; in the Altenburg edition, vol.V, p.243 and in the Leipzig edition, vol.XX, p. 194. We have translated according to Förstemann.

Newly translated from the Latin.

  1. Here we find been obliged to change the given text after the 110th Psalm to give sense. De Wette offers: "Adonai, da das dixi nachfolget." Buddeus offers: "da das Nomen vominns" 2c.

[930]{.underline} Cap. 13: The Diet of Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1101 f. 931

To the venerable man in Christ, Mr. Justus Jonas, the confessor of > Christ at Augsburg, his superior in the Lord.

Grace and peace in the Lord! I am sitting here, my dear Jonas, thinking and caring for you, and I suspect that our cause has already come to a meeting, and at the same time I hope that it has the prospect of a very good end; only your courage must not sink, and the more hopeful they are, the less you must give way. For I believe that they are firmly under the delusion that you, bowed down, will yield everything if they order or propose anything through the emperor. For who does not see that the emperor himself does nothing here, but is driven and guided? If you now stand firm and yield nothing, you will force them to change their minds and turn their deliberations into anger. When this has happened, our cause will suffer violence and threats more easily than those satanic wiles which I have feared the most up to now. They may after all press for the right of possession (possessorium): 1) We, too, want to insist that they restore to us Leonhard Kaiser (Keyser) and many others whom they have killed in the most shameful way; they shall restore so many souls whom they have ruined with their godless teachings; they shall restore so many goods which they have robbed with fraudulent indulgences and other deceptions; they shall restore the glory of God which is defiled by so many blasphemies; they shall restore the purity of the Church which is abominably defiled in persons and customs. And who can enumerate everything? Then we also want to deal with the right of possession. But it has pleased me extraordinarily that after God's decree they have begun to be so nonsensical that they are not ashamed to advance this cause. The one who so afflicts and disgraces them that they consider these shameful and unrighteous things to be quite beautiful and reliable, continues even further. This is to be the beginning and the portent of the hand of God that wants to assist us. So I comfort

  1. The following is almost word for word in Luther's Letter to the Cardinal at Mainz, No. 987, § 11.

me. But you already have other advice, and these are already old. But I hope that our letters (for I have written at least five times, - to Philip I have written so many times) have been delivered. The Lord Jesus himself, our salvation and life, our love and confidence, be with you, I hope, Amen. From Gruboc, 1530 on the day of Margaret July 13. Greetings to M. Eisleben and all the others. Your Martin Luther.

993 Luther's Letter to Melanchthon. July 13, 1530.

This letter is found in Buddeus, p. 49 from the Jena manuscript; in Flacius' Latin collection of letters; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 229 b; in Chyträus, p. I05b and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 88. German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 429; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 116; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 243 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 194.

Doctor Martinus Luther, the faithful disciple and witness of Christ, > FI. Philippo Melanchthon, his brother. 2)

Grace and true peace of Christ! I believe, my dear Philip, that you now see from experience that Belial cannot be united with Christ in any way, and that there is no hope of harmony as far as doctrine is concerned. I have written about this to the prince, 3) that our cause cannot suffer the emperor as a judge. And now we see what the letter containing the so gracious citation 4) intended. But perhaps the matter had already progressed long before my letter arrived, which I also thought of at the time when I wrote it. But at least for my person, I will not give in one hair's breadth, or allow the matter to be brought back to the old state (restitui); I would rather expect all extreme danger, since they continue so stubbornly. The Emperor may do what he can. But I wish to know what you have done.

  1. This inscription is found only in the German editions.
  2. Document No. 956.
  3. Emperor Carl's invitation to the Imperial Diet in Augsburg, No. 890.

[932]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 993 f. L. xvi, 1102-1105. 933

have. I have asked the Lord, who has helped me infinitely better than I have. But since those deceitful devils are playing their game with the promise of a concilium, I would also like to play my game with them at the same time, by appealing to the concilium from their threats, which is nothing and will never be held, so that we may have peace in the meantime. I do not yet fear anything from violence or their violent hand. Christ is still tempting us in this way, who is powerful in us who are weak; and in this way he is glorified in the assembly of the saints, and in no other way; "there is no other way out. I have nothing else to write from this solitude. I would like you not to be troubled by this victory and glorification of the enemies, but to fortify yourself against it by the power of the strength and might of Him who raised Christ from the dead and will make us alive and raise us up with Him. For the wicked must be made green as the grass Ps. 92:3, and the enemies of the Lord be honored and exalted, that they perish and wither forever, as the Psalms Ps. 37:2, 129:6 testify. If the Duke George were not so arrogant, how could he be our enemy? But you are intent on other things, for that reason you do not allow mine; therefore you have no peace, and to the future and indeed fictitious evils you add at the same time the present futile cross. Christ (I pray) strengthen and sustain you, amen. From the desert, on the day of St. Margaret 13. July) 1530.

Martin Luther.

C. How the Elector of Saxony was denied the imperial feud out of hatred for the Lutheran religion.

994 The Emperor's notification to the Electorate of Saxony by Count Palatine Frederick and Count Henry of Nassau, July 16, 1530, that the Emperor had reservations about granting the fiefs to the Elector.

From Müller's Historie von der evang. Stände Protestation, lib. Ill, cax. 22, p. 671.

On Saturday after Margarethä kais. Maj.'s deputies, named Count Palatine Frederick, Count Henry of Nassau, Rogendorf, King's Maj. courtier, and Mr. Jörg Truchsess, captain, have notified our most gracious lord of the following opinion by order of Imperial Maj. Maj., concerning the three articles, namely: the fiefs over the Chur of Saxony, confirmation of the marriage ordinance over the lands of Jülich and Cleve, and the market in the city, as it is called, would have fallen to them. After apologizing for the great business that has meanwhile occurred to Caif. Maj. had occurred in the meantime, so that Her Majesty could not have given an answer to His Electoral Grace for the sake of the above-mentioned article: His Imperial Majesty would have remembered that the market in the city had been lost. Maj. would have remembered how graciously her ancestors had behaved toward the House of Saxony and His Lordship's Grace. His Imperial Majesty would remember how graciously his ancestors behaved toward the House of Saxony and his Elector's Grace, and that His Majesty would also be inclined to behave in such a manner toward his Elector. Grace. However, since it has come to pass that His Electoral Grace has abandoned the faith, Her Majesty is not willing to do so. His Grace has renounced the faith of Her Imperial Majesty and others. Majesty and others, as is shown by the signature on the writings handed over, in which his Electors profess such doctrine. The same applies to the signing of the writings handed over, in which his Electors professed such doctrine. Gn. In addition, his Elector's relatives in the next handed over writing are thought to take an alliance from it, even though one does not know it. Thus it has also reached the Emperor's Majesty. Maj. that His Electorate is in alliance with the Confederates. The same is also reported to His Imperial Majesty that His Electorate should have entered into an understanding with the Confederates, and that this should have broken out, as usual, sooner than the same might have been carried out; as a thing would not be so small if it came to light; that Her Majesty found herself complaining that such a thing should have been carried out in her absence, and that it should have been attached to those 1) who were objectionable to His Imperial Majesty, and new to him. Maj. repugnant, and to carry out innovation in faith. It would also have been contrary to Her Imperial Majesty's edict. Maj. edict. For although there were grievances in matters of faith, it should nevertheless, if it were wrong, have been done by the whole of Christendom, and at their discretion. However, since Imperial Maj. Maj. finds that my most gracious lord wishes to insist on the articles handed over and the doctrine contained therein, and does not intend to deviate, and her Imperial Majesty also has a soul and a conscience. Maj. also have a soul and conscience, and would never willingly fight against the Holy Scriptures, because Her Imperial Majesty is the defender and protector of the Church. Maj. is the protector and handler of the Church, therefore our most gracious Lord should not allow himself to be separated from the faith and her Maj. in such a way, and have sought an alliance: then her Maj. will not be pleased to reject the

  1. "to whom" put by us instead of: "for".

[934]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1105-1107. 935

Fiefdoms of His Electorate. They do not know what should be provided to his Electorate. They do not know what should be provided to his Electorate. Where, however, his Elector's Grace would later consider it. If, however, his electors should later wish to consider this and not give cause for it, the Imperial Majesty would take action against his electors. Majesty would graciously keep his Electoral Grace in mind. Graciously with it. If, however, my most gracious lord should wish to persist in this, and remain with the faith as it was before age and not held for more than 20 or 30 years, then his electoral graces will also give cause. Cause not to lend the regalia, could also not consider that they would do it with conscience. On this his Electorate. His Grace would like to be heard, on which their minds would finally rest. But the other articles, although they may be done out of His Majesty's good will, His Electoral Grace has nevertheless given cause for this. His Grace has given cause to induce Her Imperial Majesty to do so. Maj. to do so. But without this, Imperial Maj. Maj. would be in no other mood to behave toward his Electoral Grace. His Imperial Majesty's mind would not be able to behave differently toward His Electors than His Imperial Majesty's forefathers did and did. Maj.'s ancestors have done and kept.

995: The Elector of Saxony's Response to the Imperial Resolution. July 21, 1530.

This writing is found entirely in Cölestin, vol. II, p.245; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 125 and according to the German, p. 201, and in Müller's Historie 2c., lib. Ill, eap. 22, p. 673. The part concerning religion is also found in the "Gesammtausgabe": in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 4180; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 33; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 154 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 227. Likewise in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 113 according to a copy in the Margravial Brandenburg Acts.

Most Sublime, Most Great Emperor, Most Gracious Lord! In response to the remonstrances made by Your Imperial Maj. Maj. through the high and well-born and noble 2c. Maj. decreed to me last Saturday after Margarethä, concerning three articles, namely 1) the fiefs over the Chur of Saxony; 2) confirmation of the marriage ordinance over the lands of Jülich, Cleve and Berg; 3) and concerning the market at Gotha, I have asked for your consideration. And do Your Imperial Maj. Maj. this most humbly distant report.

Crster article, concerning the imperial enfeoffment.

Firstly, for the sake of the aforementioned fief, so that Your Imperial Majesty may graciously hear the reason and cause. Maj. may graciously hear the reason and cause of the same. Maj. know that the golden bull, on account of the Elector's descendants, which Your Imperial Maj. Maj. graciously

confirmed and confirmed, clearly decreed that if a secular prince dies without male heirs, the same dignity shall then pass to his eldest brother; for this reason, after the death of my dear brother, Duke Frederick, Elector of Saxony, the chieftaincy of Saxony has passed to me. In addition, Your Imperial Maj. Maj. has granted me, together with the said my brother, the fiefs of the County of Saxony, together with all their regalia, according to the contents of your Imperial Maj. Maj. fief letter, and according to the enclosed article, signed by your Imperial Maj. Maj. gave to my brother at the Diet of Worms, in accordance with the aforementioned Golden Bull, and has graciously entrusted me with his love, on her death without heirs to the feudal estate. If, after my brother's death, it had been my duty to continue the feud, there was no lack of it; for almost in the first six months after my brother's departure, I had been in command of Your Imperial Majesty's regiment. Maj.'s regiment, for the sake of such fiefs and regalia, in accordance with the imperial order. And because I, by virtue of a muthceddul sent over, have been directed to Your Imperial Majesty with this request, and I have been informed of it by Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. with this, and for this reason I have sent two of my advisors to your Imperial Maj. in Hispania for the most humbled presentation. Maj. in Hispania, your Imperial Maj. has sent me a gracious letter. Maj. have graciously granted me a two-year indult, in which Your Imperial Majesty will graciously and specially grant me a two-year indult. Maj. has graciously and specially granted me a leave of absence to go to your Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's arrival in the Empire, graciously granted me such fiefs and regalia, according to the copies hereof, signed with B. The same indult has been granted to me by His Imperial Majesty. Majesty has granted me the same indulgence through the encouragement of His Imperial Majesty Vice-Chancellor. Maj. Vice-Chancellor, my friend, the Bishop of Costnitz and Hildesheim, has also given me the same indulgence for another year, with the same gracious and imperial promises to grant me the aforementioned fiefs on the occasion of His Majesty's arrival in the Empire of the German Nation. M. arrival in the Empire of the German Nation, contents of the enclosed copy, signed 0. Thus I have also, for the sake of my most humble diligence, sent, in addition to the most reverend, my elders and special ones, Count Wilhelm of Nassau and Count Wilhelm of Neuenar, my councilor and servant, Hansen von Dolzigk, next to E. kais. Majesty to Insbruck, to whom E. kais. M. has given this gracious and imperial answer for the sake of such fiefs. Answer given, that E. kais. Maj. would also do the same to me and hand them over, if Her Majesty would come here to Augsburg. After all of this, I will next allhie with E. kais. M., I would not have received a prompt answer, much less that there would have been some speech or discussion about it.

936 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 995. w. xvi, 1107-1109. 937

I can, however, easily note that in the case of E. K. Majesty, I am being ill-supported by my unfavorables. Maj.; but since I can well state that I am badly supported by my unfavorables at Her Majesty's, which I (whether I am to blame for them) place in God's hands: so, to my great need, Her Majesty has not refrained from sending me such a most humble reminder, in which way Her Majesty has prepared to enfeoff me with my brother on his death by her Majesty's sealed letter of feoffment. Maj. has already enfeoffed me with my brother, on his death, by her Maj.'s sealed letter of feoffment, has also given written sealed consent for further enfeoffment, after the death, and has given final permission, next to Insbruck, to graciously grant me the fiefs here again. And I ask again, in all humility, and most humbly, that His Majesty, together with my heirs and co-beneficiaries, grant me, on the clear and bright, and also completely undisputable, prescriptions and gracious grants from His Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor. Maj. and most gracious promises, graciously and without further delay lend me the fiefs and regalia of the Saxonian Church, and also register them with my unfavorable ones, because my dear brother, most blessed, by such justice and dignity of the Saxonian Church, E. Kais. M., special glory, indeed not least to this her imperial highness. I will not be moved nor dissuaded by my disfavored joy that now, as my brother's heir, I shall encounter such an entry for the sake of the Saxon churl. That I also request from Your Imperial Highness the most humbly. M. to confirm the above marriage vow, but without prejudice to the male's presumed rights, has happened before and also now for the reasons that my sister-in-law and sister-in-law of Jülich and Eleve, and I, E. Imperial Maj. Maj. through my envoys in Hispania, by virtue of our mutually sealed Instruction, have at length indicated and humbly reminded; and especially for the sake of the most gracious promise, which H.R.M. has given to my brother, and subsequently to me, through her secretary, Johann Hannarten, on H.R.M.'s Credence and Instruction. Maj. credence and instruction, among others, in this form. Namely: because E. kais. Maj. has ordered the marriage between Her Majesty's sister, now Royal Wife of Portugal, and my son, Johann Friedrichen, by virtue of and according to the content of the written and sealed marriage contract, of which His Imperial Majesty has no doubt that he remembers it. Maj. know without a doubt, previously established, do not wish to execute, for the reasons stated, that E. kais. M., if my brother or I were to marry my son elsewhere myself, would agree to it with gracious counsel,

I would like to show him support and help, and also to show him a brave imperial gift for his love; which gift the aforementioned Hannart has also declared, without all my request or desire, according to a sealed letter, which I still have with me, together with the sealed instruction of his done courtship. Since now, according to the will of the Almighty, a marriage has taken place, with such marriage ceremony as has been reported to Your Majesty, between my son, Duke John Frederick, and my wife Sibyl, my firstborn daughter of Cleve and Jülich, and his sweetheart, together with her husband, and I, Your Imperial Majesty, have received confirmation and confirmation of this marriage. Maj. confirmation and acknowledgement no other, nor further, than male to his presumed rights without detriment, as before and recently at Insbruck at E. Majesty's arrival by my council and servant. arrival by my councilor and servant, Hansen von Dolzigk, and handed over in writing: so I ask Your Imperial Highness to grant me again in all subjection. M. again with all humility and request that E. kais. Maj. will, in consideration of the aforementioned most gracious and imperial promise, also graciously consider the manifold faithful services of the Houses of Saxony, Jülich and Cleve, and in return, upon their aforementioned gracious request, with such requested confirmation, likewise with confirmation of the requested fairs in my city of Gotha, after no one may complain of any due disadvantage therein; as then Your Majesty has previously decreed. Majesty has also handed over the causes of such a defeat in writings, as my most gracious lord and emperor, and as your emperor's ancestors have done. M.'s ancestors, in all ways, and in all this to E. kais. M. again my most submissive confidence, also graciously show.

The other article, concerning faith.

When also Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty had me make a number of burdensome announcements on account of my faith, Your Imperial Majesty knows that, as far as the faith is concerned, they have required me, like other estates, to submit such disputes at this Imperial Diet. Majesty know that they have demanded of me, and as far as the faith is concerned, with such a letter, as of other estates, that at this Imperial Diet, in order to put an end to such disputes, to leave aside unwillingness, and to surrender the preceding insanity to Christ our Savior, we should act in such a way that only each one's discretion, opinion, and opinion between ourselves should be heard, understood, and considered in love and kindness, and that they should be brought to a unified Christian truth and compared. For this reason I, and several princes and cities, have obeyed Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, in obedience to their Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty, in obedience to your Imperial Majesty's invitation and the presentation that has been made.

938 Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**,** W. xvi, 1109-1112. 939

I have handed over to you, in the form of a twofold document, in Latin and German, the order and confession as taught and preached in my lands and also in your own lands, and by your superiors, and have signed it to us, as is proper. I have also, together with the aforementioned signatories, offered in the preface of the delivered document that we would gladly converse with other princes, rulers and estates in convenient and uniform ways, and unite them as much as is always possible for equality, so that our mutual arguments and afflictions may be dealt with between ourselves in love and kindness, and may be led to a unified true religion, as we all are and contend under one Christ. Nor shall there be anything in any of us that could or would serve Christian unity with God and conscience. The same, and that I want to compare myself Christianly in everything that may always happen with God and conscience, I hereby offer to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, I hereby humbly and abundantly submit to a common and free Christian concilium, and I hope to God Almighty that in such a conversation in love and kindness, or in the indicated concilium, I shall never again find myself in conflict with divine holy Scripture, that I, by my and my co-religionists' signed articles and instruction of the doctrine, have convinced us of the truth of God, and Your Imperial Majesty, as the supreme protector, of the truth of God. Majesty, as the supreme protector and protector of the Church. If I can also be informed by divine holy Scripture that what I or my princes hold or teach should be contrary to God and His divine Scripture and order, I will (whether God wills it), as no doubt the others of my kinsmen will also do, so hold and show that no one shall be noted by His Majesty. no one shall be noted as if I, solely on account of my own pride and outside of the pressure of my conscience, had the desire and will to disassociate myself from the truth and order of God and the holy Christian Church in some way, and should no longer be willing to unanimously believe according to God's word, order and command, and to hold with the holy Christian Church. Thus it is necessary above all things to know and hear which articles the others intend to contest, and to hear against them with a Christian and necessary report, as we have offered to do at the end of these next articles, also to hear whether, by the help of the Almighty, such articles, which have been claimed to be in dispute or to be contested, can be brought to a unified Christian truth, according to their content.

Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty's Christian and praiseworthy decree, according to divine holy scripture. Scripture, should now be conducted at this Imperial Diet. 1) For although in everything that can always be with God and God's conscience (so that Your Imperial Majesty may be pleased with me), I am not a Christian, but a Christian. I am most humbly willing and obligated in everything that can always be with God and His will (so that Your Majesty may hold me to the most subservient service, honor and favor), unselfishly willing and obligated in life, limb and property: but since these are matters that concern God's Word and honor, and my conscience and soul's salvation, and I have read the doctrine that is preached in my countries, and as I, along with the others of my kinsmen, have written the same in Latin and German before Your Majesty and the Estates, I have no objection to it. I, together with the others of my kinsmen, have confessed the same in Latin and German writings before His Majesty and the Estates of the Empire, and I hereby confess once again, together with all that adheres to the Confession by virtue of the divine Scriptures, that I consider and believe it to be Christian, right, and of God's pure and true word, order, and command, and that no one has proved the contradiction from the holy divine Scriptures, that the same confession we have handed over is not founded in the divine holy Scriptures, and in God's word, order, and command: therefore, His Majesty the Emperor, as a most noble Emperor, has declared that the confession we have handed over is not founded in the divine holy Scriptures, and in God's word, order, and command, as a most praiseworthy Emperor, graciously accept how it would be possible for me and my kinsmen before God, Your Majesty and the whole world, to refrain from such a well-known doctrine as God's word, order and command, without frightening and damning violation of my conscience, and without the greatest blasphemy, that I should not consider God's word, order and command, as the eternal and imperishable truth, to be God's word, order and truth, in such a way as Your Majesty, and without a doubt, as the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, would like. K. Majesty, and no doubt have been moved by the opponents' too much diligent persistence to desire me. Since we then hold that this doctrine and order is God's word and command: all opponents must judge for themselves and confess on behalf of me and my kinsmen that it is not our duty to refrain from it with such a 2) conscience; that it is also our duty and duty before God and all men, and that we have been and are guilty of accepting and recognizing God's word, doctrine, command and order, and of permitting it in our lands and territories, unhindered by what has been introduced or broken in against it by human order or long repugnant use. For, as indicated in my confession and in that of my kinsmen in more than one place, God does grant that in matters concerning His word, order and commandment (in which case one is now) one may accept the word, order and commandment of God.

  1. The preceding sentence is missing in Förstemann and Chyträus, but is in Latin.
  2. In Brück's transcript: sicherm.
  3. So Förstemann; Walch: gebührt.

940 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 995. w. xvi, 1112-1115. 941

obeying Him more than men. To this end, the sayings of the Fathers, which are cited in spiritual laws in many places, and in part in our confession, testify that God's word and God's law and order may not be changed or altered by human ordinances or repugnant customs, no matter how long they have been in effect and have stood. To this end, all the rights described above, where anyone mandates and orders against the holy and natural rights of God, decree and allow that such rescripts, ordinances and mandates are to be considered invalid and unbinding. From this, Your Majesty may assume how justly my kinsmen and I are complained of to Your Majesty, as if we had disobeyed Your Majesty in this respect. Moreover, Your Majesty knows that my dear brother, Duke Frederick of Saxony, Elector, blessed, has reported his complaint to Your Majesty at Worms on account of the Edict; which has also been reported to Your Majesty at the Imperial Conventions, especially at Worms. Imperial Diet, especially at Nuremberg and at Speier the first, for reasons which were then unanimously drawn up in an Instruction by Princes, Princes and Estates, and agreed to send to His Majesty in Hispania for this purpose. Therefore, His Majesty, as the head, who is set before Christendom as a temporal governor and authority by God Almighty, will not let himself be moved to this by anyone, as His Majesty has graciously informed me, and has pleased me not a little in this most important matter, that His Majesty does not like to go against the Holy Scriptures. would not like to act against the Holy Scriptures, that His Majesty should disrupt, change, and create difficult or unpleasant things, contrary to what God, as the supreme commander and eternal wisdom, surpassing all men's wit and wisdom, has decreed, ordained, instituted, and commanded; but His Majesty, as the supreme commander and eternal wisdom, surpassing all men's wit and wisdom, has decreed, ordained, instituted, and commanded. may therein graciously consider God's honor and man's salvation and blessedness, or, indeed, may not allow himself to be hurried to the utmost in this most sacrificial and most important matter, by the assiduous impetuous or importunate persistence of the adversaries, as they would perhaps like to see and want, but, if the action among ourselves in love and kindness would be harmless on this imperial day, as E. K. M. is my superfluous and unnecessary. My superfluous request, which my kinsmen agree with me, from that which has been presented, may be graciously heard: so may Your Majesty, for the sake of greater security of the conscience, as it is of God's will, not hasten the most important matters.

The Council of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, which is the highest court in the land of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, is the highest court in the land of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, which is the highest court in the land of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, and which is the highest court in the land of the Holy Roman Catholic Church. and Princes and Estates, at many different Imperial Diets, have considered and found it necessary, useful and good because of the magnitude of the matters, and have also most humbly requested it, so that the truth may be pursued with proper earnestness and diligence and that it may be acted upon, what is right confirmed, and what is abused and wrong done away with everywhere. For Your Majesty has graciously asked to consider how burdensome, also in terms of traffic, it is to be interpreted and interpreted that, as often as a common, free, Christian concilio has been spoken of, acted upon, most humbly and unanimously requested, also granted, and the whole realm put off; and yet, if the action at this Imperial Diet, by virtue of Your Majesty's decree, is to be taken, it should not be objectionable. If, however, the action at this Imperial Diet, by virtue of His Majesty's decree, would be innocuous, it should not be allowed to proceed without the unavoidable necessity of all the present abuses in Christendom, about which the whole world has cried out for many years, so that, God willing, Your Majesty's most gracious permission, to the praise of God, and also to the benefit of Christendom and, above all, of the Empire of the German Nation, should not be allowed to take place. All of this, Your Majesty graciously wishes to note from me, not otherwise than cordially and completely humbly, also for my and my kinsmen's need, and therefore, that I cannot nor may not desist from God's word, truth, order and command, as desired, for the sake of my conscience, not to let myself and likewise my kinsmen be moved to disgrace, but on this superfluous my Christian inheritance, be and remain my most gracious Lord and Emperor. Again, everything that I may otherwise grant, which is not contrary to God's word and my conscience, in this I will show myself to be most submissive, and with God's help keep it so that Your Imperial Majesty will regard me as a faithful emperor. Majesty shall find me a faithful, obedient and peaceful Elector, and one who is heartily sorry for error and incorrectness in doctrine and government, much less inclined to promote it, until the end and conclusion of my life.

The third article, concerning the alliance.

That also from the words "our fellow relatives", so in my friends, and my last handed over writing, for the sake of the cities Nuremberg

942 Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1115-1117. 943

and Reutlingen, who in unison with us have known and signed the preceding articles, should have understood or wanted to assume an alliance, I would not have provided myself with such dangerous interpretations by my detractors to induce Your Imperial Majesty to disfavor me. Majesty to disfavor me in any way. Thus, it would have been unnecessary for me to take such thoughts against me for the reasons indicated and to complain to your Imperial Majesty about them; for it is easy to assume that I and my friends have not made a confession on anyone's account in this important matter, or would do so and give an account of what is taught and held in other places that have not publicly signed with us and our confession. In this regard, Your Imperial Majesty knows that I am not a member of the Church. Your Majesty knows that I have reacted to such a report, which was sent to me by Your Imperial Majesty's order. Majesty's command, I have had the above-mentioned two Counts of Nassau and Neuenar, next to Insbruck, report such an alliance to me for a submissive truthful answer, which I hereby submit to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty I hereby humbly renew. That I should also have asked the Swiss for an alliance, or have left myself in communication with them, as I have done with Your Imperial Majesty, is a matter of concern to me. Maj. I have requested further innocence: I show Your Imperial Majesty my innocence. Majesty I so declare my innocence, and say that there is no man living in this world who would speak or say with truth, nor may it be made true in time that all my life I have sought some alliance with the Swiss, much less have I let myself into some with them; and that is more, so no one will be able to say that I have sent, ordered, or with my knowledge and will ever done such seeking or acting with them secretly or publicly. And please, Your Imperial. Majesty want those of my disfavored, so your Imperial Majesty reports it. Your Imperial Majesty will consider them untrue and will not give them any credence until they make them true and, as is their right, prove that they are not capable of doing anything, whether God wills it or not. Thus my cousin, Duke George of Saxony, almost gave me notice of such things in various winters, with avoidance, as if such should have reached your Majesty's brother, the royal dignities of Hungary and Bohemia, 2c. my special dear lord and uncle. However, I have let myself be heard by his royal dignities and my cousins with such an answer that I hope (so I have also heard it from their royal dignities) that this will not happen again.

Your Imperial Majesty may not understand otherwise), 1) that they have noted my apology and answer to good satisfaction, satisfaction and without reference. And your Imperial Majesty graciously understands all of this, and to my need, 2) I will earn this for your Imperial Majesty with all submissiveness, body and soul. Actum Augsburg, on the 21st day of July, Anno Domini 1530.

John, Duke of Saxony, and Elector.

996: Letter from Elector Johann of Saxony to Niclas von Ende, Amtmann in Georgenthal, concerning the above event.

July 28, 1530.

From Müller's History, lib. Ill, eap. 22, S. 685.

Dear Council and Faithful! We graciously inform you that we have not yet received an answer from Imperial Majesty to our submitted confession of our faith, and how we hold it in our principality, and what we have preached, and it will be five weeks after tomorrow that we have submitted it to Imperial Majesty. Majesty; so we have asked Imperial Majesty to give us the Majesty to lend us the Saxon churl. This has been refused to us. We have not refrained from asking Imperial Majesty for a second time. We have not refrained from asking Imperial Majesty for a second time to lend us the chur; however, we have not yet been able to obtain an answer. We have no other choice but to consider that we can hardly be trusted by Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and we fear that our own friends have brought this about; for Imperial Majesty has not yet given us a word. Majesty has not yet given us a word. Thus we lie here with great expenses. To this day, we have three and a half hundred horses with us, and have consumed a large sum, and have had to borrow twelve thousand guilders here. We also write to you here from the chancellery, on the other articles. We would like you to come to us in Coburg when we return with divine help, which we graciously do not want you to do; we are inclined to show you mercy. Date at Augsburg, on Thursday after Jacobi July 28 Anno 1530.

  1. Here we have deleted "because" and put the brackets. > > 2) Walch: provided.

[944 Erl. (2.) 24,356-358. sec. 6. papal confutation. No. 997 ff. W. XVI. 1117-1120.]{.underline} 945

D. How the papists, before they had finished refuting the Augsburg Confession, handed over various writings against Luther and his followers to the emperor.

997: List of the writings that some papist doctors handed over to the Emperor at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg.

This number belongs to the same document from which No. 963 is taken. In the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 417; in the Jena edition (1566) vol. V, p. 37d and in Spalatin's Annals, p. 145. In his table of contents for the 16th volume, p. 51 f., Walch has given the Latin titles of the writings listed here. Because we believe that no one is served by this, we have omitted it.

A Christian and urgent response to the articles submitted by the Elector of Saxony and several other princes and two cities.

The repugnant articles in which the apostate Luther writes against himself in his Babylonia, extracted by Doctor Johann Faber.

The heresy and error, drawn together from various Luther's books.

The heresy, condemned in the holy concilia before, but again aroused by the Lutherans.

The heresy and error of Luther, condemned by Pope Leo the Tenth ten years ago.

The heresy and error of Luther, condemned seven years ago by the University of Paris.

The Faculty of the Holy Scriptures at Louvain Condemnation.

An excerpt of some of Martin Luther's heresies and errors.

Several much incorrect sects, grown out of Luther and the Lutherans.

The Abominable, Corrupt and Damnable Fruits of the Lutheran Gospel.

Summa, some calculate it to two hundred sixty sheets.

998 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, sending him the list of the above writings. July 15, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's opist., lid.I, p. 11; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 233; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 131 and according to the German, p. 215; in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Conf., p. 193 and in Oorp. Rot., vol.II, 197.

Germanized.

I have written to you that new councils are often held; we are indeed informed of this. Yesterday, it was decided in the council of princes and churals that the emperor should be asked to provide a concilium for the entire German empire. It was added that in the meantime it should be held in such a way that the peace would not be broken. Our people have argued that the second point should be omitted; although they would do so and have brought forward a number of reasons for it, I do not particularly like it; we want to appear too cautious.

(2) I am sending you a list of the writings which our adversaries have handed over to the imperial majesty; in it you will see that they have appended some repugnant articles and other things to the confutation out of malicious intent, so that they may embitter imperial majesty's gentle heart against us. Majesty's gentle heart against us. The boys need such attacks against us. If we come to an answer, I will certainly pay the loose bloodhounds again.

(3) I have now been several times with distant enemies, the Eck Rottgesellen; it is not to be said how bitterly Pharisaic hatred I have noticed in them. They do and strive nowhere else than to incite the princes against us, and to bring the pious emperor against us in an ungodly way. Hereby God commands and prays for us. Given on Friday after Margaret July 15.

  1. excerpt from Luther's reply to the previous one.

Here Walch brings a piece of the letter that is very poorly reported in No. 1073. We will report the entire document there in its entirety.

Luther's exhortation to the clergy, assembled at the Diet of Augsburg. Issued at the beginning of June 1530.

Already on May 12, Luther had completed this writing and sent it to Wittenberg for printing, as we can see from letter No. 7 in the appendix of this volume. On June 7, the Strasbourg emissary Jakob Sturm sent a copy from Augsburg to his home. (Virck, Straßb. Corresp., p. 451, No. 733.) The first edition appeared under the title: "Vermanung an die geistlichen versamlet auff dem Reichstag zu Augsburg, Anno. 1530. Mart. Luther. Wittemberg. I^sai. 2. dt nuno ReZos intollißito, Druckirnini ludiaos torruo." At the end, "Printed at Witlemberg, by Hans läufst. MDXXX." 8^ sheets in 4. In the same year, Joseph Klug

946 Erl- (2.) 24, 358-360. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, II20-II22. 947

In 1531, another edition was published by Joseph Klug in Wittenberg, the same by Georg Wachter in Nuremberg, also two without indication of place and year. In 1531, another edition was published by Joseph Klug. In Magdeburg, Hans Wolther published two different editions in Low German. In the "Gesammtausgabe": in the Wittenberg (1554), vol. VII, p. 446; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 76; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 201; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 146; in the Erlangen, I. Aufl" vol. 24, p. 330 and 2nd ed. vol. 24, p. 358. According to the latter give only the text.

To the entire clergy of Augsburg, assembled at the Diet of Augsburg in > 1530, Martin Luther's admonition.

Grace and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ! Even though it is not my duty to appear personally at this Diet, and even if I had to or should appear, there could be nothing of use there, as there would be nothing in such splendor and business: I have nevertheless resolved to be among you in writing about my spiritual presence (which I want to prove with all my heart, through prayer and supplication to my God, diligently and honestly with God's help), and with this silent and weak message.

(2) And this because my conscience drives me to ask, implore and exhort you all kindly and cordially, that you do not miss this Diet nor abuse it in vain; for God gives you grace, space, time and cause, through our most gracious Lord Emperor Carolum, to create and accomplish much and great good with this Diet, if you alone would. And now, of course, as St. Paul says in 2 Cor. 6:1, 2: "I urge you not to receive the grace of God in vain. For he says: I have heard you in the pleasant time, and have helped you in the day of salvation. Behold, now is a pleasant time, and a day of salvation", for you most of all. And we see and hear how all men's hearts gape and wait for this kingdom day, with great hope that it shall be good.

  1. But if this Diet (for which God is graciously pleased) should be dissipated without end and not something righteous should be arranged, and
  2. In the original: genehmen.

If all the world has now been put off and teased for a long time with imperial congresses and conciliis, and all hope has failed and been in vain, it is to be feared that despair would come of it, and everyone would grow weary of putting off and waiting, and the vain long gazing would make impatience and bad blood. For it cannot and may not stand longer as it now stands, especially with yourselves and with your status and nature; you know and feel this better than I can tell you; so I also do herewith what I do for your good, for the sake of peace and unity.

(4) But whether some might sourly regard my presumption in this, and pretend: Who may be yours? Who has ever desired your admonition or letter? There are so many learned and pious people here who know how to advise the matter better than you fool 2c. Well, I will gladly believe that, and God help that everything is true. 2) I would like to have my presumption punished and condemned; but this is also true: One cannot do too much of a good thing, and often a fool has given better advice than many wise men; and again, wise men have commonly done the greatest harm on earth, especially when they have relied on their wisdom and have not also acted with the fear of God and asked for divine help and mercy with a humble heart.

(5) Of which all histories are full of examples, both in the Scriptures and out of the Scriptures; and if there were no other example, it would be felt in your own example. For you have tried your wisdom in this matter for ten years, with so many kingdom days, with so much advice, with so many tricks and practices, with so much comfort and hope, yes, also with violence and anger, with murder and punishment, that I have seen my wonder and sorrow in you; yet nowhere has it gone where you would like it to go. All this means that wisdom, without the fear of God and humble prayer, has wanted to master such great things by itself, and has been disgraced by its presumption. And will you not yet fear and humble yourselves before God?

  1. In the original: zewarten.

948 Erl. (2.) 24, 360-362. para. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000, W. XVI, 1122-1125. 949

If you are not so serious in asking God for help and advice, you will not be able to do anything, even if you are as wise as King Solomon, for it is written in 1 Peter 5:5: "God resists the proud, but gives grace to the humble.

(6) But we, on our side, pray diligently, and also know the right way to pray, by God's grace; we are also certain that our prayer will be heard pleasantly and for us; both of which (I worry) may do little on your part. We have also begun to pray earnestly for you, so that God Almighty may once enlighten your hearts and move them to fear His Word and to act humbly toward Him. Such prayer is pleasant for us, we know that; but God help that you do not stiff-neckedly oppose it, and that our prayer must return to our bosom, as lost and despised by you. For we see that the devil wants to come here with the Turk, and is stirring up one mob after another for this purpose, and would like to push it all to the ground; should you then also remain obdurate and stiff-necked, as before, that would be too much and all the more infallible.

(7) And first of all, you must not do anything on account of me and mine; for the right helper and councilor has brought us and our cause so far, and has placed it where it should remain, and since we also want to leave it, that we do not need an imperial council, a council, or a master for ourselves, nor do we want any from you, since we know that you are not able to do it better, or even so well. For we are about to come under Turks or Tatars, under Popes or devils, so our cause is certain that we know how to believe and live, how to teach and do, how to suffer and pray, how to heal and die, where to wait for, fetch and find everything, and where we should finally stay, according to the words of St. Paul, Rom. 8:28: To the elect the Spirit creates all things for their good. God has abundantly given us this through Christ our Lord, and it is already known and confirmed through the blood and suffering of many pious people (killed by your part); not that we are perfect, but that we are not perfect.

We have the right rule (as St. Paul says Phil. 3,16.), the right way, and the right beginning before us, and nothing is lacking in doctrine, life be what it may.

(8) But for you and for the poor people, who are still completely undone among you, or who are ever uncertain, we care for them, and would gladly help here with prayers and admonitions, as best we can. For I am afraid that you will forget your office and your humility towards God, and that you will tighten the strings too hard and ride the willing horse too much, so that again a rebellion will arise, so that both of us will be in misery and distress with you, as happened before. For you still know beyond all doubt how, before the uprising, the Speirische Reichstag was announced with such glorious, comforting hope that all the world gaped with great eagerness and waited heartily for things to turn out well. But your counsel was full of wisdom, and caused the same Diet to be dully, shamefully and disgracefully proclaimed. Then the ruthlessness came, namely the mint with the riot, and gave you a shilling, which you have not yet overcome, and unfortunately we have even greater damage from it. That is to say, everything was done by force and with one's own mind.

So, at Worms, the noble blood, our dear Emperor Carol, had to do what you wanted, and condemn me with my entire doctrine, which you yourselves have now secretly accepted in many pieces, and need, and your preachers would have nothing to preach now, where Luther's books would not be. For their book of sermons, and what used to be the clamor in the pulpit, they leave lying under the pew, and begin to preach against us about faith and good works, and the like, of which nothing was heard or known before. About this you enforced a commandment at that time to kill the Lutherans so horribly that you yourselves could not keep it nor suffer it, and it had to be changed at Nuremberg at the Imperial Diet, and some of the princes had to forbid it themselves, if they did not want to be in danger themselves with country and people.

  1. this I tell, not to mock you

950 Erl. (2.) 24, 362-364. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, II2S-II27. 951

or mockery (for I have otherwise smelled you too high), but to ask you cordially, and to admonish you faithfully, that you might learn from your own experience and misfortune, to leave off defiance and anger, violence and insistence, and to act toward God with fear and humility, and, putting aside your presumption, to seek His help and mercy with earnest prayer. Verily, verily, the things are too great, human wisdom and power are far too small for this; God must help, otherwise trouble will come. 1) That is certain, for if you want to persist in your defiance and insistence, then you should know that the spirit of the mint is still alive, and more powerful and dangerous to my concern than you can believe or understand now. It is more valid for you than for us, although he is more hostile to us than to you; but we have a defiance against him, praise be to God forever. Would to God you had the same, namely the pure word and righteous prayer.

(11) You also know how faithfully and firmly we have stood against all the spirits of the mobs; and if I could boast, I would almost say that we have been your patrons, and that it is our business that you have remained what you still are. And if we had done so, 2) I fear, indeed, that your scholars would have been too weak in the matter, and that the enthusiasts and hooligans would soon have taught you otherwise. For this reason they are more hostile to us than to you, and blame us as those who crawl to the cross and recant. We must suffer this and learn the proverb: He who helps another from the gallows would gladly carry him up. The ruffians would not have known how to attack the pope; but now that they have been freed by our help and eat our bread, they trample us underfoot, as Christ says of his betrayer Judah John 13:18, Psalm 41:10.

  1. but some will say here. Yes, this is all your fault, you started it, and these are the fruits of your teaching 2c. Well, I have to suffer that, I know well, that
  1. Otherwise, this proverb has the form: "Uebel wird Aergeres. St. Louis Edition, Vol. X, 365, s 11.
  2. That means: had we not been there. On this idiom, compare St. Louis edition, vol. V, 877, § 188; 1191, s 28 and the note to the latter passage.

They say this about me, but again, I know many devout people among you who know that it is not true. So the work stands there in the day, my strong witnesses, that the red spirits have always despised my doctrine and persecuted it more than your doctrine, and I have also had to stand up stronger against them and defend myself harder than I ever did against the pope; how then can it have come from my doctrine? Or why has not such unwillingness arisen among my people, since I myself preach and teach daily, since it should be the first and highest evil, where such evil should come from my teaching?

  1. Have you forgotten that the German nobility at Worms presented four hundred pieces to the imperial majesty, in which they complained about the 3) clergy, and said freely: if the imperial majesty did not want to abolish such things, then they wanted to do it themselves, because they could no longer suffer it? What do you think? If this had been done (as the rebels then began to do), and if only one preacher had stood up to advise it, where would you clergymen be now? In bus correptam! Now at that time my doctrine was in force, and had not started a riot or run up to it, but had taught the people to keep peace and to obey the authorities; and where it had not been, the clergy would certainly have made quite a fuss. Now my teaching must have done it. But such thanks are due to me, nor do I desire any other; so it has been with all the prophets and apostles and Christ himself.

Item 14: Have you also forgotten how my teaching was such a delicious thing among all of you at first? since all the bishops were quite happy to see that the pope (who was too hard on the monastery) was controlled a little of his tyranny; then they could watch me finely, listen, sit quietly and lurk how they would like to get their episcopal authority whole again. Luther was a fine teacher who attacked indulgences so honestly. For at that time the bishops and parish lords had to suffer that a monk or a foreign bad boy with the letters of indulgence in his monastery and parish had been through and through.

  1. Original: "the". One edition offers: "von der Geistlichen Beschwerung".

952 Erl. (2.) 24, 364-366. para. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000, W. XVI, 1127-1130. 953

They were driven through a shameful drudgery, and were not allowed to rebel against it. There was no doctor in all the high schools or monasteries who would have known or been allowed to encounter such filth, and Luther was the dear child, and swept the monasteries and parishes from such a Treudelmarkt, and held the bishops to the riser so that they looked again, and threw a block in the way of the pope; why was this also not rebellious among you?

15 And afterwards, since I attacked the monastic life, and the monks have now become fewer, I have not yet heard any bishop or parish priest crying about it, and I know that no greater service has ever been done to the bishops and parish priests than that they have thus been rid of the monks; and I truly fear that there will now hardly be anyone in Augsburg who will take care of the monks, and ask that they be restored to their former state. Yes, the bishops will not suffer that such wanzken and lice should again be put into their furs, are glad that I have loused their furs so clean; although, to tell the truth, the monks had to govern the churches under the pope, and the bishops did nothing about it, but let themselves be called Junker. Now I have not destroyed the monks with rebellion, but with my doctrine, and the bishops like it well, they would not have been able to do it with all the power of kings, nor with all the art of high schools; why do they not consider this rebellious? Well, it pleases them too much that the monks are down, and thus the pope has almost lost a whole hand; and yet they know no thanks to Luther, whose teaching they so wonderfully need in this piece.

(16) And because I have just come to the conclusion that people have forgotten how things were in the world before my teaching began, and now no one ever wants to have done nothing wrong, I must pull out the old vestments and put their forgotten virtue before the eyes of the clergy, so that they may see, or remember again, what would have been in the world if our gospel had not come, and we may also see for our comfort how many wonderful fruits the word of God has borne. And let us begin at the very place where my teaching began, namely, indulgences.

From indulgences.

17 If our gospel had done nothing else but this, that it has redeemed the consciences from the shameful abomination and idol of indulgences, it should still be known that it is God's word and power. For all the world must confess that no human wisdom would be able to do this, since no bishop, no foundation, no monastery, no doctor, no high school, nor I myself at that time, and in sum, no reason understood or knew this abomination, much less knew how to control it or attack it, but had to approve it all, and let it go for good, wholesome doctrine, even the dear bishops and popes confidently took money from it, and let it go, namely:

  1. That they sold indulgences for the divine grace that forgives sin, thereby denying and blaspheming Christ's blood and death, together with the Holy Spirit and the gospel.
  2. That they thereby falsely sold the souls out of purgatory, to great dishonor of divine majesty itself; but carried the amount of money.
  3. That they thereby appointed the pope as God in heaven, who could command the angels to lead the pilgrims' souls, who died on the Rome journey, to heaven.
  4. The Gospel, which is the only true indulgence, had to be silent in the churches before the indulgence.
  5. That they defrauded the whole world of immeasurable money through it and abused it with insolent avarice and lies, as if they wanted to get against the Turk.
  6. For they always put down the letters of indulgence given before for the sake of the new ones, and always took up the old indulgences in the churches for the sake of the new ones, and played with the golden year, after which they wanted money; yes, against the Turk!
  7. And also the larva of the golden year is a pure poem and loose lies, to corrupt the faith of Christ, and the daily golden year of Christ, and yet deceived countless thousands of souls with it, and the people to run to Rome shamefully deceived, cheated of money and property, with lost toil and food in addition.
  8. That they sold in indulgences good works of the whole Christianity, in addition to absolution,

954 Erl. (L.) 24,366-368. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, II30-II33. 955

as something special, which the gospel gives before and always to the whole world for free, so that the consciences were deceived from the gospel and from Christ to works of men.

  1. That they praised indulgences more highly than all good works of love.
  2. That they put the merit of the saints, as remaining for themselves, to the treasure of indulgences, as if Christ's suffering were not sufficient for the forgiveness of all sins; which again corrupts faith in Christ.
  3. That they finally exalted indulgences so high that they taught that if someone had slept with the Mother of God, it would have been forgiven through indulgences.
  4. That they taught that if the penny was in the box, the soul would go to heaven.
  5. That one must not have remorse and sorrow to obtain the indulgence, it would be enough that one put in the money now.
  6. That Saint Peter himself could not give greater grace than the indulgence was.

Now, where did the immense money, treasure and goods go that were stolen so long ago through indulgences and acquired so shamefully?

18 Who wants to tell all the abominations that indulgences alone have caused in all monasteries, convents, churches, chapels, chapels, altars, pictures, panels, even in almost all houses and chambers, and where there was only money, as a real mighty idol? One would have to read anew the books that are written against it at ten years. Now say, dear sirs, to this unspeakable thievery and robbery of money, and to such an incomprehensible multitude of deceived hearts and consciences, and to such a most terrible, atrocious lie and blasphemy of the passion of Christ, of the Gospel, of the graces and of God Himself, committed through indulgences, you clergy are all guilty, not only those who have taken the money from it, but also those who have kept silent about it and willingly watched such devilish rages. They say of riots, of monastery seizures, of Turks; yes, what are such pieces all by themselves against you indulgences, if one only wanted to consider it? It is quite a Turkish

Army has been against the right Christian faith.

  1. But who is there among you all who has ever repented of such terrible abominations, who has ever sighed, or who has ever wetted an eye? Yes, you, as the stubborn impenitents, have never done anything wrong, now come to Augsburg and persuade us that the Holy Spirit is with you and will do great things through you (who have done nothing but harm to Christianity all your lives), and then quickly lead you to heaven, with all such unpunished abominations, which have been defended, as if he should be glad that you have served your God the belly so gloriously and devastated his church so miserably. Therefore you have no happiness, nor shall you have any more, you repent and mend your ways. Well then, this is one of the larvae; so it stood and went in the piece before my teaching came. That it is no longer so is the fault of my rebellious gospel. The indulgence is followed by the other fair, called Confessionalia.

From the Confessionalibus.

These were the butter letters, in which the pope sold freedom to eat butter, cheese, milk, eggs, and gave power to hear mass in the house, and to marry in a forbidden member, and to choose a confessor as often as he wished, to release from chastisement and guilt in life and in death, and the like. Dear, was this not also a blasphemous fair in all the world, all invented for the sake of money? Just as if God had not given all such things freely to the world through the Gospel before, or as if God had forbidden it, and they were the giants who wanted to sell God's commandments for money. The Gospel had to be nothing, and God had to be their merchant. This drudgery, fair and blasphemy was also overthrown by the rebellious gospel, but now all is forgotten; and there is no bishop or clergyman who would be sorry or in need of forgiveness before God. Nor was there any bishop or doctor here who would have punished such a thing, but all were silent and approved. Well then, let us also see whether God will allow Himself to be fooled as they think.

956 Erl. (2.) 24.3SS-371. sec. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000. W. XVI. II33-II3S. 957

From confession.

(21) Your books are still there, in which you have set and taught confession, which I count as one of the greatest plagues on earth, so that you have confused the consciences of all the world, made so many souls despair, and weakened and dampened everyone's faith in Christ. For you have not told us anything about the consolation of absolution, which is the main and best part of confession, which also strengthens faith and trust in Christ, but you have made it a work to strengthen your tyranny with commandments forced by force on unwilling hearts, and then to make them fear, torture and scourge you with the recounting of all their sins, that is, with impossible work to disturb the peace and tranquility of the heart forever. But when will you bring back all such souls and repay the murderous, groundless damage? My gospel has also justified such confession and strengthened the stupid consciences again, since no bishop, doctor, nor high school knew anything about it, and now they have neither remorse nor sorrow for such misery.

Of repentance.

(22) This is the basic soup and hell itself; and if all abominations were forgiven and given to you, this piece can never be forgiven. This piece has filled hell, and disturbed the kingdom of Christ more horribly than the Turk or the whole world can ever do. For so you have taught us that by our work we should do enough for sin, even against God. And that means atoning for sin. Nowhere have you given so much to repentance and confession, although you have also made work of it. What is it then that you must atone for your sin, but this much: you must deny Christ, revoke your baptism, blaspheme the gospel, tell lies against God, not believe in the forgiveness of sin, trample underfoot Christ's blood and death, profane the Holy Spirit, and go to heaven by yourself with such virtues? Ah, where are the tongues and voices that may speak enough of this?

  1. ichts -something.

(23) Now what is such faith but the faith of the Turks, and of the Gentiles, and of the Jews, which all also will suffice by their works? But how is it possible for a soul not to despair, if it has no other consolation against sin than its own works? All this you cannot deny; your books exist in which nothing of faith is taught, neither in confession nor repentance, but only your own works. There is still no bishop or clergyman here who would leave a tear for such horrible, infernal blasphemy of Christ, but are pure and sure, meanwhile call us rebels, and strangle the marriage apostles, even against their own right; are angry that the Lutherans do not stand as if they were fasting, as they do, nor wear plates; and defy the eternal God for all their inhuman wickedness.

From this abomination came, and must have come, and there was no defense, all other abominations, namely, as much of the monasteries and monastery's own sanctity, with their worship, the sacrificial masses, purgatory, vigils, brotherhoods, pilgrimages, indulgences, fasting, holy service, sanctuary, poltergeists, and the whole procession of the infernal cloister. For how is it possible otherwise? If a conscience is to sit down and build itself on its works, then it sits on a loose sand that rides and calls 2) on and on, and must seek works, always one after the other, the longer the more, until one finally put on monk's caps for the dead, in which they should go to heaven. Dear Lord God, how should poor consciences do? They had to build on works, that is why they had to search so miserably, and catch what they could find, and fall into such deep foolishness.

(25) Above this, by such shameful teaching, all righteous good works, instituted and ordered by God, were despised, and even nullified, as overlord, subject, father, mother, son, daughter, servant, maid; these were not called good works, nor did they belong to repentance, but were called a worldly being, a dangerous state, and a lost work. So this piece has both, Christian and worldly, in it.

  1. So the original. Jenaer: reiset. - Maybe: trickles?

958 Erl- (S.) 24, 371-373. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1135-1138. 959

They gave neither God nor the emperor what was due to them, but invented a new and own one, which is neither this nor that, and they themselves do not know what it is, because there is no word of God in it; as Moses says that they serve the gods, whom they do not know. And this was not a miracle. For at that time they knew no other way to preach the gospel than to learn from it examples and good works, and no one ever heard a gospel that was drawn from Christ for the conscience's comfort, for faith and trust, as it should be, and as it is now, in praise of God, being preached again, and so the world was in the gospel, but without a gospel.

  1. that they would have wisely distinguished such atonement for sin, namely, that it was done against man, not against God, as Christ indicates Matth. 7, 12. and 18, 15. as the holy fathers also used it in the past, and the Christians who had sinned had atoned for it before the church and the brethren, as the words indicate, that they had done penance for two, three, seven years. 2c, Christ would have remained with his sufficiency for us in heaven. But with this, the services in monasteries and convents, and indulgences (as said above) would not have arisen, and not so much would have happened to the great God of the belly. Therefore, they had to mix it up, and in the end, they had to bring it up before God alone, even though this error has challenged Christianity from the beginning, even through great people, such as Origen, St. Jerome, St. Gregory, but not so much as to come into the regiment, and to God's chair, as happened under the Pope. For this error has been the oldest from the beginning of the world, and will probably remain the youngest until the end of the world. Let us now recount some of the things that have come to pass.

First of all from the purchase fair or angle fair.

27 Here you yourselves know, dear lords, what a shameful fair you have made of the sacrament; this has been your common handiwork, that you daily celebrate so many thousands of masses all over the world.

money, one for a penny, one for eight pennies, one for six pennies 2c. And no excuse or denial helps here. For even if you did not call it a sale, you know that in fact it was nothing other than a sale. It was done for money; if there was no money, the masses remained. This sin alone is so horrible that it would be no wonder if God had let all the world become Turks over it, or sink into the abyss, and it is a great wonder to me that God has tolerated it so long. It is an incomprehensible patience, even though the wrath has not been restrained. Well then, this you have done, and so it was with you before our gospel came; do not adorn yourselves so much, it is so nearly in the day that even at that time you were afraid of it, and nevertheless let it go, and it did not have to be called news.

28 Now your scholars want to clean themselves up, and they pull out old canons and sayings of the fathers, that the mass is called a sacrifice with them. Clean yourself, dear kitten, you may well; if you lead long canons and sayings, what is the use? We are talking here about the Masses for Sale and the Masses for Angles; and the canons talk about the common or Communicant Mass, and they push violently toward communicating. The purchase masses do not do this, and rhyme with the common or communicant mass like a secret priest's whore with a pious, honest, public bride. They know how to conduct the canons so finely, the scholars. And what is even finer, the old canons separate sacrificing and communicating finely from each other; thus they mix them even more finely into each other. For in the beginning of Christianity, when they wanted to celebrate mass, they kept the old law, and the Christians brought firstfruits on the altar of all kinds of fruit, including milk, honey, apples and pears 2c. The priest then offered this, as Moses commanded the Jews, hence the office was called a sacrifice for a long time afterward. But after that the communiciren began, or sacrament act; they are not called sacrificing, but communiciren. But our masses of sale make an offering out of the sacrament, and omit communicating.

960 Erl. (p.) L4, 373-375, para. 6, Papal Confutation. No. 1000, W. XVI, II38-N4V. 961

29 Now I must speak to you, dear sirs, who cry out that Ulan should not allow any novelty: Tell me, is not the buying fair a shameful novelty? Why then have you allowed it to arise, and do you still protect it? Yes, if you should not have allowed any novelty, dear, what and how much would be found with you now that is in the old Canonibus and Fathers? I would almost put it in a nutshell, if your news had filled the world.

30 I will say more: What has been your church state before our Gospel, but vain daily news, one over the other, in addition with heaps like a cloudburst torn in; there has one St. Annam erected, the St. Christophe, the St. Georgen, the St. Barbara, the St. Bastian, the St. Catharin, the probably 14 Nothhelfer, and who alone will tell such new saint services? Aren't they news? Where were there bishops and shriekers who should not allow such things? So further: one erected the rosary, the other the crown of Mary, the other the psalter of Mary, the latter ten little paternoster stones at the doors, the former St. Bridget's prayer, the latter this prayer, the latter the prayer, and of these without all number and measure, and all books full; where was there a bishop or doctor who would have looked upon such novelty a little askance?

So with the pilgrimages, there were new ones every day, to Grimmethal, to the oak, pear tree, to Regensburg, and so many Our Lady's; there was almost no chapel or altar, a pilgrimage wanted to rise there, and the people ran, as if they were mad, out of service and obedience, that one could grasp it, it would be the devil's ghost; still bishops and monasteries and high schools were silent. And if our Gospel had not come, there would have been no room or place left for pilgrimage. And was this not a special, masterful fraud with our Lord's skirt at Trier? as the same shameful lie was revealed afterwards. What did all the Lutheran novelties do against this fraud and mischievousness? But there was no one here who could declare or even denounce news, but Luther, who denounces and punishes such news, brings up new things.

How daily and in many ways does the indulgence alone renew itself? How many new brotherhoods were established by priests and monks through all crafts, through all saints' names? Every day they sold letters of brotherhood, and gave their good works and holy life for money, sold vigils, anniversaries, masses with pomp for the money. Some of them invented the Golden Masses, some the Five Masses, some the Masses of this and that kind, which also had no number, of which, however, nothing is found in the old fathers. I will be silent here about the sanctuary, help God, how there were new things over new things; and among them such coarse, tangible lies: about the holy cross, about many whole bodies of one saint, about many fingers of one saint, until one also honors St. Francisci Niederwat 1) and women's hair for St. Catharine's hair. Summa, there was no end nor measure here, that you yourselves made a laughter out of it at last; still it went unpunished, and no bishop saw anything new here.

But if I were to come to the pulpit and the preaching chair, it would become all the more groundless; there the monks preached daily their new visions, dreams and thoughts, new miracles and examples, and no measure of them. No monk, when he had been a preacher for two or three years, made a new book of sermons; this had to rule the preaching chair for a while, and the world was full of such books, and yet there was nothing in them about Christ and faith, but everything about our works, merit and devotion, with many false, harmful 2) examples. But if they did their best in it, it was to be called by the saints, and not to forget their order, until they exemplified the holy, noble person, the Virgin Mary, to all the world as a mediatrix of poor sinners, even against her Son Christ Himself. For we all know with one another, and I am as well versed in this as anyone else, that we were taught to hold Mariam badly in Christ's stead and office,

  1. Niederwad Hosen. See St. Louis edition, vol. VIII, 391, § 285 and the note to it. In draft, Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, p. 105: "Sannt Franciscus Niderclaid".
  2. Erlanger: shameful.

962 Erl. (L.) 24, 375-377. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, H4O-II43. 963

held Christ to be our wrathful judge, and Mary to be our mercy seat, where all our comfort and refuge lay, if we would not otherwise despair. Was this not a terrible news? Where were the bishops here who punished such new blasphemers and betrayers of Christ, who took away Christ's office and gave it to Mary? who taught us to flee from Christ, and to fear him as we would the master of the sticks, and to turn our confidence, which we owe to him as the right service of God, elsewhere; we have learned vain idolatry from the betrayers.

The doctors in the high schools, who had nothing else to do, helped to think up new opinions, one above the other, and one would not have been a doctor with special honor if he had not come up with something new; but their best was that they despised the holy Scriptures and left them under the bench. What Biblia, Biblia! they said, Biblia is a heretic book, one must read the Doctores, there one finds it. I know that I am not lying here, for I grew up among them and have seen and heard all this from them. Scotus writes that one cannot prove from Scripture this article, descendit ad inferos, my dear master, writes that one cannot prove from Scripture that a man needs God's grace for good works; these are the best two, what should the others do? Thomas Aquinas, teacher of all teachers (the preachers say otherwise), freely says that to become a monk is as much as to be baptized. Thus one should honor Christ's blood and death. This is not yet a novelty, and he is canonized by the pope and all the bishops.

35 Summa, it was lamentation and heartache with preaching and teaching; all the bishops were still silent, and saw nothing new, who could now see a new mosquito in the sun. And so all things stood so desolate and wild with vain discordant doctrines and strange new opinions that no one could any longer know what was certain or uncertain, what was a Christian or an un-Christian. The old doctrine of the faith of Christ, of love, of prayer, of the cross, of consolation in afflictions, lay in ruins; indeed, there was no doctor in all the world,

who would have known the whole Catechism, that is, the Lord's Prayer, ten commandments and faith, let alone that they should understand and teach it; as it is now, praise God, taught and learned, even by young children. I refer to all their books, both theologians and jurists. If one will be able to learn a piece of the catechismi from it rightly, then I will let myself be wheeled and wheeled. Nothing new had to be there yet, but this must be new.

Yes, you say, these pieces are now accepted and in daily use; but yours is quite new. Dear, tell me, how old is the St. Anne's devotion? How old is the rosary, the crown of Mary? How old are the Barefoot Paternoster stones at the doors and gates and in all corners? How old is the pilgrimage to Grimmenthal, Regensburg, the skirt of Trier, and so much more? Were they not new ten, twenty, forty years ago? but who held against the novelty at that time? Let my gospel continue so long, what does it matter, it shall also grow old. Yes, your new gospel is right, but it has a peculiar novelty about it that is not good. What is that? The canons of Magdeburg say, "It does harm in the bag and in the kitchen. Out loud! said that servant, that would be good German for once, one could understand that; if I had known that before! Why do we lose so many words so far? Well then, let us conclude here in secret conciliation that new doctrine means what harms the bag and the kitchen; old doctrine means what fills the bag and the kitchen. O dear, now write and seal it, we will send it to the Diet in Augsburg, and hear what the gentlemen say about it.

God knows that I do not tell you these things to dishonor you; I am not helped by your destruction. I would rather it were better for you. But this you can well consider yourselves, where you want to forget such abominations, in addition still adorn and clean yourselves, then people will be present, who do not forget it, and will perhaps act uncleanly enough from it. For such impudent sacrilege is not to be suffered that news should be called what you want, but what you do not want should not be called news, to suppress the true-

964 Erl. (2.) 24,377-379. para. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000**, W. XVI, II43-H46.** 965

against your own conscience. This would bring us back to the beginning of the matter, and afterwards we would be worse with you than before. Although it is frightening that one should intend to hide such misery, and still justify himself over it, and blaspheme and persecute others; this is a sign of a hardened, impenitent heart, and that you must soon perish, since no sin offends and perverts God more than when one wants to deny, adorn and hide public wickedness, as Cain and Saul did. Not so, dear sirs, do not do so; yet some of you give glory to God; confess that you have done evil in such matters; humble yourselves, and he will exalt you; ask, and he will forgive you; amend, and he will help you.

38 If, however, you will not humble yourselves, but want to have such things buried, silent, unpunished and unpunished, and still persecute the poor Lutherans over it, and take it into your mind to dampen them, then we will watch you. If a plague comes upon you (as it cannot be otherwise), then remember that you have been sufficiently warned; you shall not be the first to overthrow God, that I truly know. I mean it heartily and faithfully, if I may move some of you, because I hope that there are still a lot or two in your Sodoma; the others, who remain unrepentant, should not only not recognize such abominations, so that they have deserved death more than a thousand times over, but also strangle, drown, hang, burn 2c. the innocent (who do not want to praise such vices and shame), as they do honestly.

  1. too many things will fall to me now, I will come back to the angular measurements, and save the abominations that now occur to me here, until I see how you want to improve yourselves, or clean yourselves and burn yourselves white 1) on this imperial day; so then we will come with your right color, and offer you proficiat 2) if God wills.
  2. enough of the fair of the merchant monkeys this time. Well, if they do not ver-
  1. In the original: Hawthorns.
  2. xroüolat - wohl bekomm's!

You teach and hold it as a sacrifice and work to serve God, and both for us and others, living or dead, for sin, and most of all for the dead, as we all know that the Mass must fight against Purgatory almost for the dead. My suffragan bishop, when he made me a priest and put the chalice in my hand, did not speak otherwise than thus: Accipe potestatem sacrificandi pro vivis et mortuis. That the earth did not swallow us both was wrong, and God's patience was too great. The living had this because they believed that whoever saw a mass during the day would be cured, safe and blessed; this was the best and meanest custom of the masses, you cannot deny; therefore ask all merchants, and what had to go over the fields, and all pious citizens in cities, least of all about the Rorate mass.

Is this not a frightening novelty? Do not your ancient Canons Apostolorum say that no one should be at Mass who does not want to communicate or receive the Sacrament? Has not Christ appointed to receive and to remember him, to strengthen faith in him, saying: "Do this in remembrance of me"? But ye keep silence from such remembrance, neither suffer them to do it, nor receive it; neither teach, nor exhort to faith, as Christ hath instituted; Let it be said that the minister has seen the mass, which you meanwhile offer secretly, and thus let the poor spectator's lies and false confidence remain in his heart, as if he had done well by watching, and had approved nothing everywhere of the sacrament, neither bodily nor spiritual, as Christ would have it, and his apostles after him. I say it again, you complain that you are being deprived of foundations and monasteries; for the sake of such abominations and blasphemous abuse of the masses, foundations and monasteries should be dealt with as Josiah, the king of Judah, dealt with the altars at Bethel, so that not one stone would remain from another; that would be just and right, if you do not want to improve yourselves in this.

You cry out, "What good has come from Luther's new teaching? I must

966 Erl. (S.) 24, 37S-381. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1146-1148. 967

ask you again: Tell me, what good has remained with you? You have left not a single piece uncorrupted. You have disgraced the mass, our one supreme treasure, with innumerable idolatries and abominations (as you have heard), and have trampled underfoot the proper Christian custom, disturbed the faith, and silenced the word. Baptism has remained with children, though clumsily and industriously enough; but as soon as the child has grown up and come to his senses, you have quickly strangled him, worse than the Turk does, and taken away his baptism again by your tiresome repentance and doctrine of works, so that he learns to despise his baptism, now lost and nullified by sin, and henceforth to seek blessedness by his own works; just as if baptism had been a transient work of man, as the Anabaptists teach, and not an eternal covenant of God. Tell me here, what good has remained with you? I will be silent as to what good has come of it, since we cannot keep our baptism, sacrament, gospel, faith and Christ before you, because you have taught nothing right, but everything against baptism, sacrament, repentance; that is in the day.

43 Among Turks, the advantage is that if someone is baptized, he is not taught against his baptism, but the evil Turkish nature and example is dangerous and annoying. And even if one rebels against baptism, it is good to resist, because the Turk is not a Christian and is despised by a Christian with his teaching. But here with you, not only is the example and nature dangerous, but you also teach against it, and storm against it with words and works, and do this under the name of Christ, as the dear fathers of souls and friends of baptism. This cuts like a sharp shearing knife, as the Psalm Ps. 52:4 says; which also St. Peter complains about you 2 Pet. 2:18: "They speak glorious words when there is nothing behind them, and by fornication provoke to carnal lust those who had rightly escaped, and now must walk in error."

44 But the good that came out of my teaching is that all your abominations and blasphemies are brought to pass and condemned, which is too much and great a good; even so

much more good comes out of it daily, as will follow; but with you all good is corrupted, and nothing remains.

From the spell.

(45) You know first of all the great robbery and sacrilege, that you have usurped the great ban called excommunicatio major (which belongs to the temporal authorities), until popes also took it upon themselves to depose emperors, kings and princes, and to make themselves temporal emperors. Let it be said to you, dear sirs, that this is not right; let your ban be called the small one, which does not confine the world, but heaven, and separates from Christendom and Sacrament, as Christ Matthew 18, v. 17, says: "Hold him as a Gentile" 2c., and St. Paul 1 Cor. 5, 12: "What do I care for those who are outside?" 2c. If other pieces were to be mended, this would also have to be mended, for God does not like any sacrifice or service that comes from robbery, as Isaiah Cap. 61, 8. says.

  1. over this is the custom of the ban, and it should be that the public vices are punished, as robbery, adultery, fornication, murder, hatred, usury, usury, item, heresy, blasphemy and the like, as our Lord Christ teaches, Matth. 18, v. 17, that the ban should go over those who do not want to obey the church or its congregation; so the church does not teach otherwise than God's word 2c.

Now tell us, what good and old things have remained with you from the ban? What new harmful abuses have not arisen here? I will keep silent that you have banned, cursed, damned and strangled innocent, pious people for heretics. The ban is nowhere to be used except to collect interest and debt, and to cause much misery to poor people. For you know to some extent what the knaves, officials and commissioners have done here, and we will hereafter (if you do not do so at this Diet) set you a calendar of such virtue, so that you may grasp that we have understood your abuse in this, and denounce it to the whole world.

48 But in the place where the ban was to have its proper power and use, it has been a pure indulgence and a blessing,

968 Erl. (p.) 24, 381-383. para. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000. W. XVI, U48-USI. 969

has not been cut at all, namely with the bishops, canons, even with the popes and cardinals themselves. Here I would like to hear a Canonist-Doctor, who would show me how many times, according to the Canonibus and spiritual laws, the pope, cardinals, bishops, priests, monasteries and convents are condemned and cursed for simony and other misdeeds; but who keeps them evil? The declaration stands with them, and is thus called: Whoever we want to have in the ban is in the ban; whoever we do not want to have in the ban is not in the ban. So continue, dear lords, if your will is to be called the right, then Christianity can well have such bishops and popes.

49 And I would like to know what you should be considered. You do not want to be Christians, because you do not want to suffer Christ's word and order; you also do not want to be papal, because you want to keep the canons and spiritual rights much less, as they are much more difficult to keep than the gospel. But is this not a strange new newspaper, that papists do not want to be papal, and yet pretend to be papal? want to have the churches' goods and rule, only for their own convenience, and not for the benefit of the churches; these are inconsistent things. Well, then, be epicurean and Turkish, that is what you certainly are. But because you are epicurian, and yet you are crying so miserably now that the monastery and church estates are being rapped like this, I must therefore hold a secret friendly conversation with you.

50 It is true, I also do not like that such goods are so torn apart and scattered; although the non-Lutherans do this most of all, and also have more of it than those who are called Lutheran, as this is well to be proven. And I especially dislike it where bad boys get it (as I well know) who do not deserve it; for those who work and serve faithfully, I do not want to make a conscience whether they get anything out of it. But I would like to have an answer to this, because there are obviously two kinds of monastery thieves and monastery robbers, which should be called the worst of these two. Some are external, some internal; the external ones are the wicked and unworthy, as said above; the internal ones are the evil ones.

are the bishops, canons, and monks themselves, who sit in them, namely, who abuse such properties to all immorality and fornication, and brazenly transgress their endowed status, and send large sums of money to Rome, even larger knaves, and so shamefully plunder the monasteries with it.

51 Do you not think that the emperors, kings, princes and lords who founded such bishoprics and monasteries, if they had wanted to use them to endow whorehouses or churches of robbery for the Romans, would have been so sensible that they would have taken a different attitude and would not have assigned their money and property to whores and knaves, nor to Roman thieves and robbers? Since such fellows sit in monasteries and convents, and use the goods of such persons, which the founders did not mean, nor did they want, and thus they have them against their will and foundation, consume them blasphemously and destroy them shamefully, and are cursed for it in the ban and irregulars to the highest degree: Tell me which are the worst robbers of foundations and church thieves; then you will see the pope sitting on top, together with cardinals, bishops, canons, abbots and monks; for they nowhere keep and do that for which they were founded, but straightway the contradiction, as the nonsensical ones, nevertheless take and use the goods as they want. If you can see the mote in another man's eye, and cry out about the lack of spiritual goods, you should also be shown the beam in your eye (which you do not want to see). If you can say one thing, you must also hear the other, so that you know that other people also have eyes, also feel, also smell, also hear.

52 If you now claim that yours should not be taken away from you, certainly yours should not be taken away from you, but I still want to play your spiritual right with you; it judges, banishes, curses and deposes you, and says: it is not yours; it is called deponatur. For you do not keep your pen and your law, and have thereby deposed yourselves. Therefore you have long since lost the goods according to your own right, but until now, like the damned robbers, you have held them with iniquity. For if you were to declare the deponatur per omnes personas and conju-

970 Erl. (L.) L4, 383-385. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1151-1133. 971

gireu, where would pope, cardinal, bishop and canons stay? it would certainly become a verbum impersonale, which no person would keep. But if it seems fair to you that they should be patient with you for not keeping your right, let it also seem fair to you that you should be patient with those who, as unrepentant Simonists and banished robbers, take away your goods or do not let them follow, because they have your own right here, that is, deponatur. So then, what you desire is that they should let you have what is yours, that is, fornication and fornication; but what is not yours, that is, interest and goods, they should not let you have, but take again as the robbers and thieves.

I do not want to defend anyone with this 1); each one sees for himself from what merit or cause he needs such goods. However, I make a distinction between the spiritual goods custom, against the screamers, and still say: If then the goods of the monasteries and convents are to be wickedly stolen into Rome, and outwardly consumed shamefully with harlots and knaves, and the opinion of the founders is so lacking, then I would rather that the emperors, kings, princes and lords themselves kept them outwardly, and invested them better, because that is certain, that the founders wanted to provide them with pious, chaste, Christian persons, not those who stood there and bleated, or wore hats, but those who studied, read and prayed, so that learned people could be taken from them as bishops, pastors, preachers, schoolmasters, chancellors, scribes 2c., as was done in the beginning. But now they leave such office and works and despise them, even mock them and persecute them, and are under ban in many ways: so I would not weep for them, even if they lost their pay and interest. It is called Beneficium propter officium, but not Beneficium propter maleficium, which teaches your own right, and punishes it with the ban in the most horrible way, and calls it Simonias.

54 Tell me now, which pope, bishop, monastery or convent has ever repented and repented of his sins?

  1. In the original (as several times later): "vertheidingt".
  2. "Habich" - goshawk, hunting hawk.

Have they suffered because they have let such offices perish, or have they sought to have them restored? And yet they have used such benefices, and thus lived, two-faced church thieves and double monastery robbers, for they have not only held the goods, which are endowed to other persons, neither they are, but have also stolen from all Christendom, robbed, and hindered pious, learned, Christian bishops, pastors, preachers, and such necessary persons, whom one cannot advise, and yet they should have given, according to the opinion and will of the founders. Dear, the founders did not mean the Officia, that you wear a long skirt, choir shirt, plates, or put on cassocks and consecrated clothes; sticks and stones can also carry that; they wanted to draw people, to the Christianity for comfort and salvation.

55 If you now want to make a great fuss that the monasteries and convents should be restored to you and that everything should be restored, then it is fair to say to you again: "Dear lords, first give and restore your twofold robbery, namely persons and goods; the persons you have robbed from Christendom, the goods you have stolen from the founders. If you restore these things, so that the Officia come again in pregnancy, then the Beueficia will follow you. For Christianity is more interested in such persons than in all the goods and glory of the whole clergy. If not, it will not be a fine calculation that you alone want to calculate the expenditure, and the income to be charged; you should be called to calculate differently, and better look at your fists. You have taken the goods of the lords, to keep and to draw people with them; where are they? Calculate. Yes, it is you who let even the poor boys' schools melt away, that Christianity on all sides may be ruined by you, only that your Epicurean belly may stand firm.

(56) I have said this so that one may see what the judges of splinters gain by shaking their filth. Therefore, think and ask God to help you create something good in this Diet. The things are big and heavy, and unfortunately they are deeply sunk and covered with mud, so that human strength and

972 Erl. (L.) 24,385-388. para. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000. w. XVI, 1153-1156. 97Z

-Joke may not create anything here. The ban is necessary; but Lord God, it must not cow gnats and devour camels, otherwise nothing will come of it.

(57) I am well concerned that the matters of penance, mass, baptism, faith, and works are too high for you; therefore I have little hope that you will conclude something pure in them, because your scholars themselves do not understand anything about them, and such matters must be maintained and driven without the help of men, only by Christ himself and his Holy Spirit. For also, with the exception of the first Concilium, Apost. 15, 4. ff, hardly one or two of them have acted. Therefore I will continue to ask, plead, and exhort for those things in which one may not expect special enlightenments of the Holy Spirit, but which are comprehensible and certain among all Christians, and may also be recognized almost by reason. And first of all:

Of both forms of the sacrament.

(58) Here you know well that the One Form is an annoying novelty, contrary to the clear, bright words of Christ and contrary to the old, longstanding custom of all Christendom, as all this is powerfully shown to you by many Scriptures; nevertheless, you great enemies of all novelty have not only accepted and kept the blasphemous novelty, but have also defended it with horrible raging and persecution out of sheer courage, thus tempting God to the utmost, blaspheming and condemning His word. God grant that you may well atone for it and submit your mind to His word. You cannot receive it with any Scripture; if you receive it with pure iniquity and violence against the Scripture, it will not end well in the end. And it does not help you that you standardize that nothing new should be done nor anything changed; for you have heard that this piece is a novelty, and that it is you who have brought up vain novelty and change in Christendom without ceasing. And that which is changed according to the word of God is not a novelty; let all custom give way to it, how good they are, speak your own law. Thus God and His Word are older than you are; they will also be younger and newer than we and you are, since they are eternal.

Change and govern the new, and not be changed or governed by the new or the old.

You pretend that nothing should be changed or added without the approval of the church. Who then is the church? If you are, show your seals and letters, or else prove it by deeds and fruits. Why are we not also, who are baptized as well as you? teach, preach, have the sacraments, believe, pray, love, hope, suffer more than you. Or are you the church because you impose vain news, change God's word about it, blaspheme, persecute and murder, and have monasteries and convents as church robbers? Yes, the devil's church feid ihr, dieselbige ist eine Lügnerin gegen Gottes Wort, und eine Mörderin, wie sie sieht, dass ihr Gott, der Teufel, auch ein Lügner und Mörder ist. For the right church must be the one that keeps God's word and suffers as we do (praise God), and does not murder anyone, nor lead them away from God's word. Therefore, you shall not say much to us: church, church, church; you shall make us sure that you are the church, that is the point. The devil can also say: I am God, worship me, Matth. 4, 9. The wolf can also say: I am shepherd, Matth. 7, 15. Joh. 10, 1. We ourselves know that the church should be obeyed, but we ask who and where it is?

60 God help you to amend this article; if you do not, we will still do it with God's grace, as before. And I want to say more: If it is God's will that you neglect something on this imperial day, we do not want to accept it from you as if it were right now because of your neglect and wrong until now. No, you should be far too lowly for us, that in your arbitrariness and power should stand when and how long God should be true or a liar, and when or how long his word should be right or wrong; for that would have been too high, and according to end-Christian hope would have raised you above God and his word, and revoked all our teachings and doings; But we want to force it from you by God's word, and to have driven it from you as blasphemers, persecutors and murderers, that you humble yourselves before God, confess your sin, murder and blasphemy against God's word, and amend it, as those who have done wrong up to now, persecuted God's word, and are innocent.

974 Erl. (2.) 24, 388-390. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. xvi, 1156-1158. 975

blood. We want to have such sin and vice unconcealed, and not consent to it with silence and blankets, and make ourselves partakers of such abominations, or want to put on full what is there, and want to stand it out with you, at God's word, which you are pursuing. For, as I said in the beginning, we have no need of your Diet and no need to close it; we stand where we stand without your help, even against your raging and fury; but for your sake and for the sake of the poor people, we hereby do what we do, if only you or some of you could help and advise the people, to the glory of God and the benefit of Christendom.

From the Unmarried Status.

61 Celibacy, that is, the celibate state or forbidden marriage (as you know), is also one of your papal novelties, against the eternal word of God and against the old blessed custom of Christianity, also against the creature and creation of God Himself; thus the prophecy of Daniel on the 11th, v. 37, is fulfilled, when he speaks of your king: "He will respect neither God nor the love of women. It must ever be a great vice (not to love women), because the prophet here indicates it as a special abomination of the end-Christ, next to idolatry. The old translatio has: erit in concupiscentiis foeminarum: he will be in love with women. But this would not be an end-Christian virtue, but would have to say: Lrit in concupiscentiis masculorum, although he also means the same when he says: Affectum erga mulieres non curabit, which is the correct text.

(62) Gentlemen, if you want to be pious and do good, in this piece force yourselves to repent of all the desolate, unspeakable misery of fornication of all kinds in all the world, which has arisen from this cursed papal novelty 1), which also lies on the neck of all of you and remains lying there, if you do not do it and change it. You hear here that it is an end-scriptural scourge and plague to despise the love of women, that is, to despise marriage.

  1. Marginal gloss: In the past, the canons were harshly opposed to the pope, especially those of Menz, and in Erfurt they would almost have slain their archbishop. Viäs ONron. OsrinuniaS.

For God created women to honor and help man, therefore he wants such love to be unbidden and unregarded. The flesh and the devil teach us to use women only for dishonor, to disgrace one after the other, as your new, laudable, celibate (I would almost have said dishonorable) state has done so far, and still does. This does not mean to love women, but to love and seek fornication and disgrace in women, and to hold them not as women, but as whores, and to respect them, so that no one may love or value them from now on. But God wants them to be held and respected like women, and to do this gladly and with love, that is, to have them conjugally and to remain with them with conjugal love. This pleases God, but it is art and grace.

Do you also know that the sixth commandment is called, "You shall not commit adultery"? This commandment (like all the others) makes no distinction of person; whether they be clerical or secular, priests or laymen, they shall not commit adultery, that is, they shall not touch another man's wife. But because every man commits adultery with another man's wife, it is certain that every man admits his own wife; indeed, lest any man touch another man's wife, he compels him to have one of his own. Now, if it were true (as the dear Canons blaspheme) that a priest could not serve God by loving his own wives, then this sixth commandment would have to be badly applied, and not generally apply to all kinds of persons, and allow them to have their own wives.

(64) For so I would also say of other commandments: You must not have your own money or goods, otherwise you cannot serve God, although the seventh commandment, "You shall not steal," permits your own money and goods, but only gives away other people's goods; indeed, so that one does not steal, it is forbidden to have one's own goods. So I do not yet know whether there is greater danger of sinning with one's own money or with one's own wife. Avarice, mammon and their companions are truly powerful. But summa, it is a great deception of the Canon that he pretends that one cannot serve God with one's own wives, and yet one can serve God with one's own mammon, money, property, castles and cities. The contradiction is true, that it is better to serve God with one's own wives than with one's own

976 Erl. (2.) 24, 390-3SS. Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1000, W. XVI, IISS-II61. 977

Good (although none prevents a Christian). For a wife is a thing to be had, and the care of her is to be had, and she can keep herself; but money is never enough, and she careth continually without ceasing, how she may increase and keep it. Such care and love, however, are the right hindrances to the service of God; which care a woman can take from the priest, that she cares, and lets him serve God badly.

(65) Let any man also deceive himself against the fifth commandment, saying, Thou canst not have arms, guns, and other weapons, and die before God; for thou mayest slay. The fifth commandment alone commands that one should not kill, but permits arms and weapons; indeed, in order to control murder, it commands that one should have arms and weapons. But why do our celibate holy people have both money and weapons, build and fight confidently? Does not this prevent them from worship? No; but a wife must hinder them. There has been a Hans Worst who has made such a Canonem, one Hans Worst the other; nor has he blinded all the world, even all the high scholars.

But the devil wanted to do this with this canon, so that his wives would not have wives of their own, but instead of them would have wives, daughters, maids, and even sodomites, which they would not have done in marriage. So also instead of their own goods (because it is hard to acquire) they devour all the world's goods and spend them on idleness, which would remain even after they had sought and acquired their own goods. So they have forbidden weapons, that they might wield the sword of all kings and do with it what they would, which would also remain, where they should have their own alone. But it is a wonder that these three things, namely, all kinds of free fornication, all kinds of avarice and splendor, all kinds of weapons and war, do not hinder these celibate saints from serving God, and some pious wives hinder them.

67 And if all things were lacking, that pope, bishops, canons, and the people would want to live in celibacy or in whoredom and knavehood.

Although the pagan poet confesses that fools and whoremongers do not like to take wives, I hope you will have mercy on the poor priests and pastors, and let them marry, and no longer be such shameful, murderous, mad canonists or jurists as you have been up to now. For your canons stipulate that a marriage priest should be suspended, that is, deposed from office. So you have interpreted it with your rough asses and bachants that they should be hanged, drowned, stabbed, murdered and chased away; you bloodthirsty and murderous bloodhounds are so bloodthirsty that you are not ashamed to rage against and against your own right with all your might. If you will not have mercy, as I am afraid it is on your neck, and press you so much innocent blood, so much horrible vice and enormous wickedness, that God will hardly give you grace to do something else, but only this, so that you will soon provoke your destruction upon yourselves, as St. Peter says 2 Petr. 2, 18, well then, you will still do what God wants, and not what you like.

I do not know how to ask for the monks, for it is well known that you would rather that they were all for the devil, God grant that they take wives or not; and not unreasonably, for two roosters on one muck do not suffer each other. They want to have the life that you have and would like to have alone; that is not for you to suffer. Therefore let them go, the rogues; they shall not lead an episcopal nor a Roman life; it belongs only to the church and the servants of God, as you are. May God Almighty graciously do more and better than you think and provide us with you, amen. Otherwise the devil (I worry) will become abbot, and his mother abbess; without this being my hope and consolation, because you cannot live here forever, and one must always raise new priests and pastors, so (whether God wills it) the young journeymen who come after will not let themselves be bound to your great, blasphemous oaths and duties to the dishonorable 1) state and other abominations. But if the

  1. Thus the original. Wittenberg and Jena: marriageless.

978 Erl. (2.) 24, 392-394. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, H6I-II64. 979

If parishes remain desolate, and the people without a word, and the monks are gone, you shall see how long bishops and canons, monasteries and convents shall remain. There must be parish priests, if there were neither bishop nor canon nor monks.

Until now, Christianity has been preserved without such foundation bishops and canons for so many hundred years, and it can still be preserved without them. Of course, at the last judgment no Christian soul will be able to boast or testify that in so many hundred years one of its foundation bishops has ever heard the Lord's Prayer, ten commandments, faith, or a gospel, or learned it, or felt or enjoyed some episcopal office or work. Until now, before Luther, we have lived as if we had no bishops at all, and we still have to live like that. So I know for certain that all the world must say that before Luther's teaching they had no more of their bishops than now, and now and no less than before, except for the drudgery and the estimation of money. They cannot feel nor notice whether they had bishops before, or have none now, so nothing of episcopal works and office has gone to them. That is to say, they have waited diligently for souls, and now they seek to wait again.

(70) Yes, they say, I consecrate and appoint others in our place who do this. They do not do this, but the suffragan bishop does it. He also does not observe any episcopal manner or way, for he consecrates only the sacrificial mass, does not ask a bit about how and what one should preach, and what the people need to learn; that is why he is also satisfied when the priests can hardly read a requiem, then quickly smears his Chresem on the unlearned donkeys, and has them struck off. God himself creates preachers where they are, and thereby maintains his church. For the sake of the bishops and suffragan bishops, it would have disintegrated a hundred thousand times long ago. However, that it has stood so badly up to now, and still stands, what is it but the fault of the foundation bishops, who sit in the apostle's place and in the episcopal office, and do none of these, let it all go to ruin? And now they cry out that they should be restored to their former rule; they seek the salvation of souls. It is otherwise

They have been a fine regiment, and seek the salvation of souls; yes, the devil on their heads (who also rides them), and all our misfortunes on our necks, as happened to us earlier. It is a matter of the princely meum and tuum; the episcopal office will remain with the pastors and preachers.

71 Further (they pretend), we let people study in high schools, who are capable of preaching, and then are ordained from our ranks by the suffragan bishop. That is true, unfortunately, you let them study. The Turk and the Jews do the same, they let them study; what do they give or help? You also, what do you give and help out of your endowed mammon, so that someone may study, as you are highly indebted? Yes, you are sorry that there are high schools. But there your breath stinks. You are now rid of the monks, or ever mighty, you cheerfully accept from the gospel; you would also like to be rid of the theologians and scholars, they are still in your way. If they were gone, then you would be the full masters of the pastors. After that you can again rise above kings and princes, even force the pope himself, as he could not stand you, that you bishops alone would be gods and lords on earth. 1) That is where you are going, dear sirs. Is it not true, the secret council at Mainz, 2) since I could not be there, the same quietly went on this way? So we would have the world full of donkeys, and the churches no more word, nor parish office. Oh, if you should let them study, then the benefices, which are taught in the seminaries to the high schools, become no one, he has studied before through other people's help; and if they are to become his, he must buy and pay them beforehand with a summa, and when he has now paid them, he is bound to howl and babble in the seminary, so that his studies and art do not prosper to the preaching office or the teaching office. This is how you help Christianity.

Seventy-two: But I suppose that ye shall appoint others in your stead (as ye do not) to preach and to be bishops for your sakes: hear ye well, I speak now of

  1. So the Wittenbergers and the Jenaers. Erlanger: we - would be.
  2. See No. 826 in this volume.

980 Erl. (2.) 24.394-396. para. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000. w. XVI, II64-N66. 981

Bishops, and do not speak of orderers. A farmer or judge in the village, a city, a prince, can also appoint a preacher, is therefore not a bishop. A bishop is one who is to feed God's people. For it is written in Apost. 20,28. St. Paul's teaching to the bishops: "Take heed to yourselves, and to all the host, among whom the Holy Spirit has made you bishops, to feed the congregation of God, which he has purchased by his own blood. If you were bishops, as your name and office demand, your hair would stand on end at this saying, and you would probably be as reluctant to be foundation bishops as I am a preacher and doctor, because you would not have it much better than I and my equals. St. Paul also says: A bishop should be didacticus, 1 Tim. 3, 2. Tit. 1, 9. that is, didactic, who was always teaching. He does not mean bishops of princes, nor bishops of castles, but bishops of the church, who do the work, as (praise God!) many fine priests do now, although they do not wear pointed hats, which the bishops and Niclas bishops 1) can also wear. For that you, as bishops, should look what is rightly taught, and do not know it yourselves, that is ridiculous. Yes, unfortunately not ridiculous, because we have learned so far what good your attention has done; as the above-mentioned pieces show.

I have had to remind and admonish you, dear sirs, of all this, so that I may see how you do not fear God, and do not seek repentance or remorse for your horribly wicked ways, nor do you make a conscience of it; so that God may be greatly angered. For since we poor Lutheran wives have been taken, you let yourselves think that you have once seized a little piece of us, because you can find nothing else that you want to make use of, and thus sweat and press us so hard, that all your shameful, lewd whoring, all monastery robbery and monastery thievery, together with all the basic soup of your abominations and perverse, unbishoply abuses, deeds, vices, harm and ruin of Christendom should be hidden, covered,

  1. "Niclasbischöfe", children's play bishops. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 675, § 14 and the note to it.
  2. Erlanger: all.

Be silent, beautiful and praised, so that from now on, as the pure and innocent, whom no water ever distresses, like the apostles themselves, you may refrain from all violence. But go on nicely, dear sirs, see that you do not lack. Do not say hui; you are not yet out of the woods. You have now seen how you can cover yourselves and adorn yourselves. But ye have not yet seen how to strip off your beautiful bellows, and therefore to paint yourselves, that ye may spit upon yourselves. Only do not insist and defy, your cause is not as good as you think.

  1. If you are able to take our wives from us, whom we confess before God with a clear conscience, and before the world not as our whores, but as our wives: you will never believe how masterfully we want to clean up your whores and stolen wives, whom you and we know that you do not have with a good conscience, and who you must confess before the world as your whores, and who must be called and judged as whoremongers and whore-keepers, both before God and the world. In addition, we want to strike out your Roman Sodoma, French marriage, Venetian and Turkish brides and Florentine bridegrooms, so that you shall see and grasp that our marriage has smelled of your dishonorable chastity. And whether perhaps some of you are not guilty of this in everything, we do not inquire. Let the patron, defender, companion and comrades be considered as much as the self-inflicted, because they do not punish, banish or avoid such vices (as the gospel and your own law teaches), but help and assist such evildoers, and rage against us beside them, and with such support make themselves partakers of all such abominations, and thus are no better than the self-inflicted, Rom. 2.

For no pagan, no Turk, no pope, no emperor, and no man on earth has ever set or done anything to kill anyone for the sake of marriage, and this is a new unheard-of thing, begun by you new bishops, who are the greatest robbers of foundations, whore-keepers, and whore-hunters in your foundations that are on earth. And do not do it for the sake of maintaining chastity,

982 Eri. (2.) 24,396-398. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1166-1169. 983

but because you do not want to commit fornication and immorality, as you do, because you leave them unpunished. And no one can believe that you faithfully mean chastity with such punishment, since greater enemies of chastity are nowhere than you, who pursue it in your own bodies with all fornication without ceasing in the most shameful way.

(76) Although such a thing is the least compared to the high common abomination that you are such bishops as indicated above, and in time (if you do not mend your ways) you shall be otherwise disgraced. For if we are to have godless whoremongers and enemies of God as bishops, we also want to show them honestly to which churches they belong; you shall certainly know that. For as long as you do not leave our marriage satisfied, you shall not have much joy and honor from your fornication and end-Christian bishoprics. If I die over it, there are others who can do better. In Snmma, we and you know that you live without God's Word, but we have God's Word. Therefore, our highest desire and most humble request is that you give glory to God, recognize yourselves, repent and amend. If not, accept me; if I live, I am your pestilence; if I die, I am your death. For God has set me on you; I must (as Hosea says Cap. 13:7) be a bear and a lion to you in the way of Assyria; yet you shall have no rest before my name until you amend your ways or perish.

Therefore we offer you the choice. First of all, since you cannot nor will you not devote your episcopal office and work to preaching and comforting consciences and judging, as you truly, truly do not, together with all your scholars, let us carry out your office, which you owe; Give us the gospel freely to teach, and let us minister to the poor people (who desire to be godly); yet satisfy not and forbid that which ye cannot, and yet owe, and others will do for you.

  1. secondly, we will not ask anything of you about this, nor will we take any pay from you; but where God otherwise feeds us, we will wait, so that you may have both labor and wages, toil and food.

Not that we have so great a desire to preach; for to speak for me, I would not hear a lovelier message than that which deposed me from the preaching ministry; I am so weary, indeed, because of the great ingratitude of the people; but much more because of the unmistakable vexation which the devil and the world impute to me. But the poor souls do not want; so there is also a man called Jesus Christ, who says no to this, and I follow him, as he deserves more for me. So now you (praise God) all know yourselves that the Lutheran preachers are pious, and do you no harm, but are more useful to you than all your and the Pope's scholars. And more pious heretics you have never had, nor will you get more pious; pray God that they may remain with you.

79 Third, we want to let you remain what you are and teach (as we have done until now) that you should be princes and lords for the sake of peace, and leave your goods; which the Hussites and Viglephists did not do, nor do any fanatics and sectarians want to do now, so that you see that you do not have enemies, but great friends, even patrons in us. For what harm does it do us if you are lords and princes? If you do not want to do what is right for yourselves and your position and office, then it is not we but you who will give an account; but keep peace and do not persecute us. We ask no more, nor have we ever asked, but for the free gospel. You can help us and we can help you to peace. If you do not, we will keep the honor, and you will lose both peace and honor.

80 Fourthly, you can reinstate the episcopal compulsion (as long as you leave the gospel free to us), and for my part I will also confidently help and advise you, so that you may also have some episcopal office. And so you would have two pieces of episcopal office: one, that we and the preachers teach the gospel in your place; the other, that you help to administer it with episcopal compulsion. We left your person, life and princely being to your conscience and God's judgment; so we have never taken such compulsion away from you, you have

984 Erl. (2.) 24,398-400. para. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000. w. XVI, 1169-1.71. 985

let him fall himself. For since you could not preserve indulgences and other unpleasant abuses with it, you dropped it altogether, and would not protect our gospel, nor suffer for it, but turn such coercion against us and against the gospel, he must surely stumble and become dull; for God did not order him against His word, but for His word.

(81) We truly cannot offer ourselves more and higher (than daily prayer, good will and service, which we owe to all enemies without that), namely, we want to carry out your ministry, we want to feed ourselves without your food, we want to help you remain as you are, advise you to have the upper hand, and see to it that it goes right. What more can we do? Truly, we bear a heavy burden, we have brought you and the spirits of the mob and all the world, yes, all the devils, upon us, and no one helps us. If you will not help us, but keep on pressing, see to it that you do not break our backs in two and try our patience too hard. If you want to dampen the pious heretics who carry you, see where you stay. Unfortunately, the game is no longer in our hands, as it was before; the devil has taken it away from us; we can truly never help you; now help yourselves, too, and look not at yourselves, but at the common heap and the dear peace; it is high time, we also want to do our best. And if there is a pious heart among you, it can surely know from this whole scripture that I speak and must speak the truth, and mean it from the heart faithfully with you and everyone; I cannot do more, for you have too many evil things.

  1. Whether anyone here would think it ridiculous to hear that the foundation bishops should govern the churches, because it is well known that they cannot, nor do they want to learn to do so, when St. Paul (1 Tim. 3:5) says that he who presides evil over his own house will never preside well over the church, and one sees before one's eyes how the bishops preside over their foundations and keep discipline, namely, that they are impunita lupanaria and latrocinia. Answer: Unfortunately, I know that it is so; but so that the hopeless people may see.

that we seek peace, and are not lacking in us, I can well suffer that they provide parishes and preachers' chairs with spiritual persons, and thus help to handle the gospel. I prefer the lack to be in them than in us, and God has ruled before through bad boys, and done good; and I must think that now is the time when Herod in Jerusalem sold the priestly office, the Romans also, and yet the service of God and the word remain. But if they want to dampen the gospel, or even remain unrepentant, let them stand their ground; we preach what we want. Nor do they sit so firmly. If they have a desire for misfortune, God will soon raise up another coiner to overthrow them completely. If they do not want to be bishops in God's name, then let them be bathers in the devil's name, without our fault or cause. The Lutherans remain masters, because Christ remains with them and they remain with him, even if hell, the world, the devil, princes and everything should become nonsensical.

But it will now become too much and too long to deal with more pieces. May God help you to proceed in the Diet in such a way that we do not have to start everything over again, for that is not good for you; we would rather be spared the trouble. However, lest you think that what I am about to say is loose dramatic words, I will tell you here, as much as I can think of now, about the pieces and articles that are being written on both sides.

^1^ ) The pieces so necessary to act in the right Christian church, as we deal with.

What is the law.

What Gospel.

What sin.

  1. A draft by Luther of the following, which is much more extensive and detailed, is found in the supplements to Brück's Geschichte der Religionshandlungen auf dem Reichstage zu Augsburg, in the Weimar Archives. Reprinted in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, pp. 98 to 108; in the Oorp. RsL., vol. IV, 973 and again (according to Förstemann) vol. XXVI, p. 193 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 254 with detailed explanations, but under the wrong title as "Bedenken Luthers an den Churfürsten" 2c. This error is corrected idick. The comparison of the two documents is interesting.

986 Erl. (2.) 24, 400-402. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, II71-1I74. 987

What grace.

What Geist's gift.

What the right penance.

How to confess properly.

What faith.

What forgiveness of sins.

As for Christian freedom.

What free will.

What love.

What the cross.

What hope.

What baptism.

What the fair.

What the church.

What the keys.

What a bishop.

What a Diaconus.

As for the preaching ministry.

The Right Catechism,

as ten commandments, father-our, faith.

The right prayer.

The Litania.

Reading and interpreting Scripture.

What good works are.

Teaching of the marital status,

of children, servants, maids.

Honoring the authorities.

Children's schools.

Visit the sick.

Poor and hospital care.

The dying report.

84 No bishop has ever preached such things, nor have they ever been thoroughly understood or taught by yours, and a large part of them have even faded away. You must not deny this, we were educated in your schools; so your books still exist, which testify to this; so all the world testifies that it was never preached before. Now it is certain that these things are needed, and the Christian church is provided with them, and must have nothing of your unnecessary additions everywhere.

Here I will not tell you about the German songs, bridal blessings, and many good wholesome little books. But how many abominations we have put down with them and eradicated in our country, I will not tell now; it is enough to show how many pieces we would still have to talk about, where we wanted to take time and space.

The pieces, so in the glistening church in practice and custom find gewest.

  1. indulgences.
  2. sacrificial fairs, and the same in innumerable ways.
  3. ban in abuse even.
  4. purgatory.
  5. poltergeists.
  6. pilgrimages innumerable.
  7. vigils.
  8. soul fairs.

9th year time.

  1. four weeks.
  2. soul bath.
  3. holy service, which some never born.

13th saint celebration, without measurements.

  1. made Mary a common idol, with innumerable service, celebration, fasting, chants, antiphons.
  2. butter letters.
  3. sanctuary innumerable, with lies.
  4. brotherhoods innumerable.
  5. living celibate.
  6. consecrate churches.
  7. consecrate altar.
  8. consecrate images with indulgences.

22nd baptism of bells, with 200 gevattern on one rope.

  1. difference of food.
  2. difference of days.
  3. difference of clothes, as necessary.
  4. forced seven time or Horä Canonicä.

27 Sunday Procession, a spectacle.

  1. the last oelung to death, not to health.
  2. sacrament of marriage.
  3. sacrament of the priesthood.
  4. sacrament of fermlung.
  5. acolites.
  6. tonsurists.
  7. lectores.
  8. subdiacon do not consecrate to any office, only to freedom.

36th Brigitte Prayer.

  1. and the like without number, and all manner of prayer books full of blasphemous, shameful dishonor to God.

988 Erl. (2.) 24, 403-405. Abschn-. 6. Papal Confutation. No. 1000, W. LVI, 1174-1176. 989

+----------------------------------+-----------------------------------+ | Plates. | And of all this about necessity, | | | only > as a special service, | | Caseln. | against faith. | | | | | Albums. | | | | | | Choir shirt. | | | | | | Caps. | | | | | | Churches. | | | | | | Capellen. | | | | | | Altaria. | | | | | | Altar cloths. | | | | | | Lights. | | | | | | Chandelier. | | | | | | Images. | | | | | | Panels. | | | | | | Crucifix. | | | | | | Candles. | | | | | | Flags. | | | | | | Smoke barrel. | | | | | | Baptismal font. Monstrance. | | | Ciborium. | | | | | | Chalice. | | | | | | Organs. | | | | | | Bells. | | | | | | Holy water. | | | | | | Weihsalz. | | | | | | Seasoning. | | | | | | And all kinds of food. | | +----------------------------------+-----------------------------------+

In Lent: Ash Wednesday.

Hunger cloth.

Shroud images.

Keep fasting, except for the clergy.

Litania of the Saints.

Marian song of the evening.

Confession martyr.

Repentance and satisfaction.

Long Preces.

Palm donkey.

Shoot palms.

Swallow palms.

Palm cross.

Forcing confession.

Forcing to the Sacrament.

Kiss and worship Krenz.

Cross buried.

Half Mass on silent Friday.

Singing Psalter at the grave.

Dark meads.

Not ringing, but rattling.

Passion preach eight hours.

Consecrate fire.

Easter candles.

Lift cross from grave and play carry.

Consecrate patties on Easter Day.

St. Marx Procession, / Both good for all cross weeku. / Fornication. > > Ascension to the ninth. > > Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost. > > Procession Corporis Christi. > > Assumptio beatä Virginis.

Kirchweih.

Patron Festival.

Gemeind weeks.

St. Burkart's Feast.

Quater temper.

All Saints' Feast.

All Souls' Day.

St. Mary's Goose.

Advent, more at Mary's service than Christ's. Rorate Mass. > > Conceptio beatä Virginis. > > Three Christmas Mass. > > Apparuit and game. > > Hadern St. Stephen. > > Johann's drink. > > Candlemas and wax market. > > St. Agatha Light. > > St. Blasius Light.

I will stop here, because who can tell it all in such a short time? But if one does not want peace, I (or another better) can tell it further, so that the dear canons and bishops do not think that the monks alone have sinned, and they are the pure kittens. Not so, I did not want to indicate more this time, because what has been the custom only in the parish churches, which have been the least piece in your regiment, and despised beyond all measure, which you have also trampled underfoot. But if I should enter the^) churches, cathedral churches, official houses, monasteries and preachers' chairs, and then to the mendicants, stationers, and finally to the sophists in the high schools: God help me, I am not surprised that you forget such baseless abominations and now seek to adorn yourselves. I have it myself

  1. In the original and in the editions: "den". Walch had (not badly) "der Stift Kirchen".

990 Erl. (2.) 24, 405-407. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1176-1179. 991

(by the dear God!) and did not mean that you are sitting there, where I see you sitting now. O now be silent for God's sake, and amend yourselves, otherwise it will become evil with you.

It is true that among the above-mentioned pieces there are some that cannot be rejected, and some of them have fallen that I would not have wanted to fall, but they can easily come up again. And the best thing is that fine Latin hymns de tempore remain, even though they are almost drowned out by the new sacred hymns, and also count for almost nothing; yet we keep them firmly, and they please us heartily. And that I briefly give my opinion, this is the summa of it:

If one had let such pieces remain a children's game for the youth and young pupils, so that they would have had a childlike image of Christian doctrine and life, as one must give children dolls, horses and other children's work, and would have remained with the custom, as one teaches the children. It would have been a good thing if they had let Palm Sunday, Ascension Day, and the like go on and happen, because no conscience would have been confused with them.

But that we old fools go about in bishops' hats and spiritual splendor, and make serious of it, yes, not only serious, but articles of faith, that it must be sin, and torture the consciences, who does not worship such childish play, that is the devil himself. It follows, then, that all the above-mentioned plays, no matter how childish and ridiculous they are, nevertheless storm and corrupt with seriousness the Christian faith and the right, necessary plays, as indicated above, as if there had been no help otherwise, because one would have held such. For we have unfortunately experienced that such children's and fool's games have been played more and more seriously (and still), than the right main pieces. So we are now of the opinion: If we can help to preserve such children's games, which are tolerable, for the sake of the youth, without detriment to the right, serious main parts, then we want to do it gladly. But that we consider them to be articles of the

Faith should hold, and even in bishop's hats narrare, there is nothing out, anger and laugh who wants there.

(90) This I will have pointed out to you, dear sirs, for your friendly and faithful admonition, asking with the utmost diligence that you will earnestly call upon God together with us, that he may grant you grace and wisdom to do and act in these great matters, that it may be his glory and the salvation of us all. And be sure that you do not adorn yourselves, nor excuse, defend, or use force against your former wrongdoing. For what is the use of making more bad blood among the people? The hearts are already, and not without good reason, too highly embittered, that it is necessary to soothe them with a humble confession and good correction, to quench and calm them, and not to tear and tear further. For you know (if it were not for the gospel) that your nature and status are out of measure and too much fallen and corrupt, even against your own rights, so that you will not suffer your head to go through it.

91 You also know that Pope Adrian himself, through his legate at Nuremberg, confessed that the Roman See was the cause of much misery, and offered to amend it. Why then will you be ashamed to confess this, and in addition stubbornly insist on your pride, neither yielding nor relinquishing anything, but having everything by force, regardless of whether improvement or annoyance results from it? For you know, or should know, that Christian government or force is not for destruction but for improvement, instituted by God, as Paul says, and should not be a tyranny but a service. Then we could help you again with the people. For I believe that you will not be able to do without the Lutherans, as pious heretics, at the least without their prayers, if you are to accomplish something lasting in any other way. But if you will go by force, stiff-necked and stiff-necked (since God is for), I hereby testify, together with all who believe with me, before God and all the world, that our fault is not where your pride would be lacking, that you would fall to ruins. Let your blood be on your head; we are and want to be innocent of

[992]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1000 ff. W. xvi, 1179-1181. 993

your blood and condemnation, as we have sufficiently shown you your iniquity, have faithfully admonished you to repentance, have earnestly entreated you, and have most earnestly offered you everything that serves peace, and have neither sought nor desired anything else, but the one consolation of our souls, the free, pure gospel, so that we may boast with a good conscience that the lack was not in us. But may God of peace and comfort give you His Spirit, who will guide and lead you to all truth, through our dear Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be praise and thanksgiving for all His unspeakable grace and gifts for ever and ever, Amen.

1001 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, July 30, 1530, in which he remembers the above admonition.

In Melanchthon's sxp., tom. I, x>. 16; in Cölestin, torn. II, p. 252; in Chyträus, p. 260 and in the 6orp. Lsk, vol. II, 240.

Germanized.

It was thought that today the alleged confutation of the papists against our confession would be read out publicly, but it was a false rumor. Nevertheless, it is believed that they will not be forgiven any longer. After that, as some say, terrible edicts are to follow. Although I cannot yet write anything certain about it, I do have a lot of news, so that I easily believe we will not receive a very gracious or lenient farewell. However, do not stop asking our Lord Christ to incline the emperor's heart to peace. Some indicate that it would not be unhelpful for us to appeal to the Council. But after a few days we will know everything. I am suffering from a very ugly cough, which I contracted through sleeplessness several nights. Caspar Aquila, whom not only our friends but also the Bishop of Augsburg himself has honestly traced, will tell you what else is going on here.

The same bishop has also read your admonition to the bishop of Mainz 1) today in the Council of Princes without any shyness. He takes care of us quite seriously; but I cannot yet see how much he will achieve. Hereby commanded by God. July 30, 1530.

Philip.

  1. The scripture read was "Luther's Admonition to Archbishop Albrecht of Mainz," No. 987 in this volume.

E. What the Protestants have written about the Mass and the traditions for concerns, and what Melanchthon has acted with Luther because of the traditions.

1002 Joh. Brenz's concern whether the private mass could not be restored because of the Eucharist.

This concern is Latin with Cölestin, toi". II, x. 277 and German in Chyträus, p. 430. Here is another translation.

Translated from Latin by AI. A. Tittel.

Although the Lord's Supper is to be enjoyed with thanksgiving, it is actually instituted by Christ not for thanksgiving, but to comfort the conscience, and to sustain the body and soul of believers to eternal life.

Reason.

  1. Gifts, whether human or divine, are given for the benefit and fruit of the one who receives them. This is a selfish and shameful giver who, in dispensing his gifts, looks only to his own benefit and not to that of the one who receives them.

Now the Sacrament of the Supper is a gift that Christ distributes, since, according to Augustine, the Sacrament is a visible form of the invisible gift, that is, to say it more clearly: the Sacrament is a visible sign of the invisible gift. For grace was sometimes used by the ancients for a gift that is graciously bestowed.

So it is actually appointed, not that we present something to Christ when we enjoy the supper, but that something is given and handed to us.

  1. Furthermore, the bread that is distributed in the night meal is the body of Christ, and the wine is his blood.

But as his body was not merely sacrificed on the cross, nor his blood merely poured out in thanksgiving, but actually for the atonement and forgiveness of sins, so in Holy Communion they are not merely distributed as signs of thanksgiving, but as certain signs and evidences of atonement and forgiveness of sins.

  1. Also, the promises are not actually given for the purpose of thanking GOD, but

994 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, nm-iiW. 995

that one might enjoy the promised things; that is, since God promised Abraham the increase of his seed, he did not actually seek this by awakening Abraham to thanksgiving (although this also came about), but that he might work faith in Abraham and justify him through faith. He also promised the kingdom to David, not actually so that he would give thanks, but so that David would have the kingdom, from which thanksgiving subsequently arose in David as a fruit of good works, not as the cause of the promise.

Now, in the supper, promises of the body and blood are made, or, to be correct, present offerings are made. Thus, the supper is intended to receive something from God, not to give something to God, although it is the duty of a grateful person to give thanks upon receiving the gift.

  1. Christ also says, "Do this in remembrance of me"; and Paul, "As often as you eat this bread and drink this cup, proclaim the death of the Lord."

Now the proclamation of the Lord's death is not actually used for thanksgiving, but for the awakening of faith and the raising of weak consciences, just as the preaching of the divine word is not actually intended merely for giving thanks to God, but that we 1) be taught righteousness and receive comfort. It follows, then, that the Lord's Supper was not instituted for the very end to which the proclamation of the Lord's death is directed.

  1. Likewise, as we eat common bread, so we feed the body. For this is the main intention of the bodily meal, from which thanksgiving subsequently arises, not as the end (or final purpose), but as a consequence of the end.
  2. And as we are baptized, not for thanksgiving, but for the washing away of the filth of souls, and that we may obtain blessedness by the bath of regeneration, although the gift of baptism is followed by thanksgiving in the believer: so also we eat the bread of the supper, the conscience, so to speak, to feed, which after the food then looks to thanksgiving, not as to the end purpose, but as to the consequence of the end purpose.
  3. Nor does anyone of the popes, as much as I know, say that the laity, when they communicate (or partake of the Lord's Supper), sacrifice to God, but rather they confess that they are sacrificing the sacred to God.
  4. institiiLWur in ju8titia can also probably mean: to do justice. (Walch.)

pfahen. How, then, may the priests take and arrogate to themselves more of the Lord's Supper than the laity, since Christ instituted it for both and dedicated it to one estate as much as to the other?

Revival of faith and consolation of conscience is the ultimate purpose of the institution of the Holy Supper.

Thanksgiving is the consequence (or what follows the final purpose) of the institution of the holy supper. John Brentius.

1003 Philipp Melanchthon's Judgment of the Fair, at Augsburg Anno 1530 in the month of July.

In Cölestin, tow. II, p. 278; there is also the following number. This writing is Latin also in the 6orp. Rsk, vol. II, 208.

Translated from Latin.

There can be five opinions about the mass, the first two of which are nefarious and easy to understand and to judge, because they refer the sacrament only to human use, which does not suffer from the nature of a sacrament. For in the sacraments we have to do with God. The other three opinions have great dark controversy with them, and deal with the use against God, not merely against men.

The first opinion is that the Lord's Supper is a banquet that has been instituted among Christians to signify friendship, because banquets seem to be very useful for establishing friendships.

(3) Such an opinion is held by well-mannered and learned people, who compare this ceremony with the pagan customs. They do not think that it concerns the conscience or serves to understand the will of God, but use it only as a sign or pattern to bind human society together.

The other opinion is almost like the first, that the Lord's Supper was instituted as a sign of confession, by which Christians are distinguished from other peoples, as the toga distinguished the Romans from others, or the habit distinguishes the monks. So also the Zwinglian mob talks everywhere about the use of the sacrament. They teach that it is used to show faith before the people, that is, to testify that we are Christians. They also degrade the dignity of the sacraments. And because these opinions speak of the sacraments in a worldly (bourgeois) way, and are easily mistaken

996 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1003. W. xvi, iiW-iiM. 997

If they can be stood on their own, they are considered to be something appropriate. Thus they flatter the judgment of crude worldly people, who think that religion serves only for civil use and intercourse in human society, but not for the conscience and the heart position towards God, so that there is no further use to be sought in it.

  1. Now follow the other opinions, which teach the use of the sacraments against God, and seem more godly.

The first is that of St. Thomas and others like him, which has not only led to a great number of silent masses in the Church, but also teaches that the mass is a sacrifice for the living and the dead. For the sake of ambiguity, we will not use one word, but explain the matter.

St. Thomas writes that Christ's suffering was enough for original sin, and that the Lord's Supper, or the Mass, was instituted so that this work might be enough for our daily sins and earn grace, not only for the one who does it, but for the whole Church, and especially for those for whom it is done. This opinion attaches merit to the work itself, and describes the sacrament thus: that it is a work that merits grace, or God reconciles both the one who does it and others, because of the mere act (ex opere operato), that is, if they are not already in grace, if only they do not have the intention to sin.

After that, people began to argue whether one mass is as useful for many as one mass is for individuals. Answer. Here they calculate scales of merit. By a common merit, they say, the mass is valid for all at the same time. They also say that it is valid for the whole church, even if the one who says it is not in grace, as they say. By a very special merit, however, the individual is more valid for individual persons. This disputation is found in Scotus. From these dreams innumerable fairs, foundations, accompaniments and other many kinds of the purchase fairs arose. One thought that nothing would go right where there was not first a fair that reconciled God.

Luther punished this opinion of the merit of the mass. In this way, he denies that it is a sacrifice; otherwise, however, he does not argue about the name, whether the mass could not be called a sacrifice in another way. For he wanted to punish the common error that was going around in the church at that time, but not to quarrel about the name. This opinion, however, can be most easily refuted if one understands the justice of faith.

  1. first: Christ has paid for all sins.

nugthan, as the Scripture says: "With One Sacrifice He hath made the saints perfect." And one must not tolerate in the church the blasphemy that Christ's suffering only paid for the mere debt of inheritance.

(11) Secondly, each one is justified by his own faith, Romans 3, that is, not by the work of the mass, either by oneself or by others. But those who ascribe merit to the mass hold that man is justified by the work of the mass, if he does it himself or another; and for the sake of this work sins are forgiven, and through it all kinds of good things are obtained from God. For hence come the masses against pestilence, war, for prosperity, crops, etc., all of which fall away when the righteousness of faith is considered. Since faith justifies, it is impossible for the living or the dead to be justified by the work of the mass. And this reason is so important, if properly explained, that one can clearly see from it that the opinion of reconciliation of God through the work of the Mass is ungodly and intolerable.

(12) Nor do I think that there are many who would defend it now, after the doctrine of the righteousness of faith has been brought to light. And if someone wants to assert it, he can easily be refuted.

Therefore, among people of understanding, this opinion will not be disputed for a long time, especially since it lacks testimonies from ancient teachers. It is all a new and invented work, of which the ancient church before Gregory knows nothing. Perhaps there are some boys and fools who cannot be instructed. But I ask nothing of the judgment of them. For this whole matter must depend on the judgment of wise and pious people.

1^. The other opinion is that of some newer people who, in order to claim that silent masses are necessary and that one must remain with the old tradition of the church, also argue that the mass is a sacrifice. And yet they describe the sacrifice somewhat differently, namely, that it is not praised as a merit, because they see that this is in conflict with the justice of the faith. They think that the Mass is a good work that we do to give thanks to God. They believe that this ceremony was instituted by Christ to be always kept in practice in the Church for two reasons: first, to preserve the memory of Christ's suffering and history; second, to testify to our gratitude, as was done in Rome and other places.

998

Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1186-1189. 999

The people of the city have set up games in other places in order to preserve the memory of brave men who had rendered outstanding services to the common good, but at the same time also so that the city would show its gratitude for this work. The mass is supposed to be such a work, and in this way they defend it as a sacrifice, although it is not a work that makes the one who does it or others righteous, but as it is a good work to give thanks often with words, to give alms often, together with others or alone: so also the mass is a good work that one must do often before God to show his gratitude. Therefore they conclude that the silent masses must be kept, because it is useful that there be a certain number of priests who celebrate such a spectacle, just as a certain number of sacrificers have been appointed in the law. If the people before Luther had had this opinion of the mass and had not used it for profit and as a pretext for merit, Luther might never have taken up this disputation.

15 Now the adversaries mischievously disguise the vices of former times, and seek a pretense to subdue Luther, so that, when they have suppressed him, that may arise again in the church by which they formerly made their profit. For they defend the silent masses for no other reason with the appearance of this other opinion than so that it may have the appearance that they are keeping the church interest, of which they think that it is only endowed so that masses are ordered, and that it is not rather given to the students in order to maintain them through the benefit of the church, and finally, if it is necessary, to decree for the government and support of the congregations. Likewise, if the silent masses are kept under any pretext, the opinion of the merit of the mass, which brings such great profit, will soon break down again in the hearts of the people.

16 I do not deny that the other opinion is more famous than the first and has great predecessors. The ancients seem to have mostly thought of the mass in this way, who did not yet have still masses. For these arose from the delusion of merit. But if the bishops were to accept the other opinion, they would have to abolish many masses, namely the masses for souls and other masses for sale. Such thanksgiving is only useful to the one who does it, it is of no use to others, therefore no masses can be done for others. For just as giving thanks in words is a work that is none of another's business, so one man's mass is none of another's business, even if it were a sacrifice in the same way.

(17) But against the stillness of this opinion, we may conclude thus: If the Lord's Supper is a sacrifice which only certain people must make, then the laity must have no part in it. Now the laity enjoy it as well as the priests; therefore it is not instituted to be done by a certain class of people. So it is not an appointed sacrifice that must be done by certain people in the church for and on behalf of the people, as in the Old Testament the sacrifices were done by certain people.

(18) If laymen and priests have the same fellowship, what is the use of silent masses? For it is then enough for each of the people to receive the sacrament in the common supper, if it is administered by one of the priests. For each one gives thanks for himself, therefore it is not necessary to hold silent masses and to separate the thanksgiving of the people from the thanksgiving of the priests. These are the most probable reasons, which are given in many words, but which are not unreasonable against the silent masses.

(19) But other, more important reasons must be sought, and it must be shown that the Lord's Supper was not merely instituted to be done as a work before God to show gratitude.

20 A ceremony performed without faith is not thanksgiving. Therefore, the mass is not a sacrifice for the church, no matter if a pious or a wicked person does it, as they tend to say. For faith and confession alone is thanksgiving, as it is written, "Through him let us offer to God the sacrifice of praise, that is, the fruit of the lips of those who confess his name." Much might be said here of the sacrifices of the Old Testament, by keeping them together the whole matter would become clearer. For the Canons have written from Moses, which has not been rightly understood: An offering (or sacrifice) must make a sacrifice in the church. For they have thought that the legal service made righteous. So they dream also now, the work of the mass or the night meal is valid in itself, the faith may be there or not.

(21) Furthermore, every sacrifice is our offering, which we present to God. In the Lord's Supper, however, the body of the Lord is offered to us and grace is offered along with it; thus the supper is not a sacrifice. For the words of the Lord's Supper indicate that here the body is not offered to God, but is offered to us: "Take, eat" 2c. But this opinion will be even easier to refute if we hold it against the third opinion that follows here:

1000 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1003 W. XVI, II89-II9I. 1001

The third opinion is Luther's, which I believe to be entirely in accordance with Scripture, namely, that the evening meal was instituted, not so that we might offer the body of Christ, but so that something might be offered to us through it, namely, that it is a sacrament through which grace is offered to us, and through which we are brought to faith and timid consciences are comforted.

This opinion can be proved first of all from the name "Sacrament". For "sacrament" is a sign of the grace promised to us. But since, according to common church usage, the evening meal is called a sacrament, it follows that in it we are given something to strengthen our faith and comfort our consciences.

24 Now it is certain that in the Lord's Supper the body of the Lord is given to us, and with it grace; therefore the Lord's Supper is not a thing which we offer to God, or primarily appointed to offer to God, but to comfort souls and to receive grace.

Christ calls the Lord's Supper "a testament. But a testament means a promise in which something is given to us that we must accept in faith. So the Lord's Supper is not something we give to God, but rather something in which those who have a bad conscience receive grace and comfort.

26 Christ also says, "Do these things in remembrance of me. But to remember the benefits of Christ is to believe that through Christ we have received grace and forgiveness of sins. For a remembrance without faith is useless, for in this way even the Jews and the wicked can remember a history. Therefore, since remembrance is so much as faith, which recognizes that it receives grace, it follows that the supper was actually instituted to give us something that is received in faith.

(27) This third opinion is a serious contradiction to the still measurements, because it is not possible to appoint a certain order or class of people who enjoy the night meal at a certain time. People then only use it properly when they want to comfort their consciences. But such emotions are not bound to a certain time. Nor is it necessary to separate the classes from one another; for a layman's taking or enjoying is nothing different from a priest's 1) taking. Why then, as if there were a great difference, should a certain class be appointed to take the Lord's Supper on account of the laity? What is this but a confusion of the spiritual office,

  1. "Laymen" in the old edition instead of: "Priests".

that a single person hands himself the body of the Lord?

28 And there is this annoyance, that the common man takes the opinion from such a spectacle, that this work is a certain service, by which God must be reconciled.

(29) Perhaps someone would be surprised that there are so many different opinions about the use of a single ceremony. Answer: But there must have been many opinions in the church after the righteousness of faith was lost; for, not knowing anything about it, the divines dreamed that the mass was a work of justification, according to the first opinion; but this opinion has already been destroyed.

The other one is still kept by many, and there is a small and dark difference between the second and the third. But it is this difference. After the third, the supper comforts the conscience, and we receive certain benefits from God. After the second, a work is performed for God, like a work under the law, at the performance of which the conscience is only more shocked when it doubts whether it has sacrificed in a pure way 2c.

After the third, those who have fearful consciences are sent to communion, that they may be comforted, as Ambrose also says: Because I perish daily, I take medicine daily. According to the second, the work of the Mass can be done at all times, just as one can give thanks in words at all times. Therefore, according to this opinion, the silent masses are more easily defended, because they are considered to be works in which gratitude is shown, just as when one gives thanks orally; but just as someone can give thanks for himself more often, so it seems that this work of the evening meal can also be done in silence.

(32) But here again one can contrast the example of the church in Paul, that such a service was instituted without God's command. Likewise, since there is no difference between the thanksgiving of a layman and that of a priest, it is quite annoying that a certain number are appointed to sacrifice, as if they were doing something different from the laity.

(33) It would be best to leave all this bickering and have a common supper, in which the body of the Lord would be given to those who ask for it, teaching that the Lord's Supper was instituted first to comfort consciences and then for thanksgiving. For the thanksgiving of which the adversaries dream, not realizing that they are at the same time receiving something from Christ, is hypocrisy.

1002 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1191-1194. 1003

(34) Then it is true thanksgiving when consciences know that Christ's benefits have been done for them and they are comforted. Therefore, there is more and more certain thanksgiving in the third opinion than in the second.

Finally, because the whole Christian doctrine includes faith and love, the sign must also be related to both. Therefore, as I have said, it strengthens faith according to the third opinion. Afterwards, however, it must also serve to indicate the love and goodwill of Christians for one another. Thus these opinions can be united to some extent. But if someone wants to assert the second opinion by all means, so that he may push through the silent masses the sooner, he will have to refuse many masses, namely all those that have been appointed for the dead. Likewise, many others, because the common man thinks that there must be masses for everything that one seeks from God. When these masses will be stopped, there will perhaps not be so much dispute about other silent masses, which are truly for thanksgiving. For many would like to maintain a daily ceremony in the church to train and awaken the people to godliness, to which it is thought that this mass ceremony contributes much.

1004 Another concern of Melanchthon to Margrave George of Brandenburg, in which he claims that the private mass cannot be permitted according to God's word. September 14, 1531.

In Oorp. Hei, vol. II, 538 from Pezel's Christian Concerns, p. 1. Walch has erroneously placed this concern in the year 1530. Compare Luther's letter to the Margrave on the same matter, Sept. 14, 1531, Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. XIX, 1216. We give the text according to the 6orp. Rest, and have also completed the document according to it.

Whether to arrange the private mass again, so that the people visit the church all the more diligently.

Sublime, highborn prince, gracious lord! Your princely. Your Grace, my poor willing servants are ready beforehand. Gracious Lord! (To) Your F. Grace. (To Your F. Grace's question whether Masses that are not communicants are to be performed again to bring the people into the churches, this is my humble answer: that Masses that are not communicants are not to be performed again in any way. And for this reason: the private masses are done, that one has held them as works, thereby giving forgiveness to others.

sins and eternal life, and otherwise to earn all kinds of things by it. Now F. G. knows that this error is highly contrary to the salvific doctrine and faith, and causes public idolatry, in that one hopes to become blessed through this work of the mass, thus such false delusion draws and turns the heart away from Christ to this work. In this way, faith in Christ is suppressed and blinded, so that the heart cannot comfort itself, and does not know that we should seek and attain forgiveness of sins and salvation with this alone, that we believe that God wants to be merciful to us for Christ's sake without our merit. And Christ has ordained the Sacrament to build and strengthen such faith, that we should use it, not so that the work itself would make us pious, as our opponents teach about the Mass, but so that we should be exhorted by signs to awaken faith that God is gracious to us, counts us pious and righteous, and wants to make us blessed for Christ's sake, without our merit. If private masses were to be reintroduced, it would have to follow that they would again be a work to destroy faith and a service against God's command. For the people are accustomed to the mass, are also driven to it by false opinion, and would also be strengthened in such false opinion that the mass is a work by which they are to be saved. Thus they would be completely turned away from the right teaching of their own faith and the practice of it. For this reason, the F. F. G. do not want to be moved to re-establish the mass if they are not communicants.

However, the fact that the people come to church less, it is to be considered that the mass would not help to drive the people into the church. Good, serious preaching should bring the people to church more than the mass, and I think it is the preachers' fault that the people are not diligent, so that they do not do things usefully and seriously in their sermons, nor do they admonish the people diligently to God's word, to God's service, to prayer, to the sacrament.

I would also like the authorities to take serious care that the people are driven to church, especially on holidays, and to punish those who are caught in public houses at the time when they are supposed to be in church.

That E. F. G. also desire to know how it is held here, I add to E. F. G.'s knowledge that no mass is held where there are not communicants, and are here at Wittenberg and at many other places.

[1004]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1004 f. W. xvi. 1194-1197. 1005

Otherwise, on holidays, there are always many communicants, and otherwise the churches are full. On weekdays, the preachers preach and the students sing several psalms and litanies, and quite a number come to church. Otherwise, in the countryside, one finds that the people are generally industrious or industrious, according to the preachers.

I am sending E. F. G. the Apologia, again elaborated and improved, in which I have diligently dealt with the most useful trades, as de justificatione, and de poenitentia and de Missa. Please, E. F. G. accept them graciously, and command me to E. F. G. humbly. God preserve E. F. G. at all times. Date Wittenberg, on exaltationis crucis Sept. 14 1531.

E. F. G.

' subservient

Philip Melanthon.

1005. Luther's two concerns sent from Coburg by the Mass.

The first concern is found in Cölestin, toin. II, p. 281 Latin, German here with Walch. De Wette, Vol. I V, p. 116, limits himself to saying that it can be read in Walch. - The second concern is likewise found in Cölestin, tona. II, p. 284; in Buddeus, p. 170 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 113. In Walch, the conclusion is missing. We have retranslated the second concern after De Wette.

a. The first concern. July 1530.

  1. Whether the papists want to pretend to receive their corner masses, a priest may communicate himself, or give him the sacrament himself; just as the sick are reported individually in houses, or communicated,

To which the answer is:

  1. first, that it is not enough to speak and do thus, but they should have a clear word and command from God that this should be done rightly; for without God's word one should do nothing in God's service and things.

3 Secondly, it is a perversion of the priestly office that God has instituted. For the sacraments are to be administered through the public common office, in place of Christ and Christianity. Now, a single person, in contrast to himself, cannot have or need a public or common office. If

But the sacraments are given to the sick out of the ordinary office, just as if the sacrament were otherwise taken from the altar and brought to one in the corner or behind the church door; and thus the office remains here in its work inverted.

Thirdly, it is well known that the papists do not pretend this out of devotion or desire for the sacrament, but rather to confirm their merchandising with such a pretense. For their devotion to God and His service is well known. And if they have a desire or devotion for the sacrament, they can get it in a proper way, since there is no danger of abuse; but if they despise it and want to have it in a wrong, dangerous way, it is publicly understood that they do not mean the sacrament, but their belly.

Item 5: It is also an evil example. For even with the right to communicate oneself, one might secretly say mass alone; or, if he wanted to lie, pretend that he had said mass secretly, and yet there would be nothing to it. This would be a shameful perversion, both of the office and of the custom.

(6) And if their own communicating is to be nothing else than a communicating like the laity receive the sacrament, and not a sacrificing; what then may one establish a special state and order for it, by consecrations and garments and other trappings? Let them, like the laity, receive the sacrament unconsecrated and unclothed, and this is a superfluous, unnecessary distinction between the consecrated and the laity. In sum, priestly ordination would then be in vain; just as it would be in vain for someone to be elected pastor, so that he might secretly read the Gospel, and teach or preach himself; for they give no office nor distinction from the laity.

7 It is also unwise for one person to eat and drink alone, leaving the others to watch, to whom he says, "Take, eat, and drink," and does not say, "I alone will take, eat, and drink, and leave you to watch. For with the sick it is, as I said, that they eat and drink with the house, as given from the altar, through the ministry.

[1006]{.underline} Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1197-1199. 1007

  1. Christ also wants to have such a sacrament for the remembrance of his suffering, that one speaks of it publicly to the audience. But such deviates make a silence of it, and call it the silent mass; for they teach the words of the sacrament to be spoken secretly, and to hide them from the people, which is contrary to the institution of Christ. 2c. But in the case of the sick, they speak them freely in public, and also preach to them. For a mass without preaching Christ does not want, and is also a mass, like a body without soul, or bag without money, barrel without wine.

b. The second concern to Spalatin. July 27, 1530.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace from the Lord! It is no less my opinion, my dear Spalatin, than that the private masses should be retained, even under whatever pretense it may be. If those are pious who say that they must be kept for the sake of thanksgiving, they are challenged by carnal thoughts. There is no need for thanksgiving in the public mass; then, if someone wants, in every work, at every time, in every place, so that the private mass is not necessary. For it is a danger and a nuisance, if it would be kept even in a better heart, as the ephod of Gideon was Judges 8:27. Christ also instituted the public mass, and all the words are in the numerus of the majority, addressed and spoken to the congregation. It is not enough to say: I have a good opinion. One must say: I have the Word of God; for, as we have often taught, a thanksgiving and a new service without the Word must not be established, for we must be certain of a work to be done against God. In the same way, one would say: I want to become a monk for the sake of thanksgiving. Why don't you do this without the monastic state? Although I would allow it with regard to the monastic state, but when and for how long do you think that such monks will be? It is not in the capacity of human nature to worship God in this way.

The only way to love them is to seek thanksgiving through the monastic state or the private mass; this will hardly be granted to the highest grace. Then the masses and monasticism have already been rejected for the sake of abuse; therefore they must not be allowed to revive anew. He who is once wicked is thought by mau to be always wicked. "A thief is nowhere better than on the gallows." And no godly man can heartily approve of the private mass, under whatever great name it is praised.

About the traditions I have written to M. Philippus, then in the theses, 1) in which the opponents will find innumerable heresies, but also contradictions, because they are very sharp dialecticians, especially when they move outside those formulas: Homo currit, Plato murrit, which they alone have learned. The Lord Jesus be with you and with all of you, Amen. From the desert, on Wednesday after Jacobi July 27 in the year 1530.

Martin Luther.

1006 The reasons why the mass should not be retained, written by Philipp Melanchthon and handed over to Elector John on the evening before the Nativity of Mary Sept. 7.

From Cölestin, tom. II, p. 284. also in Oorp. Heck, vol. II, 353, where it is noted: Melanchthon seems to have written this text not in Latin, but in German.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tütel.

It is known that the opponents write and teach that the mass is such a work, which, if it is given to the living and the dead, earns and acquires for them not only forgiveness of sins and grace, but also all kinds of other good things, such as good health, victory and wealth, through the mere work.

(2) Since this is an obvious, gross and harmful error, we absolutely cannot accept and establish the silent masses in our churches again.

  1. "D. Martin Lntber's Article of the Violence of the Eastern Church", which he wants to receive against the whole -atan school 2c. St. Louis Edition, Vol. XIX, 958.

[1008]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1006 f. W. xvi, 1199-1201. 1009

(3) But there is no need to prove that this dedication is completely contrary to the Gospel. For if works can earn us grace and make us righteous before God by the mere work, ex opere operato, as they call it, then righteousness will not come from faith.

4 But it is evident from Paul's teaching that righteousness comes by faith without any merit or works on our part.

(5) In addition, if one gives merit to the mass, it is just the same as if I say: This mass is Christ. For if the mass 2c. is a satisfaction for sins, what is Christ's death and suffering for? Let Christ's suffering be compared to the jugglery of a sacristan.

  1. then, since Christ once paid a full ransom for all men's sins, as the Scripture says, "by one sacrifice the saints are perfected," it follows that no further sacrifice or atonement is necessary.

(7) Further, since Christ commands that it be done in remembrance and recollection, it follows that the sacrament is of no help or profit to those who are absent, since their faith is not awakened by the remembrance of such things. But since the dead are absent and cannot be remembered, this whole doctrine must necessarily fall.

(8) Likewise, the mass is especially instituted for the purpose of presenting the word of God to the people in such public gatherings, as Paul also commanded when he said, "You should proclaim the death of the Lord. But such things cannot be proclaimed to the dead.

(9) Likewise, since the Most Holy Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ is instituted for the use and salvation of the whole Church, and there is no distinction between the lay and the priestly communion, it follows that it is most annoying and a confusion of the spiritual office to offer sacrifices and celebrate masses of silence apart from the common communion and assembly, as if the priestly communion were a better work and something more meritorious than the lay communion.

10 Likewise, just as one layman's communion is of no use to another, nor does it help anything, so it is also clear that the priest's communion is of no use to another.

(11) Likewise, since in the sacrament Christ gives and offers us His body and blood and all the other goods of the New Testament, it follows that it is not a sacrifice by which we give anything to God, but only receive what He gives us.

From the Canon of the Mass.

Since the dedication to other things is primarily strengthened by the Canon, we cannot approve or accept it because it is completely contrary to the gospel. For if we did, we would thereby approve and confirm the appropriation.

1007. two treatises on the liturgy.

In Cölestin, tow. II, x. 287. The second is also German in Chyträus, p. 433. - Compare J. T. Müller: "Die symbolischen Bücher", p. 266. The first so-called treatise is also found inserted in the first draft of the Apology in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 518 f., although not literally, but almost sentence by sentence. Also in the Oorp. Uet., vol. II, 215.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tittel.

The first, from the origins of the word "liturgy".

(1) We will also add a brief explanation of the liturgy, by which some, in gross ignorance, want to make the mass a sacrifice; but we say that this word in the least does not mean a sacrifice, but the administration of any office or service, whether secular or spiritual. Therefore it is often used for worldly burdens (imposts), e.g. interest, taxes, duties and the like, therefore it also means the tax (handout) that happened to the saints. Paul used it in 2 Cor. 9, 1. and Phil. 2, 25. he says that Epaphroditus is the one who helps him in his need, where the word "liturgy" certainly does not mean a sacrifice.

2 Therefore, even though this word is already in the Acts of the Apostles, it does not follow that the mass is a sacrifice, for the text not only commemorates the mass, but also reports that the apostles otherwise administered their office, by which not only the administration of the holy supper, but also other of their official duties, e.g. preaching, prayer and other good works, are understood and indicated, so that they served the Christian congregation and rendered good service to the church.

The other, from the liturgy, as the thing itself is explained.

I. The supper is the presentation of the body, therefore it is not a sacrifice, because something is given to us, but in the sacrifice itself we give something.

II. Is it a testament in which we are promised something?

[1010 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet of Augsburg in 1530**,** W. xvi, 1201-1201. 1011]{.underline}

III If it is a sacrifice, faith does not make righteous.

IV. (One would also like to ask:) Whether such sacrifice consists in the meal, or in the elevation?

V. Likewise, it is to be an assembly (synaxis), for Paul says, "When ye come together, wait one for another."

VI. There is also (or should be) no difference between a layman who communicates and a priest. Therefore it is unnecessary to ordain priests to a silent (privatum) communion.

VII The priesthood is a state that has been specially instituted for communion, since there is no distinction. Therefore, it is a nuisance that the priest should say mass in a special way, because it is a special service.

VIII It is a confusion of the office, if one communicates himself, just as if one baptizes himself. For a pastor communicates himself as a member of the church (that is, with others) 1) and has a double person on him, a special and a common one.

1008 Melanchthon's letter to Luther on questions of the traditions. The

July 14, 1530.

In Cölestin, tom. II, D. 288; in Chyträus, p. 161; in Buddeus, p. 161 and rm Oorp. Rec., vol. II, 193.

Translated into German.

I received two letters from you yesterday, and I gladly confess that you are very much ahead of us in this matter. You not only write more often, but also more pleasant things than we do. Nothing has yet been decided about us and our cause. New assessments are held daily; Christ grant that they may bring peace. Eck, with his pile, has presented the emperor with a refutation of our confession. It has not yet come to light; but I hear from good friends that it is a long writing full of invective. Zwingli has sent a printed confession; one should swear that he is quite mad. On the subject of original sin and the use of the sacraments, he obviously rehashes the old errors. He speaks of the ceremonies in a completely Swiss, that is, highly barbaric way; he would like to have them all abolished. He strongly pushes his cause of the Lord's Supper. He

  1. who in the beginning gave himself the night meal. (Walch.)

wants all the bishops exterminated. I will send a copy of the Scripture when I get it, because the one I had is going around among the princes.

2 I send you the question of the statutes of men (traditionibus), and ask you to write about it quite extensively. For no matter in all our disputations causes me more trouble than this one, which seems to be the easiest. And in fact it is a small thing: the doctrines of men are only ropes of conscience, they are held the same or abolished. We have one firm ground of justification; and the other of liberty, namely, that one must hold even above external liberty, finds much offence. But I call this liberty, as Paul also keepeth the law among the Jews with. I have set forth four kinds of causes of the statutes of men, from which they are derived, so that you may see the sooner where I am lacking. For if such traditional statutes are kept without any sinful opinion of them, it seems that they must be kept because of the right of the authorities (potestatis), but not because of any worship. For we see that the bishops indeed rule by human right.

In the point of the mass and in the first list of the articles of faith, I think I have been cautious enough; but in the matter of the statutes of men, I am not yet satisfied with myself in this writing. I also believe that the adversaries will make a great noise about the spiritual orders. Farewell, the day after Margaret July 14 1530.

There can be five causes of the church statutes:

I. As if they were works that could propitiate God, as the world has believed from the satisfaction and many other ceremonies and the penitential canons.

II. As if they were necessary services, as in the Old Testament there was a constant service with certain days and meals and the like. This cause is little different from the previous one, but there is some difference in that it seems to include works that follow justification, together with a confession of faith. For this I call service and worship, and to this is added the condition of necessity; for I have said that a necessary service of God is established, as in the law with perpetual ceremonies. Of these two causes one can easily judge. For

[1012]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1008 f. W. xvi, 1204-12W. 1013

because they are ungodly statutes, they will surely be transgressed. And Paul only deals with these cases; Luther also only dealt with such cases in the beginning. Therefore, one can easily judge about it.

III There is nothing ungodly in the third cause. If one makes statutes for the sake of good order, "that it may be done properly," as, holidays, Sunday, the order of the readings in the mass, likewise, that no one distribute the Lord's Supper unless he is an ordained priest.

IV. The fourth cause also seems right, for the better, that a bodily discipline be ordered for the rough and ignorant, as, certain fasts, certain feasts. Not that the fasts are divine services, but bodily exercises, which keep wild, rough people to be fit to hear the word.

V. The fifth, indeed, because of a service, but which follows faith, as the work of the Magdalene, the anointing of the feet. This is how the Maccabees ordered the consecration of the church, namely a work by which thanks are given, which should be a testimony and characteristic of gratitude and faith.

In the last three cases, statutes can be safely and justifiably invoked. And in such a case the opponents can conclude: Such statutes are permitted and ordered by the authorities, therefore they must be kept, just as the Jews were forced by necessity to keep the church consecration ordered by the Maccabees, and the Ninivites to keep the fast proclaimed by the king, just as the Jews were once forced to keep that of Jehoshaphat. For we must confess that the bishops are authorities by human right, and therefore the statutes are binding, not because they are in themselves divine services, but because they are permitted works commanded by the authorities. It is the right of authority that is the problem here, not the nature of the work itself.

Here you will say that there is not only reason why they can be omitted, because they run counter to the doctrine of justification, but also because the freedom given by the gospel cannot be taken away from us, just as Paul kept the law freely among the Jews, only that he would not offend anyone. But this does not seem sufficient, or is certainly very offensive to ordinary people. For if obedience is necessary, there is no more freedom. For obedience and freedom conflict with each other. This knot must be untied. For that freedom seems to cancel out obedience altogether, which is not proper.

I also conclude that the Jews would have sinned if they had not kept the fast proclaimed by Jehoshaphat; the Ninevites would have sinned if they had not kept the fast commanded. Therefore we also do wrong if we do not keep the fasts commanded in lawful cases. For the fact that Ahab is cited against it, who ordered a service, is quite different. For he ordained a service to propitiate God contrary to the doctrine of faith; but if he had ordained nothing contrary to faith, but according to it, as Jehoshaphat did, it should not have been transgressed.

The same can be said of the statutes of ours. For I admit that the bishops can rule according to human law. Answer me, therefore, whether the statutes, if they have been commanded in the three cases, must necessarily be kept because of the authority and the command of the authorities, and whether such statutes bind the conscience?

Luther's answer to Melanchthon to the questions sent to him about the statutes of man. July 21, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in 6o6. d, co. 72 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 60. Printed in Cölestin, tom. II, p. 2891>; in Buddeus, p. 164 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 105. According to the latter we have translated.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! In your previous letters, my dear Philip, you gave me hope that already on Monday of last week July 11 you would have the answer of the Adversaries; by an edict soon to follow you would be released. Therefore, I almost certainly expected that you would return the same week. Now these letters show something else. But of that and other things another time.

Now to the disputation of the statutes. Five causes of the ceremonies are treated by you in the right way. But where the knot is, and you are looking for it, namely about the

  1. The first rebuttal was delivered to the emperor on July 13; but since he was dissatisfied with it, a second was drafted, and it was read aloud on August 3 (De Wette).

1014 Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet of Augsburg, 1530, W. xvi, 1206-1208. 1015

The person or cause of the statutes is a matter of dispute. For the question about the final purpose is easy.

This is my opinion about this whole knot. First of all, since it is certain that these two governments are separate and distinct, namely the spiritual and the temporal, which Satan, through the papacy, has extraordinarily confused and mixed together, we armies must keep a sharp watch and not allow them to be mixed together again, nor must we yield to anyone or allow him to mix them together. For that would be to share with thieves and robbers, for this is a saying of God, who commands that they be kept separate and unmixed, saying Luc. 22:26, "But you do not so."

Secondly. From this it follows that one and the same person cannot be a bishop and a prince, nor a priest and a householder at the same time. You understand here sufficiently what I want. I want to have the persons unmixed, as also the governments, although the same person can represent both persons, and one and the same Pomeranian can be pastor and head of household. For I do not want to disturb the bishops, since there are still good ones among them. Thus, the same person Conrad von Thüngen is Duke of Franconia and Bishop of Würzburg, although the Duke of Franconia cannot be Bishop of Würzburg. This I treat with so many words before you, because you know that our word has treated primarily also these effecting causes of the statutes, not only the final causes, which, you have enumerated.

Thirdly. A bishop, as a bishop, has no power to interpret any statute or ceremony to his church, except with the express or implied consent of the church. For the church is free and the mistress, and the bishops are not to be lords over the faith of the churches, nor to weigh them down or oppress them against their will. For they are only servants and stewards, not masters of the Church. But if the church has agreed to be one body with the bishop, then they can impose on themselves whatever they want, as long as godliness is not violated; they can also do the same again at their discretion. If

the bishops do not seek this authority, so they want to rule and keep everything at their own discretion. We must not allow this, nor in any way participate in this godlessness and injustice or the suppression of the church and the truth.

Fourthly. A bishop, as a prince, can much less impose something on the church, because that would mean to confuse these two powers completely, and then he would be in truth one who reaches into a foreign office (allotrioepisco- pus 1 Petr. 4, 15., and we, if we let him, would be guilty of the same church robbery. So against this iniquity and ungodliness one must rather let go of life. I am talking about the church, which is already separated from the secular community.

Fifth. A bishop, as a prince, may impose on his subjects, as subjects, whatever he deems good, if it is only godly and permissible, and the subjects are bound to obey. For then they obey not as church, but as citizens. For the church is also a twofold person in the same man. Thus, when Conrad von Thüngen commands his Franks, as Duke of Franconia, to fast or to do some other permissible thing, he compels those who recognize him as Duke to obey, but not those who recognize him as bishop, namely those who are under the rule of other princes, even though they belong to the Würzburg church; just as Pommer compels his servant to obey his household law, but not his Wittenberg church.

As for the king of Nineveh, you will see that it is a purely secular commandment, regardless of whether there is a church or paganism among them. Thus, if the emperor should command a fast to all in general, even those who are the church will obey him, because the church is under the emperor according to the flesh, but it does not obey as a church. It is the same with King Jehoshaphat. But of the Maccabees it is clear that they did not institute their church consecration 1 Macc. 4, 59. themselves alone, but the whole people unanimously consented. This unanimity could also have annulled it, although here, too, there was a lot of secular law involved, yes, almost the whole thing was secular, since namely

1016 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1009. w. xvi, 1208-E. 1017

ly the Maccabees ruled, and yet it is not decreed without the consent of the people.

Therefore, neither according to spiritual nor according to temporal law can we attribute to the bishops the power to decree anything over the church, no matter how permissible and godly, because one does not have to do evil in order for good to come from it. If they wanted to enforce this by force and put it into practice, we must not obey them or consent to it, but rather die for the maintenance of the difference of these governments, that is, for the will and the law of God, against ungodliness and the robberies of the church. In addition, if they should say (which they will not do) that they want to burden us at their peril and be held by us as tyrants, and force us not to resist the evil, 2c.: then one must nevertheless resist, not even obey by any work, but do the opposite, because here not only the evil is borne, but ungodliness is confirmed and the godly nature is denied, namely by the work itself and the acquiescence. If, however, they force us to fast by physical violence, namely by taking away our food or keeping us in the dungeon, then the evil will certainly be tolerated, since we have not given our consent to it either by deed or word.

Here, however, I have thoughts that we might be endangered by their deceptions and false pretenses, namely, if they pretend that the emperor, as emperor, but they, as princes, want to have such things decreed, or that the statutes are maintained by the church, not as by the church, but as by subjects, and under this pretext revive and confirm that whole tyranny of confusion, and in such a way keep the church nevertheless oppressed and subject under the episcopal power:

Here my opinion is that by God's word it is forbidden to believe them, because Christ forbids that the ungodly and sinner be acknowledged as righteous, unless he has obviously repented, Matth. 18, 17: "If he does not hear the congregation, then stop him.

him as a heathen and a publican." Now, since the bishops are obviously guilty of this disorderly tyranny 1) and of the oppression of the church, they must not be believed unless they have first, in manifest repentance, repudiated and rejected the former laws and all the facts which have arisen from the disorderly tyranny. If they refuse to do so, it is clear that they want to remain unrepentant and unpunished, and restore all their abominations with cunning and deceit, and lie that they, as princes, or the emperor, as emperor, command it.

Therefore, let us see to it that we walk carefully toward them, because they are full of all the deceitfulness and deceitfulness of their god, Satan, lest they seize some of ours, and afterwards leave behind a sting and incurable sobs because of the ruined church and the restored abomination.

One could grasp this fraud (if they wanted to impose it at all by force) with one's hands, if the bishop of Wuerzburg would not only command those whose duke he is, but at the same time also those whose bishop he is; so, if the pope would not only command the subjects of his temporal dominion 2c. So far you can safely grant the bishops the power over the statutes. If then 2) by any pretext the church were suppressed, this would happen without our consent and without our fault, and I would have them press for it and demand that they be admitted with their statutes according to the custom of the princes, but not according to the custom of the bishops; but Satan will not do this, noticing beforehand that his rope turns back against himself. But it would be good for Duke George, who in this way would become bishop of Meissen and Merseburg and Prague, namely by commanding in his name that the bishops should be obeyed as if he himself had commanded it; but it would be much better for the Landgrave of Hesse, who would not give anything to the Mainzer.

  1. eontusa t^rannis, the tyranny that results from the blending of the spiritual and secular regimes.
  2. Here we have assumed turn with the O06. .I^n. and Aurifaber, instead of tantuin in De Anette.

[1018]{.underline} Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet of Augsburg, 1530, W. xvi, 1211-1213. 1019

would concede except Hammelburg and Fritzlar, and nothing would remain in Thuringia but the episcopal court at Erfurt.

But these things you despise as coarse and rude. Nevertheless, they are worth answering your impertinent and useless questions with, since you see that those people want or can want nothing less than to rule over the churches according to worldly rights or to be considered only princes of the world. They want to be bishops, and if they did not want that, what would they be? what would they remain? That is why I wanted you to be a little calmer. You plague me, too, with your futile worry, so that it almost annoys me to write to you, since I see that I accomplish nothing with my words. "I am foolish in speech, but not foolish in knowledge" 2 Cor. 11:6. May the Lord Christ be with you, amen. From the desert, July 21, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

1010 Melanchthon's repeated inquiry to Luther whether the statutes, which are chosen by pious people out of their own devotion, could be a service of God. July 27, 1530.

In Cölestin, tom. II, x. 291; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 167 and according to the German, p. 261 and in the Corp. kok., vol. II, 229.

Germanized.

1 The adversary's Confutation has not yet been handed over to us, and I hear that the reason for the delay is that they are emendring it from the Emperor's Council and taking out the invective; today, however, I heard from Campegius that it will come out in a few days. If she comes out, we will be able to conclude about our farewell. For we want to ask that they grant us an answer; if they will do so, we do not want to stay long.

Erasmus has written to the emperor again, and he has put up with our cause, as far as priestly marriages, vows, and both are concerned. For he has reported these articles in particular.

3 I am afraid that you are somewhat moved by the statutes of men in your answers. But I pray that you will be kind to me in my disputation.

hold. These are great things, and they are of little help to me. I have the complete certainty that the bishops may not burden the churches with their statutes, and I have also written so in the Confession, and do not change the same. But I ask you about other things. I ask you to answer me not about the causative cause of the statutes of men, but about the final cause, which I have set for the fifth, namely: whether certain works, chosen by believers out of their own devotion, can be worship? As if St. Bernard, who already believes in the righteousness of faith, chooses to do something certain, whether such a certain work can be a service to God, or such a work by which God is actually thanked and praised? For this is what Thomas calls

I think that such a work is only a bodily exercise, and not a worship; as if he fasts for certain days, the purpose of this work is actually mortification of the body, not a worship, but a praise of God. For I am speaking of the most real and immediate purpose, and I am aware that St. Bernard is mistaken if he considers it a service. Thus, when St. Peter decrees that one should celebrate Sunday, I hold that the work is not a service, but has a bodily benefit, that the people come together on a certain day. But Thomas is against this, and makes a service out of these self-chosen works. In the same way he writes about the vows. Please, do not complain about speaking to me in writing about these matters, since this is not without benefit. Hereby commanded by God. July 27 at Augsburg in the year 1530.

Luther's answer to Melanchthon. August 3, 1530.

This letter is found in Latin in Buddeus, p. 175, from the Jena manuscript; in Flacius' Latin collection of letters; in Cölestin, tom. II, x>. 292; in Chyträus, p. 168 and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 122. German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 430b; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 117b; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p.244; in the Leipzig, vol.XX, p.88; in Chyträus, p. 112 b and in Walch. In all German editions the postscript is given as a special document. We have translated after De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To Magister Philipp Melanchthon, his extremely dear brother.

Grace and peace! Now you are writing to me for the third or fourth time about the

1020 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1011. W. xvi, 1213 f. 1218 f. 1021

Statutes, my dear Philip, and either I do not understand you, or you are disputing an impossible thing, namely, whether Bernard, who is already right in doctrine, can choose a certain custom and say: This is to be worship, honor and praise of God, or serve to give thanks to God. This is a quite impossible case, which involves an obvious contradiction. For to say: this is to be God's service or to be, does not stand with Bernhardus, but solely with GOD. Therefore, Bernhardus, who stands right in the doctrine, will never be able to say: This shall be God's service, or he will cease to stand rightly in doctrine. For what else would that be but to exalt oneself above GOD and all worship? And what else does the first commandment and all the prophets forbid but such works services? For after all, the final causes may be entirely divine, let alone permitted: but by this addition: "It shall be a service of God," 1) the greatest blasphemies and robberies of God occur through man, namely, as if man wanted to make GOD, or to teach in what way he must be worshipped. Therefore (as you say) such a work is not a worship, but an exercise. This is also my opinion. Yes, I know for sure that without that addition alone it is an exercise, and with the addition it is idolatry. This is what I want, since I am speaking of the cause. For if the causative cause is not, then the final cause is necessarily a figment of the imagination (Chimaera). Therefore, you force me to wonder and to doubt completely whether I understand you, since you so reject the causative cause and insist on the final cause. I say even more: That very self-chosen work of Bernard, even without addition, is dangerous because of its peculiarity and almost equal to a nuisance, as if all of ours were not already sufficiently ordained by the general commandment of God for the service of God, that we should do, speak, carry and live everything for the glory and praise of God, and only that peculiar saint would have to come with his self-chosen work, without any

  1. In Latin emphasized by brackets, because one did not have speech marks.

No need, without the word of God, to put on a show for us, as if he wanted to show us something better than what we already have, decreed by God, although nothing, whatever a man may devise, can nor should be considered equal to it. You will see if I have understood you correctly; I could not think otherwise about your words now. May the Lord soon make such people out of you who will return. Greetings to all of us. The grace of God be with you all, Amen. From the desert, 2) August 3, 1530. Martin Luther.

"My head is stubborn," as you say, but it is stubborn to me now in the highest degree, 3) because Satan forces me so against my will to be idle and to lose time.

^4^) In the church, the cause of laws is missing.

  1. the causing cause is missing, because nobody has a right. > > 2. the final cause, because everything is already commanded and > decreed that is godly, permissible, honorable and necessary for > salvation, and there is no other final purpose. > > 3. the material cause is missing, because things and external goods > of the world do not belong to the church, but spiritual and eternal > things. > > 4. the formal cause, because nothing better and more suitable could > be ordained by the Word of God, which has written everything with > weight, measure, number and order sWeish. 11, 22/, than faith, love, > cross, the ten commandments, precepts, promises.

Yes, reason does not comprehend the formal causes, as well as the material ones, not even the causing or the final cause in the church.

  1. the final cause of the laws in the church must be eternal life.
  1. We have omitted "Coburg" with Flacius and Aurifaber. Only from September 23 Luther dates his letters from "Coburg".
  2. "siMNkinniMSsimum". The A6NU8 neuter is explained by the eaput that can be inferred from the preceding.
  3. The Folget,de brings Walch as a special

Document in No. 1013.

[1022]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1214-1216. 1023

  1. the material, the sin and the sinner to be justified, the believer > and the righteousness before God. > > 3. the effectual one, the Lord of eternal life. > > 4. the formal cause is the oral word, taught in the mind, recorded, > not merely recorded on paper or uttered with the voice.

For what is the law of the church?

It is the word, believed in the spirit to eternal life, given by GOtte. But these things do not rhyme with external laws. Titus 1:1,2: The godly doctrine of the faith of the elect for the hope of eternal life, which is promised by God who does not lie.

The question of laws is the most difficult of all, undertaken by many in many ways, but never solved by anyone. This comes

  1. The imperfect knowledge of the spirit,
  1. From the wickedness of men.

Luther's letter to Melanchthon. August 4, 1530.

This letter is handwritten in Rhediger's collection of letters in Breslau, datirt vom 4. August; in 606. öon. d, toi. 76 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 76. Printed in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius; in Cölestin, tom. 11, p. 293; in Buddeus, p. 178; in Schütze, vol. II, p. 161, erroneously and without the conclusion from Börner's collection in Leipzig; and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 124. German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 431; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 118; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 244; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 88 and in Walch. In all German editions the conclusion is missing. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

The grace and peace of Christ! I recognize indeed, my dear Philip, that you do not want your final causes of the statutes to be despised by me. Therefore I protest again, first of all, that I also do not want my causes of the statutes to be despised by you. "Take it well to heart, it is an important matter." It is nothing that someone should

  1. VirZ. Lueolicm, Lei. Ill, v. 54.

You know that, since neither princes nor bishops have the power to establish statutes in the church, it is nothing for them to boast that they are righteous. Therefore, since neither princes nor bishops have the power to establish statutes in the church, it is nothing for them to boast that it is godly, that it is permitted, that it is an exercise, that it is thanksgiving, that it is discipline. God does not care about it, but demands His commandment. If, therefore, the cause is taken away, no abominations of the Antichrist could be resisted, since he would like to say: This is godly, this is permitted 2c. For who will be judge here, who arbitrator? The examples are there, on which they press, and will easily obtain it. It was godly to sacrifice his son after the example of Abraham; it was godly (said Muenzer) to kill the kings of Canaan and the Amorites, so let us kill. Therefore, I do not depart from the effecting cause. That is the first thing.

Secondly, your final causes are all impossible. For if I ask: What are the godly or lawful things that are to be established by the statutes, you will say: thanksgiving, discipline 2c. But these are already established by the word of God. For GOD commanded to pray, to preach. To give thanks, to restrain the flesh, to instruct the people and the children. Now show me any work that is subject to the statutes. Do you want to mention purgatory, pilgrimages, brotherhoods, the service of the saints? These are of course without the word of God, but at the same time also ungodly. Since there is no work that the statute could establish anew, it follows that it takes before itself a work already commanded by God, and presupposes, as it were, the category of substance, which it solennisirts, as they call it, and clothes with quantity, quality, where, when, for what; as to say thanks is a work of the statute, rather not of the statute, but of the divine command. But it becomes a work of the statute, in that the statute prescribes, at this hour, in this place, with this voice, with such long continuance, in this dress, with these gestures, let us do it. But these categories of accidental things God has defined in His works as free and in truth accidental.

[1024]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1012 f. W. xvi, 1216-1218. 1025

The first thing we want to do is to have things, but by no means as the essence (substantiam).

Now the disputation returns to its circle, that also no one can himself impose accidental things (accidentia,) on others, unless he is commanded, and he is called by God as the effecting cause, just as when someone speaks and executes the ministry as by the word and power of God. This is my opinion of the statutes. But whether I understand you and yours, I do not know.

But that you mix into the statutes the self-chosen service with your Bernard, of whom you assume that he stands right in the doctrine and yet chooses a certain fasting to give thanks, then I call this not a statute decreed by authority, but a self-chosen action of an individual. I judge from this that Bernard is not allowed to choose such a fast or order. For this particularity or order would be detrimental to the other orders and works of God, since all of ours must be done in the name of Christ and for the glory of God. But that particularity would obscure everything by this dangerous example and harmful annoyance for the simple, and, as the Scripture says Deut. 19:14, it would cause offence to the blind.

But if this annoyance were tolerated, soothed by this remedy, that at the same time it was taught (as it should be taught) that besides this order of Bernard, any order of God was much more holy than that of the husbandmen, the servants, the parents, the state of the children, 2c., and much more suitable to give thanks, and a thousand times more pleasing to God than this peculiar and self-chosen one: then it would not be to be feared that this self-chosen worship would get the upper hand. But this does not belong to the matter.

The summa is this: That it is not permitted to choose or invent any worship without an express commandment of God and a certain word. For this is how we have taught up to now, and rightly so. But what would that order of Bernard's be but, in fact, a service above and apart from what God has commanded, which would be entirely self-chosen?

Accept this from me as from one who guesses more with regard to your opinion than clearly sees through it. Perhaps I am so distracted by other thoughts that I do not quite see yours. Otherwise, it is strange to me why you should ask about such things as if you did not know them, while I know that you understand all of ours in the best possible way. I hold that in all these things the causative cause is sufficient, namely that Bernard should not choose or follow such a service, because he is not called to it, nor does he have a word of God by which he would like to become the causative cause. Otherwise, the service itself and the final cause would be holy in itself if it were commanded by the word of God, that is, in my opinion, it would become truly holy through the effecting cause.

There is nothing new here, except that a new house is being built for the emperor at Augsburg, so that he may remain in Germany for many years; and that Queen Mary will be given to the voivode as a wife. And the Turkish emperor sent the emperor ten beautiful maidens (heroas) with eighteen horsemen, who brought many gifts on two mules, silver and gold vessels, to fortify the peace. Then there is great unrest among our people at Augsburg, namely Philip and Jonas and the whole company (collegium), including diseases. It is to be wondered at that this, which I have said last, is thundered out with great clamor. This, which I hope will be unknown to you since you are present, I have wanted to indicate to you as an absentee). The Lord Jesus Christ be with you, Amen. From the desert, August 4, 1530.

Martin Luther.

The first part of the book is the first part of the book.

The document that Walch brings here as a special number is the postscript to No. 1011, where we have transferred it.

  1. All of Luther's messages in this last paragraph are jokes.

[1026]{.underline} Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1219-1221. 1027

F. Of the Papal Confutation of the Augsburg Confession, which was read out on August 3, 1530, but the copy of which was cut off from the Protestants.

1014 Confutatio or Refutation of the Articles, presented in the Confession of the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen at Augsburg, put forward by the papist theologians, and publicly read in the presence of the Imperial Majesty, the Electors, Princes and other Estates of the Roman Empire on August 3, 1530.

About the history of the origin of this writing and the most distinguished authors of the same may be read what J. T. Müller, "Die symbolischen Bücher der ev.-luth. Kirche" in the historical-theological introduction, p. HXX ff. has explained. - After Cochläus had a short summary of the Confutation printed soon after the Imperial Diet, it was not until 1573 that the first complete Latin copy came out at Cologne, in des Andreas Fabricius llaririouiu eoukesmoius ^UM8t.uuuo ckoetriuuo 6VuuA6li6U6 60U86U8UM llodrirrmto. Then in Chyträus, x>. 173; in Cölestin, limt. comit. ^uZ., tom. Ill, p. 1; with Joh. Müller in the explüutio ^.uLM8t.uim6 60U1088101118; with Phil. Müller in the eouoorckiu and in Pfaff, lib. 8^mdolio. eoclomuo ovunMliouo in the uppouclix, p. 7. German according to the Latin copy of Chyträus <translated by Gelmer Nemorimontius, preacher in Rostock) in his Hist. der Augsb. The German copy of the Confutation appeared in 1572 and was printed in the "Brill auf den evangelischen Augapfel", also in the "catholischen Oculist und Starenstecher".

The Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, when she received a confession of faith, handed over by the Elector of Saxony, and several princes and two cities, with the signature of their names: J. K. M., who, with a Christian mind and zeal, sincerely desires and desires the honor of the most gracious and most powerful God, the salvation of souls, Christian unity and the common peace, honor, union and salvation of the entire German land, not only read such confession himself and, as much as was necessary, diligently perused it, but also, so that J. K. M. might be able to read it as thoroughly as possible. K. M. may proceed so much more thoroughly and bravely (as is befitting in such great matters), and act the high cause quite diligently, hand over to some learned, wise, proven and honorable men, from many countries, to inspect and examine the same Confession, and earnestly command and enjoin upon them what they must do in the Confession.

The church should also record any points in which it did not agree with the Catholic Church, and then hand them over to its superior authority with its response and reservations. Which was done correctly and properly. For they have perused the aforementioned Confession with all diligence and fidelity, and have put in writing what their opinion is of each article, and have thus sent their answer to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Which answer the Roman Imperial Majesty, as befits a Christian Majesty, as befits a Christian emperor, has read through most diligently, and has handed over to the other princes, princes and estates of the Roman Empire to read and examine. Which they have also recognized and confirmed to be right and catholic, and in complete agreement with the Gospel and Holy Scripture. Therefore, the Imperial Majesty. Therefore the Imperial Majesty, after having heard the advice of the aforementioned princes, rulers and estates, so that all disagreement and misunderstanding may be removed in our lawful holy faith and Christian religion, has ordered such answer to be read out in the present.

To the articles which have been submitted by the Elector of Saxony and several princes and cities of the Holy Roman Empire, in matters concerning our holy and Christian faith, to the Roman Imperial Majesty. Majesty, this Christian answer may be given:

For the first. That in the first article they confess the unity of the divine being in three persons, according to the command of the Concilii of Nicaea; such their confession is to be accepted, because it thoroughly agrees with the rule of faith and of the Roman church. For the Nicaean Concilium, held under the Emperor Constantius Magus, has always been considered entirely pure and holy, in which three hundred and eighteen bishops, who were of a holy life, martyrs and highly honored, after diligent study of the holy Scriptures, have decided and declared this article, which they all confess here, of the unity of the divine essence and the Trinity. So it is also to be assumed that they condemn all heresy against this article, the Manichaeans, Arians, Eunomians, Valentinians, Samosatians. For these also the holy and catholic church has condemned before.

II. In the other article of the Confession it is well supposed that they confess with the Catholic Church that the fall of inheritance is truly sin fei, which condemns and brings eternal death upon those who are not born again through baptism and the Holy Spirit. For they in the right

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condemn the new and old Pelagians, whom the Church condemned long ago. But the explanation of the article that the original sin is that people are born without fear of God, without faith in God, is to be rejected completely, because every Christian is aware that being without fear of God and without faith in God is more of a real sin of adults than of a young newborn child who does not yet need reason. Just as the Lord says to Moses: "Your children, who today understand neither good nor evil" Deut. 1, 39.

The explanation is also rejected that they say that the fall of inheritance is the evil desire; insofar as they consider the desire to be sin, so that sin remains in children even after baptism. For these two articles of Martin Luther have recently been condemned by the apostolic see, the other and third of sin, which remains in the child after baptism, and of tinder, which prevents the soul from entering heaven. But if, according to the opinion of St. Augustine, they called the original sin a lust, which ceases to be a sin at baptism, it would have to be accepted. For also according to St. Paul's opinion, Eph. 2, 3, we are all born children of wrath, and in Adam we all sinned Rom. 5, 12.

III. There is nothing questionable in the third article. For the same is in complete agreement with the apostolic symbol and with the right rule of faith. That the Son of God became man, took on human nature in unity of person, was born of the virgin Mary, truly suffered, was crucified, died, went to hell, rose from the dead on the third day, ascended into heaven, and sits at the right hand of God.

IV. That in the fourth article the Pelagians are condemned, who held that man could attain eternal life by his own powers, excluding God's grace, is accepted as catholic, and according to the old Conciliis. For the Holy Scripture expressly testifies to this. John 3:27 says John the Baptist: "A man can take nothing, except it be given him from heaven"; Jac. 1:17: "Every good gift and every perfect gift is from above, coming down from the Father of lights"; 2 Cor. 3:5.: "That we are able is of GOD, who hath made us able"; and Christ saith, "No man can come unto me, except the Father draw him that sent me," John 6:44.; and Paul, "What hast thou that thou hast not received?" 1 Cor. 4, 7.

But if anyone were to deny the merits of men, which are the result of divine grace, he would be more in agreement with the Manichaeans than with the holy Catholic Church. For it is completely against God's word to deny that our works are meritorious. For Paul says: "I have fought a good fight, I have run the race, I have kept the faith, henceforth there is laid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me in that day," 2 Tim. 4:7; and 2 Cor. 5:10: "We must all be made manifest before the judgment seat of Christ, that every man may receive according to that he hath done in life, whether it be good or bad."

For where there is reward, there is also merit, as the Lord also said to Abraham, "Fear not, Abraham; I am your shield, and your very great reward," Gen. 15:1; and Isaiah says, "Behold, his reward is with him, and his work is with him, Isa. 40:10; Isa. 58:7: "Break thy bread to the hungry, and bring into the house them that are in misery: then shall thy light break forth as the dawn, and the glory of the LORD shall take thee." Thus the Lord says to Cain, "If you are righteous, you will be pleasant," Genesis 4:7. Thus also the gospel parable of the Lord's vineyard declares, "He made us laborers, and became one with us every day for a penny. He also said: "Call the workers and give them their wages", Matth. 20, 8. Paul, aware of God's mystery, also says: "Each one will receive his reward according to his work," 1 Cor. 3:14.

Nevertheless, all Catholics confess that our works do not deserve anything of themselves, but that God's grace makes them worthy of eternal life. Thus St. John says: "They will walk with me in white garments, for they are worthy"; and St. Paul Col. 1, 12: "Give thanks to the Father, who has made us fit for the inheritance of the saints in light."

V. In the fifth article it is considered right that the Holy Spirit be given through the Word and the holy sacraments, as by instrument. For thus Apost. 10:44 it is written: "While Peter was still speaking these words, the Holy Spirit fell on all who were listening to the words"; and John 1:33: "This is He who baptizes with the Holy Spirit."

But that they think of faith here is conceded so far as it is not of faith alone (as some teach evil), but

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is understood by the faith that is active through love (as Paul rightly teaches to the Galatians). For even in baptism not only faith, but also hope and love are poured in at the same time, as Pope Alexander proves, CC. Majores de baptismo. As also long before John the Baptist taught, speaking of Christ, Luc. 3,16.: "He will lute you with the Holy Spirit and fire."

VI But that they confess in the sixth article, that faith should bring forth good fruits, is accepted with equity and pleasure. For "faith without good works is dead," Jac. 2. And all Scripture incites us to good works. For the wise man says, "What your hand can do, do always for and for," Eccl. 9:10. And, "GOD has looked upon Habe! and His sacrifice," Gen. 4:4. And [Gen. 18:19.God saw that Abraham would command his children, and his household after him, to love the ways of the LORD, and to do that which is right and good," and said: "I have sworn by myself, saith the LORD, Because thou hast done these things, I will bless thy seed, and multiply them, Gen. 22:16, 17. So God looked upon the fasting of Nineveh, Ion. 3, and the weeping and crying of Ezekiel, 2 Kings 20. Therefore all believers should follow the counsel of Paul who says: "Therefore, since we have time, let us do good to everyone, but most of all to those who have faith", Gal. 6, 10. For Christ says: "The night is coming when no one will be able to work", Joh. 9,4. For "their works follow them", Rev. 14, 13.

But that in the same article justification is attributed to faith alone is contrary to evangelical truth, which does not exclude works. For "glory and honor and peace to all who do good," Rom. 2; and David Ps. 61, Christ Matt. 15, and Paul Rom. 2 testify that God will give to each one according to his works. Further Christ says: "Not all who say to me, Lord, Lord, shall enter the kingdom of heaven, but those who do the will of my Father who is in heaven." From this it follows that no matter how much one believes, if he does not do good, he is not God's friend'. "You are my friends," says Christ, "if you do what I command you," John 15.

Therefore they are not allowed to ascribe righteousness so often to faith, because this belongs to grace and love. For Paul clearly and plainly says: "If I had all faith, so as to move mountains, and did not have love, I would be nothing," 1 Cor. 13.

St. Paul makes the princes and the whole church certain that faith alone does not make them righteous. Therefore he teaches that love is the most noble virtue, Col. 3: "But above all things put on love, which is the bond of perfection.

Nor does it help them that Christ says, "If you have done everything you were commanded, say, 'We are worthless servants,'" how much more should those say who believe alone! If ye believe all things, say, We are unprofitable servants. Therefore this speech of Christ does not exalt faith without works, but teaches that our works, compared with the eternal reward, are nothing at all. Thus St. Paul says: "I hold that the suffering of this time is not worthy of the glory that is to be revealed in us," Romans 8. For faith and good works are also God's gift, to which eternal life is given through God's mercy.

So also Ambrose, so dressed here, does not belong here, because the holy Ambrose explains himself clearly from the works of the law. For he says: Without law, understand: without law of Sabbath and circumcision 2c. And this he says more brightly about the Epistle to the Romans Cap. 4, where he introduces St. Jacob from the righteousness of Abraha, without works of the law, before circumcision. For how should Ambrose speak otherwise in his Commentariis, than Paul in the text, when he speaks, "By the works of the law no flesh is justified in his sight," Rom. 3. Wherefore he does not even exclude works at the end, but says, "We mean that a man is justified without works of the law."

VII The seventh article of the Confession, in which it is said that the church is an assembly of saints, cannot be admitted without detriment to the faith, if thereby the wicked and sinners are entirely excluded and separated from the church. For this article, condemned in the Concilio of Costnitz, is among other errors of the condemned John Hus, and completely contradicts the Gospel. For it was said that John the Baptist compared the church to a threshing floor, which Christ sweeps with his shovel and gathers the wheat into his sheds, but the chaff he burns with eternal fire, Matt. 3. But what does the chaff mean other than the wicked, and the wheat other than the good? And Christ compares the church to a net, in which are good and evil fishes, Matth. 13; item, Christ compares his church to ten virgins, of which five were wise and five were foolish, Matth. 25. Therefore this article of the Confession can be accepted with nothing. Ob-

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rvohl that to praise in the same, that they confess that the church remains for and for. For here is Christ's promise that the Spirit of truth shall abide with her forever, John 14, and Christ himself promises that he will be with her always, even to the end of the world.

This is also approved, that they hold that the inequality of the ceremonies does not separate the unity of the faith, as far as they speak of special church orders, in which each country may keep its own opinion and way, says Jerome. But if they would extend this part of the confession to the general ceremonies of the church, it should be rejected altogether, and it should be said to them with St. Paul, "We have no such usage," 1 Cor. 11, for the general ceremonies are to be held by all Christians in unity, as Augustine writes to Januarius, which testimony they also cite. For to hold that such ceremonies flowed from apostles.

VIII. The eighth article of the Confession, concerning the evil ministers of the Church and hypocrites, so that their wickedness does not interrupt nor harm the Sacrament and the Word, is accepted together with the Holy Roman Church. And here the princes are praised for condemning the Donatists and all Origenists who pretend that in God's Word it is not permitted to receive the sacraments from evil ministers. This heresy was subsequently renewed by the Waldensians and the pauperes de Lugduno, who were followed by John Viklef in England and John Hus in Bohemia.

IX. The ninth article, concerning baptism, that it is necessary for salvation, and that one should baptize children, is praised and accepted. And they condemn the Anabaptists, who are seditious, and are to be driven far out of the Holy Roman Empire, lest such a terrible and ruinous upheaval and bloodshed be caused once again in praiseworthy Germany, as happened five years ago with the destruction of many thousands of people.

X. The tenth article is to be tolerated, as far as the words are concerned, since they confess that in Holy Communion, after lawful Consecration has been held, the Body and Blood of Christ are essentially and truly present, if they only believe that the whole Christ is present under any form, so that no less Christ's Blood is under the form of bread per concomitantium than it is under the form of wine, and again. Otherwise Christ's body in the Eucharist would be dead and without blood, contrary to St. Paul. For "Christ

raised from the dead, now dies no more," Rom. 6.

In this article of the Confession, it is necessary to remember and add this, that they should rather believe the Church than some others who teach otherwise, that through the Almighty Word of God in the Consecration of the Eucharist, the essence of bread is transformed into the Body of Christ. For so concluded in the general Concilio, C. Firmiter de S. Trini, et fide catholica. Therefore we praise those who expressly condemn the Capernaites who deny the true presence of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ in the Lord's Supper.

XI. That they confess in the eleventh article that one should keep the private absolution with the confession in the church, this is approved as catholic and conformable to our faith. For absolution is affirmed with the word of Christ, since he says John 20 to his disciples, "Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them." Nevertheless, two things are to be required of them: One, that the annual confession be kept by their subjects, according to the Constitution C. Omnis utriusque, De penit. et remiss. and according to the common custom of the Church. The other is that they may, through their preachers, faithfully exhort their subjects how they should confess; although they cannot tell all their sins at once, yet, when they have diligently searched their consciences, they make a perfect confession of all their sins which occur to them in such reflection. But in the others, which we have forgotten and are not mindful of, we may say in common confession, and with David Psalm 18 19:13, "Who can know how often he faileth? Forgive me the hidden faults."

XII. But that they confess in the twelfth article that the fallen may obtain forgiveness of sins at all times, if they are converted, and that the church should impart absolution to those who return, this is considered right and praised. For they with all fairness condemn the Novatians, who denied that after the first repentance one could repent again. And this is against the prophet who promises God's grace to the sinner at what hour he will be converted, Ezek. 18. 18. and is also against the saying of grace of our Savior Jesus Christ, who answered St. Peter's question, how often he should forgive, and said, "Not seven, but seventy times seven times in a day shalt thou forgive."

But the other part of this article is entirely rejected. For in that they appropriate only two pieces of the atonement, they are contrary to the whole general

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This is contrary to the church, which from the time of the apostles held and believed that there are three parts to repentance: repentance, confession, and atonement. Thus the ancient teachers, Origen, Cyprian, Chrysostom, Gregory, Augustine, taught with Scripture testimonies, especially from 2 Sam. 12 of David; 2 Chron. 33 of Manasseh, Ps. 31. 37. 50. 101 2c. Therefore, Pope Leo the Tenth, of blessed memory, has condemned the articles of Luther, who thus set forth: That there are three parts of repentance, repentance, confession, and atonement, is not founded in the holy Christian teachings. Therefore, this part of the article cannot be admitted. Nor can it be said that faith is a part of repentance, since it is known to all that faith precedes repentance. For he who does not believe will never repent. Nor is that part of this article to be accepted which despises repentance. For it is against the Gospel, against the Apostles, against the Fathers, against the Conciliarity, and against the whole Catholic Church. John the Baptist cries out, "Do worthy fruits of repentance," Matt. 3. St. Paul commands, "As you gave your members for the service of uncleanness, so now give your members for the service of righteousness, that they may be sanctified," Rom. 6. He also preaches the same to the Gentiles, how they should repent and turn to God, and do worthy works of repentance, Acts 26. Christ also began to preach and teach, "Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand," Matt. 4. He then commanded his apostles to preach and teach in this manner, Luc. 24, and St. Peter faithfully followed him in his first sermon, Acts 2. 2 Augustine also exhorts that each one should take himself seriously, so that he, judged by himself, may not be judged by God, 1 Cor. 11.

Pope Leo Magnus says: "The mediator between God and men, the man Jesus Christ, has given the Church this superior power, that she should impose works of penance on the confessors, and admit those cleansed by salutary satisfaction to the communion of sacraments through the door of reconciliation. Thus Ambrose says: one should impose penance after the conscience has been burdened with sins. Various canons of penance are set forth in the holy synod held at Nicaea. The heretic Jovinianus thought that all sins were equal, therefore he did not want to allow the inequality of penances for sin.

For this reason, the satisfaction in the church, against the bright gospel, of the conciliar and the

Fathers' decree, should by no means be abandoned. Rather, those who are absolved by the priest are to perform the imposed penance and follow St. Paul: "He gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all unrighteousness, and purify for himself a people for his own possession, diligent in good works," Titus 2. Thus Christ has done enough for us, that we also should be followers of good works, to fulfill the imposed penances.

The thirteenth article is recognized as good, since they say that the sacraments are ordained not only because they are to be a sign of Christians, but rather because they are to be a sign and testimony of the divine will toward us. But it is to be desired of them, what they speak here in general of sacraments, that they confess this also in particular of the seven sacraments of the church, and provide that they may be kept by their subjects.

But when they confess in the fourteenth article that no one in the church shall administer God's word and the holy sacraments unless he is duly called, it is to be understood that he is duly called who is called according to the form of the law, according to the church statutes and decrees, which have been held everywhere in the Christian world. Not as Jeroboam called his priests, nor by the tumult of the common rabble, or otherwise disorderly be intruded. For no man shall arrogate honor to himself, except he be called, as Aaron was. In this mind the confession is accepted. But they are to be admonished to persevere in it, and not to admit any pastor or preacher, unless he be rightly called, into their lands.

XV. If they confess in the fifteenth article that ceremonies are to be kept in the churches, which can be kept without sin, and are useful for unity and good order in the church, this is accepted. And the princes and cities are to be exhorted to keep the church ordinances, both of the general church and those kept in every country except ours, with all godliness and devotion, also in their dominions and territories, and to re-establish those which have hitherto been omitted. And to order everything to be done in their churches according to the old way, and also to command their subjects to follow it in deed.

The appendix of the article, however, as being quite false, shall be entirely taken away, that the human statutes, so as to propitiate GOD and to do enough for sin, shall be given over to the

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The first is that they are completely contrary to the Gospel, as will be explained at length hereafter about vows, the difference of food, and the like.

The sixteenth article, of temporal authority, is readily accepted as being conformable not only to temporal law, but also to spiritual law, the Gospel, the Holy Scriptures, and the whole rule of faith. For the apostle commands that "every man should be subject to the authority that has power over him. For there is no authority without from God, but where there is authority, it is ordered by God. He who resists the authorities is resisting God's order. But those who resist will receive judgment upon themselves," Rom. 13:1 ff. And it is pledged that the rulers condemn the Anabaptists, who destroy all worldly order, and forbid the Christians the authorities and other civil offices, without which no civil community can be governed.

XVII The confession of the seventeenth article is accepted. For the whole Catholic Church knows from the apostolic symbol and from the Holy Scriptures that Christ will come on the last day to judge the living and the dead. For this reason they also condemn the Anabaptists, who are of the opinion that there is an end to the damnation of men and the torment of the devil. They themselves also make up in the Jewish way a kingdom of godliness before the resurrection of the dead in this world, in which they will oppress all the ungodly.

XVIII. In the eighteenth article, they confess the power of free will, that it has the freedom to do civil justice, but does not have the power to do God's justice without the Holy Spirit. This confession is approved and accepted. For so it behooves the Catholics to take the middle course, lest too much be given to the free will with the Pelagians, nor all freedom taken from the will with the godless Manichaeans; for both are wrong.

Thus Augustine says: "That there is a free will in man, we are to believe with certain faith, and confess without doubt. For it is an inhuman error to deny the free will in man, which every man can find in himself, and is often proved in the holy Scriptures. St. Paul says, "But he that hath power of his will," 1 Cor. 7. Of the righteous, the wise man says, "He that can transgress, and hath not transgressed; he that can do evil, hath not done it," Sir. 31, 10. God said to Cain, "If thou be godly, thou art

But if you are not pious, sin rests at the door. But do not let it have its way, but rule over it," Genesis 4. Through the prophet Isaiah he says: "If you are willing and hear me, you will eat the goods of the earth. But if ye will not, and provoke me to anger, the sword shall devour you." This is what Jeremiah said recently: "Behold, you have spoken evil and done evil, and you have been able to do it," Jer. 3.

Let us also add to this St. Ezekiel's testimony in chapter 18: "Cast away from you all your iniquity, that ye have transgressed; and make you a new heart, and a new spirit. And why then wilt thou die, O house of Israel? For I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, 1) saith the LORD. Therefore be converted, and ye shall live"; and St. Paul: "The spirit of the prophets is subject to the prophets," 1 Cor. 14; and 2 Cor. 9: "Every man according to his own will, not with unwillingness, nor of constraint. For a cheerful giver is loved by GOD." Finally, Christ struck down all Manichaeans with One Word when He said, "The poor ye have always with you, and if ye will ye may do them good," Marc. 14; and to Jerusalem, "How often have I willed to gather thy children under my wings, and thou hast not willed," saith Christ Matt. 23.

The nineteenth article is also found to be true. For God, as the highest good, is not a cause of evil, but the rational and apostate will is a cause of sins. Therefore, no one should impute his iniquity and sin to God, but to himself, according to the saying of Jer. 2: "It is the fault of your wickedness that you are thus punished, and of your disobedience that you are thus punished"; and Hosea 13: "Israel, you bring yourself into misfortune, for your salvation is with me alone." And David recognized in the spirit that God does not want sin, Ps. 5.

XX. In the twentieth article, which is not so much the confession of princes and cities as the excuse of preachers, there is a clause that applies to princes and cities, namely, that good works do not merit forgiveness of sins; for as it was rejected and condemned above, so it is rejected and condemned again. For the saying of Daniel, which is very wicked, saith otherwise, Loose thy sin with alms, Dan. 4. and Tobias saith unto his son, that alms are a remission of all sin, and of the

  1. "Godless" put by us instead of: "dying" in the old edition. Because also in the Vulgate it says: imxit.

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And Christ: "Give alms, and all things shall be clean unto you," Luc. 11. If works deserve nothing, why should the wise man have said, "God rewardeth the saints for their work"? Weish. 10. Why did St. Peter so diligently exhort us to good works? saying, "Therefore, brethren, be all the more diligent to establish your profession and election by good works," 2 Pet. 1. Why would Paul have said, "God is not unjust, that He should forget your work and labor of love, which ye have shown toward His name"? Heb. 6.

By this we do not despise the merit of Christ, but know that our works are nothing, and are not meritorious, except in the power of the merit of Christ's suffering. We know that Christ is the way, the life and the truth, John 14. But Christ, as a good shepherd, who began to do and to teach (Acts 1), has given us an example that we should do also as he did, John 13, and has gone through the wilderness by the way of good works, which all Christians should follow, and according to his commandment take up their cross and follow him, Matthew 10 and 16. And whoever does not take up the cross cannot be Christ's disciple. And is it also true that John says, "Whosoever shall say that he abideth in Christ, even so shall he walk, even as he walked", 1 John 2.

This opinion of good works, however, was condemned and rejected eleven hundred years ago, at the time of Augustine.

XXI Lastly, they set forth the twenty-first article, in which they declare that the saints are to be remembered, that we may follow their faith and good works, but not that they are to be invoked and help sought from them. Which is to be wondered at, that the princes and cities have tolerated that such error has been awakened in their dominions, which is so often condemned in the church, since eleven hundred years ago St. Jerome overcame the heretic Vigilantius in this matter. A long time later, the Albigensians, pauperes de Lugduno, the Picardians, have brought back this error, all of which have long since been rightfully condemned. Therefore, this article of the Confession, repeatedly condemned, is to be rejected completely, and to be reprobated with the general whole orthodox church. For that one should call upon the saints, we have not only the custom and authority of the general church, but also the consensus of all the holy fathers, Augustini, Hieronymi, Cypriani, Chrysostomi, Basilii, Bernhardt, and the

This Catholic doctrine does not lack the testimony and authority of the Holy Scriptures.

For that one should honor the saints was also taught by Christ, when he said: "Whoever serves me will be honored by my Father who is in heaven", John 12. If then God honors the saints, why should we humans not honor them? The Lord also turned to the repentance of Job, when he asked for his friends, Job 42. Why should the pious God not rather grant the request of the virgins Mary, because he granted Job? We also read in Baruch at the 3rd Cap. V. 4. Vulg.: "Lord, Almighty God of Israel, hear now the prayer of the dead of Israel." This is what the dead pray for us. So did Onias and Jeremiah in the Old Testament. For Judas Maccabeus saw Oniam the high priest stretching out his hand and praying for all the people of the Jews. And afterward there appeared unto him an old glorious man, clothed in delicious apparel, and in a most glorious form beside him. And Onias said to Judah, "This is Jeremiah, the prophet of God, who loves your brothers very much, and always prays for the people and the holy city," 2 Macc. 15.

We also know from God's Word that the angels also pray for us. Why then should we deny this of the saints? "O LORD of hosts," says the angel, "how long wilt thou not have mercy on Jerusalem, and on the cities of Judah, against which thou hast been wroth these seventy years? and the LORD answered the angel that talked with him with words of comfort and kindness. 1 Job also testifies to this: "If an angel, baptizing one, speaks to him, telling a man how he should do right, he will be inclined to him, saying, 'He shall be delivered, lest he go down to destruction,'" Job 33:23, 24. It is also evident from the words of the holy souls of John the Evangelist, where he says: "Then the four beasts and the four and twenty elders fell down before the Lamb, each having harps and golden bowls and incense, which are the prayers of the saints," Revelation 5:14 and 8:3. 5, 14. and 8, 3. f. "And another angel came and stood by the altar, having a golden censer; and there was given unto him much incense, the prayer of all the saints upon the golden altar before the throne: and the smoke of the incense of the prayer of the saints went up from the hand of the angel before God."

At last, St. Cyprian, martyr, one thousand two hundred and fifty years ago, wrote to the pope Cornelius, in the first book in the

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first epistle, requesting that whoever passes away first should not cease to pray for the brothers and sisters. If the holy man had not considered it true that the saints prayed for the living after this life, he would have exhorted Cornelium to do so in vain.

Nor is this article of the Confession sufficiently confirmed by the fact that there is only One Mediator of God and man, 1 Tim. 2 and 1 John 2. Maj. confesses with the whole church that there is only One Mediator of salvation, there are nevertheless many mediators of intercession. So also Moses was a mediator and intercessor between God and man, Deut. 5, because he prayed for the children of Israel, Deut. 17 and 32. So St. Paul prayed for those who were with him in the ship, Apost. 27. 27. so Paul himself desired that the Romans might pray for him, Rom. 15, the Corinthians, 2 Cor. 1, the Colossians, Col. 4. so while St. Peter was in prison, the prayer was made without ceasing in the church for him, Acts 12. 12. For this reason Christ is our supreme intercessor, and the greatest. But since the saints are the members of Christ (1 Cor. 12 and Eph. 5) and they conform their will to the will of Christ, and see that our Head, Christ, pleads for us, who can doubt that the saints do what they see Christ do?

In consideration of all these causes, it is to be requested of the princes and cities, dependent on them, that they reject this little piece of the Confession, and hold with the holy general orthodox church, believe and confess from the holy honors and intercession, what the whole Christian world believes and confesses, and also at the time of Augustine has been common in all churches; As he says, the Christian people remember the martyrs with great devotion and glory, that they may be awakened to follow them, and be made partakers of their merits, and be helped by their prayers.

Response to the other part of the Confession.

Of both shape.

That in the confession of princes and cities it is counted among the abuses that only one form of the sacrament is administered to the laity, and therefore in their dominions they allow the laity to administer both forms, from this it is to be answered: that according to the custom of the holy church this is not properly counted among the abuses, since according to the same church custom and statutes it is

is more of an abuse and disobedience to hand both figures to the laity.

For under one form of bread the saints communicated in the first church, of whom Lucas says: "But they remained constant in the apostles' teaching, and in the fellowship, and in the breaking of bread. 2 Here Lucas thinks only of the bread. As he also says Apost. 20: "Now on one Sabbath, when the disciples came together to break bread." Yes, Christ, the founder of this most holy sacrament, resurrected from the dead, gave the Eucharist in one form alone to the disciples who went to Emmaus, when he took bread, blessed it, broke it, and gave it to them, but they knew him from the breaking of bread, Luc. 24. 24 Augustine, Chrysostom, Theophylactus and Beda, some of whom lived many hundreds of years ago and not long after the time of the apostles, prove that it was the Eucharist. Also Christ Joh. 6 often remembers the bread alone. St. Ignatius, St. John the Evangelist's disciple, in the Epistle to the Ephesians, remembers the bread alone in the "Eucharist" communion.

Blessed Ambrose does the same in the Book of the Sacraments, where he speaks of lay communion. In the Concilio Remensi, the laity are forbidden not to offer the Sacrament of the Body to the sick. And there is no mention of the form of wine. From this it is to be understood that the Sacrament is given to the sick only under one form. This is confirmed by the old Canons poenitentiales. For the Concilium Agathense thrusts a poor priest into the monastery, and gives him communion after the laity. Osius, in the Concilio Sardicensi, forbids some nefarious ones to take the communion of the laity, because they confess beforehand. Therefore, there has always been a difference in the Church between the lay communion under one form and a priest under two forms.

Which was finely indicated before in the Old Testament, by the descendants of Heli: "It shall come to pass (says God 1 Sam. 2) that whoever shall remain in your house, that he shall come to be prayed for, and he shall offer a silver penny and morsel of bread. And he will say, Dear, let me go to a priest's portion, that I may eat a morsel of bread." Here the holy scripture clearly shows that the descendants of Heli, when the priesthood is taken from them, desire that they may be admitted to a priestly portion, to a morsel of bread. In the same way, our laymen are to be granted a priestly portion, a morsel of bread.

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To be satiated in one form. For even the Roman popes, cardinals, and all bishops and priests, except for the mass, and in their last, to take to the Viatico (as it is called in the Nicene Concilio), are satisfied with one form; which they would not do if they thought that both forms were necessary for beatitude.

Although in the past in many churches both forms were given to the laity (because at that time it was free to communicate under one or two forms), for the sake of danger such a habit of giving both forms has remained. For if one considers the multitude of the people, there are the old, the young, the trembling, the sick, the crippled; where great care is not taken, the sacrament could easily be dishonored by the pouring out of the wine (liquidi). Also, in front of such a large crowd of people, it would be difficult to carefully pour a measure of wine from a chalice, and if it were kept for a long time, it would become vinegar and disgust the communicants, or give rise to vomiting, and could not be easily carried around to the sick without danger of spilling.

By these and other causes, no doubt by inspiration of the Holy Spirit, the churches, when it was the custom to give both forms to the laity, have been moved that henceforth only One Form shall be given. And this is primarily considered, that the whole Christ is received under one form, and not less under one, than under two forms.

And so it was decided in the Concilium at Costnitz, and a decree was issued. Thus the Concilium of Basel has lawfully decided. And although it was formerly free to use one or both forms in the Lord's Supper, nevertheless, since the heresy arose which taught that both forms were necessary, the holy church, guided by the Holy Spirit, forbade both forms to the laity. For thus the church sometimes also uses repugnant statutes to curb heresies. When those who disputed that only unleavened bread should be consecrated in the Sacrament were discovered, the Church for a time commanded that leavened bread should be consecrated. Since Nestorius wanted the ever-virgin Mary to be Christ's mother, and not God's mother, the Church forbade that she should be called Christ's mother. Therefore, the princes and cities should be requested not to introduce this rift or schism into the Roman Empire in Germany, and not to let themselves be led away from the general church custom.

Nor do the arguments introduced in this article prove anything. For although Christ ordained both forms of the sacrament, nowhere in the Gospel is it found that both forms are commanded to be used by the laity. But that Christ says Matth. 26: "Drink from it, all of you," is told to the twelve apostles, the priests; which is evident from Marco, when he says: "And they all drank from it." Which, indeed, has not yet been fulfilled in the laity. Therefore it has never been customary in the whole church for the laity to be given both forms; although the custom may have been observed among the Corinthians and Carthaginians and some other churches.

But that they introduce Gelasius, Cap. Com- perimus, de consecratione, dist. 2: If they look at the letter, they will find that Gelasius speaks of the priests and not of the laity. Therefore, it is to be rejected that they say that the custom of giving a form is contrary to divine right.

And especially one should reject the appendix of the article, that therefore the procession with the Eucharist is to be omitted, because otherwise the sacrament would be divided. For they themselves know, or should know, from the Christian faith, that Christ is not divided, but is entirely under both forms, and that the Gospel nowhere forbids the division of the forms of the Sacrament. Which is done on the day of Paraskeue 1) in the common Catholic Church; although the one who celebrates Mass consecrates both forms, he should also take both forms. Therefore the princes and cities are to be admonished that they show due reverence and honor to the Lord Christ, the Son of the living God, our Redeemer and Savior, the Lord in heaven and on earth, because they truly believe and confess that he is present. Which they also know was kept with all devotion by their forefathers, the Christian princes.

From the priest marriage.

That they refer to the celibate state of the clergy among abuses, and permit their priests to take wives, and advise others to take them: is it to be wondered at that they call the priestly celibacy an abuse, since rather

  1. In the writing No. 1000 in this volume, § 85 towards the end, we read: "Half mass on silent Friday." The explanation is given to us in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 101: "Am stillen Freitag halbe Messen ohne (an) der Gestalt des Weins." - "Paraskene" - preparation day, the day before the Sabbath.

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the transgression of the celibacy, and the improper admission to the married state in the priests is to be called the very worst abuse.

For that the priests should never take wives is testified by Aurelius in the Concilio of Carthage, where he says: "That which the apostles have taught by their example, and the ancients have kept, we also ought to keep. And a little before, such a Canon is read: It pleases us that the bishops, priests, deacons, and those who administer the sacraments should keep chastity and abstain from women. From these words it is evident that this tradition was adopted by the Apostles, and not recently invented by the Church. Augustine, who followed Aurelio in the bishopric, in the last question of the New and Old Testament, writes with these words, asking: "If it is said that it is right and good to be free, why must priests not have wives? The pope Calixtus, a holy man and martyr, decreed thirteen hundred years ago that the priests should not take wives. In the same case we read in the holy Conciliis, Caesariensi, Neocaesariensi, Africano, Agathensi, Gerundensi, Meldensi, Aurelianensi. And so it has been held from the time of the Gospel and the Apostles that no one in the priestly office is permitted by right to take a wife.

It is true that in the first Church, for lack of ecclesiastics, husbands were admitted to the priesthood, as is evident from the Canonibus of the Apostles and Paphnutii's answer in the Concilio Niceno; nevertheless, those who wished to be free had to do so before being admitted to the subdiaconal order; as is stated in C. Si quis eorum, dist. 32. 32 This custom of the first Church has lasted until the present day and has been retained by the Greek Church. But since by God's grace the Church increased that there was no lack of servants of God in the Church, the pope Siricius, eleven hundred and forty years ago, no doubt not without the Holy Spirit, commanded the priests perfect chastity, C. Plurimos, dist. 28, which the popes Jnnocentius I, Leo Magnus and Gregorius Magnus recognized and confirmed as right, and the Catholic Church has kept it everywhere until this day. From which arguments it is sufficiently proven that the celibacy of the clergy is not an abuse, because it has been confirmed by such holy fathers for such a long time and accepted by the whole Latin Church.

There were also the priests of the old law at the time of their office and service in the temple of

But because a priest of the new law should always wait for his priesthood, it follows that he should always be chaste.

Furthermore, husbands and wives should not deprive each other of their duty, but only for a time (1 Cor. 7), so that they may pray. Since a priest should pray for and for, he should also abstain from women at all times. These causes have attracted Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine.

Furthermore St. Paul says: "I want you to be without care. He who is without a wife cares for what belongs to the Lord, as he pleases the Lord; but he who is free cares for what belongs to the world, as he pleases the woman," 1 Cor. 7. Therefore a priest who is to please God forever should avoid the care of the woman, nor look back with the wife of Lot, Gen. 19.

Further, priestly chastity was prefigured in the Old Testament. For Moses, when he received the law, commanded that they should not approach their wives until the third day, Exodus 19. Therefore the priests, who are to receive the Lawgiver, Christ the Lord and our Savior, should approach their wives much less. Likewise the priests had to wear linen low garments to cover the flesh of the shame, Exodus 28, which was a sign of the future abstinence in the priests, says Beda.

When Abimelech was to give the sacred bread to the boys of David, did he first ask them if they had abstained from women? David answered the priest and said to him, "The women were kept from us for three days when I went out," 1 Sam. 21. Therefore they must always be pure when they take the living bread that comes from heaven, Jn. 6.

Their loins were girded when they ate the paschal lamb, Exodus 12. Therefore, the priests who often eat our paschal lamb, Christ, should also gird their loins by abstinence and purity.

As the Lord commanded them, "Be pure," He says, "you who carry the Lord's vessel," Isa. 52. "Be holy, for I am holy," Deut. 19. Therefore the priests should serve God in holiness and righteousness all their lives, Luc. 1.

Therefore, the holy martyr Cyprian testifies that it was revealed to him by the Lord, and that he was earnestly commanded that he should diligently exhort the clerics that they should not have a common abode with women. Therefore, priestly chastity, because it is commanded by the councils and popes, revealed by God, with its own arbitrariness.

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vowed by the priest to God, is not to be rejected. For the high and excellent sacrifice they perform, the daily prayer, the freedom and purity of the spirit, that they may be anxious to please God, according to Paul's teaching, require such chastity.

For since it is evident that this is the old heresy of Joviniani, which the Roman Church has condemned and St. Jerome has subdued with writings, and St. Augustine says that this heresy will soon be eradicated and will not come so far as to take over the priests. Augustine says that this heresy will soon be eradicated, and that it will not come so far that the priests will be taken over and corrupted by it, so the princes should by no means tolerate such corruption of the priests, which is to the eternal shame and dishonor of the Holy Roman Empire, but should rather keep to the general church, and should not be moved by that which is brought before them against it.

For that St. Paul says 1 Cor. 7: "Let every man have his own wife, to avoid fornication", to which Jerome answers that he speaks of him who has not taken a vow. Anastasius or Vulgarius also understands this saying of St. Paul: "A virgin does not sin if she is free. Here he calls a virgin who is not consecrated to God.

Thus, to the saying: "It is better to be free than to suffer heat", St. Jerome answered sharply against the Jovinianum. For the same Paul says: "It is good for a man not to touch a woman." For a priest has the means that he neither suffers heat nor free, but abstains by God's grace, which he obtains from God through intimate prayer and chastening of the flesh, through fasting and vigil.

Furthermore, they say that Christ taught that not all men are fit for the celibate life: this is certainly true, therefore they are not all fit for the priesthood. But if a priest prays diligently, he will be able to grasp Christ's word of abstinence, as St. Paul says: "I can do all things in him who strengthens me," Phil. 4. For abstinence is God's gift, Wis. 8.

Furthermore, that one pretends that this is God's order and commandment, Genesis 1, to which Jerome answered a thousand years ago with these words: It was necessary to first plant a forest and let it grow, so that one would have it afterwards, so that one could build from it. At that time it was commanded concerning the generation of children that the earth should be filled. But because it is full, and so full that one almost crushes another, it is now not commanded to those who can abstain.

They also boast in vain of the divine command. But they may prove, if they can, where God commanded the priests that they should take wives.

In addition, it is found in the divine law that the vows once made are to be kept, Ps. 40 and 75, Eccl. 5. Why then do they not keep the bright divine law?

They also falsify St. Paul, who commands that a bishop who is elected should be a husband, when St. Paul says that he should be the husband of a woman. Which is not to be understood that he should be a husband. Otherwise Martinus, Nicolaus, Titus, John the Evangelist, even Christ would not have been bishops. Therefore Jerome explains these words of St. Paul: "That a bishop should be the husband of one wife means that he should not have had two wives in succession. The truth of this statement is not only evident from Jerome, whose authority should nevertheless be held in high esteem by every Catholic, but also from St. Paul, who writes of a widow: "Let no widow be mentioned who is under sixty years of age and has been a man's wife," 1 Tim. 5.

That they finally attract the Germans' action against the celibacy, they attract a mere action and no right. For when Emperor Henricus IV was at odds with the pope and his son and the princes of the empire, and made war, both human and divine rights were thrown into one heap. Thus, at that time, laymen were allowed to measure, to use dung for holy oil, to baptize, and to do many other things against the Christian religion. With such disobedience, the clergy also did too much, which now cannot be claimed to be right.

It has also not been wrong to divorce again the ungodly marriages, which are contracted against the vows and statutes of the fathers and councils. Just as today the priests' marriages with their supposed wives are invalid. For this reason they complain in vain that the world is growing old, and that this medicine should be given to the weak. For those who are consecrated to God have another remedy for weakness, namely, that they should avoid the company of women, should not walk idly, should discipline their flesh with fasting and vigilance, should keep their outward senses, especially their eyes and ears, from all that is unseemly; their eyes, so that they do not see vanity. Finally, they shall restrain their little ones, that is, the carnal thoughts on the

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They should stop their desires, call upon and knock upon the pious God for and for with true devotion. These are undoubtedly the most powerful remedies useful for the preservation of chastity in persons who serve the Church and God.

St. Paul rightly said that it is devil's doctrine of those who forbid marriage. Such were the heretics Tatianus and Marcion, whom Augustine and Jerome remember. But the church does not forbid marriage at all, so it also counts marriage among the seven sacraments. In this, it exists that, for the sake of the high office, it gives the church servants a higher degree of purity. For it is false that a commandment of God is from the free, otherwise John the Evangelist, St. James, St. Lawrence, Titus, Martinus, Catharine, Barbara would have sinned.

Cyprian, who was attracted by them, does not speak of a virgin who had made a glorious vow, but of one who had decided to abstain from marriage, as the beginning of the other epistle of the first book sufficiently indicates. For it is certain in the opinion of St. Augustine that it is condemnable for virgins who take a vow not only to be free, but also to want to be free. Therefore, the abuse of the marriage state and the breaking of vows in the clergy is not to be tolerated at all.

From the fair.

What is set forth in this article of the most holy office of the Mass, which is in accordance with the Holy Roman and Apostolic Church, is accepted. But what is done to it, which is contrary to the common and catholic church observation, that is rejected, because it greatly angers God, violates Christian unity, and arouses disunity and sedition in the holy Roman Empire.

For as far as the things which they pretend in this article are concerned, we dislike first of all this: that they, contrary to the whole Roman church custom, do not say the mass and other church ceremonies in Roman, but in German, for the most part. And that they pretend to do it from St. Paul's command, which is to teach that one should use such a language in church that the common man can understand, 1 Cor. 14: if this were Paul's words, they would be urged to say the whole mass in German, which they nevertheless do not do either.

Because the priest is a common person of the whole church, not only of the bystanders,

it is no wonder that the priest says mass in Latin in the Latin church.

But the Latin language is also useful for the German to hear, if he hears mass in the faith of the church. And there is the experience that far more devotion is awakened among the pious Germans, when they hear mass in unknown language, than today with those, who hear the mass in German language. And if the words of the Apostle are rightly considered, it is enough that one who answers fills the place of a layman who says Amen. Which the canons also prescribe. And it is not necessary that he hear and understand all the words of the Mass, or if he understands them, that he always pay equal attention to them. For it is better to understand and consider the end for which the Mass is said, namely, that the Eucharist be offered up in remembrance of the passion of Christ.

It also serves that the apostles and their successors, according to the common opinion of the fathers, until the time of Emperor Adrian, celebrated mass only in the Hebrew language, which was truly unknown to the Christians, and especially to the converted pagans. Even if the mass had been celebrated in a language known and used by the common people at that time, it is not necessary now. For at that time many were converted daily to the Christian faith who knew nothing of the ceremonies and mysteries of the Christian churches. Therefore, it was good for them to understand the words of the ministry from time to time. But nowadays the Catholics are educated from childhood in the habits and customs of the church, so they can easily know what to do in church at any time.

But that they complain of the abuses of the masses, is not an understanding man, who would not gladly that the abuses were abolished. But that those who serve the altar live from the altar is not an abuse, but according to divine and human rights: for "who ever gets on his own wages?" says Paul: "Do you not know that those who sacrifice eat of the sacrifice, and those who tend the altar enjoy the altar?" And Christ says, "A laborer is worth his wages," Matt. 10.

It is, however, above all criminal that in some places the private masses have been abolished, as if they should be held no less than others for the sake of profit, even though they already have large pensions. But by this abolition of the masses, the service is diminished, the saints are deprived of their honor, the founder's last will is broken and nullified, and the deceased are deprived of their honor.

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deprived of their suffragies, and the living devotion is distorted and perishes. For this reason, the abolition of private masses is by no means to be yielded to, nor tolerated.

Nor can it be sufficiently understood what is meant by the objection that Christ has done enough for original sin and has instituted the mass for real sins. For this has never been heard from the Catholics, and those who are now asked about it constantly testify that they have never taught it in this way. For the Mass does not cancel the sins that are cured by penance, as by a special remedy. It removes the punishment for sin, fulfills the satisfaction, increases grace, is beneficial to the living, and finally brings the hope of divine comfort and help in all concerns and needs.

That they further claim that Christ is not sacrificed in the mass is, as previously condemned and rejected by the faithful, completely unacceptable. For this is the old heresy of the Arians, says Augustine, who denied that in the Mass a sacrifice is made for the living and the dead. And this is contrary to the Holy Scripture and the whole Catholic Church. For the Lord, through the prophet Malachiam, preached the rejection of the Jews, the calling of the Gentiles, and the sacrifice of the Gospel law: "I have no pleasure in you, saith the Lord of hosts. And the grain offering from your hands is not acceptable to me. But from the going forth of the sun even unto the going down of the same my name shall be glorified among the heathen, and in every place incense shall be burned unto my name, and a pure meat offering shall be offered."-Mal. 1 Now no pure sacrifice is offered to God in all places except the purest eucharistia in the sacrifice of the altar. This testimony was used by St. Augustine and other Catholics against the unfaithful Jews, which is truly more valid among Catholic princes than all the opponents' counter-talk.

The same prophet, speaking of the future of Messiah, says: "He will purify the children of Levi and purify them like gold and silver, and they will bring grain offerings to the Lord in righteousness, and the grain offering of Judah and Jerusalem will be pleasing to the Lord, as it was before, and as it was many years ago. 3 Here the prophet saw beforehand in the spirit the children of Levi, that is, the evangelical priests, says Jerome, that they should sacrifice, not in the blood of goats, but in righteousness. Therefore, these very words in the same spirit, so that they are written out by the prophet, are repeated in the sacred canon of the mass.

The angel also said to Daniel: "Many will be cleansed, purified and proved, and the wicked will lead an ungodly life, and the wicked will not respect it, but the wise will respect it. And from the time that the daily sacrifice is taken away, and an abomination of desolation is offered, there shall be a thousand two hundred and ninety days," Dan. 12. That this prophecy shall be fulfilled, and is not yet fulfilled, Christ testifies Matt. 24. Therefore, in the future of the abomination, that is, of the Antichrist, the daily sacrifice of the Christians will cease completely, as it has now ceased in part in some churches, and will thus sit in the place of desolation, namely, when the churches will be desolate, and no horae canonicus will be sung in them, nor masses celebrated, nor sacraments administered, no altars, no images of the saints, no lights, no ornaments.

Therefore, to admonish all princes and the faithful subjects of the Holy Roman Empire not to do or slacken, thereby preparing the way for such an utterly godless nature of the Antichrist, when the universal, that is, the Catholic Church, as St. John saw in the Spirit, will flee into the wilderness, having a place prepared by God to be nourished there a thousand two hundred and sixty days, Revelation 12.

Finally, St. Paul says Heb. 5: "Every high priest that is taken from among men is set apart for men against God, that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sin." Since the outward high priesthood does not cease in the new law, but has been changed into a better one, therefore also today the high priest and the whole priesthood in the church shall offer an outward sacrifice, which is none other than the Eucharist.

Here can be drawn that in the Acts of the Apostles at the 13th Cap. is read, according to the new translation, that Barnabas, Simon, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaches and Saul have sacrificed, which is not to be understood from the sacrifice, the idols have happened, but from the mass, because it is called Liturgia by the Greeks.

And that the mass in the church was a sacrifice is sufficiently testified by all the holy fathers. For Ignatius, a disciple of St. John the Apostle, says: "Without a bishop, one should neither offer sacrifice nor celebrate mass. And Irenaeus, a disciple of St. John the Evangelist, testifies that Christ taught the new sacrifice of the New Testament, which the Church received from the apostles and offered to God throughout the world. This bishop,

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who lived soon after the time of the apostles, testifies that the gospel sacrifice is offered throughout the world. The same teaches Origen, Cyprian, Jerome, Chrysostom, Augustine, Basil, Hilarius 2c., which words are omitted for the sake of brevity. Therefore, because the Catholic Church from the time of the apostles throughout the Christian world has always taught and held as it does now, it should also be held and preserved in this way everywhere from now on, without any contradiction.

Thus the saying of St. Paul to the Hebrews is not against the sacrifice of the Mass, when he says: "that we are sanctified by the one sacrifice of the body of JEsu Christ, which was once made." For St. Paul speaks of the offering of the bloody sacrifice, the slaughtered lamb, on the altar of the holy cross, which sacrifice has indeed been made once, and therefore all sacraments and also the sacrifice of the Mass have their power. For this reason, it was sacrificed once on the cross, by pouring out its blood, but today it is sacrificed daily in the mass in secret, without suffering, as it was sacrificed in the Old Testament in an exemplary and figurative way.

Finally, that the mass is a sacrifice is given by the words themselves; for missa means no other than a sacrifice on the altar, which in Hebrew is mis- beach, and in Greek θυσιαστήριον, from sacrifice ge

is called.

But it is sufficiently explained above that we are not justified by faith, but by love. But if in the holy scripture such a speech is found, the catholics know that it is said de fide formata, from faith, which is active through love and good works, Gal. 5, and because justification is begun by faith, because it is the essence of things hoped for, Hebr. 11.

Nor is it denied that the mass is a memorial of the suffering of Christ and the good deeds of God. For the example of the paschal lamb, which was at the same time a sacrifice and a memorial, proved this, Exodus 12, and is represented in the Catholic Church not only with words and sacrament, but also with holy vestments and garments. But in memory of the sacrifice made on the Cross, the Church offers the Eucharist in secret to God the Father Almighty.

Therefore it is not punished that the princes and cities hold a common mass in their churches, if they do this rightly according to the holy canon, as all Catholics do. But that they all

other masses, the Christian community suffers from the

Profession not.

No one punishes the fact that all the present people communicated in the past. God would have them all be so skilled that they would take this bread worthily every day. But if they think that one mass is useful, how much more would many masses be useful, which they have unjustly taken.

In view of all these causes mentioned, it is to be desired that they completely abolish and reject the new form of keeping masses, invented by them and now changed several times, and that they again adopt the old way of keeping masses, according to the old usage and custom of the Germans and of the whole Christianity, and that they again establish the aborted masses, according to the last will of the founders, in which they can create all welfare and honor for themselves, and peace and tranquility for the whole German country.

From confession.

As far as confession is concerned, let it remain with the answer and opinion previously given in the XI article. For it is false what they bring forward from Chrysostom, who speaks of public confession, but they refer it to sacramental and priestly confession. Which his words clarify, since he says in the beginning: "I do not tell you that you should betray yourself publicly and accuse yourself to others. Thus Gratianus and Longobardus answered three hundred years ago, and this answer becomes clearer from other oterts of Chrysostom, as when he speaks of the penitent in the 29th sermon: He repents of sin in his heart, and confesses, and demonstrates righteous humility in his works. This is a fruitful and perfect repentance. Does he not here expressly set three pieces of repentance? Thus, in the 10th Homily on Matthew, he also teaches the appointed time for confession, and that afterwards the opened wounds of sins are healed by repentance. But how can sins be opened if they are not revealed to the priest through confession? So Chrysostom himself refutes this opinion in many places, which Jerome also pushes completely to the ground, saying: "If the serpent, the devil, bites one secretly, and, since no one knows about it, poisons him with the poison of sins, if he is silent, who is wounded, and does not repent, and does not want to confess his wounds to the brother and master. For if a sick person is ashamed to reveal his wounds to the physician, the art of medicine cannot heal the disease if it does not know. Therefore the

1054 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1255-1258. 1055

Princes and estates should much rather believe these excellent old doctrines than the few glosses in the decree, which have always been contested and rejected by legal scholars.

Therefore they are to be admonished, because a perfect confession is not only necessary for salvation, but is also the noblest bond of Christian discipline and whole church obedience, that they behave like the orthodox church in this. For as Jerome testifies, the same is their opinion of the Montan heresy, which was condemned twelve hundred and more years ago, because they were ashamed to confess their sin. Therefore, they should not follow the error of Montani, but rather the practice of the Holy Fathers and the entire Catholic Church, that each one in his dominions should command confession, as the most precious treasure in the Church of God, according to the rule of faith and all custom, to be kept also by their Church.

Of human statutes.

What they have brought up later, about the difference of food and such statutes, which they regard as contemptible, is to be rejected. For we know from the apostle that all authority is from God, and especially spiritual authority is given by God for edification. Therefore, by a Christian heart obedient to the holy church, the same holy catholic and apostolic church should adopt statutes that serve the church, both to increase the worship of God and to restrain the lusts of the flesh, because they make it easier to keep the divine commandments, and are advised in the holy Scriptures; and whoever despises them, or opposes them freely, angers God, according to the saying of the Lord Christ: "He that heareth you heareth me, and he that despiseth you despiseth me," Luc. 10. but a prelate is despised when his statutes are despised, and St. Paul says, "He that despiseth these despiseth not a man, but God, who hath given you his Holy Ghost in you," 1 Thess. 4; and, speaking to the bishops, "Take heed to yourselves, and to all the host, among whom the Holy Ghost hath made you bishops, to govern the Church of God," Apost. 20.

If the prelates have the power to govern, they must also have the power to make statutes for the wholesome government of the church and the best of the subjects. For the same apostle also commanded the Corinthians that all things should be done among them.

But this cannot happen without laws. Therefore he commanded the Hebrews and said: "Obey your teachers", Hebr. 13, since Paul not only demands obedience, but also indicates the cause of obedience.

St. Paul used such authority when he gave so many laws besides the gospel, about the election of a bishop, about widows, about women, that they should cover their heads and keep silent in church, and also about other worldly things, 1 Thess. 4, about worldly courts, 1 Cor. 6, and says quite clearly to the Corinthians: "To the others I say, and not the Lord", 1 Cor. 7.

And elsewhere he says: "Behold and keep the statutes which ye have learned, or by our epistle, or by the preachers", 2 Thess. 2, 15. Therefore the princes and cities are to be admonished that they render and show obedience to the church ordinances and statutes, lest, when they withdraw their due obedience to God, they again be despised by their subjects, and they also would not render due obedience to them, as in the next peasant revolt the subjects submitted themselves. Therefore, they should be careful not to be seduced by false teachings.

It is also quite wrong for them to say that the righteousness of faith is obscured by such statutes. For one would have to be senseless and foolish who would keep them without faith, because they are prescribed for believers, not for Turks or Agarenes. For "what have I to do with them that are without?" saith St. Paul, 1 Cor. 5. But that they here exalt faith above all things, in this they are contrary to St. Paul, as we also said above, and tear St. Paul apart, whom, speaking of the works of the law, they draw to the evangelical works, as all such errors are rejected above.

It is also wrong that the statutes should obscure the commandments of God, since they are useful to a man in keeping the divine commandments, just as by fasting the flesh lusts are subdued and killed, so that it does not become lustful.

It is also a falsehood that it is impossible to keep the statutes, because the Mother, the Church, is not so merciless that she should not, in case of need, dispense with holidays, fasting and the like.

About this they falsely introduce Augustine ad inquisitionem Januarii, which is directly opposed to them. For he at the same place expressly

1056 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1014. w. xvi. 1258-1200. 1057

concludes: what is taught and commanded by the church in general everywhere, that the same should be kept by all. But the middle things, and those which are free, may be kept or not kept. Thus the holy father Augustine and the blessed Ambrose conclude that one should keep the custom of every church; for, he says, when I come to Rome, I fast; when I am here, I do not fast.

Furthermore, they do violence to the holy scripture by daring to strengthen their errors with it. For Christ, Matt. 15, does not reject all human statutes, but only those that are against God's law, which is revealed in Marci the seventh; and here Matt. 15: "Why then," says Christ, "do you transgress God's commandment for your own sake? So Paul gives Col. 2, that no man should judge in eating and drinking, and in holidays, according to the Jewish custom. For the church does not consider meat unclean, even if it is to be eaten, as the Jews in the synagogue thought.

Thus the saying of Christ concerning that which passes through the mouth is drawn here without right understanding, since it was the opinion of the Lord Christ to abolish the error of the Jews herewith, who meant that food touched without washed hands would be unclean, and whoever eats it would become unclean; as is evident from the circumstances of the text, and the church with these statutes does not desire to interpret again Moses, who has heavy hands, to the church.

In the same way, they reject St. Paul, who calls the doctrine of the devil forbidding food, 1 Tim. 4, namely, how the Tatians, Marcionites and Manichaeans thought that food was unclean; as is evident from the following words, since St. Paul adds: "All God's creatures are good. The Church, however, does not reject food because it is evil and impure, but to make people more skilled in keeping the commandments of God, so that the arguments against it are defeated.

But if they praised the cross and bodily discipline, and fasting in such a way that the body would be tamed by it, we would well put up with their teaching in the play; but because they want to have all this freely, it is condemned and rejected as quite contrary to the faith and church discipline. And it does not help that they pretend to inequality of church constitutions; for although it is true that in some special ceremonies each country keeps its own way, nevertheless, what general church constitutions

are held the same everywhere, and the special ones in countries where they are common.

And is nothing that they admit of the Easter. For the Roman popes at last brought from Asia in a uniform way to celebrate the Easter with the general church. Irenaeus should also be understood in this way. For without any harm to the faith, several apostles' evenings are held in France without fasting, which are, however, fasted in Germany.

The princes and cities are also to be exhorted to follow the decree of Pope Gregory. This decree states that the ways of every country should be observed, as long as they are not contrary to the Catholic faith, C. Quoniam consuetudinem,

dist. 12. from which we know that inequality of ceremonies can be in unity of faith, and in every country the custom taught and accepted by the ancients should be kept, but without detriment to the general customs and ceremonies of the whole Catholic Church.

From the monastic vows.

Although much and various things are brought forward in this article by some inspiration, nevertheless, if one considers everything with mature counsel, it is found that the monastic vows are founded in the holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, and that many holy people, who have performed miraculous signs and led a miraculously holy life, have lived in these orders with many thousands of times thousands, and that their rules have been accepted and approved by the Catholic Church for so many hundreds of years throughout the entire Christian world. Therefore, it is not to be tolerated at all that such vows are broken out of frivolity and courageous will, without all fear of God.

For in the Old Testament, God vowed vows to the Nazarites, Deut. 6, and vows to the Rechabites, who did not drink wine or eat grapes, Jer. 35.

God also earnestly requires that what is once vowed should be kept without rejection, Deut. 23. But whoever retracts the vows afterward will be doomed, Prov. 20. But the vows of the pious are pleasant, Prov. 15.

Furthermore, God also teaches through the prophet that the monastic vows in particular please Him, Isaiah 56: "Thus says the Lord to those who are cut off, who keep My Sabbaths, and choose what pleases Me, and make My covenant firm: I will give them a place in my house and within my walls, and a better name,

1058 Cap. 13. of the imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, iWv-E. 1059

for the sons and daughters. An everlasting name I will give them, which shall not pass away." But to whom does God say this? To those whom Christ praises, who have cut themselves off for the sake of the kingdom of heaven, who deny their own will, take up the cross, and deny themselves, and take up their cross every day and follow Him, Luc. 9, that they no longer live according to their own will, but according to the rule and their Supreme will.

As St. Paul testifies, virgins who leave the world, despise lust, and vow and keep virginity in the monasteries do better than those who submit their necks to the yoke of marriage. For thus says St. Paul 1 Cor. 7: "He that marrieth his virgin doeth well, but he that marrieth her not doeth better." So it follows of a widow, "Blessed is she, if she abide thus according to my counsel."

None of the holy monks, Pauli Eremitä, Basilii, Antonii, Benedicti, Bernhardt, Dominici, Francisci, Wilhelmi, Augustini, Clara, Brigittä and the like, holiness is unknown, who have despised all of this world's kingdom, and all of its adornment, for the love of our Lord Jesus Christ. Also, the Lampertian heresy has recently been condemned, which the heretic Jovinianus in Rome again wanted to awaken.

Therefore, everything that is said in this article against the monastic life should be rejected, namely, that at the time of Augustine there were free collegia, that the vows were imposed on the monasteries afterwards; since the contradiction is true that the monasteries arose only after the vows.

Of the virgin monasteries, although they are a weak instrument, it is nevertheless enough in the day that the holy nuns have remained and persisted in their vows, once made, in many monasteries, even among these princes and cities, much more steadfastly than the monks have not done. Up to the present day, they have not been able to be led away from their sacred duties by any pleading, sweet words, afflictions, frights, anxieties and troubles.

Therefore, one should by no means give in to what is interpreted here as the worst of the worst. Because in God's word it is expressed that the monastic life, if it is kept with due obedience, which all monastics can keep by God's grace, deserves eternal life and much more. For Christ promised them this: "Whoever leaves house, or brother, or sister, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or fields, for my name's sake?

He who takes it a hundredfold will inherit eternal life," Matt. 19.

That the monasteries have been schools before times, is not denied, and is nevertheless not unaware that they were first schools of godliness and Christian discipline, since later the studia of other arts come to it.

But because no one who puts his hand to the plow and looks back is sent to the kingdom of God, Luc. 9, according to the rule of the Holy Scriptures, even the secular and spiritual laws, all marriages and vow-breaking of monks and nuns who have broken the first faith and have their damnation should be considered ungodly and condemned, as Paul says 1 Tim. 5.

But that the vows are not against God's order has been explained in the other article of the abuses mentioned.

But that they want to protect themselves with the dispensation, no one moves. For whether the pope may have dispensed with the king of Arragonia, who nevertheless, as we read, since he had received an heir, returned to the monastery, or with another prince, this was done for the sake of peace, so that a whole kingdom or country would not be put into extreme distress and devastated with wars, murders, robberies, fornication, fires and deaths; nevertheless, such causes of dispensation cannot truly be put forward by private individuals who have become apostates from their orders and abandoned their vows.

It is also rejected that one pretends to vow in impossible things. For to abstain is not impossible, which so many thousands of men and virgins have held. For although the wise man says, "I know that I cannot abstain if God does not exist," yet Christ promised, "Ask," He says, "and you shall receive," Luke 11, Matt. 18; and St. Paul, "Who will not leave you to be tempted above your ability, but will give you strength in the time of your temptation, that you may be able to bear it," 1 Cor. 10.

They also keep their things very badly by confessing that breaking the vows is criminal. Which is to be explained that the marriages of the monastics are against all rights and should be broken, C. Continentiae 27, quaest. 1, as also many old imperial laws decree.

But that they put on for themselves the C. Nuptiarum, they do nothing with it. For the C. does not speak of bad, but of solemn vows, which also the church to this day

1060 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1014. w. xvi, 1263-1265. 1061

holds. Therefore, never the monks, nuns or priests marriages have been right.

It is also rejected that they pretend that monastic life is a human invention. For it is founded in the Holy Scriptures by the Holy Spirit and inspired by the godly fathers, and does not take anything away from Christ's glory. For the monastery people keep everything for the sake of Christ's honor, and that they follow Christ.

Therefore it is wrong that they condemn the service in the monasteries as godless, since it is the most Christian service. For the monastics have not fallen from the grace of God, like the Jews, of whom St. Paul says Gal. 5 that they still seek righteousness in the Law of Moses. But the monastics take care to 1) live closer to the Gospel, so that they may earn eternal life. Therefore, everything that is introduced here against the monastic life is ungodly.

But that it is quite spitefully reproached here that the monks want to be in the state of perfection, that is never heard from them. For the monks do not ascribe perfection to themselves, but are in the state in which they attain perfection. For their rules and practices are tools to attain perfection, not perfection itself. And in this way Gerson is to be understood, who does not deny that the monastic orders are states that attain perfection, as he explains it in the Tractat contra proprietarios, in the Rule of Saint Augustine, in the Tractat de consiliis evangelicis, in the Tractat de perfectione cordis and other places. Therefore, the princes and cities are to be exhorted to be peaceful in reforming the monasteries by their proper superiors and elders, but not to exterminate them completely, and the monks are rather to be godly admonished and improved than to be exterminated completely; as their godly forefathers, the Christian princes, have done.

But if they do not want to believe the godly and holy fathers of monastic vows, let them hear the high imperial majesty, namely the Emperor Justinianus in authentica de Monachis, shall. I.

From the church power.

Although there is much interweaving of ecclesiastical authority here, even much more ugly than would be necessary, it is nevertheless to be declared that the most reverend bishops and priests, and the entire clergy, are left free and unharmed in all their ecclesiastical authority, which is due to them by law or custom. That they may also exercise all

  1. Here we have deleted "after".

may retain their liberties, privileges, sovereignties and prerogatives given to them by the godly Roman emperors and kings. And it is not to be suffered that what has been given to the ecclesiastics by imperial clemency should be weakened and diminished by some princes or others subject to the Roman Empire.

For it can be proved quite sufficiently that the power of the churches in spiritual matters is founded in divine law, of which St. Paul says: "Though I boast more of our power, which the Lord hath given us for edification, and not for your corruption," 2 Cor. 10. And it follows: "For this cause I write these things in absentia, lest at present I should act more harshly according to the power which the Lord hath given me for edification, and not for your corruption," 2 Cor. 10.

The same St. Paul also shows a constraint of judgment, saying, "What do you want? Shall I come to you with a rod, or in love and in the spirit of gentleness?" 1 Cor. 4. As he writes of judicial matters to Timothy, "Against an elder take no complaint except two or three witnesses," 1 Tim. 5.

From which it is evident enough that the bishops not only have power in the office of the divine word, but also have power to govern, to compel and to punish, to the end that they may guide the subjects to eternal blessedness.

But to the power of the government belong the power to judge, to conclude, and to order the things that are useful and useful to the aforementioned end. For this reason, everything that has been objected against the priests' and churches' immunity from the 'widertheil' is in vain and void.

Therefore, all subjects in the Roman Empire should be enjoined not to drag spiritual persons before secular courts against their privileges given by the Empire. For Clement the Pope and Martyr thus says: If priests have matters among themselves, they are not to be judged by secular judges, but what arises is to be decided by the elders of the churches. Therefore Constantinus Magnus, the Christian emperor, in the holy Nicene Concilio did not want to judge the bishops even in secular matters: You are gods, he said, and truly set before us by God. Go and settle the matter among yourselves, for it is not proper that we should judge the gods.

As far as the statutes of the church are concerned, the above has been answered sufficiently.

It will also not help them the Christian freedom they pretend because they are not a free-

[1062]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1265-1268. 1063

It is not a matter of freedom, but of a cruel and abominable presumption, which, if it is imagined by the mob, arouses it to the most harmful and dangerous sedition. For Christian liberty is not contrary to the statutes of the church, because they serve the good, but is opposed to the servitude of the law of Moses and sins. For "he that committeth sin is the servant of sin," says Christ John 8. Therefore they that break fasts, eat meat freely, and forbear their horas canonicus, do not confess at Easter time, and do the like and forbear, do not use liberty, but abuse it, contrary to St. Paul's admonition. Paul's admonition, who had previously warned them diligently: "But you, dear brethren, were called to freedom; only see to it that through freedom you do not give place to the flesh, but through love serve one another," Gal. 5. Therefore no one should cover up any sin under a semblance of evangelical freedom. Which St. Peter also forbade: "As freemen, and not as having liberty to cover wickedness, but as the servants of God," 1 Peter 2.

But what they have objected to concerning the abuses, all princes and estates of the empire know without a doubt, that neither from the imperial majesty, nor from some princes, nor from a Christian man, even the slightest abuse is vowed, but all wish that the princes and estates of the empire, with common counsel and unanimous will, should endeavor, that the abuses be abolished and improved, and that what happens too much or too little in both estates be completely abolished, or reformed for the best, and that finally the spiritual estate, so variously weakened, and the Christian religion, which in many has grown cold and desolate, be restored to its former glory and honor. In this Imperial Maj. Maj., as everyone is aware, has had much work and care so far, and has graciously promised that she will not let her diligence and effort be lacking in this matter in the future.

Because now Imperial Majesty has heard from the Confession and the answer now read that they agree in many articles. Majesty has heard from the Confession and the answer now read that they, the Elector, Princes and Cities, agree in many articles with the Catholic and Roman Church, and do not agree with the ungodly doctrines which are otherwise publicly blown up and circulated in booklets throughout Germany, but reject and condemn the same: the Imperial Majesty is confident and hopeful that the Elector, Princes and Cities, now that they have heard this answer, will also agree with the Catholic and Roman Church in other matters. Majesty is confident and hopeful that the Elector, princes and cities, now that they have heard and accepted this answer, will also agree with the Roman Catholic Church in other matters in which they may have previously been at odds.

The Holy Roman Catholic Church and the Christian faith and religion, as they have hitherto been held in unison by common Christendom, will henceforth agree with one heart, and also in all other things will obediently conform to them, and will most humbly obey their Imperial Majesty. Maj. most humbly. Which will be particularly pleasing to Her Imperial Maj. Maj. will be especially pleased, and will recognize and reward with special graces against all of them in general and, as the occasion may arise, against each one in particular. For, since God would be in favor if this Christian and entirely gracious remembrance were not granted, they, the Elector, princes and cities, may consider that one of the imperial majesty's necessary causes is to be found. Majesty that, as befits a Roman and Christian Emperor, and a patron and advocate of the Catholic and Christian Church, they be given due cause, and their Imperial Majesty commanded office and conscience. Maj.'s commanded office and conscience, they must provide for and preside over these matters.

1015 Some pieces of the papist alleged refutation of the Augsburg Confession, as such have been caught under the reading.

This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 421; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 95 d; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 221; and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 229.

Imperial Majesty. Majesty has heard the confessions of the princes and chieftains, together with those of two cities, in which she herself has personally seen, and after having held council with many nations 1) respectable and reasonable 2c. has found this opinion, and has previously sent it to the princes and chieftains, on which her Imperial Majesty has based her opinion as follows. Majesty, as follows. The following answer may be given to the articles mentioned above.

The first article is right and permissible because it is founded in Scripture and confirmed by Concilia before Nicenum 2c. And the princes condemn the heresies contrary to this article.

The II article is admitted, but separately attached explanation. For the sins of not fearing God, not believing Him 2c., ^are not original sin, but 2) real sins, and is also previously condemned Luther's opinion that after baptism the sin remains.

The III Article is rightly founded from the Scriptures, and confirmed by the Church.

  1. "of many nations" put by us instead of: "many nation", in the editions.
  2. Added by us.

1064 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1015. W. xvi, 1268-1270. 1065

The IV. is right, where it is understood with a meager explanation. For it is true that all our works are nothing without God's grace; but the merit is not to be set aside, for where there is reward, there is also merit. Many sayings have been reported here that are based on merit, and this Pauli: "I have done a good work, so my reward is ready, which the Lord will give me on that day" (2 Tim. 4, 7.).

The v. is right, what is said about the merit of Christ 1). The princes here also condemn the Anabaptists, by whose seditious teachings so much turmoil has arisen as five years ago, and bloodshed has been caused.

The VI, in so far as it cancels the merit, is not right. So the saying: "If you have done everything, say that we are useless servants" (Luc. 17, l O.) is of no use, because if those are considered useless who have done everything, how much more are those considered useless who do not do it. 2) So this is the right understanding of the saying, that our works are useless, even though they are useful to us.

VII, that the church is the assembly of the faithful, 2c., is condemned among other articles of the Church of Costnitz, and contrary to Scripture, where the church is compared to a threshing floor, in which the angels gather the good grain from the chaff, 2c. (Matth. 3, 12. Luc. 3, 17.), and the net (Matth. 13, 47.), and the ten virgins (Matth. 25, 1. ff.).

The VIII is right, previously, because it also condemns the Donatists. Nota: In the articles or points that are accepted as right, there is always a special and long probation and explanation attached, so that the unbelievers would not be believed.

The IX is right.

X is correct, but it teaches how the essence of bread and wine ceases to exist and is transformed into the true body and blood of Christ. Thus the rulers know or should know that under every form of the holy sacrament is the true body and blood of Christ; if not, the body would be without blood, and thus dead, contrary to the saying of Paul: "Death shall not henceforth have dominion over him" (Rom. 6, 9.).

The XI is right in stating that, according to the chapter Omnis utriusque sexus, the

  1. Added by us.
  2. This is incomplete and therefore misleading. Before: "who refrain from it" it should read: "who alone believe and do it". The following is also not in accordance with the Confutation, but should (as can be seen in No. 1029, §11) read: "Say: useless servants of the dear God, not ourselves". Compare also No. 1029, s 16.

Subjects are held to confession and reception of the sacrament and admonished, so that they, as much as possible, tell all sin. But if after such diligence they still forget something, they believe that they are absolved from it.

XII did not divide repentance correctly into two parts, and Pope Leo also condemned Luther's article, which was based on this: 3) faith precedes repentance, because he who does not believe cannot do true repentance. Thus, in the Synod of Nicena, the form and measure of true repentance are given by canones poenitentiales. Here they have cited much loca of Scripture, and before that from the Psalms; the princes are also to be praised for rejecting the invading heresies, as Novatianorum 2c.

The XIIIth is right, as long as it is taught that there are seven sacraments and the subjects are required to confess them.

The XIVth is right, but that understood, that the appointment is done by public spiritual authority, and not by mob or violent intrusion. Where such preachers are found, they should be abolished.

The XV is to be praised; but by rejecting the laws of the Church, not right, nor to be admitted.

The XVI is quite good.

The XVII is right.

The XVIII is right; for yes, to confess that we may not please God by our own powers, and yet nevertheless have a free will. And this is only further drawn with many words, and proved with sayings, as, Ecclesiasticus]: Ignem et aquam (Sir. 15, 16.). Item, Hos. 13, 9.: "Israel, out of you your destruction, but out of me your salvation"; item, that the Manichaei completely abolish free will. And this would be the right way between Pelagians and Manichaeans, so that neither too much nor too little would be added to free will.

The XIX is right. 4)

The XXth is right, as long as one understands the faith that works through love. Here, many words are made, and, where the main part lies, they are left with digressions.

The XXI is not right. For although Christ is the mediator, he is not alone, and the saints are to be called. Here they have led many examples, as 2 Macc. 15, 12-14., 5) that Onias and Jeremias prayed for Israel 2c. Item,

  1. Here we have deleted "And".
  2. This is missing in the editions and has been added by us. Walch has erroneously entered XIX and XX in the following two articles.
  3. Incorrect in the editions: "as Macha. 1".

1066 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1270-1273. 1067

that the angels pray for us. Item, as Cyprianus Cornelio wrote, that whoever dies among them rather prays for the other, which, of course, the holy bishop would not have done, where he considered the intercession of the saints to be void or unjust. Item, there is mentioned how Job prayed for his friends and God spared them (Job 42,8. f.), and thus subsequently a great deal was introduced about the living intercession of the saints. Item, of the holy honor much spoken, as if someone did not teach the same to honor. Christ is the head, and the saints the members; therefore, because the head prays for us, the members also pray.

Of both forms it is said how unreasonable it would be for the princes to consider it an abuse that the sacrament should be administered to the laity under one form alone, and it would rather be an abuse for the laity to be given both forms. Here it is to be proved that in the first church it was also held in this way, and from the Actis Apostolorum: "They continue in the breaking of the bread"; and how Christ broke the bread for the disciples at Emmaus, which was all understood according to the interpretation of the teachers of the body of Christ. Also here has been told a history of Heli (1 Sam. 2), in which it is written how his descendants, cast out of the priesthood, would desire a portion and morsel of bread, which is supposed to mean the one figure to be given to the laity.

Nor does it help that one reads: Bibite ex hoc omnes, for this was said to the apostles who were priests. There is also a difference between the priests and the laity in spiritual rights, which proves that they have always been different, and that they alone have received the sacrament in one form. Thus, popes, cardinals, bishops and priests take the sacrament, which Nicena calls synodus viaticum, in times of their illness, just like the laity. Therefore, they do not have to complain at all that they are deprived of the One Form, since the whole Christ has come among everyone.

There have been told many mischiefs which might befall the Holy Sacrament if the Blood of the Lord were administered to the laity, and so to a great multitude; namely, that it might be spilled, and that one would not know in what kind of vessel to keep it; from this the custom of administering to the laity in both forms had quietly ceased in the Roman Church, although with the Corinthians and with those at Carthage both forms might have been retained. And this custom of the one form 2c. the Concilium at Costnitz and Basel have

in the presence of many bishops, 2c. also of the emperor, princes and lords. Thus the Procession of the Corpus Christi was also unreasonably stopped, by which the Holy Sacrament was greatly honored, and before that, because the same in every form is whole and unholy.

Of the Mass. In this article, what is in accordance with the usage of the Roman Church is accepted, and what is contrary to it is rejected. It is not to be tolerated that special (private or corner) masses be dismissed. For this would devastate the foundation, diminish the service, and deprive souls of their consolation. Item, the mass should not be held in German, because the priest is a common person of the Roman church; so there are also all ways, which speak for the bunch: Amen.

Item, the Latin mass causes more and greater devotion. Item, the mass is held in Hebrew language until the time of Adrian. If an abuse should occur, the princes are to believe completely that this is not dear to anyone, and that the abuse will be stopped. But this is no abuse at all, that he who serves the altar also lives from the altar, according to the Scriptures. It would also not be a purchase of the mass, they have on endowment supply 2c. Item, the mass is a sacrifice; for so it is held more than a thousand years ago; so Hebrew and Greek Missa is called an altar;^1^ ) Dog Christ saith, Hoc facite. But in the Hebrew, Greek, Latin language facere means to offer.

Of spiritual vows. Spiritual vows are founded in the Old and New Testaments. Item, the vows have been before the monasteries. It has never been heard that the clergy are taught to be in the state of perfection, but that the clerical state is an instrument of perfection. The king of Arragon answered that he was dispensed with so that others would avoid much misfortune and bloodshed. This is not the opinion of some bad people. He went back to the monastery after the birth of his son. It is not impossible to keep the vows, especially by praying and fasting, and to accomplish everything well, and before that by fleeing the cause, and by smashing the little children, that is the first thoughts, against the rock, that is, Christ. It is also written, "Ask, and it shall be given you." Let it also be known that so many thousands of persons,

  1. The following is not correct. Compare Col. 1052.

[1068]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1015 f. W. xvi, 1273-1275. 1069

Man and woman have kept their monastic vows rightly, and have thereby become blessed; so it has also not taken place with weakness of the women 2c.

For many virgins have been found more steadfast in their monastic vows, above all that is repugnant to them at this time, than some monastic men.

Of clerical marriage. It has always been called alleged clerical matrimony, and it is wonderful to hear that Her 1) Imperial Majesty desires such a thing, when it has never been in use since the times of the apostles. Item, the priests, because they are to act and pray the sacrament constantly, are also to be constantly pure. Here it is reported how in the Old Testament the priests had to abstain for three days before the service (Ex. 19, 10. 22.), and from Zachariah (Luc. 1, 5. 8. 9.). Item, this is not a commandment: "Grow and multiply" (Gen. 1, 22.), which constantly binds, but was only valid at that time, when there were still few people, and no longer now, when one pressed the other because of the crowd. Otherwise many saints 2) and virgins would have done wrong by remaining outside marriage. Item, the saying, unusquisque habeat uxorem suam; item, melius est nubere, quam uri (1 Cor. 7, 2. 8.), they interpreted according to their opinion, not according to the teachers, before Hieronymo. Item, Episcopus sit unius uxoris vir (1 Tim. 3, 2.), is not to be understood that a bishop must have a wife, otherwise Martinus, Nicolaus, Titus, and Christ himself would not have been a bishop; but it is said that he should not have had more than one wife, as is to be clearly noted subsequently of the widow who is to be taken in. Item, the marriage is vowed with them and honored, also held for a sacrament, but not theirs, which surrender and chastity vows to take to the supposed marriage state. Here is much indicated from the spiritual rights.

From the ecclesiastical power is reported, this article would be put quite ugly 2c. Item, the clergy have power to rule. For Paul says: "Having been given authority to build, and not to tear down" 2c. If they have authority to govern, they also have authority to punish, and to make laws, forbidding all eating of meat on certain days, which one is obliged to keep, and transgressing the same is not called Christian liberty, but rather a will to courage, thereby giving cause for rebellion. It is told, among other things, how, through Daniel, the

  1. "their" put by us instead of "E.".
  2. In the old edition: "pagans" instead of: "saints".

prophesies that in the time of Antichrist the constant sacrifice should cease; that would be the mass and worship, because one sees how some devastate the churches, tear the altars, smash the images, sing or read nothing, burn no candles, call the holy sacrament a baked bread. And all these must be prevented, lest there be cause for the fulfillment of the prophecy.

Decision: Because Imperial Majesty now hear that the Prince and Princes compare themselves with the Christian Church in some matters, and also condemn many erroneous doctrines that have gone out in print before, and because some of their submitted articles are quite repugnant to the Christian Church, and would by no means be permitted: Her Imperial Majesty hopes that they will compare themselves on such erroneous points. Majesty hope that they will settle on such erroneous points. This the Imperial Majesty will graciously recognize. Majesty will graciously recognize it, will not forget it in good, and will be your gracious Emperor. But where not, that Imperial Maj. Majesty did not hope, Her Electoral and Princely Grace would have to consider that the Emperor's will be done. and princes to consider that Emperor Majesty, as a bailiff. Majesty, as a bailiff and supreme protector of the Holy Christian Church, would do well to show himself in this, as a Christian emperor is officially responsible to do.

1016 Contents of the Confutation as printed by Cochläus immediately after the Diet.

This work was printed in 1531 by Wolfgang Stöcke! in Dresden under the following title. Cyprian included it in the Supplements to the Hist. of the Augsburg Conf. Conf., p. 196.

Summarium of the imperial response to the five princes' and six cities' confession to Augsburg at the next Imperial Diet.

The first article: of the Holy Trinity, is entirely admitted in all points.

The other: of original sin, is admitted in part, namely in that original sin is truly sin 2c., in part not, namely in that they say that original sin is without God's fear and trust in God, and that it is the lust that remains in children after baptism.

The third: of two natures in Christ, that he is true God and man, is admitted in all things.

The fourth: of the merit of good works, is admitted in that we may earn nothing by our own efforts. And for this reason the Pelagians are damned heretics. But is rejected

1070 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1275-1277. 1071

in that they do not confess with us the merit of good works done by divine grace.

The fifth: from the Word and Sacraments, is admitted, that through them, as through an instrument, the Holy Spirit is given. But that they say of faith alone, of which love and hope are silent, is rejected.

The sixth: of good works, is admitted in that faith should bring good works, and rejected in that they say that faith alone makes righteous, in which they wrongly understand the words of Christ Luc. 17, Pauli and Ambrosii ad Rom. 3. 4. 2c.

The seventh: of the church, is rejected, where they want to understand that the church is only of the holy assembly, because in the church good and evil are gathered together. But it is admitted in that the church abides forever.

The eighth: of servants of the church, that even the wicked may preach and administer sacraments, is permitted in all pieces.

The ninth: of baptism, is also wholly admitted, that infants should be baptized, and that Anabaptists should not be admitted.

The tenth: of the reverend Sacrament of the Altar, is also permitted, but with this appendix, that one should firmly believe the whole of Christ under every form of the Sacrament, and that the substance of the bread is truly transformed into the Body of Christ.

The eleventh: confession, is also permitted with the requirement of two things. First, that one confesses at Easter time, according to Cap. Omnis utriusque sexus. Secondly, that one remembers beforehand to confess all the sins of which one's conscience knows oneself guilty, and not to conceal any of them with one's own will.

The twelfth: of repentance, is allowed in that the sinner may be forgiven of sin whenever he converts, as often as he sins. But is rejected, first, in that they do not put more than two parts of repentance. Secondly, in that they say that faith is one part of repentance. Thirdly, that they do not confess repentance, the third part of repentance.

The thirteenth: of the use of the sacraments, is entirely admitted, namely, that the sacraments are not only signs among men, but also testimonies of the divine will toward us.

The fourteenth: of the spiritual state, is permitted that no one shall preach, or administer sacraments, unless he be duly appointed, with this

Addendum that such appointment shall be made according to the old order of Christian churches, not whom the secular authorities or the mob elects, but whom the bishop, or whoever else by right or custom has to do it, appoints or appoints.

The fifteenth: of customs of the churches, is also permitted in that one should keep them, provided they may be kept without sin. But is rejected in that they say such customs should be contrary to the Gospel, if they are done to propitiate God, or for sin.

The sixteenth: of secular authority, is entirely admitted, with condemnation of the Anabaptists, who do not want to suffer any authority among Christians.

The seventeenth: of the last judgment, is also completely admitted, with rejection of the Anabaptists and others, who want to grant redemption and bliss to the devils and the damned at last.

The eighteenth: of free will, is also admitted, namely, that we have a free will in human things; but in divine things we may accomplish nothing without the grace of God.

The nineteenth: of cause of sin, is also admitted, namely, that not GOD, but man's will is the cause of sin.

The twentieth, on faith and good works, is rejected. For they will not confess that by good works one may obtain remission of sins.

The twenty-first: of honor and invocation of the saints, is also rejected because they confess the error of the Vigilantii, the Waldenses, Picards 2c. and do not want to invoke the saints, in which they act against the Scriptures of both Testaments and against all teachers 2c.

End of articles.

The other part of the princely confession of abuses.

In this part, no piece is permitted, because they are called abuses, which is not abuse.

About both forms of the sacrament

Scripture and ancient sacred teachers indicate that under one form, namely bread, it has always been the custom in the Christian Church to receive this sacrament outside of the Mass, and that it is rather an abuse to administer both forms to the laity, contrary to the Church's order and without God's command.

[1072]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1016 f. W. xvi, 1277-1280. 1073

From the priests and monks marriage

It is also proved here from the Scriptures, from ancient teachers and many concilia, that not priestly purity, but rather lewd marriage of monks and priests is an unpleasant abuse, because probably eleven hundred years ago such was condemned in the heresy of Joviniani, and all their arguments are justified and resolved with good reason of the Scriptures.

From the fair

First of all, they are condemned for keeping the German mass against the custom of the common churches. Secondly, that they consider it an abuse that he who serves the altar has to live from the altar, because Scripture allows such a thing Luc. 10 and 1 Cor. 9 2c. Thirdly, that they have sacrificed much of the instituted mass against God's honor and the founder's last will for a sacrilege. Fourth, that they deny the sacrifice of the Mass, which is an ancient heresy (as St. Augustine indicates), Arianorum, and Sacrificium Missae proven in many writings, as well as in the most ancient teachers and conciliarities, for which reason the Mass should by no means be denied.

From confession

First, it is considered an abuse that so few people in Luther's sect confess. Second, that they are silent about repentance and atonement for sin. Third, that they wrongly understand and interpret Chrysostom's words about oral confession. Fourthly, that they do not confess all secret sins that they are aware of, which is an old heresy of Montanorum, who were ashamed to confess all sins.

From the difference of the food

They are rejected firstly because they despise the statutes and authority of the church against Christ, Luc. 10, and Paul, 1 Thess. 2 2c. Secondly, that they consider such statutes useless. Third, that they say it is against faith, against the gospel, against the commandments of God. Fourth, that they consider it impossible. Fifth, that they wrongly understand Christ and Paul from such statutes. Sixth, that they want to have all these things freely and unbidden.

From monastic vows

It is rejected, first, that they want to take such vows, against so many writings of both testaments. Secondly, that they consider the monastic life unseemly, contrary to so many thousands of holy

People who have lived and been saved in it from the beginning of Christianity until now. Third, that they would have such vows free, contrary to the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. Fourth, that they say such vows are impossible, contrary to so much Scripture and the promise of Christ. Fifth, that they say that monks and nuns should not be separated in marriage. Sixth, that they say such a life is contrary to the gospel, when it is evident that it is according to the gospel, and for Christ's sake leaves father and mother, house and farm, according to his counsel, Matt. 19, Luc. 9 and 14 2c.

From the church power

They reject, first, that they want to deny the ecclesiastics jurisdiction, authority, liberties and privileges that have come to them from emperors and kings. Secondly, that they do not allow the clergy to exercise authority against their writings and suppress their jurisdiction. Third, that they despise the freedom of the consecrated against the Scriptures and imperial laws. Fourth, that they want to subject the clergy to the secular courts, which is also against the Scriptures and imperial laws. Fifthly, that they accuse a wanton liberty against the commandment of the church, as if one were not obligated to keep it. Sixth, that they want to throw away even good order for the sake of the abuses of the clergy. Finally, Imperial Majesty wishes that they again come to Christian unity, and help to bring all abuses into proper order. Amen.

1017 Melanchthon's letter to Camerarius from the Confutation, before it had been handed over.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's epist. ack Camerar., p. 139 and in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Conf., p. 192. Also in the 6orp. Kek., vol. II, 229, datirt den 26. Juli 1530.

Translated into German.

The adversaries have not yet answered, but I hear that their confutation is ready and will appear within two or three days. It is said that the emperor will give orders that everything should be set in the previous state until the disputes are examined in a concilio. That is what the council is to decide. And if this pronouncement is not mitigated, you can easily er-

[1074]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1280-1282. 1075

We have to be careful what kind of unrest it will cause. Our prince's cousin is said to have put this harsh opinion on the track; if he would let go of his great stubbornness, which, as you know, is quite ironclad, everything would go better here. That's it all with each other. Capito has arrived from Strasbourg, but is still in silence, and the other day asked the one in Mainz to admit him for discussion. Since the statement described above was made against us, the man from Mainz did not want to be present, because he had already argued very vehemently the day before and could not bring our prince's cousin to softer thoughts; the theologians at the court of Mainz, however, have been excluded by Eck from the meeting that is being held against us. Arnold, whom I recommend to you, will tell you the most salutary advice of the Spanish noble heads in our matter. Philip.

9 Now I have had a letter from Strasbourg that the French and Lorraine are in great armor, and the king has commanded in Alsace that the French should be accepted and allowed to live on their pennies until further notice. There is talk that the king wants to use them against the Swiss and the cities.

(10) It is certain that Eck and Faber are very adamant that we should do it by force and not give in, and the Hispanics are not pleased that our people are thus advising war, nor have they foreseen that so many princes should oppose us.

The great chancellor Mercurinus talked to the king in Bononia about the Concilii, and when the king said that the pope did not want it, the great chancellor answered again and admonished the king not to let it go, and to remember that he was the lord.

The first part of the book, "The Confession of the Church," is the first part of the book, "The Confession of the Church," and "The Confession of the Church.

In Cyprian's Supplements to the Hist. of the Augsb. Conf., p. 194, from Melanchthon's autograph. Also in Oorp. Rsk., vol. II, 219. There Bretschneider remarks that it is not a "Bedenken" (as Walch calls it), but a leaf belonging to a letter, in which Melanchthon communicates news.

  1. the confutation will be read to us, not in the name of the theologians, but of the emperor.

(2) And for this reason it is alleviated by the emperor's people.

  1. it also looks to me as if the reading will be followed by the question whether we may suffer HM the judge?

4 However, it was said that the Holy See would offer to change abuses, provided that the church statutes remain in force.

It is advised that we stop for the sake of the concilii.

6 The pope has strongly urged the emperor not to take any action, but to lead his army straight into Germany and suppress the cause by force.

7 And may the Pontiffs not hear talk of the Concilio.

The Hispanics have advised that both figures should be allowed to those who request them, but the legate does not want them.

1019: Imperial speech delivered by Count Palatine Frederick to the protesting Estates before the reading of the Confutation on August 3, 1530.

From an unnamed nnalor npoloZins raunu86riptu6 recorded in Müller's Historie von der evang. Stände Protestation, lib. Ill, eup. 24, p. 698.

Let it be remembered that the five princes, the 1) Elector, the four princes and related cities have presented their opinion and confession, as they called it, to Imperial Majesty and requested that it be read publicly. Majesty, and requested to hear it read in public, which was done; whereupon Her Majesty graciously requested to consider the same Confession further on Her Majesty's occasion. Now that Her Majesty has had a counter-answer drafted by scholars of many nations and experienced men, which also pleases Her Majesty, the same should now be publicly read; with the request that the reported Electors, Princes, and cities with the Pope and Her Majesty, as well as other Christian kings, potentates, Electors, Princes, and Estates, may compare themselves in a Christian manner, so that in the event of the contrary, Her Majesty would not be forced to use Her Majesty's Imperial Office. Office.

  1. So put by us instead of: "die fünf Churfürsten, Fürsten" 2c.
  2. In our original: "Churfürsten und"; in the original probably: "Chur-, Fürsten und".

[1076]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1020 ff. W. xvi, 1282-iWi. 1077

1020: Notification of Count Palatine Frederick by Imperial Majesty after the reading of the Confutation to the Elector of Saxony and his supporters.

This writing, in addition to the locations given in the previous number, is found inCölestinus,toru. Ill, x. 17 and in Chyträus, p. 213 according to the Latin, and p. 312 according to the German edition.

Because the Imperial. Majesty has so considered the Scripture read to him, and has found it to be Christian and so presented that it cannot be refuted or rejected: Her Majesty's gracious and also very serious request is that the Elector of Saxony and other princes and cities of this part, together with their prelates, should adhere to the same document equally and unanimously, as the Imperial Majesty would certainly want to do, and would be anxious to rely on it.

1021 The protesting Estates, after the reading of the Confutation, made a presentation by Chancellor Brück, in which they request a copy of it.

This, as well as the next following writing, can be found in Cölestin, Chyträus and Müller at the places indicated at the previous number.

Their Electoral and Princely Grace Together with the cities related to this matter, they have listened to the document read out, and as much as their electors and princes have heard. They have noted, however, that some of the articles of confession they had previously read out and presented were subject to displacement by the sayings of the Scriptures and the fathers, and by the statutes of the rights and councils of those who had compiled such writings. In order that their sovereign and princely sovereigns may decide on such a most important matter, concerning the salvation and harm of souls, and that they, together with their subjects and relatives, may satisfy their consciences on it, their sovereign and princely sovereigns, as well as the cities, would like to have this article published. If they, together with their subjects and relatives, should satisfy their consciences on this, then the unavoidable necessity of their sovereigns and princes, as well as of the cities, would require that they receive such a document, or a copy thereof, and to examine it with the best diligence, and to consider whether their previously submitted articles would be thoroughly transposed with the indicated reasons of the Holy Scriptures, and also how and in what manner the sayings of the fathers, together with the allegories of the conciliation, would be introduced against it. For it would be known that a special rule would have to be observed by those who are to be given to Her Imperial Majesty. Maj.

It is not to be believed that the rights described in the letter of the law and her Majesty's laws are to be interpreted, because as far as the rights that are attracted by them confirm and prove their pretence. On the contrary, the Elector of Saxony and his electorate wanted to have their rights confirmed and proven. Gn. Rather, it would be necessary for the Elector of Saxony, and his kinsmen, to get hold of the scripture in question, and to actually and diligently consider how the scripture, along with the fathers' sayings and conciliarities, as referred to in such scripture, would be conducted. For this purpose, Her Majesty's decree for this Imperial Diet clearly states that every opinion and view should be heard, and that it should be discussed and considered in love and kindness what has not been rightly interpreted on either side; which discussion in love and kindness, and consideration of what has not been rightly interpreted on either side, requires that one part of the other part's reasons and opinion should not be restrained, but revealed and delivered, so that it may be determined what has not been rightly interpreted on either side. Thus, those to whom the Imperial Majesty of the Elector Majesty of the Elector of Saxony and his co-relatives, would not have been able to take up the matter in dignity, where such a confession, after having been read out to the Imperial Majesty, would not have been possible. Majesty. Majesty's request. In addition, Imperial Majesty Majesty, together with the attending Electors, the Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as the Princes and Estates of the Empire, would know that this would not be refused in much lesser legal matters, but that Copia producti cum competenti termino would be decided and recognized. For this reason, the Elector, the Princes and cities of this part would most humbly request that Imperial Maj. Maj. would graciously, for the sake of all these and similar important circumstances and opportunities of trade, let the read consulation document, or a copy of it, come to their hands, so that their Electors and Fathers and the cities would overlook and move it, and let their need be heard again in a Christian manner against their Maj.

1022 The Emperor's answer, issued by Count Palatine Frederick the Estates, to the request and plea that they be sent a copy of the confutation read.

See the previous number. Also in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 179, from the Ansbachschen Acten zu Nürnberg, No. 18, likewise in Brück's Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg, p. 72. The Palgrave read this answer from a note.

[1078]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1284-1286. 1070

Roman Imperial Maj. Maj. our most gracious Lord, at the request of the Elector of Saxony and the other princes and two cities to hand over to them the read imperial document, as such has been presented orally and further on their behalf, have decided, namely: so that it may be felt by men that Imperial Maj. Maj.'s gracious mind and opinion are not otherwise than to graciously and duly comply with the writ, Her Imperial Majesty wished to have the writ delivered to them. Her Majesty wished to have the document sent to them, but in such a way that Her Majesty did not wish to enter into any further correspondence with them by handing over this document. For the matter has now been sufficiently introduced in all parts according to the letter. And is the Imperial Maj. Maj.'s gracious request that they consult with their Imperial Maj. Maj. and the same Princes, Princes and Estates, as the resolution of the above-mentioned document contains and is capable of doing.

Imperial Maj. Maj. is also of the opinion that, in view of their relationship to Her Majesty, they will not allow the reported or any other of their writings to be printed, nor will they allow them to come out of their hands or give them to Her Majesty; Her Majesty wishes to provide them with this entirely. This is what Her Imperial Maj. Maj. does not wish to restrain them at their request and plea of gracious opinion.

1023 Spalatin's news of the above circumstances.

This document is found in the collective editions: in the Wittenberg i 1569). Vol. IX, p. 423; in the Jenaer (1566), Vol. V, p. 98; in the Altenburger, Vol. V, p. 224 and in the Leipziger, Vol. XX, p. 232. Where Walch got knowledge that it was Spalatin's message is unknown to us.

Thereupon D. Brück, on behalf of the Elector and Princes of related cities, requested that the document be sent to their electors and favors, as their great need required that they 1) see it.

Thereupon, on account of Imperial. Majesty. Duke Frederick of Bavaria, after having held council, answered: because it was now late and the matters were important, His Imperial Majesty wanted to consider them and to know the answer in time. Maj. wished to consider the matter and, in due course, to provide her beloved with an answer. Quinta Augusti we received an answer from Imperial Maj. Maj. that the princes and princes together with theirs should be bound by their oaths.

  1. So put by us. In the editions: "required, have become "ic.

to undertake against Imperial Maj. Maj. that they would not give their confutation to anyone nor have it copied, nor would they answer it, in which case they would be given a copy of the said confutation. Upon this, our people argued that Imperial Maj. Maj. would graciously remember the letter, how unseemly it would be for His Majesty to say that no one would give it to them, nor have it copied. Maj. would be unseemly to say that they were thus treated unkindly.

Soon after this, Archbishop of Mainz, Joachim Margrave, Elector, Duke Henry of Brunswick and others stood up and asked Imperial Maj. Maj. asked that Her Majesty graciously permit them to take action with the protesting churons and princes. Maj. has granted permission; likewise also ours.

1024 Melanchthon's Letter to Luther on the Confutation Read. August 6, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's epict, lib. I, r>. 16; in Cölestin, tom. Ill, p. 25; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 215 and according to the German, p. 317; in Cyprian in the Beilagen zur Historie der Augsb. Conf., p. 195 and in the Oorp. Uet., vol. II, 253.

1 The letter carriers come much more sparingly than we would like, especially at the time when our cause is being fiercely attacked. We finally heard the papists' confutation on the third of August, along with the emperor's declaration, which was quite harsh. For before the confutation was read, the Emperor said that he wanted to stick to the opinion he had written down, and that he wanted our princes to agree with him. If not, he, as a patron of the church, would no longer tolerate such division in Germany.

This was the summa of the speech. Although this was very harsh, nevertheless, since the confutation was very childish, our people became quite cheerful after reading it. For this confutation is the most outstanding of all of Faber's childish and ludicrous books. Of both, he drew on the story of the sons of Eli asking for a morsel of bread from the priest, and proved from it that the laity alone should receive the form of bread. They defended the mass with particularly cold and lame antics. When Joachim 2) returned after the reading of the Confutation (for I was not present), he said that it was a great mistake for me to have been so much concerned about the various disputations of human traditions.

  1. Camerarius.

[1080]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1024 ff. W. xvi, iWs-iWs. 1081

tions. For such thoughts would never enter their minds.

3 The Bavarians have requested a copy of the Confutation, but the Imperial Majesty has taken it into consideration. Maj. took it into consideration, and the following day again admonished our princes to unite and compare themselves with their Imperial Maj. Maj. by means of the Confutation. Let also their Imperial Maj. Maj. should have the document sent to them, but in such a way that it would not be printed or copied. There was a long dispute about this, until finally the Archbishop of Mainz and his brother, the Elector of Brandenburg, and the Duke of Brunswick decreed to our princes and requested that they not press further, so that Imperial Majesty would not be moved more violently. Maj. would not be moved more violently. They wanted to think of convenient ways and means by which the whole matter could be amicably settled and reconciled. So we have not yet been able to see the same confutation, and today we are waiting to see what means those princes will propose. There you have all our news.

(4) All good-hearted and understanding people are now much more courageous and joyful after they have heard the confutation so childishly made. Our princes could more easily obtain peace if they diligently asked the Emperor himself and some more understanding princes for it and requested it; but they are quite negligent in this, and, as I regret, secretly indignant that they do not do so. The whole matter is in God's will, and is not governed by human diligence. Meanwhile, I am impatient with our carelessness; sometimes I think that God is depriving us of this human help, so that we do not trust in ourselves. Therefore, you will pray diligently that God will preserve and keep us and give us peace. The Landgrave is keeping himself quite well and moderate; he has expressly told me: for the sake of peace, he also wants to accept very burdensome conditions, as long as they can be tolerated without disgrace and harm to the Gospel. Hereby commanded by God. August 6, 1530.

1025 Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. August 8, 1530.

In Cölestin and Chyträus at the places indicated in the previous number and in 6orp. Uek, vol. II, 259.

After the Emperor had earnestly and steadily urged that ours should settle with the confutation made by Faber, and ours, on the other hand, had vehemently urged that we be given the

Confutation, and it was not possible to come to an agreement about this, several princes have admonished our people to refrain from this diligent persistence and request, and they have promised that they will think of an acceptable peace and unity by means and ways. This I indicated in the next letter. But behold, soon the next day the landgrave secretly departs, even though he has left orders behind him. The Emperor, as soon as he hears of this, requests of our people that they not leave, especially because their Imperial Majesty has allowed the Prince to leave. Majesty had permitted the princes to deal amicably with our people. This demand of the Emperor seemed reasonable. -To this, the Bavarians replied that they would not leave without their Imperial Majesty's knowledge. Majesty's prior knowledge. What the Landgrave's concerns and intentions were, I cannot say with certainty. But methinks that the inequity of the actions that had occurred had moved him to the point where he no longer had any hope of obtaining peace. But to say what I think, the pretense of moderation in such dealings was suspicious to me.

Now the princes, who have taken up the negotiation, have not yet given anything that would particularly serve peace. The entrance has been from the Imperial Majesty's gracious and paternal will. Maj.'s gracious and paternal will, and that Her Majesty desires that they settle with Her Majesty and other princes and chieftains, and prevent damage and harm to themselves and to the common German nation that might result from their obstinacy and division. The Elector of Brandenburg has done this extensively in order to deter our people from their doctrine. We do not yet know whether they will propose other painful means. The ghost of the Speier monks, of which Eisleben writes, undoubtedly means a terrible noise. God be with us always. Aug. 8, 1530.

1026 Melanchthon's letter to Luther (?). Aug. 6, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, tom. Ill, p. 28 and in 6orp. Burkhardt, p. 183, remarks on it that he hardly believes it to be to Luther because of the letter preceding it here, since Melanchthon would have written to Luther at any rate in greater detail. We have given the time determination according to Burkhardt.

Translated from Latin.

We have finally heard the refutation of our confession; only merely heard, for we cannot obtain that it will give us

[1082]{.underline} Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**,** W. xvi, 1289-1291. 1083

into their hands. However, according to my understanding, it is done with the good consideration of the intelligent, who well recognize that it is not written accurately, and that it would be highly detrimental to the reputation of Imperial Majesty, who was able to present it to us in her name, if it were to come to light. Majesty, who would be able to present it to us in her name, if it were to come to light. The false and perverse theologians wanted to protect themselves with this lion's skin so that they would make themselves even more fearsome to us. Methinks, however, that all honest men, after having heard such refutations, would have fallen even more in with our party, and that the opponents, who possess understanding, would have felt great displeasure that such ravings were forced upon Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

Now we await what they will do with us. The emperor makes his opinion clear; but well-meaning princes still have suggestions for peace. May the Lord Christ grant us the same. In the month of August 1530.

1027 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. Aug. 15, 1530.

This letter is found in Buddeus, p. 183, after the Jena manuscript; in Cölestin, toni. Ill, x>. 28 d; in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 133. German in the Wittenberg edition, <1569), vol. IX, p.432; in the Jena (1566), vol.V, p. 120 d; in the Altenburg, vol.V, p. 248 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 191. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To his exceedingly dear brother in the Lord, N. Philipp Melanchthon, > confessor of Christ at Augsburg.

Grace and peace in Christ, who is a Lord even over his enemies! We have received all your letters, and I praise God who has made the refutation of the adversaries so feeble. - But "fresh through!" I had heard it before, but did not want to believe it. But after I had read Eisleben's letter first of all, which at the same time deals with riots and devils 1), I was very frightened, because I feared that terrible horrible things would happen. However, at that very hour I was quite moved by other things. But Chri

stus lives and rules. After all, the devils (if they want so) may become monks or also nuns. No form is more suitable for them than the one under which they have sold themselves to the world for worship. I have interpreted this entirely to mean that there is some unrest in Augsburg, for the winds and the downpours raged here in such a way that I was almost frightened by the roar, and the serene weather has not yet returned. I begin to long for you, and wish that the Lord may bring you home shortly, amen. "It may well" this delay and the unfair treatment 2) "make another landgrave tired."

I hope that Caspar Müller has arrived and has delivered our letters. Have I not also predicted that you will torture yourself in vain over the statutes, because this matter is too much beyond the comprehension of the sophists? There has been an eternal dispute about the laws, even among the greatest men, and it is something completely apostolic to judge about them purely and certainly. For there is no writer (author) except the one Paul, who has written completely and perfectly about this matter, because it is the death of all reason to judge about the law; only the spirit is the judge here. Therefore, what could the sophists, who are also deprived of reason, do here? "Well, we have done him enough." Now is the time for the Lord alone to do it, who rule and keep you, amen.

I have finally also put down Ezekiel out of weariness, not only because of the illness of the head, and meanwhile I am translating the minor prophets and will finish them within a week, God willing; for there are only Haggai and Malachi left. I am occupied with these more for the sake of comfort than for work. Greet all of ours respectfully. Farewell. From the desert, August 15, 1530.

Martin Luther.

  1. Instead of inälAnutio indignation we have assumed iucliAultus with Cölestin, Buddeus and Aurifaber.
  2. Namely of a spook that monks in disguise had crossed the Rhine at Speier. Cf. No. 1058 in this volume.

[1084]{.underline} Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1028 f. W.xvi,Es. 1085

1028 Luther's letter to his wife to tell Pomeranus and others what he had heard about the reading and refusal of the copy of the Confutation. August 14, 1530.

This letter is found in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXII, p. 557; in the Erlangen, vol. 54, p. 186 and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 131.

Grace and peace in Christ. My dear Käthe! This messenger passed by in such a hurry that I could not write anything more without wanting to let him go without my handwriting. You may tell Herr Johann Pommern and everyone that I want to write more soon. We still have nothing from Augsburg, but are waiting every hour for a message and writing. We have received word that our opponent's reply is to be read publicly; however, no copy has been given to our people so that they can reply to it. I do not know if it is true. Where they shun the light so much, ours will not stay long. I have been almost healthy since St. Lawrence's Day, and have not felt any buzzing in my head; that has made it fun for me to write, because up to now the buzzing has plagued me. Greetings to all, and everything; another time. God be with you, amen, and pray with confidence, for it is well established, and God will help. Given on the Sunday after St. Lawrence's Day 14 Aug. Anno 1530. Martinus Luther.

G. From the Apology of the Augsburg Confession.

The first and still imperfect apology.

First draft of the Apology of the Augsburg Confession, which was presented to Emperor Carl on Sept. 22 at the Imperial Diet of 1530, but was not accepted.

Chyträus had this writing printed after a manuscript of Spalatin in the Latin edition of his Uist. XuZ. aont., p. 337. It is then reprinted in the appendix of Pfaff's edition likr. "odesia" "vanASlioatz dolio, p. 94. Another Latin recension from

The first edition of the Margravial Brandenburg Neichstag Acts of 1530, No. 19, is found in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 483. A third redaction is in the ducal library in Wolfenbüttel. It consists of 57 leaves in folio format, thirty of which are written by Spalatin, but 21 by Melanchthon's own hand. Among the latter, ten or twelve pages are blank. What was written by Spalatin is a fair copy, but here and there with corrections by Melanchthon, while what was written by Melanchthon is a concept, often crossed out and changed. Printed in Förstemann's "Neues Urkundenbuch", p. 357-380. - But also in German language the Apology in its first draft is already published in 1577 by the provost of Berlin Georg Cölestin in his first edition of the German Augsburg Confession. He gives the text "faithfully copied according to Philippi and the theologians and hand present at the time". Bertram has published this text in his litterar. Abhandlungen, Theil III, p. 56. Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 530, has another edition of this writing, not significantly different from this one, from a volume of acts of the Hessian secret state archives at Casfel. The imprint at Cölestin was fo unknown, that even Salig knew nothing about it and Walch had it retranslated after the Latin of Chyträus. We leave it at the old translation, and limit ourselves to making the most necessary improvements according to Förstemann.

Translated from Latin by M. A. Littet.

1 Imperial Majesty will see right away that those who wrote the refutation of our confession acted not only without reason but also without honesty. Majesty will immediately see that those who wrote the refutation of our confession acted not only without understanding, but also without honesty. For they attack in vain the description of original sin when they say: The fear of God and trust in God are effects (actus), and thus if original sin were not well described, that it would be a lack of such effects, because not even the nature of children in the state of innocence would have had such effects in itself. But the German Confession says that we are not talking about the effects, but about the gifts that nature had in the state of innocence. For this is the description there: "Further, it is taught that after the fall of Adae all men who are born naturally are conceived and born in sins, that is, that they are all full of evil desire and inclination from their mother's womb, and can have no true fear of God, no true faith in God by nature." Here the words show that we are not talking about real sins, but about the faculty, namely, that people, so naturally born, cannot by natural forces bring forth a true fear of God and a true trust against God. And it is nothing new that fear and trust are not only effects, but also gifts. And we have spoken with diligence in such a way that we have the ge-

1086 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1292-1295. 1087

explained my description of original sin, which is somewhat obscure. For they otherwise describe it thus: original sin is a lack of inherent righteousness. But we prefer to take the parts that there is a lack of fear of God, a lack of trust in God 2c. For inherent righteousness would have put the fear of God and trust in God in the children who are born. And we have counted these pieces because, when others speak of original sin, they only touch on the very worst desires against the other table, but do not mention the much worse vices 1) of nature, namely, how in nature there is contempt for God, distrust of God, and such spiritual harm and corruption. They think nothing of it in schools. In the meantime, they argue about whether the tinder (of original sin) is a property of the body; whether it came in by infection of the apple or poisonous blowing of the snake?

But that they add that this is also a damned article of Luther, that original sin remains after baptism, is an unnecessary blasphemy. For they know well that Luther taught correctly that guilt was forgiven through baptism, although the material of sin, as they say, still remains. This is what Luther calls sin. For this is also what Scripture and Augustine say. Others call it tinder; and, according to philosophical opinions, dream that man's nature, even if it is weak, can of its own accord bring forth the fear of God, trust in God, and such like impulses. And because they ignored the Gospel and introduced Aristotle into the church, who wrote that the affections (or movements of the mind) were mean things, they also judged tinder (or the lust for blood) to be a mean thing. So the school teachers kept the name of original sin, but did not explain the matter properly. Therefore Luther had to explain what original sin is, and how guilt is taken away and sin begins to be killed by the Holy Spirit, but that it is not yet completely taken away. Likewise, the law of sins, which is in the members of the body, is remitted in the spiritual rebirth, and yet remains in the mortal body; remitted because the guilt is cancelled by the sacrament in which believers are born again. From this, Her Imperial Majesty will easily see that the debt is cancelled by the sacrament in which the faithful are born again. Majesty will easily see that we speak and believe about original sin just as the Catholic Church believes.

  1. In Latin vitia; with Förstemann in German: Lüste.

From the IV and VI articles.

(3) In the fourth and sixth articles, extensive arguments about merit are added, but it is not actually stated how far the works of men are meritorious. And those who do not explain this, with their praise of works, completely obscure the righteousness of faith, which is of great need to the pious, and which must be especially practiced and preached in the church.

4 But how modestly they speak of merit now! Before this, when they spoke of forgiveness of sins and justification, no faith was thought of; only works were thought of. They also said: the works without the Holy Spirit deserved grace de congruo, but afterwards with grace they deserved eternal life de condigno. So the whole Christian doctrine was nothing else than a human worldly wisdom of bourgeois morals. For this they also evidently wrote: A good work done without grace and a good work done with grace are of the same kind, and grace contributes only so much that it is regarded as merit.

5 They emphasized the ability of human nature so much that they thought there was no need for the Holy Spirit. Indeed, some were still in doubt as to whether grace does anything in the justified. They also taught that man could keep God's commandment by natural ability, according to the nature of the thing (or deed), although the appearance of merit would be removed.

At that time, no popes punished such blasphemies, but rather allowed them to be taught freely in schools. But since there were doubts about indulgences, and also about the tyrannical world domination of the pope, they were first made into intolerable heresies, and they were considered worthy of being made terrible examples of.

But where there have been more thoughtful theologians, they have gradually improved much of such scholastic teaching. They recognize that more than reasonable philosophy has crept into Christian doctrine; they see that the human faculty has been elevated too high; they admit that the commandments of God do not only command civil duties, which reason can still meet to some extent, but also spiritual impulses, such as faith, hope, invocation of God, love of neighbor, killing of the flesh 2c.

(8) They also like to add faith when they speak of justification and forgiveness of sins, that sins are not imputed to them because of faith,

1088 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1029. w. xvi. 1295-1208. 1089

who believe that they are forgiven for Christ's sake.

(9) However, they make some mention of the merit of works, and confess that it is a small one. They say that works done in grace deserve eternal life, but minus principaliter. From such a heap of evil opinions they have still kept this little piece.

(10) And even if the works were to some extent meritorious, our article is still quite correct and catholic, that the works commanded by God are indeed necessary to be done, but in such a way that we do not insist on them as if we were thereby earning grace and righteousness, but only and solely through the merits and voluntary promise of Christ. This much is written in our article. And there is no doubt that all Catholics confess and preach this; for thus says the prophet in the Psalm: "Thou wilt not enter into judgment with thy servant, for before thee no living man is righteous." Likewise, "If thou wilt impute sin, O Lord, who shall stand?" And Augustine says, "God does not bring us to eternal life by our merits, but by His mercy. So our article commands to do good works because of the divine will and command, and yet rejects the reliance on works. This is what all pious and catholic people have always rejected, and it is an abominable blindness of the adversaries to spread themselves so defiantly with merits, since they themselves confess that all our good works are impure, as the Scripture says, "Who can say, I am pure in heart?" Fie! that we still boast of merits in such impurity of heart, when even the saints complain that they do not trust God, are angry with God's judgment, are plagued by many evil desires.

The adversaries destroy Christ's saying with a fictitious interpretation, of which clever people can easily see what people will judge when it comes to light. When you have done everything, say, "We are useless servants," which they interpret to mean: useless servants of God, not of ourselves.

(12) What could not all be said against this ludicrous interpretation, if I did not spare your imperial majesty, our most gracious lord? For since the opponents wanted to put their name before their writing, they should have written with more diligence and correctness.

13 Ambrose explained this passage much better, saying: "It follows, therefore, that no one should boast of works, because we owe obedience to God by right. And

soon after: One must praise grace, but not forget the weakness of nature. But let us briefly prove that this word of Christ condemns merit and the trust of merit. Christ's intention is to withdraw us from the ungodly trust in our works. But he makes a conclusion from the equation that we could not make God our debtor. As a servant who does his duty does not make his master a debtor, so you also, he says, cannot make God a debtor, since you are servants. But since God is not a debtor, it necessarily follows that we cannot boast that the works are meritorious. For how do they merit, since God owes them nothing?

14 To which is added that he calls us "unprofitable servants. Whoever understands the manner of speaking can easily see that it means unfit 1) servants. For who fears God enough? who believes him as he should? Who loves God properly? Who is patient enough in tribulation? Who loves his neighbor rightly? Who does in everything as his profession requires? So he calls them "useless" for- maliter, because one must speak to the sophists in a dialectical way. So Paul teaches that works are unclean: "I do not do the good that I want, but the evil that I do not want." Likewise, "The flesh lusteth against the Spirit." For sin, lust, contempt of God, distrust of God is in nature. These infirmities are also burdensome to the saints and hinder good works. This is the real and true opinion of the words of Christ.

15 Thus follows the conclusion that removes the reliance on works: Since GOD is not a debtor, nor are our works sufficient: who then can boast of merit? Will even a servant boast if he has tilled the field badly?

Finally, even the interpretation of the adversaries does us no good. For if the works of God are of no use, it follows that he owes them nothing. If he owes them nothing, how can they have the glory of merit?

(17) But let us set aside these apparent subtleties, since everyone can see that in this very saying Christ intended to punish trust in works. And yet the adversaries want to destroy such testimony by a false and deceitful interpretation. But there is no need for further argument. For it is clear that Scripture everywhere declares that we do not boast about ourselves, that we do not rely on our works or our abilities.

  1. inadequate, insuKeisntes.

[1090]{.underline} Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 12S8-1300. 1091

defy. Therefore, we have rightly said that the works commanded by God are necessary to do, and yet one must not rely on such works, but on the grace of Christ.

(18) But, they say, the Scriptures require the word "reward," therefore good works are meritorious. What do the adversaries bring forward but such childish and ludicrous plots, and want to appear to argue according to right reasoning, since they do not understand the language of Scripture? But so that we do not endure and burden anyone too long with refutations of such petty quibbles (for they are so obscure because of their pointed nature that they are hardly understood even in schools), we will only briefly say that it is called "reward" not for the sake of the worthiness of the works, but for the sake of the promise of God. But the promise, as Paul teaches, is received in faith, not for our works, but for the merit of Christ. Now as the promise requires faith according to Paul, so the reward requires faith because it is a promised thing. Meanwhile, the cause of the promise is not the value of our works, but the merit of Christ.

(19) All this would be understandable enough if the philosophical quarrels had not suppressed Paul's teaching of the promises, of grace, of justification, of faith, in the church. Therefore, in our confession we have been content with these two sayings and sentences: 1) that one must necessarily do good works because of the commandment of God; 2) and that we must not rely on our works, but on the gracious promise of God. For though the righteousness of the law merits rewards of the law, yet we do not merit grace and righteousness before God by our works. For those who attach such glory to our works diminish the glory of Christ, as Paul says: "If righteousness comes from the law, Christ died in vain."

20 And in this way we say that we are justified by faith alone, because faith grasps the grace and mercy of God, seeing that God is gracious to us for Christ's sake. This faith is counted as righteousness before God. And because he receives the Holy Spirit, the Spirit renews the hearts and impels them to do good; as it is written in the prophet, "I will put my law in their hearts"; thus, good works are fruits of faith.

21 Meanwhile, faith recognizes that for the sake of Christ, not for the sake of our works, we have a gracious God. Therefore

faith is righteous, and not works, because faith looks to Christ, for whose sake we are saved.

(22) Otherwise men would have no certain and firm comfort against sins, if we obtained grace because of our works, because we always have something fragile about us. But faith gives the conscience a sure consolation, in that it feels that we are certainly accepted for grace because of Christ, even though our works are worthless.

23 The adversaries dispute the word "alone" and want to have it their joke. For they have invented a new name, so that they may pull us through and call us solarios, because we teach that men are justified sola fide, by faith alone; they also cry out that such a word ("alone") is not in Scripture. They complain that the sacraments are excluded from this way. But we hold that a man is justified by faith, not because of previous or subsequent works. This faith is awakened by the Word and the Sacraments. So the sacraments are not excluded, but the merit of works. Paul does the same when he says: "It is the gift of God, not of works." This negation clearly excludes works. He also often says, "We are justified by grace through faith." Is not then "by grace" (or in vain) also an exclusionary word? And is it not just as much as if it said, we are justified by faith alone, when it says, we are justified by grace (or in vain)? Does this not exclude works? Here, His Imperial Majesty sees that once again we are justified by faith. Majesty, that once again a quarrel has arisen over a word, and that the adversaries interpret and misuse this word sola (alone) in a treacherous way, since all Catholics have always confessed that forgiveness of sins takes place by grace. And the adversaries themselves do not deny it. But they take pleasure in childish bickering and quarreling over words. If the word sola is so annoying to them, why do they not scratch it out of the old books? for ours did not first speak in this way. In the Confession we have drawn on the words of Ambrosius: "Thus it is ordained of God, that whosoever believeth in Christ should be saved without works, sola by faith alone, and receive forgiveness of sins freely. Hilarius also says Matth. 8: "It vexes the scribes that a man should forgive sin (for they regarded Christ as merely a man), and that that should be forgiven which the law could not remit; for the law is the law.

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Faith alone (sola) makes righteous. Do these severe judges want to erase the word sola also in the books of these, which are now read so many hundred years? But the adversaries are not ashamed of anything. This whole matter of justification has been diligently and extensively treated by Augustine against the Pelagians, and by Ambrose in several books, and since they know that we follow their opinion, they still catch a word that they can take around.

In the seventh article they intend to make us hateful by mentioning John Hus, since soon after we clearly confess that in the church in this life there are many evil and hypocrites mixed in. The adversaries are also called dead members of the church. Therefore, when we describe the church, we mean by it the living members. And lest anyone think that we are dreaming of a Platonic congregation (or civil society), we add the outward marks by which the church is to be recognized, namely, unanimity (or agreement) in the Gospel and use of the sacraments, as the Gospel teaches. That assembly is the church in which such marks are. But among those who have these marks, some are holy; those who use such marks rightly, others are hypocrites and wicked, who misuse such marks. What can be said of the more righteous? or what godly person 1) has spoken of it otherwise? But the adversaries have not shied away from reporting their imperial majesty obviously wrong. Majesty obviously wrongly. Does not Paul say Eph. 5: "Christ loved the church, and gave himself for it, that he might sanctify it, and cleanse it by the washing of water in the word" 2c. ? Here he calls the church a community, not of all, but of those who are being cleansed, and adds the outward signs, baptism and word.

(25) That they say that the general (universal) statutes of men are necessary for the right unity of the churches, we constantly deny. For human customs are not divine services, which are necessary for righteousness. Therefore, equality in such statutes is not necessary. Just as other peoples have different lengths of days, so they can also have different customs in the church. The Scriptures teach this in many places, Rom. 14: "The kingdom of God is not eating and drinking, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Spirit"; Gal. 3: "You are all children of God through the Holy Spirit.

  1. Chytraeus offers: plus instead of: xius.

Faith in Jesus Christ. For as many of you as have been baptized have put on Christ. For there is neither Jew nor Greek here, neither bond nor free, neither male nor female." But hereafter.

In the tenth, we do not say that the dead body of Christ is taken, or a body without blood, or blood without a body, but that the whole and living Christ is present in every part of the sacrament.

In the eleventh, although we consider confession and absolution to be right, as is known, we do not want to bind anyone's conscience to keep the chapter: Omnis utriusque sexus etc., All men and women 2c., because it is impossible to confess all sins. It is not only impossible to remember all deeds, but also impossible to know all sins. For the heart of man is evil and unsearchable; human nature is full of evil desires, ungodliness, contempt for God. These sins are so inherent in nature that they cannot be seen or understood unless the Holy Spirit shows them in our hearts. But it is necessary to teach the consciences that even sins that are not told are forgiven to the believers.

(28) And since the people should have been taught about absolution and faith, the one concern of all those who wrote and taught in the churches was to get people into the habit of keeping a record of sins. In the meantime, everything was silent about the faith.

Therefore, we do not want to place this burden of the chapter: All of Both Sexes 2c. on pious consciences, since it is burdensome enough in itself, without what they have added of innumerable and highly dangerous cords of the glosses.

30 In the twelfth, that they say that certain works must be imposed on the confessors for satisfaction cannot be proved from Scripture.

(31) And that they think that the punishment of eternal death is changed into a temporal punishment, which the power of the keys interprets, cannot be proved. And this opinion is too close to the glory of the merit and satisfaction of Christ, because Christ is the sacrifice for sin, as the Scripture says: "He is the propitiation for our sins."

(32) And what ungodliness is this, to think that the guilt is taken away because of the merit of Christ, but the punishment because of our works, since Christ is the conqueror of death and sins, as it is written in Hebrews 2, "that he destroyed by death.

1094 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1303-1305. 1095

him who had the dominion of death, that is, the devil, and delivered those who through fear of death had to be slaves all their lives."

Likewise, since the gospel proclaims the forgiveness of sins by grace, it is false that sin is forgiven partly because of the death of Christ and partly because of our atonement and repentance.

(34) Though God exercises the saints through many tribulations, these can neither be put away nor taken away by the power of the keys.

35 David was punished after adultery; this punishment for sin was not necessary. But it pleased God both to humble him and to show others an example. As he himself says: "It is good for me that you have humbled me, that I have learned your rights.

(36) But if penitential canons (rules) were made in the churches, these did not concern the forgiveness of sins, but were only a public discipline that served as an example or to test those who converted back to the church. It was a human custom that was not necessary for the forgiveness of guilt or punishment.

(37) But there is no need for extensive argument here. All pious men in all places testify that our doctrine of repentance has freed many godly consciences from despair, and shown the true and certain consolation according to the Gospel. None of the school teachers ever explained how sins are forgiven. This whole thing has remained unknown.

In the thirteenth article they demand that we confess that there are seven sacraments. We have said nothing about this number in our confession. For no one in the church has ever believed that it was necessary to count seven sacraments, if by sacraments we understand such ceremonies as Christ commanded to be performed, and to which he added the promise of grace. It is known that two such ceremonies are baptism and the Lord's Supper. Meanwhile, we readily admit that absolution can also be called a sacrament, for it is a commandment and promise of Christ. We also want to accept that this name be given to the ordination of priests, if one understands by it the office of preaching, for it is God's command. Likewise, when it is given to marriage, for that also has God's command. But this (scil. Sacrament of Marriage) does not belong to the New Testament alone. Confirmation and the last rites are church customs,

But they do not have an explicit command of Christ. Therefore, these customs are to be regarded just as other human statutes, so that they are not considered necessary things for salvation.

39 And it is surprising that they did not include prayer among the sacraments, since Dionysius includes it among them, and it can truly be called a sacrament, because it has a commandment from God and glorious promises. This name of a sacrament would have elevated prayer, as it were, and attracted it all the more to prayer and faith.

(40) But here again the adversaries lack honesty. They do not quarrel with us about the number of sacraments for any other reason than to cast hatred on us by the unintelligent. For they know well that this number has nothing dangerous about it, and yet that the simple are upset when they hear that the sacraments are, as it were, mad. But they are strange to themselves, and do not want to know what errors they taught before, not only about the number of sacraments, where there is no danger at all, but also about the use of them, which the Sophists have completely reversed. For they have taught that the sacraments conferred grace, the mere works by themselves (ex opere operato).

(41) And this also is something more inconsistent, that for the reception of grace through the sacrament a good emotion is not required; who does not see that this is quite blasphemously spoken?

(42) Therefore, this doctrine has brought down the whole faith of righteousness and the right spiritual practices of faith, and has established trust in works, which falls away in death and in the judgment of God. And the consciences had no consolation afterwards, because they did not know the doctrine of forgiveness of sins and of righteousness by grace. Now, however, even most of the adversaries recognize the benefit of the doctrine which ours has driven from the use of the sacraments, namely, that the sacraments do not confer grace for the sake of mere action or deed, but that they are instituted to awaken faith, and are of use when faith is present; thereby the timid consciences are raised up, and believe that God cares for them and accepts them for grace, and that they are heard by God for Christ's sake. For the word and the sacrament have the same effect, as Augustine also indicates when he writes: the sacrament is a visible word, that is, a sign that falls on the eyes, so that it moves the heart to faith.

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In the fourteenth, they demand that the ordination (or consecration) of bishops take place. Here we want to answer briefly that we would like to preserve the church government and believe that it is conducive to the peace of the church. Therefore, we would not accept church servants without the authority of the bishops, if only the bishops were kinder and did not persecute the true doctrine. However, they ordain no one and admit no one to the ecclesiastical office to whom they do not lay down the most stringent points, namely, that he should not practice the doctrine of the Gospel, nor marry. And there are others that are just as hard.

But because our priests cannot accept such points with a good conscience, they do not ask for the power of the bishops. Because "one must obey God more than men". If the bishops would stop this tyranny, we would gladly give the bishops what they have to give, so that the wisely ordered scales in the Church would be preserved.

And let the bishops see how they want to give account to God, that they are the cause of the destruction of the obedience of the church with their stubbornness. Such tyranny does not befit shepherds, to whom, as Paul says, power has been given for edification (improvement) and not for destruction.

46 In the fifteenth, we are told that the doctrines of men (statutes) are not the services of God necessary for salvation. But such an article has been confirmed in our confession with many testimonies. And because we want to say more about it below, we will now only give one testimony, which Christ holds up to us: "In vain do they serve me with the commandments of men" Matth. 15.

47 Since the Scriptures condemn everywhere the opinion that we deserve grace through services that are invented without the Word of God, what is the impudence of requiring these services as necessary?

(48) As for the invocation of the saints, we admit that the angels and saints in heaven pray to God for the Church, as the Scripture also says that the angels rejoice over a sinner who repents. But this serves nothing for the invocation. The invocation is uncertain and dangerous. For it has no testimony from Scripture; therefore we do not accept it, nor do we want to put Christ's glory beside the glory of the saints. Christ alone is such an intercessor and mediator that he is also a reconciler. Other saints are not reconcilers. We have the command and the

Promise of Christ: "Whatever you ask the Father in my name, he will give it to you". Therefore, we must call upon Him in Christ's name, and hold this High Priest and Reconciler up to the Father. This honor cannot be transferred to other saints.

The other part.

(49) This doctrine, which we have confessed, not only brings about the correction of some abuses in external things, but also has many other and higher goods, for which reason we have accepted it and want to remain with it for the glory of God. The whole church was previously oppressed with the works doctrine, and the glory of the merit of Christ and the righteousness of faith lay buried in darkness. In the sermons, some taught about nothing but some human statutes, certain fasts, holidays, ceremonies, indulgences, certain orders, certain devotions to the saints, and the like. Nothing was heard of faith in Christ, of the righteousness of faith. But this is the main part of the Christian doctrine, the righteousness of faith.

50 One of the most important things is the doctrine of repentance. How much it has been defiled, not only by those who have sold indulgences, but also by other hypocrites who have forgotten the faith and taught that sins are forgiven for the sake of our merits, who have brought consciences to despair through the reckoning of sins (in auricular confession) and through ungodly pardons.

51 Therefore, since these pieces of repentance and the righteousness of faith have been cleansed in this doctrine that our people practice, and the glory of Christ has been promoted, we recognize that God is offering us great gifts. We see that the consciences have received a certain and firm comfort. We see in what the right service of God consists. We see what works and way of life are pleasing to God.

The knowledge of these things is what first made us love this teaching of ours. From this the adversaries make much use of themselves, even though they may thank those who have taught them.

After that, something was changed in the external church customs, which mainly comes from the above-mentioned most important article, so we did not want to act contrary to the word of God. And yet we have moderated such changes in such a way that we have mostly remained with the Catholic customs. In addition, we have also offered, out of love, to keep the general

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mine 1) To hold ceremonies with, which can be accepted without sin.

But all such moderation, which we hope will help us with God, does not help us with the adversaries, who want us by force to accept all old abuses against our conscience. But since we cannot be at their beck and call in this matter, we want to respond with a little to what, as far as we remember, has been read to us in the refutation of our confession, and we ask Your Imperial Majesty, with due honor, to grant us the right of appeal. Maj. with due deference that she may deign to hear the reasons that require us to stand by our opinion. For we have never lacked the will to obey Your Imperial Maj. Maj. in everything that can be done and accomplished without offense to conscience.

55 Now we cannot, without dishonoring Christ, approve of the old abuses. But if it should seem that one is speaking harshly, this is not in the least due to Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. whose virtue and piety is known to the whole world, and whom we most humbly honor as our most gracious Lord, but this whole dispute concerns those who falsely accuse us before your Imperial Majesty of being contrary to Christian doctrine.

Of both shape.

(56) First, they chastise us for including among the abuses the fact that the laity are not given both forms of the sacrament, and they want to enforce that it would be more of an abuse if the laity were given both forms.

We have been asked to agree with this writing. And if it were nowhere objectionable but in this few particulars, we should have high cause not to accept it. For with what mouth or insolence can we call the institution of Christ an abuse? It is known that this Sacrament was instituted by Christ for the whole Church. But how can anyone dislocate the order of Christ? St. Paul says: "No one may change a man's testament", but why do they not only change the testament of Christ, but also call it an abuse? "I received it from the Lord," says Paul, "what I gave you." But he had given the use of both forms to the whole church. Therefore, both forms are infallibly ordained for the whole church.

(58) As for the opponents of the breaking of bread from Lucas and the Acts of the Apostles, they say

  1. universales. This is well given in the translation by Förstemann: "der gemeinen christlichen Kirche Gebräuche."

they do not prove that in such places the sacrament was spoken of. And if it were so, they do not prove that only one form of the sacrament was administered.

(59) One also refers to the story of Eli's descendants, whom God threatens to expel from the priesthood, that they should beg bread from priests. But everyone can easily see how beautifully such a story rhymes with the matter. Earlier, the holding about Christ's institution was called an abuse; but now they conclude as if they wanted to indicate that the people should have been punished in such a way that they received only one form of the sacrament from the priests, as the sons of Eli had to beg bread, since they were punished by God. To our mind, those who call the preservation of Christ's institution an abuse, and who consider the sacrament instituted for the consolation of consciences a punishment by taking away the other part, do not speak of the sacrament with reverence.

  1. But it is not necessary to answer this story about the descendants of Eli, since everyone can see that it is drawn quite wrongly to this matter.

61 They also present other proofs why it is good to give only one figure to the people, namely, so that the blood will not be spilled; likewise, because it cannot be kept in vessels.

But for the sake of these reasons or causes, Christ's institution must not be abrogated. Therefore, we maintain that it is not an abuse to use both forms of the sacrament. For we dare not call Christ's institution an abuse.

(63) But if one cites the testimonies from the Costnitz and Basel Concilii, neither of the two Concilia calls it an abuse if one uses both forms. And in the decision of the Basel Concilii it is clearly written: those who needed both forms needed the sacrament rightly. Since this is the case, it is rather an abuse to weigh down the consciences of people by prohibiting one form of the Sacrament.

From the priest marriage.

It is astonishing that in this matter the canons should be insisted upon so strongly, when the obvious necessity demands mitigation, and when they are otherwise so easily mitigated or relaxed in the slightest matters. And it is undeniable that this prohibition of marriage derives only from human law. It is also

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The old canons allow priests to marry, but they do not allow them to remain in office. The old canons allow the priests to marry, but they do not allow them to remain in office, but they do not banish them. The newer canons, which should be more lenient with such a large number of priests, are less lenient. 1)

For a time, the deacons were allowed to marry in office, so that they were not forced to give up their office if they had not vowed chastity; but they were not forced to vow. This was subsequently also changed.

For a long time, priests kept the wives they had married before the priesthood. This was changed, but with the opposition of the Nicene and Constantinopolitan Concilium.

If at that time one did not take offense at the novelty, since a change was made against the power of the conciliation and against divine law, why does one take offense at the novelty now, since it is obvious that nothing is done against God's commandment when the marriage state is granted to this state, especially in these last times, since with nature the powers of men also decrease, and vices increase? therefore do not disdain the means of recovery ordered by God.

(68) Indeed, divine law compels those who do not have the gift of chastity to marry. For thus Paul commands, "For the sake of fornication, let every man have his own wife." This commandment absolves from the canons those who are not capable of single status, for "one must obey GOD more than men."

(69) But that the adversaries conclude that the priests must be pure, because it is right that the sacraments should be administered by the pure, is quite correct. For marriage is also not unfaithfulness. For the Scripture says that marriage is honest, and the holy martyr Paphnutius, with the assent of the whole Nicene Concilii, said that marriage is honest, and that intercourse with one's proper wife is chastity. This is not to be called purity, if the consciences are defiled either by fornication or other rutting of lust. And Paul would rather that husbands and wives be reunited than be tempted by Satan. So he considers it a better purity for married couples to be with each other than the pretended abstinence is, where the gift is not present. Although not much of this

  1. This sentence is missing in the old edition.

is to be disputed. All of Scripture praises marriage, teaching that it is God's order and appointment. Therefore, it is sanctified by God's Word. There is, therefore, a marital purity, namely, faith, since husbands and wives are assured that this way of life is pleasing to God, and see to it that they walk according to God's commandment in this state, and neither fornicate nor commit adultery.

(70) And the celibate state is not to be exalted with fictitious praise, so that the consciences of the married are burdened by it, as if they lived in an impure state. The adversaries accuse us of following Jovinianus' heresy, which deprives virginity of its due praise. But we do not reproach it. She retains the praise which Christ attaches to him who intersects himself for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. We do not speak of virginity, but of the weakness of man.

(71) Virginity is praiseworthy in those who have such a gift. But if some do not have the gift, they must not be pressed with the hard canon that commanded the celibate state. This is also the opinion of Ambrose, who says: "Virginity alone can only be advised, but not commanded; it is a matter that is based more on vows than on commandments.

But they say that one should seek to attain it through prayer and other practices. Why do not those do this who fight for the celibate state? For their shameful deeds are all too well known, but they are not to be recounted here before the chaste and honorable emperor. Rather, we answer thus: This is not praying, but tempting God, if one has experienced his weakness in battle, and yet does not want to need God's order. There are books by great men who lament the rut of these people who have resisted temptations with all seriousness, and show sufficiently how much these temptations have wounded their consciences. For Christ Himself says, "Not all grasp this word." That is why God wants some to need His order. One must therefore pray that God's order not be despised, which He wants to be used by those to whom He has not given the gift, just as He wants us to need food and other creatures, since He does not preserve our life without their use.

(73) But it is ridiculous that they say that this word of God, "Be fruitful and multiply," applies only to the same time when there were few people, but not to ours.

We hold, then, that the same words create and order nature as it will be afterwards.

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and cannot be otherwise than other such words, but: "Let the earth grow green herbs. This word clothes the fields, produces fruit annually, brings forth food and fare for all animals. Thus this saying: "Be fruitful and" 2c. contains not only a commandment, but also the nature of nature in itself, which to change is not our, but God's work.

(75) And the virgins, if they have truly kept virginity, have not done contrary to God's commandment, because they have been free from the above nature, and therefore the above commandment has not affected them, as far as the nature is concerned. For it was a special gift and work of God that made them free.

But let us suppose that it is easy for everyone to keep constant chastity. Who then gave the popes the authority to interpret this law to the churches? Especially since Paul reminded us earlier that such laws are teachings of the devils.

This and many other things could be said in this matter if nothing were known about it. But now there is such an obvious need to mitigate this Canon that it does not require much discussion. Those who defend this canon against God's commandment are guilty of all the lechery and fornication of this state. Therefore, we cannot agree with those who condemn the marriage of priests.

From the fair.

The adversaries admit that there are many abuses of the Mass. Therefore, they will forgive ours, who have punished these shortcomings, which would not have crept into the Church if the bishops had been vigilant.

However, it is easy to judge whether this is an abuse if they hold a certain number of masses against their will at certain times for wages and out of certain compulsion by the laws of the foundations, when they are not at all skilled in doing so.

These infirmities are so common and so well known that they cannot be disguised. But some others are not so well known to the inexperienced, which the adversaries have touched upon above. They claim that the mass is a sacrifice because it was kept that way a thousand years ago, and because the Greeks call it liturgy (or the sacred office, service). Likewise because Misbeach is called an altar in Hebrew, and Thysiasterion (or place of sacrifice) in Greek. Finally, because Christ says, "This does," but to do means as much as to sacrifice. They add that it is an Arian heresy if someone believes that the mass is not a sacrifice.

81 And these reasons they consider sufficient that they put the title of Her Imperial Majesty before them. Maj. What people will think of them when they are printed, smart people can soon see.

They think that the most important and highest matter of all, which is now being argued about, is sufficiently protected if a few words are brought forward which have been taken from some schoolmaster. But what do they do to the matter? Not to mention that the same scribes, if they tore themselves apart, would not be able to give any derivation of their words.

83 Can one not counter such words with as many others, which are much better to hear? The Church calls it a synaxis, a communion; and the Canon itself says that many take (or enjoy) from the altar. But since this is not appropriate for silent Masses, one sees from this that the use of silent Masses is quite new.

But such a high thing must not be judged by mere speculations. And the quarrel is not about the name. We know that the mass was called a sacrifice by the ancients because it was a memorial of the sacrifice of Christ, as Irenaeus says. And we readily admit that the holy fathers call it so. We do not argue with them, but with the moderns, who wrongly understand the name sacrifice, and have introduced into the Church opinions and services that are not at all in harmony with the Gospel.

(85) We argue about merit and dedication, whether the Lord's Supper is a work that earns grace by the mere performance of it? Likewise, which, performed for others and appropriated to them, earns grace by the mere act?

Although the books of the adversaries are full of such things, no testimony can be brought forth from any ancient church scribes that the mass, by the mere doing (or keeping) of it, confers grace on others. For these strange and outrageous opinions or words are new, and invented by the monks who misused the Mass for a shameful gain. The doctrine of the opus operatum, and of the bestowal (or application) of the same, evidently conflicts with the Gospel and with the righteousness of the faith. For Scripture teaches that we are justified by faith, and not by works. But if the mass merits grace for the sake of mere deeds, it must follow that righteousness is of works without faith. And the adversaries do not deny that they have this opinion.

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They have publicly written, not only about the holy night meal, but also about sacraments in general, that for the reception of grace through the sacrament no good emotion is required. And they do not only think that the one who holds or performs it becomes righteous, but also those to whom it is administered (or who benefit from it). These, they say, necessarily attain grace, if they do not advance a bar. Is not all this contrary to the doctrine of faith? And with this single reason we want to leave it in this piece, because the matter is quite obvious and known.

We receive the merit of Christ through faith. But they confer the merit of the mass on others, even without faith. Thus they make more of the merit of the mass than of the merit of Christ.

These opinions have crept into the Church since the doctrine of the righteousness of faith was extinguished, and the right use of the sacraments and ceremonies cannot be kept unless the righteousness of faith is known.

We therefore reject the merit of the opus operatum and the consecration of the same. And since the silent masses were done in the opinion, we cannot reestablish them, or accomodate those who defend them, but it should be a common mass, where the sacrament is administered to those who want to use it, for the consolation of the stupid consciences. For for this purpose, as we are taught in the Confession, the Sacrament was instituted. And of this use of the Sacrament the Fathers of the Church wrote. And we must not be considered Arians, because we do not approve of such a devotion, which is contrary to the Gospel.

(90) It is also a false statement that we would do away with the continual sacrifice. For if the mass had been represented by the daily sacrifice, we would certainly not abolish the mass, but only improve the abuse.

We hold to the usage of the ancient church. Those who demand the body and blood of Christ take it from one. The people are urged to the communion and custom of the Sacrament. Among the opponents, the people very rarely need the sacrament, only a few, who are urged, need it. So we are more concerned about the use of the sacrament and daily sacrifice, as they call it, than the opponents.

(92) But since the adversaries are so set on this change of the still mass and accuse us of abolishing the continual sacrifice, like Antiochus, it is necessary to say something more about it.

  1. Numbers 28 describes the daily sacrifice. A lamb was burned, and breadcrumbs sprinkled with oil were offered. Then came the drink offering, a certain measure of wine. This was a constant ceremony. Now if anyone wants this to mean the mass, so be it, but in such a way as to understand the whole mass, that is, the Lord's Supper with the preaching of the word added to this ceremony, as Paul says: "As often as you eat of this bread and drink of this cup, you shall proclaim the Lord's death until he comes."

Just as there was a perpetual ceremony, which also meant that Christ would come and this people would remain until Christ was born, so we have the Lord's supper, which is rightly called an eternal testament, because it testifies that Christ has appeared and that no other new word is to be expected from God, which he will send to the world. And this new testament also means that the Church will always remain. But to the ceremony must also come the word and the preaching of the Gospel, by which Christ is made known and the sacrifices are slain, and they give thanks and praise to God. These are the sacrifices of the New Testament.

  1. These sacrifices were presented in the Old Testament; namely, that after Christ appeared, the gospel would always remain and be taught in the world, so that continually some would be converted and become a sacrifice to God, and receive eternal life, and give thanks and praise to God, and testify that the teaching of the gospel is true, that God is truly angry with sinners, that He truly forgives believers, truly hears them, truly makes them blessed, and thus also entices others to believe. So Paul interprets the sacrifice of preaching, faith and thanksgiving, Rom. 15: "That I may be a minister of JEsu Christ among the Gentiles, offering the gospel of GOD, that it may be a sacrifice of the Gentiles, acceptable and sanctified by the Holy Spirit"; and Phil. 2: "But I also am offered because of the sacrifice and gift of your faith." For the burning of the lamb signifies the putting to death of Christ and all his members; the bread roll, the giving of life by faith in the preaching of the gospel, which comforts consciences terrified by the preaching of repentance; the drink offering, thanksgiving and preaching. This sacrifice of preaching faith and thanksgiving must always remain in the church. But the ceremony itself, without teaching, is silent.

The ancients have called the night meal "thanksgiving", implying that this ceremony is

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The purpose of this is to praise the good deeds of Christ, to raise up foolish consciences, to strengthen trust or confidence in the knowledge of the forgiveness of sins, and to distribute grace.

Now let us see who will destroy and abolish the continual sacrifice? The gospel is taught by the adversaries in very few places. In many large countries, sermons are often not preached, and when they are preached, a monk may recite his dream, or if it goes well, some worldly saying from worldly wisdom. Of Christ, of faith in Christ, that through him we have a reconciled God, that through him we obtain all good things from God, not because of our merits; of the exercise of faith in all tribulations, of every man's calling, of love 2c., of such things one hears nothing at all or little, where nothing is so much in vogue as fine masses. Meanwhile, the ceremony, which is instituted for the preaching of Christ, is used for a quite different custom, that of acquiring grace for others by the mere doing of the work. There the continual sacrifice has been quite abolished, where the proper use of the sacrament has been completely perverted, and all is silent from the preaching of the gospel. For so it is said of the ungodly sacrifice, Proverbs 15: "The sacrifice of the ungodly is detestable to God, but the prayer of the sincere is pleasing to Him." Here the Holy Spirit requires faith and prayer; does not accept the mere work without word and faith, as the fine mass is. And in Jeremiah, GOD says, "I commanded you not of burnt offerings in the day that I brought you out of the land of Egypt, but this I said unto them, Hear my voice, and I will be your GOD" Jer. 7. Here the prophet obviously condemns mere works, and wants to have word and faith, that we take grace by faith and believe God. In the realm of the popes, however, who either put the teaching of the Gospel aside or want to persecute and destroy it, the ceremony remains, but they do not hear the voice of God; they do not ask that the Gospel be taught by the doctrine of faith, but defend the merit of the mere work and other ungodly services. Therefore it may be better said of them, that they do away with the continual sacrifice.

There are also many other signs that this rule of the popes was foreshadowed by Antioch's empire. Do not the popes worship their god with gold, silver and precious stones, and get with us that we do not approve of these ungodly services? They accuse us that we do not approve the Cere

monies that we desecrate the altars and monasteries. They exhort the most gracious emperor to inflict severe punishment on us. These are Antiochi examples that do not concern us. For with us, thank God! the custom of the Church and the lawful administration of the Sacrament still remain with us, and the preaching of the Gospel of the true service of God, of faith, of hope, of the Cross, resounds, not of human statutes or school dreams.

  1. they also pervert the words of Malachi to the fair: "From the going forth of the sun even unto the going down of the earth shall my name be magnified among the heathen; and in every place shall incense be burned unto my name, and a pure offering shall be offered: for my name shall be magnified among the heathen, saith the LORD of hosts. Such fanciful expressions are also found in other prophets, who, when speaking of the gospel, use words of the law, and thereby indicate a spiritual, but not an outward service of God. For the epistle to the Hebrews also teaches that no sacrifice for sin is necessary after Christ's death. Therefore Peter teaches that we are the holy 'priesthood to offer spiritual sacrifices. One must therefore take the passage from Malachi in such a way that incense and sacrifice are not understood there from the mere ceremony, but from preaching, faith and thanksgiving. For without this the ceremony itself is not a sacrifice, for the sake of the mere work, as they speak, as it is written in the epistle to the Hebrews: "Through him we offer the sacrifice of praise to GOD always, that is, the fruit of the lips that confess his name."

100 And Malachi's words themselves sufficiently indicate that one must not understand the mere ceremony, because the incense is not a model, which actually means the night meal, but the prayer. Likewise it is added: "My name will be great among the Gentiles. This is related to preaching, because the name of God is widely spread and proclaimed through the preaching of the Gospel. And people learn to recognize, fear and believe in God.

In this way the ancients also explain this passage of Malachi. For so says Tertullianus: "In all places a pure offering", namely a loud prayer from a pure and clean heart. And Jerome: This is a rule of Scripture, where a manifest prophecy of things to come is involved, one should not weaken by uncertain similes what is written. Those who offer the blind and the lame should know that spiritual sacrifices follow carnal sacrifices, and not the blood of goats or of oxen, but incense, that is, offerings of the Lord.

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The saints will be sacrificed to God, and not only in the Jewish land, nor in the one city of the Jewish land Jerusalem, but in all places.

Finally, the adversaries may boast as they wish about the meaning of the continual sacrifice, and they may use the words of Malachi, but they will not bring out that the Lord's Supper is a continual sacrifice with the mere act (ex opere operato), without preaching and faith, and that when it is administered to others it earns them grace and righteousness.

103 Neither the words of Malachi nor the image of the constant sacrifice help them to strengthen or establish these ungodly opinions. And as it goes, one error always spreads another. Since one has once been entrusted with the dedication of the mass, one has begun to ask: whether the merit of the mass is finite or infinite? whether it is divisible? whether one mass is worth as much for many as one is for each person? Good profit was to be made from this. In all danger, one took refuge in this work, as in an idol. But Christ wants to be invoked in faith; he wants all goods to be expected in faith, not for the sake of our merits or works.

104 Since the opponents have not given any reasons for the merit and dedication of the Mass, but only refer to the name "sacrifice" from the Fathers and not from the canonical Scriptures, no further answer seems necessary.

(105) Neither can they, either from the Scriptures or from the Fathers, bring forward anything so firm or certain as to overthrow the reason we have given. For this is a certain proposition: that if righteousness be of faith, it cannot be of a mere work done. Therefore the mass does not justify. 1)

We have also heard that the opponents are making a great fuss about omitting something from the Canon of the Mass. This is a great disadvantage for us, because the Canon is universally held in high regard.

(107) We most earnestly request that Your Imperial Majesty not think that we have changed anything in the Canon out of contempt for religion or the Sacraments. Our people present great and important reasons why they have omitted something from the Canon, and say that they were forced to omit some things out of reverence for the Sacrament,

  1. This sentence is missing in the old edition.

obvious abuses have arisen from this. And that one does not think that hereunder something happens against the Catholic Church, so is

108 To consider at the beginning that not everywhere the same canon of the Mass is in use. For the Greek Canon is different from the Latin, and in some places even the Latin ones do not correspond to each other. And even honest scribes confess that Christ taught only the words of the blessing, after which the bishops added the rest, always one more than the other, for ornament and more celebration; for this is what the gloss in the decrees says. Just as before such diversity did nothing to the Catholic faith, so also now one must be of the opinion that the Catholic faith is not challenged, even if one omits something from the canon of the Mass, if one retains only the words that contain the blessing. And in this we persevere sacredly. We also keep the prayer and the thanksgiving. And the Canon itself shows sufficiently that sometimes something has been added or taken away. For one can see that some parts do not hang together properly; and some words from Scripture are quite wrongly twisted to the sacrifice. And since the nature of the sacrifice has not been properly understood, the scribes have subsequently corrupted the Canon even more. For we have not yet seen any of the Adversary's writings (of which we have seen large volumes) that could have described the sacrifice correctly. They are so clumsy and clumsy that when they argue about the sacrifice, when they defend the canon of the Mass, they cannot describe or specify what the sacrifice actually is, what difference there is between the sacrifices of the Old and the New Testament, and what difference there is between sacrament and sacrifice. The opponents do not take offense at this, since wise people in this dispute particularly ask about it.

(109) Some in the Canon omit that he calls the still unblessed bread the sacrifice of salvation; that the priest prays and pleads for Christ that God would graciously accept this sacrifice, which would come out just as if the priest were the mediator between Christ and the Father. Likewise, that he asks that this sacrifice please God, like the sacrifice of Abel; as if other sacrifices had been more than Christ. Now this is inconsistent, but there are other things that ours disapprove of more; for example, that the same part of the canon assigns the mass to the living and the dead, that they may be saved by such a work. This dedication obviously conflicts with the Gospel and the righteousness of faith.

1110' Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. XVI, I323-IS26. 1111

If this were not clear, one could doubt whether this piece of the canon would be rightly censured. But it is so obvious that one can not only see it with the eyes, but also grasp it with the hands, that people do not become righteous through the appropriation of another's work or merit, without faith. Therefore it is also evident that the part of the canon in which he sets such dedication of the masses for the living and the dead does not only deviate from one or another saying of the Gospel, which does not mean much, but from a main part of the Gospel, namely the whole doctrine of the righteousness of faith. And since this is so, ours will be forgiven for holding the word of the Gospel higher than the word of the canon, especially since everyone admits that the same part of the canon was added by human force or order, and that there have always been unequal canons of the Mass in the church. But one must always accept a clear and certain testimony of Scripture more than a human decree.

What can the opponents say, even though they are quite impudent, against such obvious truth? The matter is so clear that one cannot even make a pretense of opposing it. Since faith makes righteous, it is an ungodly and heretical opinion that the mass, which is added or appropriated to another in the mere act, makes him righteous. And since, therefore, such a dedication cannot be proved, there is a high and important reason why the part of the canon in which such a dedication is contained is omitted. 1)

From vows.

If we are not mistaken, these words were part of the refutation: that the vows had a basis in the Old and New Testament. Of the Old we shall answer soon after; but where they are in the New Testament we know not, except in these passages: "In vain do they serve me with the commandments of men," 2c. and: "Every plant which my heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted up," 2c. These passages are quite appropriate for the vows. And we will find many similar sayings also from the monks. For example, Matth. 23: "Woe to you, Christian scholars and Pharisees, you hypocrites, you are like the tombs that are whitened from the outside.

  1. Here follows in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 618 f. in the Latin copy, and p. 577 f. in German, the first part of No. 1007 in this volume, "über das Wort Liturgia".

shine beautifully, but inwardly are full of dead men's bones and uncleanness; just as you outwardly appear righteous before men, but inwardly are full of hypocrisy and unchastity". If there are other passages in the New Testament that are more suitable for vows, let the monks bring them forward, and we will gladly answer them.

But now we only answer in general: The vows, which are made in the opinion of earning righteousness and grace by such work, are an ungodly service, and are neither approved in the Old nor in the New Testament. For St. Paul's saying is, "Ye are empty of Christ (have lost him), who are justified by the law; ye are fallen from grace." Therefore, those are rather fallen from grace who seek righteousness by vows, who are wholly without command and word of God. The holy men, as Bernard, Franciscus, Bonaventure, and the like, lived in such (religious) rules that they believed they did not deserve grace by such practices, but knew that they would be justified by faith. However, they lived in such rules as in schools, because these physical exercises seemed comfortable for them. But this has been a common error, that the monastic vow is another baptism, and the monastic life deserves grace and is enough for sin. Thus ours teach that these opinions are ungodly, and that vows of this opinion are useless and futile. Against this doctrine of ours the adversaries raise nothing. This is the question in dispute, and we do not know whether the opponents have touched it.

If they admit to us that the vows are not worthy of grace, that the service of the monastery is a vain service, as Christ says: "In vain do they serve me with the commandments of men," they will also easily admit that the vows themselves, which are made in an ungodly mind, are useless and vain.

But they cite the passage from the Gospel: "Whoever leaves house, or brothers, or sister, or father, or mother, or wife, for my name's sake, shall receive it a hundredfold. This is truly deceiving the simple-minded, when one forcibly drags a completely improper place into the monastic life. It is a twofold leaving: one is without profession; the other is with profession. Christ speaks of the latter. For nothing must be done without a vocation against the commandments of God. The opinion is therefore that in persecution we should rather lay down our lives and everything than deny and forsake the gospel.

1112 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1029. W. xvi, 1326-1328. 1HZ

Therefore he adds: "For the sake of the gospel (my name)". For one must not interpret the saying in such a way that it conflicts with other commandments of God. Now other commandments forbid to leave wife and child. But if we are forced by force to leave wife and child, are chased away from house and farm, are killed and strangled, we are excused. Christ speaks of such persecutions, that we patiently suffer the injustice. But the adversaries do not interpret it as persecution or violence, but as fleeing or leaving without a calling, also against God's commandments. For they give way that he who has betrothed himself may leave the bride and go into the monastery.

(115) Then this leaving is not for the sake of the gospel, or the ministry, or the confession of the word, but for the keeping of certain services which are rejected in the Scriptures. So they do not leave home, or father, or mother for the sake of the name of Christ, but because of the wrong opinion they have formed of such useless worship.

(116) And perhaps many leave, not for the glory of the gospel, but for the service of their bellies, a small fortune, that they may receive an hundredfold, that is, that they may have idleness and good cooking.

The monks also refer to this saying because of perfection: "If you want to be perfect, go, sell everything you have and give it to the poor, and follow me. This saying contains a special calling, which concerned only the same person, but not everyone. For he commanded that he should follow and go about with them, as the other apostles. And just as he was to follow the calling, so we also must first wait for a calling. And we must not run away from our goods or leave the family without a profession. Then we will be perfect, if we live up to the profession. From this it will be seen that we believe in God. Perfection must be understood in such a way, not that leaving makes one perfect, but that obedience proves that faith is perfect, that is, honest and uncolored. The monastic life, however, is first accepted without a profession, and then it also has such services, in which there is no commandment of God.

This is why almost the entire work is in conflict with the profession. But it is a most dangerous life to live without profession and the word of God. But if there are some who serve the gospel in it, we do not reject them if they only teach and understand faithfully and truthfully,

That they have on them a way of life and service pleasing to God, not because of the monastic life and services, but because of the ministry of the Word.

But if the adversaries do not want to admit that the monastic life has ever been called a state of perfection, Gerson may answer for it. For he has written a special book to refute such ungodly opinion, and he assures that some call him so. But it is not necessary to look for witnesses. We have mostly all heard the monks preach such things in churches. Some intelligent people have wanted to correct the common error, but still keep the customary and common words, hence they wrote: the monastic life is a state of attaining perfection. This is cleverly said, if only the people understand it correctly. But what state or way of life is not a state of attaining perfection? In marriage, in all occupations, we must strive for perfection, and believe that God has called each one to a certain office, in which He wants to exercise him, so that he may learn to believe. This faith is everyone's perfection.

Perhaps it would be better to say that the monastic life was a school, discipline and teaching of children, the ultimate purpose of which was not the same spiritual perfection as in other orders, but scholarship and science, through which young people were sent to govern and teach churches. Such were the collegia of Basil and Augustine in the beginning, where the students were together and practiced the Holy Scriptures and were taught honest morals, so that they could later preside over churches. And there the consciences remained free from vows. If there were still such monasteries, no one would blame them. Now in monasteries mostly lazy bellies are fed, who under the pretext of religion splurge on the common alms.

121 And when the adversaries exhort us to reform the monasteries according to the example of our ancestors, they admit that the morals of the monks have become worse. But we consider it the best reformation not to imprison anyone against his conscience. Meanwhile, we want to establish schools of the Holy Scriptures in our countries according to our ability, and when they are established, we want to decorate them.

Finally, the adversaries conclude that constant chastity is not impossible for man. And since it is difficult, one must ask for it with prayer. Of this conclusion we have said above: one must pray in such a way that we can, however, obtain the chastity given by God.

1114 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, iM-issi. 1115

Do not spurn the means when our weakness requires it: "For he who loves danger will perish within. But who does not know what danger is in this weakness of human nature, under the worst temptations of the devil? And holy men have rightly said that it is a constant struggle and a rare victory. Therefore, we do not want to prevent those who cannot bear the burden of monastic life from marrying according to God's word and order.

From the church power.

In this article, the opponents have not said much about what is actually church authority according to the Gospel. They have spoken almost only of the freedom of the spiritual estate, which they have by human right. We, however, have often said that we would like to show all honor and guiltiness against others as well as against this estate.

The bishops have their goods and dominions by human right. We do not take anything from anyone. They should not only take care of their property and power, but also of their office and duty, that the churches have shepherds, that priests are appointed, that the pure doctrine of the Gospel is preached in schools and churches, so that faith and love arise in the minds of the people; that the sacraments should be sacredly administered, and public vices punished and corrected by ecclesiastical excommunication; that ecclesiastical ordinances should be established for edification and not for destruction, and that ecclesiastical discipline should be maintained in such a way that the consciences of the pious should not be burdened with unjust burdens; that the schools of good arts, which are useful to the church, should be preserved.

The bishops have long since abandoned this concern, and if there have been some more pious ones, they have been more troubled by insisting on the statutes of men than by teaching the Gospel. But even this discipline is no longer kept in Rome, but is ridiculed.

The popes war with the kings over the dominion. As the winds stir up the calm sea, so the popes stir up all the kingdoms as often as they feel like it.

This is not only against the Gospel, but also against the canons. Meanwhile, they demand the canons from others as strictly as they can, since no one holds less to the canons than the bishops themselves, and yet they want their prestige and fortune defended, since they ask nothing of the churches, and of the

Canons forget that the beneficium (or church property) is given because of the direction of the office.

(128) To deplore this at the present time is considered a deadly crime and heresy. And we would not have come to this if the adversaries had not caused it.

By the way, we have often testified that we not only highly honor and respect the ecclesiastical authority established in the Gospel as the highest gift of God, through which we may know God and be delivered from sin and the power of the devil and attain eternal life, but that we also very much approve of the ecclesiastical government and scales in the church and, as much as is in us, want to have them preserved. We do not refuse the power of the bishops, if only they do not force us to act against the commandments of God. This sense will acquit us before God's judgment, and before all our posterity we will be found innocent of having caused this division, which was first caused by the unjust condemnation of Luther's teachings, but is now increased by their defiance, who cannot be moved to soften one or the other church order, in which we would give way to their tyranny, if we could do so without offending our conscience. But now we must obey God more than men.

130 But now let us come to the controversy of the church statutes, which the opponents have touched upon here.

In our confession, we have indicated what we consider to be church authority according to the Gospel. It is a command to teach the gospel, to administer the sacraments, and to forgive and retain sins. This authority is called partly the authority of the priestly office (ordinis), 1) partly the jurisdiction.

These great benefits of God are obscured when some add the power to establish laws and new services. For when the mind conceives that Christ has commanded the church to institute some new services and ceremonies apart from the gospel, the doctrine of the grace and righteousness of faith and the forgiveness of sins is immediately obscured, and people think they are justified by the righteousness of works, that is, of such services, but not by faith in Christ. And because such statutes are never kept right, consciences are in constant fear. So this remains a matter of dispute: whether the

  1. That is, preaching gospel, reaching sacrammt 2c. Cf. J. T. Müller, 1. e. p. 288.

1116 Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1029. w. xvi, 1331-1334. 1117

Bishops have power to establish new services and laws apart from the Gospel? So the opponents conclude: Since the Gospel gives the bishops power of jurisdiction, it follows that they have power to give laws. But this must not follow. For the Scriptures do indeed grant that they exercise jurisdiction, that they (namely) loose and bind; but not according to new laws, but according to the Gospel itself. For they have not a tyrannical power without certain laws, or a royal power over the law which they have received. For thus saith Paul, "We can do nothing contrary to the truth."

In the confession, however, we have not completely taken away the power of the bishops to make regulations in the church. But we have made a distinction among the laws. There must be order in the churches, that the people may know at what time they are to meet together, that there may also be order in the offices, as Paul says, "Let all things be done orderly and honestly."

Another kind of ordinances is when certain services, differences of food, days, celibacy, and such customs are instituted. Likewise, when these ordinances themselves, which were made not so that such works should propitiate God, but so that there would be no confusion in the community, are considered necessary services. And what we believe of both kinds, we have shown in the confession.

(135) A man may use any exercise he wishes, if he does not seek to earn grace by it. But to ordain such a work, and yet to bind the conscience, and to make of it a work necessary to salvation, is, as Peter says, tempting God, and is contrary to Christian liberty, which teaches that we are justified by faith in Christ, for nothing, and not by our works, and forbids ordaining any such services as necessary to salvation.

But the adversaries cannot deny that such customs have been used for meritorious worship. For St. Thomas also expressly writes: "Fasting is used to expiate guilt and to ward it off. This blasphemous opinion is by no means to be tolerated in the church, that human statutes are good for expunging guilt, since all Catholics confess that the forgiveness of sins is by grace. Therefore, if there are some church ordinances that can be kept without sin, and serve for good discipline in the church, then one may

Hold them in such a way that no one is offended. But do not consider them necessary things for righteousness or faith, as they commonly say; and do not think that consciences will be defiled if they are left standing without offense. Just as most have been made, not to trouble the consciences, or to introduce services, but only to prevent disorder in the churches, and distress. For we are not speaking here of the secular and judicial laws, but actually of church ceremonies and church customs.

  1. The adversaries vehemently reproach this doctrine of Christian freedom, but they should know that they are not blaspheming us, but the word of God. For if such works are considered necessary services to Christian righteousness, the righteousness of faith and grace is completely obscured.

But this doctrine must necessarily prevail in the church, that we are not justified by our works and worship, but by faith in Christ, through grace. One must necessarily know and recognize that for the right unity of faith it is not at all necessary that everywhere there must be one and the same human order. But all this is thrown overboard if the doctrine of Christian freedom is not practiced.

And what should it not be for pious souls an unheard-of torture to have to deal with the innumerable heap of such statutes and ceremonies, if this consolation and cheap moderation is not used? As Gerson also says: "It is also known (these are his words) that there is such a large number of such statutes that, if one had to keep them most strictly, the largest part of the church would be condemned, and love, which is the end of the whole, also of the divine, law, would be violated.

  1. And the wise and godly men have always complained greatly about these troubles, seeing that first of all the doctrine of faith and grace, and likewise the commandments of God, were darkened and left undone, because the people were united and only anxious that they should not let the people's misconduct stand; as Gerson says: The simple and fearful subjects, when they are thus urged by their superiors to pay attention to so many statutes, what wonder is it that afterwards they become the more incapable of recognizing the divine commandments?
  2. although it is not only the common people who feel this way, but also the scholars. So-

1118 Cap. 13: The Diet of Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1334-1336. 1119

Then they saw that the consciences were in many snares and dangers, since there was no one to keep so many statutes right. Therefore, it is necessary to teach such reasonable moderation in and because of the statutes of men.

And although savage people generally abuse such indulgence, yet the church and the pious must be regarded more than they. Gerson also judged in this way when he said: "Although contempt arises in some from such indulgence and leniency, some others, who get a right understanding from it, will thank for it. There are already authorities who can punish wild and unruly people when it is necessary. And a wise preacher will also remind both of freedom and of the avoidance of aversions, as Paul is wont to do in this matter.

Our people did not discuss this trade first or only, but others have already written about it. Gerson also has no hesitation in speaking thus: The prelates of the churches have as little power to bind their subjects to certain things which the evangelical rule, which is accepted and recognized by all Christians, does not prescribe, as the elders have power to bind their monks to anything except their religious rule. Of which, in fact, it is the unanimous opinion of St. Thomas and other teachers that the abbot may not impose or command a monk to do anything more than what he has understood and committed himself to in his rule.

(144) We have therefore wanted to respond at this time to what we still remember, and we do not refuse to answer for this confession of ours to the one who demands reason from us.

If we had seen the rebuttal that was read to us in the name of the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, we would have been able to answer most of it more appropriately and better.

1030.

The second and more complete apologia.

Mid-April 1531.

Since the draft of the Apology (the previous writing) had not been accepted, the necessity arose to publish the Apology. For this purpose, Melanchthon completely revised the draft, and the more complete Apology appeared in quarto in mid-April 1531. The Latin text is entirely Melanchthon's, but the German text, by Justus Jonas, is not a mere

It is not a mere translation, but since Melanchthon was involved and made additions and changes in his own way, which the Latin text did not contain, it has an independent meaning. We have placed the title that Melanchthon gave to this writing above it in the following. For the rest, we refer to J. T. Müller, "Die symbolischen Bücher", Introduction, p. UXXXIII ff. - The editions of this writing are countless. The first Latin edition is printed in Cölestin, üist. eoruit. XuZust., torn. IV, toi. 1; in Melanchthon's Werke, tom. I, x>. 58 and in the Jena edition of Luther's works (1570), tora. IV, col. 203d. German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 319; in the Jena (1568), vol. VI, p. 378; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 46, and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 28. We give the text according to J. T. Müller. The Wittenberg edition, of which Melanchthon was the editor, offers a text so much altered that one can hardly recognize the Apology. The Jena edition, whose text Walch has printed, agrees almost word for word with Müller.

Apologia of the Confession

translated from Latin by Justum Jonam.

Preface.

Philippus Melanchthon to the reader.

When the confession of our most gracious and gracious lords, the Elector of Saxony, and the princes of this part, was publicly read out at Augsburg before the Imperial Majesty and the estates of the empire, some theologians and monks made a reply and referral against this confession and confession, which the imperial majesty then had read before her majesty, the princes, princes and estates of the empire, and requested that our princes henceforth believe in such an opinion, and also agree to teach and hold it.

But because ours heard that in such an answer of the theologians many articles were rejected, which they could not let be rejected without burdening their consciences and with God, they asked for a copy of the answer or confutation, so that they might actually see and consider what the opponents were about to condemn, and answer again all the more correctly to their cause and reasons put forward.

And in this great and most important matter, which does not concern temporal things, but a common religion, all salvation and welfare of consciences, and in turn also great danger and burden for them, ours have certainly considered that the adversaries would quite willingly and gladly hand over such a copy without any burden, or even offer it to us.

But ours have not been able to achieve this in any other way than by almost arduous means.

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attach obligations and condition, which they may have in no way willing.

After that, a negotiation and several ways of goodness or atonement were made, since our people offered to bear, tolerate and do everything gladly that could be done without burdening their consciences. But the adversaries have stood firm on this alone, that we should consent to some public abuses and errors. And if we were neither able nor willing to do so, the Imperial Majesty again requested that we be allowed to do so. Majesty again requested that our lords and princes agree to believe and hold as the theologians' confutation reads, which our princes rejected outright.

For how should their chur- and princely graces, in so high a matter of the utmost importance, concerning many and their own souls and consciences, consent to a writing which they were not willing to hand over, nor to allow to be read over, or to hand over, especially if they had heard in the reading that such articles were rejected, which they neither wished nor could yield to, for they wanted to act publicly against God and respectability?

For this reason, Their Royal and Princely Graces have ordered me and others to make a protective speech or apologia of our first confession, in which the Imperial Majesty would be shown the reasons why we do not accept the confutation and why it is not founded. For although we were denied a copy of the confession and a copy of our plea, request and highest request, our people had the sum of the arguments in the reading of the confutation almost in a hurry, and as if caught in flight, and had to present the apologia this time, when we were finally denied a copy. The same apologia was finally handed over to the imperial majesty by our people when they left Augsburg, so that her majesty would understand that there was a very important reason why we might not have agreed to the confutation. But the Imperial Maj. Maj. has refused to accept the delivered Apology.

After this, however, a decree went out in which the adversaries boast with unreason that they have removed our confession from the Holy Scriptures.

Against this, however, everyone has our apology and protective speech, from which he will see how and what the adversaries have judged. For we have actually told here how it happened, and not otherwise; God knows! Thus we have also clearly shown here how they have condemned some articles against the public, clear Scripture and clear Word of the Holy Spirit, and may never again

say with truth that they have answered a jar of the Scriptures against us.

Although I had started this Apology at Augsburg with the advice and concerns of several others, I have added something to it now that it is to go out in print. That is why I am writing my name on it here, so that no one may complain that the book has gone out without a name.

So far, as much as I have been able, I have refrained from speaking and acting about Christian doctrine in the usual way, so that in time one could more easily come together and compare; although I could have taken these things further from their usual way with fugues.

The adversaries, however, handle this matter so unkindly that they make it sufficiently clear that they seek neither truth nor unity, but only to drink our blood.

Now I have also written this time in the gentlest way possible; however, where there is something fast in this book, I do not want to speak against Imperial Majesty or the princes, whom I like to show due honor, but against the monks and theologians. Majesty or the princes, to whom I gladly show due honor, but against the monks and theologians. For I only recently got to read the Confutation properly, and I notice that much in it is written in such a dangerous, poisonous and envious way that it could also deceive pious people in some places.

However, I have not dealt with all the quarrelsome, wanton intrigues of the adversaries, for there would be innumerable books to write about them. I have taken their best, highest reasons, so that among the high and low classes, among the present and our descendants, among all native Germans, also otherwise to all the world, to all foreign nations, a clear testimony may be before the eyes and remain forever, that we have taught purely, divinely, rightly of the Gospel of Christ. We truly have no desire or pleasure in disagreement, nor are we so stone-hard that we do not consider our fare.

For we see and realize how the adversaries in this matter seek us with such great venom and bitterness and have sought us up to this point in body, life and all that we have.

But we know the public, divine truth, without which the church of Christ cannot be or remain, and not to deny or reject the eternal holy word of the gospel.

Therefore, if for the sake of the Lord Christ and for the sake of this supreme and most important cause, in which the whole holy Christian faith, the whole Christian Church, is concerned, we should take even greater care.

1122 Cap. 13: The Diet of Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1339-1311. 1123

If we have to wait for or endure resistance, travel or persecution, we will gladly suffer in such an entirely divine, right matter, and we are completely satisfied about it, and we are also sure that this will please the holy, divine Majesty in heaven and our dear Savior JESUS CHRIST, and after this time there will be people and our descendants who will judge much differently and with more confidence about these things.

For the adversaries themselves cannot deny nor deny that many and the highest, most necessary articles of Christian doctrine, without which the Christian church together with the whole Christian doctrine and name would be forgotten and perish, have been brought to light again by ours. For with what quarrelsome, futile, useless, childish teachings many necessary articles were suppressed a few years ago among monks, theologians, canonists and sophists, I will not tell here this time. It is yet to come.

We have (praise God!) testimony of many, high, honest, sincere, God-fearing people, who thank God from the bottom of their hearts for the unspeakable gifts and graces, that in the most necessary parts of the whole Scripture they have from us much clearer, more certain, more real, more correct teaching and consolation of consciences, than is always found in all the books of the adversaries.

Therefore, if the known bright truth is ever trampled underfoot, let us entrust this matter to Christ and God in heaven, who is the father of orphans and widows and the judge of all the forsaken, JsPs. 68, 6.s, who will (that we know for sure) judge this matter, and judge it right. And you, Lord Jesus Christ, your holy gospel, it is your cause, would look upon many a sorrowful heart and conscience, and would preserve your churches and groups, which suffer fear and distress from the devil, and strengthen your truth. Put to shame all hypocrisy and lies, and so give peace and unity that your glory may prevail, and your kingdom may grow strong and increase without ceasing against all the gates of hell.

Apologia of the Confession.

Article I. From GOD. 1)

  1. The first article of our confession is acceptable to the adversaries, in which it is stated how we believe and teach that there is an eternal, one, undivided divine being,
  1. Like J. T. Müller, we have numbered all articles of the Apology according to those of the Confession and provided them with headings. Only those articles which had been rejected by the opponents have been

and yet three distinct Persons in One Divine Being, equally powerful, equally eternal, God the Father, God the Son, God the Holy Spirit. We have always taught and defended this article so purely, and we also hold and are certain that it has such a strong, good, certain foundation in the Holy Scriptures that no one is able to reproach or overthrow it.

2 Therefore we freely conclude that all those who hold or teach otherwise are idolaters, blasphemers, and outside the church of Christ.

Article II. (I.) Of original sin.

(3) The other article, of original sin, is also accepted by the adversaries; but they dispute, as if we had not rightly said what original sin is, when by chance we have spoken of it only in that place.

4 The imperial majesty will soon find that our enemies often neither realize nor understand anything in this highly important matter, and that they often misuse our words maliciously and diligently, or misunderstand them. For if we have spoken in the most simple and clearest way about what original sin is or is not, they have, out of vain venom and bitterness, interpreted the words which they themselves have spoken rightly and wrongly, with diligence evil and wrongly. For thus they say: You say that original sin is this, that such a mind and heart is innate in us, in which there is no fear of God, no trust in God, that is ever a real guilt and even a work or actualis culpa, therefore it is not original sin. It is easy to notice and accept that such cavillatio comes from theologians, not from the emperor's council. Although we know well how to avoid such envious, dangerous, and wanton interpretations, yet that all honest and respectable people may understand that we do not teach anything unskillful in this matter, we ask you to look at our previous German Confession, delivered to Augsburg, which will indicate enough that we do not teach anything new or unheard of. For in it is thus written: "Further, it is taught that after the fall of Adae all men who are born naturally are conceived and born in sins, that is, that they are all full of evil lusts and inclinations from their mother's womb, have no true fear of God, no true knowledge of God, and are born in sin.

in the süitio xrinaexs a superscription, but no number. Where the first number refers to the Confession, the second number is in brackets, indicating the articles that have a superscription in the Confession.

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can have true faith in GOD by nature."

5 In this it appears enough that we say of all who are born of the flesh that they are unfit for all things of God, not heartily fearing God, not believing Him nor trusting Him. There we speak of innate evil nature of the heart, not only of actuali culpa, or real guilt and sins. For we say that in all the children of Adam there is an evil inclination and desire, and that no one can or is able to make for himself a heart that knows God, or heartily trusts God, heartily fears God.

I would like to hear what they want or would like to reproach. For pious, honest people who love the truth see without a doubt that this is right and true. For in our Latin confession we say that my natural man does not have potentia, that is, not so much deceitfulness, even in innocent children, who even from Adam are incapable of always heartily fearing God and heartily loving God. In the elderly and adults, however, over and above the innate evil nature of the heart, there is also actus and real sin.

(7) Therefore, when we call inherent evil desire, we mean not only the actus, evil works or fruits, but inwardly the evil inclination, which does not cease until we are born again through the Spirit and faith. But after this we will indicate in more words that we have also spoken of original sin, namely what it is or is not, in the usual old way of the scholastics, and not so unusually. However, I must first indicate the reasons why I have primarily used such words in this place, and not others.

8 The adversaries themselves speak of it in their schools, and confess that the matter or material of original sin, as they call it, is evil desire. Therefore, if I wanted to say what original sin is, this could not be ignored, especially at this time, when some speak of this inherent evil desire more paganly from philosophy than according to the divine word or the holy Scriptures. For some say that original sin in human nature is not an inherent evil, but only an infirmity and an imposed burden, which all Adam's children must bear for the sake of another's sin, that is, because of Adam's sin, and therefore are all mortal, not that they themselves all inherit sin from their mother's womb.

  1. about this they say that no man is eternal.

be condemned only for the sake of original sin or original sin, but, just as bondwomen and bondmen are born of a bondwoman, not because of their own fault, but because they must pay for and bear the mother's misfortune and misery, If they themselves, like other people, are born without change, then original sin is not an inherent evil, but only an affliction and burden that we bear from Adam, but for ourselves are not therefore in sins and inherited misfortunes.

(10) In order to show that we do not like such an unchristian opinion, I have used these words: "All men from the womb are full of evil lusts and inclinations," and also call original sin a pestilence for this reason, to indicate that not a piece, but the whole man, with his whole nature, is born with a hereditary disease of sorts in sins. Therefore we do not only call it an evil desire, but also say that all men are born in sins, without fear of God, without faith. We do not add this without cause. The scholasticists or scholastici speak of original sin as if it were only a wicked, minor affliction, and do not understand what original sin is, or how the other holy fathers meant it.

(11) When the sophists write what original sin is, what the fomes or evil inclination is, they speak of it, among other things, as if it were an affliction of the body, as they are wont to speak of things in a childish way, and pose questions: whether the same affliction came from poisoning the forbidden apple in Paradise or from blowing on the serpent Adam? Item, whether the longer the affliction, the worse the medicine? With such quarrelsome questions they have confused and suppressed this whole main matter and the most important question, what original sin is.

Therefore, when they speak of original sin, they leave out the greatest and most necessary thing, and they do not even think of our true greatest sorrow, namely, that we humans are all born in such a way that we do not know God or God's work, neither see nor notice it, despise God, do not seriously fear or trust God, and are hostile to His judgment or verdict. Item, that we all by nature flee from God as a tyrant, are angry and grumble against His will. We do not leave nor dare to trust in God's goodness, but always rely more on money, goods and friends. This swift hereditary disease, by which the whole of nature is corrupted, by which

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we all inherit such a heart, mind and thought from Adam, which is straight against God and the first, highest commandment of God, the scholastici pass over.

(13) And they speak of it as if human nature were uncorrupted, able to respect God greatly, to love above all things, to keep God's commandments, 2c., and do not see that they are against themselves. For to be able to do this by our own strength, namely, to esteem God great, to love Him dearly, to keep His commandments, what would that be but to be a new creature in paradise, even pure and holy? If we are able to do such great things with our own strength, to love God above all else, to keep His commandments, as the scholastics may bravely say, what then would original sin be? And if we would become righteous by our own efforts, the grace of Christ is in vain. What would we need the Holy Spirit for, if by human strength we can love God above all things and keep His commandments?

(14) Here everyone sees how clumsily the adversaries speak of this high commerce. They confess the small infirmities of the sinful nature, and they do not remember the greatest of all earthly fathers and miseries, since the apostles all complain about it, since all the Scriptures report it everywhere, since all the prophets cry out about it, as the 14th Psalm and many other Psalms say: "There is no one who is righteous, not even one; there is no one who asks for God, there is no one who does good, not even one. Their mouth is an open grave; viper's poison is under their lips; there is no fear of God before their eyes" Rom. 3:10-13, 18, even though the Scriptures clearly say that all these things are not inborn, but inherent in us.

(15) Because the scholastics have mixed much philosophy with Christian doctrine, and speak much of the light of reason and the actibus elicitis, they think too much of free will and unrighteous works. Moreover, they have taught that people become pious before God through an outwardly honorable life, and have not seen the innate impurity within the hearts, which no one becomes aware of except through the word of God, which the scholastici act almost sparsely and rarely in their books. We also say that to live outwardly honorably is to some extent within our capacity, but to become pious and holy before God is not within our capacity.

(16) These are the reasons why, when I wanted to say what original sin is, I thought of the innate evil desire, and said that by natural powers no man is able to fear God or to trust in Him. For I have wanted to show that original sin also includes this misery in itself, namely, that

no man knows or respects God, no one can heartily fear or love Him or trust Him. These are the greatest pieces of hereditary pestilence, by which all of us, from Adam, have been turned against God, against the first table of Moses, and against the greatest, highest divine commandment.

17 And we have said nothing new there. The old scholastics, if they are understood correctly, said the same thing. For they say that original sin is a defect of the first purity and righteousness in paradise. But what is justitia originalis, or the first righteousness in paradise? Righteousness and holiness in Scripture does not mean only keeping the other table of Moses, doing good works and serving my neighbor, but Scripture calls him righteous, holy and just who keeps the first table, who keeps the first commandment, that is, who fears God with all his heart, loves him and relies on God.

Therefore, Adam's purity and unchanged nature was not only a fine perfect health and all over pure blood, untainted powers of the body, as they speak of it, but the greatest thing in such noble first creature was a bright light in the heart to know God and His work, a right fear of God, a right hearty trust in God, and all over a righteous certain mind, a fine good cheerful heart towards God and all divine things.

19 And this is also attested to by the Holy Scriptures, when they say that man is created in God's image and likeness. For what is this but that divine wisdom and righteousness, which is of God, are formed in man? by which we know God, by which God's clarity is reflected in us, that is, that man was first given these gifts when he was created, right clear knowledge of God, right fear, right trust, and the like.

20 For thus also Irenaeus interprets the image and likeness of God, and Ambrose, when he speaks all kinds of opinions, says among other things: The soul is not made in the image of God, in whom God is not always. And Paul to the Ephesians and Colossians sufficiently indicates that God's image in Scripture means nothing else than knowledge of God and righteousness and justice before God. ^Col. 3, 10. Eph. 4, 24.]

21 And Longobardus says freely: that the first-created righteousness in Adam is the image and likeness of God, which is formed in man by God. I am recounting the opinions and sayings of the ancients, who were interested in the

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The first thing is that nothing can hinder the interpretation of Augustine, as he speaks of the image of God. Therefore, the ancients, when they say what original sin is, and say that it is a lack of the first acquired righteousness, their opinion is that man is not only corrupted in the body or in the lowest, basest powers, but that he has also thereby lost these gifts: right knowledge of God, right love and trust toward God, and the power, the light in the heart, which makes him love and delight in all of this. For the scholastici or theologians themselves teach in schools that this inherent righteousness would not have been possible for us without special gifts and without the help of grace.

(22) And these gifts we call the fear of God, the knowledge of God, and trust in God, so that it may be understood. From all this it appears sufficiently that the ancients, when they say what original sin is, agree with us, and their opinion is also that we come into misery through original sin, born of not having a good heart that loves God rightly toward God, not only not being able to do or perform pure good works.

(23) Augustine also means the same thing, since he also wants to say what original sin is, and uses to call original sin an evil desire, because he wants to indicate that after Adam's fall, instead of righteousness, evil desire is innate in us. For from the fall, since we, being born sinful, do not fear, love, or trust God, we do nothing but rely on ourselves, despise God, or are afraid and flee from God.

(24) And so, in Augustine's words, the opinion of those who say that original sin is a defect of the first righteousness, that is, the evil desire that clings to us instead of the same righteousness, is grasped and understood. And the evil lust is not only a corruption or a deformation of the first pure bodily health of Adam in paradise, but also an evil lust and inclination, since according to the very best, highest powers and light of reason we are nevertheless carnally inclined and minded against God. And those do not know what they are saying who teach that man is able to love God above all else by virtue of his powers, and yet at the same time must confess that evil desire remains as long as this life lasts, unless it is completely killed by the Holy Spirit.

(25) For this reason, we have actually mentioned and expressed both the evil desire and the sin of the original sin when we were trying to teach it.

The evil desire is the lack of the first righteousness in paradise, and say that the same lack is that we Adam's children do not trust God from the heart, do not fear Him nor love Him. The evil desire is that all our mind, heart and courage naturally go against God's word, since we not only seek all kinds of pleasures of the body, but also trust in our wisdom and righteousness, and forget God and pay little or no attention to Him. And not only the old fathers, as Augustine and the like, but also the most recent teachers and scholastici, who have had some understanding, teach that these two things are all original sin, namely, lack and evil desire. For thus St. Thomas says that original sin is not only a lack of the first righteousness, but also a disordered desire or lust in the soul. Therefore it is (he says) not only vain pure lack, but also aliquid positivum. And Bonaventure also says clearly: If one asks what original sin is, the right answer is that it is an unprotected evil desire; also the right answer is that it is a lack of righteousness: and one gives the other.

26 Hugo also means the same thing when he says: Original sin is blindness in the heart and evil desire in the flesh. For he wants to indicate that we Adam's children are all born in such a way that we do not know God, despise God, do not trust Him, yes, even flee and hate Him. For this is what Hugo wanted to understand briefly when he says: Ignorantia in mente, blindness or ignorance in the heart. And the sayings also of the newest teachers agree with the holy scripture. For Paul calls the original sin under times with clear words a lack of divine light 2c. 1 Cor. 2, 14: "But the natural man hears nothing of the Spirit of God"; and in other places he calls it evil lust, as in Romans 7, v. 23, where he says: "I see another law in my members" 2c., which lust bears all kinds of evil fruit.

(27) I could probably present here many more sayings of the Scriptures about both of these things, but in this public truth it is not necessary. Every man of understanding will easily see and perceive that thus without the fear of God, without confidence in the heart, are not only actus or real sins, but an inherent lack of the divine light and of all good, which remains as long as we are not born again by the Holy Spirit and enlightened by Him.

(28) Therefore, as we have written and taught about original sin, we teach nothing new, nothing different from the Scriptures, the common law, and the truth.

41Z0 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530.

W. LVI, 1349-1351. 11 Zl

We do not want the holy Christian church, but such necessary, brave, clear sayings of the holy scriptures and the fathers, which had been suppressed by the clumsy quarrels of the sophists, we bring to light again and would like to have the Christian doctrine pure. For it is ever in evidence that the sophists and school wranglers have not understood what the Fathers meant by the word "lack of first righteousness.

  1. But to teach this really and correctly, and what original sin is or is not, is of great need, and no one can long for Christ, for the unspeakable treasure of divine mercy and grace, which the gospel presents, or have a desire for it, who does not recognize his misery and pestilence, as Christ says: "The healthy do not need a physician," Matth. 9, 12. 9, 12. Marc. 2, 17. All holy, honorable life, all good works, as much as a man may do on earth, are vain hypocrisy and abomination before God, we only realize that we are wretched sinners of sorts, who are in disgrace to God, neither fearing nor loving God. Thus the prophet says: "Because you have shown it to me, I am terrified", Jer. 31, 19. and the Psalm: "All men are liars", that is, they are not rightly minded by God, Ps. 116,11.

(30) Here the opponents cry out vehemently against Doctor Luther for having written that original sin remains even after baptism, and they say that the same article is condemned by Pope Leo the Tenth.

But the imperial majesty will publicly find that they are doing us a great injustice. For the adversaries understand almost well what opinion Doctor Luther meant when he said that original sin remains after baptism. He has always written clearly that holy baptism takes away and eradicates the whole guilt and inheritance of original sin, although the material (as they call it) of sin, namely the evil inclination and lust, remains.

32 In all his writings, he adds from the same material that the Holy Spirit, who is given through baptism, begins to kill and extinguish the remaining evil desires daily, and brings a new light, a new mind and courage into the heart. Augustine also speaks to this opinion when he says: "Original sin is forgiven in baptism, not that it is no longer, but that it is not imputed.

33 Augustine publicly confesses that sin remains in us, even though it has not been inflicted on us.

is counted. And this saying of Augustine was so well received by the teachers that it is also referred to in the decree. And against Julianum Augustine says: "The law, which is in our members, is done away by the spiritual rebirth, and yet remains in the flesh, which is mortal. It is taken away, because the guilt is completely removed, through the sacrament, by which the faithful are born again; and still remains, because it works evil lusts, against which the faithful fight.

34 That Doctor Luther holds and teaches this way, the adversaries know almost well, and if they cannot dispute it, but must confess it themselves, they maliciously twist his words, and falsely interpret his opinion to suppress the truth and innocently condemn him.

35 But further, the opponents argue that evil desire is a burden and punishment imposed, and is not such a sin that is guilty of death and damnation. Against this, Doctor Luther says that it is such a damnable sin. I said above that Augustine also reports that original sin is the inherent evil desire. If this is a bad thing, let them fight it out with Augustine.

36 Paul says: "I did not know sin without the law. For I knew not of lust, where the law had not said, Let not thy lust be." There Paul says ever arid out: I knew not that lust was sin 2c. Item: "I see another law in my members, which is contrary to the law in my mind, and takes me captive to the law of sin, which is in my members" Rom. 7:7, 23.

37 These are Paul's bright, certain words and clear sayings; no gloss, no cunning little trick can do anything against them. All devils and all men will not be able to overthrow these sayings. He clearly calls evil desires a sin, but he says that such sin is not imputed to those who believe in Christ; nevertheless, in itself it is truly a sin, guilty of death and eternal damnation. And there is no doubt that this was also the opinion of the ancient fathers. For Augustine disputes and fights vehemently against those who held that the evil inclination and lust in man was not sin, and neither good nor evil, just as having a black or white body is neither good nor evil.

038 And if the adversaries shall pretend that fomes, or the evil inclination, is neither good nor evil; not only shall many sayings of the scripture be against it, but also the whole church and all the fathers. For all experienced Christian hearts know that these things, alas, do us in the skin.

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We are not born with a sense of security, namely, that we should esteem money, goods, and all other things greater than God, and that we should walk and live securely. Item, that we always think, after the manner of carnal certainty, that God's wrath and severity is not so great over sin as it surely is. Let us not regard the noble, unspeakable treasure of the gospel and the atonement of Christ as dear and noble as it is. Item, that we grumble against God's work and will, that He does not soon help in tribulations and does as we please. Item, we experience daily that it hurts us, just as David and all the saints complained that it is good for the wicked in this world.

(39) All men feel how easily their hearts are inflamed with ambition, rather than with anger and wrath, rather than with fornication.

40 If then the adversaries themselves must confess that such unbelief, such disobedience against God is in the heart, if there is not even whole consent (as they speak of it), but only the inclination and desire: who will be so bold as to respect these gross pieces neither evil nor good? Now the clear psalms and clear words of the prophets are there to confess that they feel this way.

(41) But the sophists in the schools have spoken on this matter against the clear public Scriptures, and have invented their own dreams and sayings out of philosophy, saying that we are neither evil nor good, neither to be reproached nor praised, for the sake of evil lusts. Item, that lusts and thoughts inwardly are not sin, if I do not completely consent to them. The same speech and words in the philosophers' books are to be understood of outward respectability before the world, and also outward punishment before the world. For it is true, as the jurists say, L. cogitationis: Thoughts are free of duty and punishment; but God searches the hearts, with God's judgment and sentence it is different.

(42) So they also attach to this matter other inconsistent sayings, namely, that God's creature and nature cannot be evil in itself. I do not respect this, if it is said at all, since it is true; but this saying should not be used to belittle original sin. And the same sayings of the sophists have done much unspeakable harm, by which they mix philosophy and doctrine, which concern outward life before the world, with the gospel, and yet have not only taught it in the school, but have also preached it openly before the people. And the ungodly, erroneous, dangerous, harmful teachings had taken over in the whole world; nothing was preached about them.

Because of this our merit in all the world, the knowledge of Christ and the gospel was completely suppressed.

For this reason, Doctor Luther wanted to teach and explain from Scripture how a great mortal guilt original sin is before God, and how we are born in great misery, and that the remaining original sin, which remains after baptism, is not indifferent in itself, but requires the mediator of Christ, so that it is not imputed to us by God, and without ceasing the light and effect of the Holy Spirit, by which it is swept out and killed.

44 Although the Sophists and Scholastici teach differently, and both teach about original sin and about the same punishment according to Scripture, since they say that man is able to keep God's commandment with his own strength, the punishment that God inflicted on Adam's children for original sin is described much differently in the first book of Moses. For there human nature is condemned, not only to death and other bodily evils, but also subjected to the kingdom of the devil. For there this terrible judgment is pronounced: "I will put enmity between you and the woman, between her seed and your seed" 2c. Gen. 3:15.

(45) The lack of first righteousness and evil desire are sin and punishment; but death and the other bodily evils, the tyranny and dominion of the devil are actually the punishment and poenae of original sin. For human nature, through original sin, is given over to the power of the devil, and is thus imprisoned under the devil's kingdom, who deceives and seduces many a great wise man in the world with terrible error, heresy and other blindness, and otherwise drags men away to all kinds of vice.

46 Just as it is not possible to overcome the cunning and powerful spirit of Satan without the help of Christ, so we cannot help ourselves out of prison by our own efforts.

In all histories from the beginning of the world it can be seen and found how the kingdom of the devil is an unspeakably great power. One sees that the world, from the highest to the lowest, is full of blasphemies, full of great error, ungodly teachings against God and his word. In the strong fetters and chains, the devil keeps miserably imprisoned many wise people, many hypocrites, who seem holy before the world; the others he leads into other gross vices, avarice, pride 2c.

(48) Therefore if Christ is given to us to take away the same sins and grievous punishments of sin, the sin of death, the sin of death, the sin of death, the sin of death, the sin of death, the sin of death, the sin of death, the sin of death, the sin of death.

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If the devil's kingdom overcomes us too well, no one can heartily rejoice in the great treasure; no one can recognize the abundant riches of grace, for he first feels the same burden of our innate great misery and sorrow. Therefore our preachers have taught of the necessary article with all the utmost diligence, and have taught nothing new, but only clear words of the holy Scriptures and certain sayings of the Fathers, Augustine and others.

49 We think that the imperial majesty should let this be enough for her against the loose, childish, unfounded arguments of the adversaries, by which they challenge our article without cause, quite unreasonably. For they sing, say, how much, what and how long they want, so we actually know that, and are truly certain that we teach Christianly and rightly, and agree with and hold to the common Christian church. If they continue to argue about this, they shall see that, God willing, there are not lacking people who will answer them and still preserve the truth.

50 For the adversaries do not know what they are saying. For how often do they speak and write things repugnant to themselves? Nor do they understand their own dialectics from the formal point of view of original sin, that is, what actually is or is not original sin in its essence, what also is the lack of first righteousness. In this place, however, we do not want to speak more subtly or further about their quarrelsome disputation, but only to relate the sayings and opinions of the holy fathers, whom we also teach in the same way, in clear, common, understandable words.

Article III. From Christo.

(51) The third article is acceptable to the adversaries, since we confess that in Christ there are two natures, namely, that the Son of God took on human nature, and thus God and man are One Person, One Christ, and that He suffered and died for us to make atonement for us to the Father, and that He rose from the dead to possess an everlasting kingdom, sanctifying and justifying all believers, as the Creed of the Apostles and Symbolum Nicaenum teaches.

Article IV. (II.) How to become pious and righteous before God.

  1. in the fourth, fifth, sixth, and then twentieth articles, the opponents condemn our confession that we teach that believers receive forgiveness of sin through Christ without any merit by faith alone.

and even defiantly reject both. First, that we say no to men being forgiven their sins by their merit. Secondly, that we hold, teach and confess that no one is reconciled to God, no one obtains forgiveness of sins, except through faith in Christ alone.

Because such a dispute is over the highest, most noble article of the whole Christian doctrine, so that much depends on this article, which also serves primarily for a clear, correct understanding of the whole holy scripture, and shows the way to the ineffable treasure and the right knowledge of Christ alone, and also opens the door to the whole Bible alone, without which article also no poor conscience can have a right constant certain comfort or recognize the riches of Christ's graces, we ask, Imperial Majesty, to hear us about this great, brave, highly important matter according to necessity and grace. Maj. will hear of this great, brave, highly important matter according to necessity and graciously. For since the adversaries neither understand nor know what is to be understood by these words in Scripture, what forgiveness of sin is, what faith is, what grace is, what righteousness is, they have miserably defiled this noble, highly necessary, most distinguished article, without which no one will know Christ, and have even suppressed the high, precious treasure of the knowledge of Christ, or what Christ and his kingdom and grace are, and have miserably robbed the poor consciences of such a noble, great treasure and eternal consolation, in which they have great need.

(54) But that we may confirm our confession, and lay aside what the adversaries have brought forward, let us first show the reason and cause of both doctrines, that each part may be heard more clearly.

(55) All Scripture, both Old and New Testaments, is divided into two parts, and teaches these two parts, the law and the divine promises. For in some places it keeps us from the law; in others it gives grace through the glorious promises of Christ. As when in the Old Testament the Scriptures promise the Christ to come, and offer eternal blessing, benediction, eternal salvation, righteousness, and eternal life through him; or in the New Testament, when Christ, who came on earth, promises in the Gospel forgiveness of sins, eternal righteousness, and eternal life.

But here, in this place, we call the law the Ten Commandments of God, where they are read in the Scriptures. We will not speak here of the ceremonies and laws of the courts.

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(57) Of these two things the adversaries take the law before them. For since the natural law, which agrees with the law of Moses or ten commandments, is innate and written in the hearts of all men, and therefore reason can grasp and understand the ten commandments to some extent, it wants to think that it has had enough of the law, and that through the law one can obtain forgiveness of sin.

The Ten Commandments do not only require an outwardly honorable life or good works, which reason is capable of doing to some extent, but they require something much higher, which is above all human powers, above all abilities of reason, namely, the law wants us to fear and love God with all earnestness, from the bottom of our hearts, to call upon Him alone in all troubles, and to put our trust in nothing else.

Item 59: The law wants us not to waver or waver, but to conclude in our hearts with the utmost certainty that God is with us, that He hears our prayer, and that our sighing and pleading is yes. Item, that we should still expect life and all kinds of comfort from God in the midst of death, that we should completely surrender to His will in all temptations, that we should not flee from Him in death and tribulation, but be obedient to Him, gladly bearing and suffering everything as we are able.

(60) Here the scholastics have followed the philosophers, and when they want to say how one becomes pious before God, they teach only a righteousness and piety in which a man outwardly leads an honorable life before the world and does good works, and invent this dream to the effect that human reason, without the Holy Spirit, is able to love God above all things. For it is true that when a man's heart is idle and not in temptation, and because he does not feel God's wrath and judgment, he may invent such a dream as if he loved God above all things and did much good, much work, for God's sake; but it is all hypocrisy. And in this way the adversaries have taught that men deserve forgiveness of sins if they do as much as is in them, that is, if reason makes it sorry for sin and devises a will to love God.

(61) And this opinion and erroneous doctrine, because people are naturally inclined to think that their merit and work are worthy of respect and merit in the sight of God, has caused innumerable abuses in the church, such as the monastic vows, abuses of the masses, and so on.

God's service over the other is conceived from this error. And that only such trust in our merit and work should be spread further and further, 1) they may impudently say and conclude: God the Lord must of necessity give grace to those who thus do good works; not that He is compelled, but that this is the order, which God neither overrules nor changes.

And in these pieces, in this very doctrine, many other great, quite harmful errors and terrible blasphemies of God are concealed and hidden, all of which it would now be too long to mention by name. But for God's sake, let every Christian reader consider this. Can we become pious and Christians before God through such works, I would like to hear (and try your best to answer here), what difference there would be between the philosophers' and Christ's teachings, if we could obtain forgiveness of sins through such our works, or actus elicitos? What good is Christ to us? Can we become holy and pious before God by natural reason and our own good works, what may we then do with the blood and death of Christ, or that we may be born again through Him? as Peter 1 Ep. 1,18.ff. says. And from the annual error (because such is publicly taught in schools and practiced on the preaching benches) it has, unfortunately, come to pass that even great theologians at Louvain, Paris 2c. have known of no other Christian piety or righteousness (although all the letters and syllables in Paul teach otherwise) than of the piety which philosophy teaches; and if it should be foreign to us, and we should laugh at them, they laugh at us, even mock Paul himself.

63 Thus, the shameful and abominable error has come to pass. I myself have heard a great preacher who did not think of Christ and the Gospel, and preached Aristotelis Ethicorum. Is this not called childish, foolish preaching among Christians? But if the adversary's teaching is true, the Ethicorum is a delicious book of sermons and a fine new Bible. For of outwardly honorable life no one will easily write better than Aristotle.

64 We see that some scholars have written books in which they indicate that the words of Christ and the sayings of Socrates and Zeno agree finely; as if Christ had come to give good laws and commandments, through

  1. J. T. Müller: "worden"; Latin: auZsrsnt.

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which we should earn forgiveness of sins, and not rather to proclaim the grace and peace of God and to distribute the Holy Spirit through His merit and blood.

Therefore, if we accept the doctrine of the adversaries that we can earn forgiveness of sins by the ability of natural reason and our works, we are already Aristotelian and not Christian, and there is no difference between respectable pagan, between Pharisaic and Christian life, between philosophy and the Gospel.

  1. Although the adversaries, lest they should be silent about the name of Christ as godless, crude heathens, speak of faith in such a way that they say it is a knowledge of the history of Christ, and although they also say something about Christ, namely that he has earned for us a habitum, or as they call it, primam gratiam, the first grace, which they regard as an inclination by which we can nevertheless love God more easily than otherwise, it is nevertheless a weak, small, little, bad effect that Christ would thus have, or that would occur through such habitum.

67 For they say, nevertheless, that the works of our reason and will, before that habitus is there, and also after that, when that habitus is there, are ejusdem speciei, that is, before and after one and the same thing.

68 For they say that our reason and human will are able in themselves to love God, but the habitus brings an inclination that reason, which it is well able to do before, does all the more gladly and easily.

(69) Therefore they also teach that the same hadith must be earned by our previous works, and that by the works of the law we earn increase of such good inclination and eternal life.

(70) Thus men hide Christ from us, and bury him again, so that we cannot recognize him as a mediator. For they are even silent that we obtain forgiveness of sins through him purely by grace, without merit, but make up their dreams as if we could earn forgiveness of sin by good works and the works of the law, when all Scripture says that we are not able to fulfill or keep the law. And if reason does nothing by the law, except that it does outward works alone, but in the heart it does not fear God, neither does it believe that God is aware of it. And although they speak of the habitu in this way, it is certain that without faith in Christ there can be no true love of God in anyone's heart.

Also, no one can understand what God's love is without faith.

But that they invent a difference between the merito congrui and merito condigni, between due merit and right whole merit, they play and quarrel only with words, so that they do not let themselves be publicly noticed as Pelagians. For if God must give mercy from necessity for due merit, it is not due merit, but a right duty and whole merit, even though they themselves do not know what they are saying. For they invent and dream that if the habitus of God's love (said above) is there, then man duly or de congruo deserves God's grace, and yet they say that no one can be so sure whether the same habitus is there.

Now listen, dear sirs, how do they know, or when do they know, whether they deserve our Lord God's grace duly, or by whole merit, for full or half? But oh, dear Lord God, these are just cold thoughts and dreams of idle, hopeless, inexperienced people, who do not practice the Bible much, who neither know nor experience how a sinner's heart feels, what the temptations of death or the devil are, who do not know how purely we forget all merit, all works, when the heart feels God's wrath, or the conscience is in anguish. The secure, inexperienced people always go along in the delusion that they earn money with their works.

gruo grace;

For it is natural to us, without this, that we like to think much of ourselves and our works. But when a conscience really feels its sin and sorrow, all joking and playful thoughts are over, and there is great, real seriousness; then neither heart nor conscience can be satisfied, seeks all kinds of works and misdeeds, and would like to feel certainty, would like to feel grounded, and would like to rest on something. But these frightened consciences feel well that nothing can be earned by virtue of condigno or congruo; they soon sink into despair and despair if no other word is preached to them than the teaching of the law, namely the gospel of Christ, who was given for us.

Therefore, it is known in some histories that the monks of the Barefoot, when they have pledged their order and good works to some good consciences at the hour of death in vain, that they must at last keep silent of their order and of St. Francis, and say this word: "Dear man, Christ is for you.

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you died. That has refreshed and cooled in anguish, giving peace and comfort alone.

(75) So the adversaries teach nothing but an outward piety of outward good works, which Paul calls the piety of the law, and so, like the Jews, see the hidden face of Moses, do nothing but strengthen the certainty and hardness in some secure hypocrites, lead people to a sandy ground, to their own works, thereby despising Christ and the gospel, give many a wretched conscience cause for despair. For they do good works on uncertain delusions, never learn how great a powerful thing faith is, and finally fall completely into despair.

  1. We hold and speak of outward godliness in this way, that God demands and wants such an outwardly honorable life, and for the sake of God's command one must do the same good works that are commanded in the Ten Commandments. For the law is our disciplinarian Gal. 3, 24, and the law is given to the unrighteous 1 Tim. 1, 9. For God the Lord wills that gross sins be increased by outward discipline; and to maintain the same, He gives laws, ordains authorities, gives learned, wise men to serve as a regiment. Thus, reason is able to lead an outwardly honorable life and conduct itself with its own strength, although it is often prevented from doing so by inherent weakness and the wiles of the devil.

(77) Although I am happy to give such an outward life and good works as much praise as they deserve, for in this life and in the worldly being there is nothing better 1) than honesty and virtue. As Aristotle says that neither the morning star nor the evening star is more lovely and beautiful than honesty and righteousness, and as God also rewards such virtue with bodily gifts, so good works and such a life should not be so exalted that it brings dishonor to Christ.

(78) For thus I conclude, and am certain, that it is fictitious, and not true, that we should merit forgiveness of sins by our works.

It is also a lie and not true that a man can become righteous and pious before God by his works and outward piety.

80 It is also unfounded and not true that the human reason is out of its powers.

  1. Müller: "nichtsbesser". But the Latin says: nutluni was us donum, and the Jena offers: "nothing better", so we have assumed the latter.

to love God above all things, to keep His commandments, to fear Him, to be certain that God will hear prayer, to give thanks to God and to be obedient in tribulations and other things that God's law commands, as not to covet other people's goods 2c. For reason is not able to do all this, even though it is outwardly able to live honorably and do good works to some extent.

(81) It is also fictitious and untrue, and a blasphemy against Christ, that those should be without sin who keep God's commandments outwardly only, without spirit and grace in their hearts.

I have evidence of my decision not only from the holy Scriptures, but also from the ancient fathers. Augustine speaks and acts this most abundantly against the Pelagians, that grace is not given for our merit. And in the book de natura et gratia, that is, of nature and grace, he says thus: If the faculty of nature through free will is enough, both to know how to live and thus to live rightly, then Christ died in vain.

Why should I not cry out and shout with Paul here? I may just cry out: "You have lost Christ, who would be justified by the work of the law, and have fallen from grace" Gal. 5:4. "For ye know not the righteousness that is before God, and seek to establish your own righteousness, and are not subject unto the righteousness that is before God" Rom. 10:3. For as the end of the law is Christ, so also the Savior of the depraved nature is Christ. Item, Joh. 8, 36.: "If the Son makes you free, then you are free indeed."

For this reason, we cannot become free from sins or earn forgiveness of sins through reason or our good works. It is written in John 3:5: "Unless one is born again of water and the Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of God.

  1. If, then, we must be born again through the Holy Spirit, our good works or our own merit will not justify us before God, so we cannot keep or fulfill the Law. Item, Rom. 3, 23: "They are all sinners, and lack the glory that they should have in God," that is, they lack the wisdom and righteousness that is valid before God, by which they should rightly know, esteem and praise God. Item, Rom. 8, 7.8: "To be carnally minded is an enmity against God, since it is not subject to the law of God, nor is it able to be. The

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but are carnally minded may not please God."

These are such clear, bright sayings of Scripture that they do not require such a sharp mind, but only that one reads them and sees the clear words well, as Augustine also says in the matter. Now if reason and being carnally minded is an enmity against God, no man can warmly love God without the Holy Spirit. If being carnally minded is against God, then the best good works are truly unclean and sinful, which an Adam's child can always do. If the flesh cannot be subject to God's law, then a man truly sins, even if he does noble, beautiful, delicious good works that the world esteems great.

The adversaries only see the commandments on the other tablet of Moses, which also speaks of outward respectability, which reason understands better, and want to think that they are keeping God's law with such outward good works. But they do not look at the first tablet, which commands us to love God with all our heart, not to waver or doubt, that God is angry because of sin, that we should fear God with all our heart, that we should certainly trust in our hearts that God is not far away, that He hears our prayer 2c.

Now, before we are born again by the Holy Spirit, we are all of the Adamic kind, in that our hearts certainly despise God's wrath, judgment and forbearance, and are hateful and hostile to His judgment and punishments. If then all the children of Adam are born in great sins, so that we all despise God of a kind, doubting His word, promise and forbearance, then truly our best good works, which we do before we are born again by the Holy Spirit, must be sinful and condemned works before God, even if they are beautiful in the sight of the world. 1) For they proceed from an evil, ungodly, unclean heart, as Paul says Rom. 14:23: "Whatever does not proceed from faith is sin." For all such works saints do works without faith, despise God in their hearts, and believe as little that God will take care of them as Epicurus believed. The contempt of God inwardly must always make the works obscene and sinful, even if they are beautiful in the eyes of men; for God searches the hearts.

  1. Lastly, this is also most foolishly and clumsily spoken by the adversaries, that men, who are also guilty of everlasting wrath, should be forgiven.
  2. Müller has replaced "his" with: "be". In Latin: et-iuru Huuni üouestu Opera iaoiunt,.

The first step is to obtain forgiveness of sins through love, or actum elicitum dilectionis, since it is impossible to love God if the heart has not first obtained forgiveness of sins through faith.

(90) For a heart that is in anguish and rightly feels God's wrath cannot love God, unless he gives the heart air, comforts it and shows himself merciful again. For since he terrifies and thus attacks us, as if he wanted to push us away from him in eternal disgrace to eternal death, the poor weak nature must lose heart and courage, and must tremble before such great wrath, which terrifies and punishes so horribly, and then, before God himself comforts, cannot feel a speck of love.

(91) Idle and inexperienced people may well invent a dream of love for themselves, which is why they speak so childishly that one who is guilty of a mortal sin can nevertheless love God above all else. For they do not yet know what a burden sin is, what a great torment it is to feel God's wrath.

But pious hearts, which have experienced it in the right fight with Satan and right anxieties of the conscience, know well that such words and thoughts are vain thoughts, vain dreams. Paul says: "The law only causes wrath", Rom. 4, 15. He does not say that through the law people deserve forgiveness of sins. For the law always accuses and terrifies the conscience.

Therefore, the Law does not make anyone pious and righteous before God, for a frightened conscience fears God and His judgment. Therefore, those who want to earn forgiveness of sins by their works or by the law are mistaken.

94 Let this be said enough of the righteousness of the saints of works or of reason, which the adversaries teach. For soon after, when we shall speak of the piety and righteousness that is valid in the sight of God, which comes from faith, the matter itself will bring about the introduction of more sayings from Scripture, all of which will serve equally well to overthrow the above-mentioned errors of the adversaries.

95 Since no man is able to keep God's law by his own strength, and since all are under sin, guilty of eternal wrath and death, we cannot be freed from sin by the law, nor become righteous before God, but are promised forgiveness of sin and righteousness through Christ, who was given for us to pay for the sin of the world, 2) and is the Lord of all.

  1. Müller: "bezahlet"; Latin: sat-istueorot.

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some mediator and redeemer. And this promise is not: Through Christ you have grace, salvation, where you deserve it, but only by grace he offers forgiveness of sin, as Paul says: "If forgiveness of sin is of works, it is not grace"; and in another place: "This righteousness, which is before God, is revealed without law", that is, forgiveness of sin is offered in vain.

96 And therefore it is not because of our merit that we are reconciled to God. For if it were up to our merit, the forgiveness of sin and the reconciliation of God from the law, it would be lost, and if we were truly wickedly united and reconciled to God, because we do not keep the law and are not able to keep it, it would follow that we would never attain the promised grace and reconciliation.

97 For so Paul saith unto the Romans, in the fourth chapter, v. 14: "If the inheritance be of the law, then faith is nothing, and the promise is abolished. Now if the promise was based on our merit and on the law, it follows that because we cannot keep the law, the promise is in vain.

98 But if we become righteous and just before God by grace and mercy alone, which is promised in Christ, we do not become righteous by our works. For what would be the need of the glorious, divine promise, and why should Paul exalt and praise grace so highly?

(99) Therefore the gospel teaches, praises, exalts, and glorifies the righteousness that comes by faith in Christ, which is not the righteousness of the law. So also the law teaches nothing of it, and is much higher righteousness than is the righteousness of the law. For the law requires of us our works, and would have us to be inwardly godly in heart, and wholly righteous. 1)

(100) But the divine promise offers us, as those who are overcome by sin and death, help, grace and reconciliation for Christ's sake; which grace no one can grasp with works, but only through faith in Christ. The same faith neither brings nor gives God any work, no merit of its own, but builds only on pure grace, and knows nothing to comfort or rely on, but only on mercy, which is promised in Christ. Now this same faith, when each one believes for himself that Christ was given for him, he alone obtains.

  1. Müller: "are"; Jenaer: "be".

Forgiveness of sin for Christ's sake, and makes us pious and righteous before God.

  1. And because this same faith is in righteous repentance, and it restores our hearts even in the terror of sin and death, we are born again through it, and through faith the Holy Spirit comes into our hearts, who renews our hearts so that we can keep God's law, love God rightly, fear Him with certainty, neither waver nor doubt, that Christ is given to us, that He hears our cries and supplications, and that we can rejoice in God's will even in the midst of death. Therefore, the same faith that receives and obtains forgiveness of sin by grace is righteous, which does not set its own merit or work against God's wrath, which would be a feather against a whirlwind, but which represents Christ as the mediator, and the same faith is a true knowledge of Christ.

(102) He that believeth therefore knoweth the great benefits of Christ, and becometh a new creature; and until such faith be in the heart, no man can fulfill the law. Of the same faith and knowledge of Christ there is not one syllable, not one tittle in all the books of the adversaries.

(103) For this reason we also rebuke the adversaries, because they teach only the law concerning our works, and not the gospel, which teaches that one is justified if he believes in Christ.

What is the faith that makes pious and righteous before God.

(104) The adversaries think that faith is this, that I know or have heard the stories of Christ; therefore they teach that I can believe, even though I am in mortal sin.

(105) Therefore, of the true Christian faith, of which Paul speaks so often in all places, that we become righteous before God through faith, they know or speak nothing at all. For those who are considered holy and righteous before God are not in mortal sin. Therefore, the faith that makes one pious and righteous before God is not only this, that I know the stories of how Christ was born, suffered 2c. (the devils also know this), but is the certainty, or the certain, strong confidence in my heart, since I believe with all my heart that the promise of God is certain and true, by which I am offered, without my merit, forgiveness of sin, grace and all salvation, through the mediator Christ. And lest anyone think that it is only a mere knowledge of history, I add this: The faith is that my whole heart is in the same treasure.

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It is not my doing, nor my giving, nor my work, nor my preparation, but that a heart may take comfort in this, and rely wholly on God to give us, to give us, and we not to Him, that He may shower us with all the treasure of grace in Christ.

From this it is easy to notice the difference between faith and piety, which comes through the law. For faith is such a service of God and latria, in that I let myself give and be given. But the righteousness of the law is such a service of God, which commends our works to God. So then God wants to be honored through faith, so that we receive from him what he promises and commends.

(107) That faith alone is not the knowledge of history, but the holding fast of the divine promise, is sufficiently shown by Paul, who says to the Romans in the 4th verse, 16: "Therefore righteousness must come by faith, that the promise may stand fast.

108: There Paul attaches and connects the two together, so that where there is promise, there must also be faith 2c. And again correlative: where there is promise, God also demands faith.

109 Although it is even more difficult to show what the faith that justifies is, if we look at our own creed and faith. For in the Symbolo there is this article: "Forgiveness of sin. Therefore it is not enough that I know or believe that Christ was born, suffered, and rose again, if we do not also believe this article, because of which all this finally happened, namely: I believe that my sins are forgiven. The other thing must be drawn from this article, namely, that for Christ's sake, not for my merit, our sins are forgiven. For what need would there be for God to give Christ for our sin, if our merit could suffice for our sin?

(110) Therefore, as often as we speak of the faith that justifies, or fide justificante, these three things or objecta are always with one another. First, the divine promise; second, that the same imparts grace freely, without merit; third, that Christ's blood and merit is the treasure by which sin is paid for. The promise is received by faith; but that it accepts grace without merit, all our worthiness and merit goes under and to the ground, and the great grace and mercy is praised. But the merit of Christ is the treasure. For there must ever be a treasure and a noble pledge, by which the sins of all the world are paid for.

All the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, when speaking of God and faith, use much of this word: goodness, mercy, misericordia. And the holy fathers in all their books all say that we are saved by grace, by goodness, by forgiveness. Now as often as we find the word "mercy" in Scripture, or in the Fathers, we are to know that it teaches of faith, which grasps the promise of such mercy. Again, whenever the Scriptures speak of faith, they mean the faith that is built on pure grace. For faith does not make us righteous and just before God because it is our work and ours in Himself, but only because it receives the promised, offered grace without merit, given from a rich treasure.

And such faith and trust in God's mercy is praised as the greatest, most holy service of God, especially in the prophets and psalms. For although the Law does not preach mercy and forgiveness of sins as the Gospel does, the promises of the future Christ have been grounded from one patriarch to the next, and have known and believed that God would give blessing, grace, salvation and comfort through the blessed Seed, through Christ.

(113) Therefore, when they understood that Christ was to be the treasure by which our sins were paid, they knew that our works could not pay such a great debt. Therefore they received forgiveness of sins, grace and salvation without any merit, and were saved through faith in the divine promise, in the gospel of Christ, as well as we or the saints in the New Testament. Hence these words: mercy, goodness, faith are repeated so often in Psalms and Prophets, as in the 130th Psalm, v. 3: "If thou wilt, O Lord, take heed to iniquity, O Lord, who shall stand?" There David confesses his sin, does not boast of much merit, and says further: "For with you there is forgiveness, that one may fear you." Then he feels comfort again and relies on grace and mercy, relies on the divine promise and says: "My soul waits for the Lord, and I wait for his word." And, "Yet my soul waits upon the Lord," that is, because thou hast promised forgiveness of sins, I keep the promise, I rely and venture upon the gracious promise. Therefore, 1) the holy

  1. Müller: "to become"; Latin: justiüeukantur.

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Patriarchs pious and holy before God, not even by law, but by God's promise and faith.

(114) And if anyone should wonder why the adversaries teach so little or nothing at all about faith, they see very clearly in all the syllables of the Bible that faith is praised and extolled as the highest, noblest, holiest, greatest, most pleasing, and best service of God. So he says in the 50th Psalm, v. 15: "Call upon me in the time of trouble, and I will save you." So now and through this way God wants to be known to us, so he wants to be honored, that we should take and receive grace, salvation, all good things from him, and that by grace, not because of our merit.

This knowledge is a noble knowledge and a great comfort in all temptations, physical and spiritual, whether to die or to live, as pious hearts know. And the adversaries rob and deprive the poor consciences of this noble, precious, certain consolation when they speak and teach of faith so coldly, so contemptuously, and in contrast deal with God, the high Majesty, through our miserable beggarly works and merit.

That faith in Christ makes you righteous.

For the first, lest anyone think that we are speaking of a poor knowledge or understanding of the history of Christ, we must first say how it happens, how a heart begins to believe, how it comes to believe. Then we will show that the same faith makes one pious before God, and how this is to be understood, and we will reject the adversary's reasons actually, clearly and certainly. Christ commands Luke in the last place to preach repentance and forgiveness of sin. The gospel also reproves all men for being born in sins, and that they are all guilty of eternal wrath and death, and offers them forgiveness of sins and righteousness through Christ. And the same forgiveness, reconciliation and righteousness is received by faith.

For the preaching of repentance, or the voice of the gospel, "Repent, repent," when it enters the heart, frightens the conscience, and is not a joke, but a great terror, since the conscience feels its sorrow and sin and God's wrath. In the fright, the hearts should seek comfort again. This happens when they believe in the promise of Christ, that through Him we have forgiveness of sins. The faith that is found in such

The same strong consolation is a new birth, and a new life. The same strong consolation is a new birth, and a new life.

118 This is ever plainly and clearly spoken. Thus devout hearts know that it is alfo; thus the examples that it has been so with all the saints from the beginning are present in the church, as can be seen in the conversion of Paul and Augustine. The adversaries have nothing certain, can nowhere say rightly or speak intelligibly about how the Holy Spirit is given. They invent their own dreams, that by badly receiving and using the sacraments ex opere operato, people obtain grace and receive the Holy Spirit, when the heart is not there at all, as if the light of the Holy Spirit were such a bad, weak, null thing.

  1. But if we speak of such faith, which is not an idle thought, but such a new light, life, and power in the heart, which renews the heart, mind, and spirit, and makes of us a different man and a new creature, that is, a new light and work of the Holy Spirit, then you must understand that we do not speak of such faith, which is mortal sin, as the adversaries speak of faith. For how can light and darkness be together? For faith, where it is, and while it is there, bears good fruit, as we shall say afterwards.

This is ever spoken with clear, plain, simple words, how it happens when a sinner converts rightly, what the new birth is or is not. In spite of all the Sen- tentiariis, whether they can produce one among the innumerable commentaries, glosses and scribes on Sententiarum, who puts a word, a tittle right of it, how it happens when a sinner is converted. When they speak of love, or when they speak of their habitu dilectionis, they may bring up their dreams that people deserve the same habitum by their works, but they speak nothing at all of God's promise or word, as the Anabaptists also teach at this time.

121 Now one can never deal with God; God cannot be known, sought or grasped, for only in the word and through the word, as Paul says Rom. 1, 16: "The gospel is the power of God to all who believe in it"; item, Rom. 10, v. 17: "Faith is from hearing. And from this alone it should ever be clear enough that we become godly before God by faith alone. For if we come to God through the word of God alone and are saved by faith, then we are

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and no one can grasp the word except through faith: so it follows that faith makes righteous. But there are other causes that rhyme with this.

This is what I have said so far, that I show how it happens, how we are born again, and that one wants to understand what the faith is or is not, of which we speak.

Now let us show that this same faith, and nothing else, makes us righteous before God. And first of all, I want to warn the reader here, just as this saying must and should stand, and no one can overthrow it: "Christ is our only mediator" 1 Tim. 2:5: so also no one can overthrow this saying: "By faith we are justified without works." For how will Christ be and remain the Mediator, if we do not by faith hold to Him as to the Mediator, and thus be reconciled to God, if we do not certainly hold in our hearts that for His sake we are esteemed righteous before God? This means to believe, to trust, to be comforted by the merit of Christ, that for His sake God will surely be gracious to us. Just as it is clear from Scripture that the promise of Christ is needed above the law for salvation, it is also clear that faith makes us righteous. For the law does not preach forgiveness of sin by grace. Item, we cannot fulfill nor keep the law until we receive the Holy Spirit.

124 Therefore it must be that the promise of Christ is necessary for salvation. Now no one can grasp or receive this, except by faith alone. Therefore, those who teach that we do not become righteous and godly before God by faith, what else do they do but suppress Christ and the gospel and teach the law?

(125) But some, when it is said that faith justifies before God, may understand this from the beginning, namely, that faith is only the beginning, or a preparation for justification, so that faith itself is not to be considered as pleasing and acceptable to God, but that we are acceptable to God because of the love and works that follow, not because of faith. And such think that faith is praised in Scripture only because it is the beginning of good works, as there is always much in the beginning. This, however, is not our opinion, but we teach of faith in this way, that through faith itself we are pleasing in the sight of God.

  1. and after the word justificari on

is used in two ways, namely, to be converted or born again, item, to be esteemed righteous, we first want to indicate that we are converted, born again and become righteous from the ungodly nature by faith alone.

  1. Some dispute the word SOLA, but Paul clearly says to the Romans in 3, v. 28: "Therefore we hold that a man is justified without the work of the law"; item, Eph. 2, 8: "It is the gift of God, not of yourselves nor of works, lest anyone should boast"; item, Romans in 3, v. 24, the like.

(128) Now, if this word and this exclusiva SOLA is so hard against some, and so displeasing, let them also scratch out in many places in the epistles of Paul these words: "by grace"; item, "not of works"; item, "God's gift" 2c.; item, "that no one may boast" 2c., and the like; for they are quite strong exclusivae. The word "by grace" excludes merit and all works, as the names have.

(129) And by the word SOLA, when we say that faith alone makes pious, we do not exclude the gospel and the sacraments, that therefore the word and sacraments should be in vain, if faith alone does all things, as the adversaries interpret all things dangerously to us; but we exclude our merit in them. For we have said above enough that faith comes through the word; so we praise the preaching ministry and word higher and more than the adversaries. So we also say that love and works should follow faith.

130 Therefore, by the word SOLA, we do not exclude works so that they should not follow; but the reliance on merit, on works, we exclude and say they do not deserve forgiveness of sins. And we want to show this even more correctly, brightly and clearly.

That we obtain forgiveness of sin only 1) through faith in Christ.

131 We hold that the adversaries must confess that forgiveness of sin is necessary above all things for justification. For we are all born under sin; therefore we conclude thus:

132 To obtain and have forgiveness of sins is to become righteous and pious before God, as the 32nd Psalm, v. 1, says: "Blessed is he whose transgression is forgiven. But it is by faith in Christ alone, not by the

  1. This word is in brackets in Müller. But the ancients used the brackets to emphasize.

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Love, not for the sake of love or works, only obtains forgiveness of sin, although love follows where faith is. Therefore it must follow that we are justified by faith alone. For to be justified means to become godly from a sinner and to be born again through the Holy Spirit. But that we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith alone, as the minor says, and not through love, we want to make clear now.

The adversaries speak childishly of these high things. They ask whether it is one change, forgiveness of sin and infusion of grace, or whether it is two. Idle, inexperienced people cannot speak of these things at all. For to feel sin rightly and God's wrath is not such a bad, sleepy thing. Again, to grasp forgiveness of sin is not such a weak comfort.

For Paul says 1 Cor. 15, 56. 57: "The sting of death is sin. The power of sin is the law. But praise be to God, who gives us conquest through Jesus Christ our Lord." That is, sin terrifies the conscience; this happens through the law, which shows us God's seriousness and wrath against sin, but we are overcomers through Christ. How does this happen? When we believe, when our hearts are set right and hold fast to the promise of grace through Christ. So now we prove this, that we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith in Christ, and not through works. Namely, God's wrath cannot be reconciled nor satisfied by our works, but Christ alone is the mediator and reconciler, and for his sake alone the Father will be gracious to us.

(135) Now no one can grasp Christ as a mediator by works, but only by believing the word that preaches him as a mediator.

Therefore, we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith alone, when our hearts are comforted and uplifted by the divine promise offered to us for Christ's sake. Item, Paul to Romans on the 5th, v. 2: "Through him we have access to the Father", and says clearly to it: "through faith".

137 So then, and not otherwise, we are reconciled to the Father, so we obtain forgiveness of sin, when we are instructed to hold fast to the promise of grace and mercy through Christ.

The adversaries who understand this of Christ the mediator and reconciler to mean that Christ

We do not say that we need him as a unifying mediator, but put Christ back into the grave, inventing otherwise, as if we have access through our works; item, as if we earn the habitum through works and can then come to God through love.

This means to put Christ back into the grave and to take away the whole doctrine of faith. On the other hand, Paul clearly teaches that we have access, that is, the reconciliation of God through Christ. And in order to show how this happens, he adds: "through faith we have access". By faith we receive forgiveness of sin from the merit of Christ, and cannot satisfy God's wrath except through Christ. So it is easy to understand that we do not earn forgiveness by our works or love.

140 Secondly, it is certain that sins will be forgiven because of the Atonement of Christ, Romans 3:25: "Whom God has set forth as a mercy seat" or a propitiator, and clearly adds, "through faith. So now the reconciler will be useful to us if we by faith grasp the word by which mercy is promised and keep it against God's wrath and judgment. And the same is written Hebr. 4, 14. 16: "We have a high priest, Christ" 2c. "Let us approach him with joy." He calls us to approach God, not by trusting in our works, but by trusting in Christ the High Priest. For this reason he clearly demands faith.

  1. for the third, Peter in Stories of the Apostles on the 10th, v. 43, says: "To JEsu all the prophets bear witness, that we should obtain forgiveness of sins through his name, all who believe in him." How could Peter have spoken more clearly? He says, "I receive forgiveness of sins through his name, that is, through him we receive it, not by our own merit, not by our newness or attrition, not by our love, not by our own worship, not by our own ordinances or works," and adds, "If we believe in him."

For this reason he wants faith to be in the heart; therefore he says, "All the prophets testify of Christ with one mouth. This, I think, is rightly called the Christian Church or Catholic Church allegory. For if all the holy prophets bear witness, this is a glorious, great, excellent, strong decree and testimony. But we will continue to talk about this saying below.

  1. fourth, forgiveness of sin is

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Promised for Christ's sake; therefore no one can obtain it except by faith. For the promise cannot be grasped, nor can it be made a part of, except by faith alone, Rom. 4:16: ^1^) "Therefore must righteousness come by faith, that it may stand fast by grace, and the promise stand fast." As if to say: If our salvation and righteousness were based on our merit, the promise of God would still be uncertain and useless to us, for we could never be certain of it if we had earned enough. And this pious hearts and Christian consciences understand almost well, if they did not assume a thousand things that our salvation would rest on us. With this Paul agrees with the Galatians: "God has decreed all things under sin, that the promise of the faith of Jesus Christ should come to those who believe. There Paul pushes down all our merit, for he says: "We are all guilty of death and decided under sin; and he remembers the divine promise, by which alone we obtain forgiveness of sin. And he adds to this how we become partakers of the promise, namely, through faith. And this reason of this argument, since Paul deduces from the nature and character of the divine promise, namely: If God's promise is to be certain and firm, as it cannot be lacking, then forgiveness of sin must not be of our own merit, otherwise it would be uncertain, and we would not know if we had merited enough. Yes, this argument, I say, and the reason is a real rock, and almost the strongest in the whole of Paul, and is quite often raised and attracted in all the epistles.

(144) No man shall ever strive or devise anything on earth to overthrow that one reason alone, if there were nothing else. Nor will pious hearts and Christian consciences allow themselves to be led astray from this, namely that we have forgiveness of sin through faith alone for the sake of Christ's merit. For there they have a certain, strong, eternal comfort against sin, the devil, death, hell; all the rest is a foundation of sand, and does not consist in temptations.

  1. If then we obtain forgiveness of sin and the Holy Spirit through faith alone, faith alone makes us righteous before God. For those who are reconciled to God are righteous before God and are God's children, not because of their purity, but because of God's mercy.
  1. Müller: Rom. 4, 13.
  2. Müller: "can".

for their own sake, if they grasp and take hold of it through faith.

(146) Therefore the Scriptures testify that it is by faith that we become righteous before God. So let us now relate the sayings that clearly state that faith makes us godly and righteous, not because our faith is such a precious, pure work, but only because we receive the offered mercy through faith, and not by any other means.

In the Epistle to the Romans, Paul deals primarily with this matter, how a man becomes righteous before God, and he insists that all who believe that they have a gracious God through Christ become righteous before God without merit through faith. And this mighty resolution, this proposition, in which the main point of the whole epistle, indeed of the whole Scripture, is set forth, in the third chapter, v. 28, with dry, clear words: "We therefore hold that a man may be justified without the work of the law, through faith alone.

The opponents want to say that Paul excluded only the Jewish ceremonies and not other virtuous works. But Paul does not speak of ceremonies alone, but he certainly speaks of all other works, and of the whole law or ten commandments. For in the 7th chapter after this he refers to the saying from the ten commandments: "Do not be tempted. And if by other works, which are not Jewish ceremonies, we could obtain forgiveness of sins and thereby earn righteousness, what need would Christ and his promise have? Then everything that Paul speaks of the promise in so many places would already be in vain. Paul also wrote wrongly to the Ephesians when he said in Eph. 2:8: "Without merit you have been saved, for it is the gift of God, not of works. Item, Paul refers in the epistle to the Romans Cap. 4, 3. 6. to Abraham and David: the same had a command and God's commandment of circumcision. If any work made them righteous in the sight of God, then the works that had God's command at that time must also have made them righteous and righteous.

But Augustine clearly teaches that Paul is speaking of the whole law, as he discusses it at length de spiritu et litera, from the spirit and the letter, since he finally says: "Therefore, if we have considered and acted on this piece according to the ability that God has bestowed, we conclude that no man becomes righteous through the commandment of a good life, but through the faith of Jesus Christ.

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150 And that no one should think that Paul has escaped this word, "Man is justified by faith alone," he elaborates at length in the fourth chapter to the Romans, and repeats it in all his epistles. For so he says in the fourth chapter, v. 4, 5: "To him that worketh, the reward is not by grace, but by duty. But to him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness."

151 It is clear from these words that faith is the thing and the essence that he calls God's righteousness. And he adds that it is imputed by grace, and says that it could not be imputed to us by grace if there were works or merit. Therefore he certainly excludes all merit and all works, not only Jewish ceremonies, but also all other good works. For if we were to become righteous before God by these same works, faith would not be counted to us for righteousness without all works, as Paul clearly says. And then he says: "And we say that Abraham's faith was counted for righteousness. Item, Cap. 5, 1: "Therefore having been justified by faith, we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ," that is, we have a happy, quiet conscience before God. Rom.U, 10: "If one believes from the heart, he is justified." There he calls faith the righteousness of the heart. To Galatians 2, v. 10: "So we also believe in Christ Jesus, that we may be justified by faith in Christ, and not by the works of the law." Eph. 2, 8: "For by grace are ye saved through faith; and that not of yourselves: it is the gift of God: not of works, lest any man should boast." Joh. 1, 12. 13.: "To those he gave power to become children of God, who believe in his name, who were born, not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God." John 3:14, 15: "As Moses lifted up a serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of man be lifted up, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish." Item, v. 17: "God did not send His Son into the world to judge the world, but that the world might be saved through Him. He that believeth on him shall not be judged." Apost. 13:38, 39: "Be it known unto you therefore, brethren, that there is preached unto you the forgiveness of sins, and of all things whereby ye are not saved.

can be justified in the law of Moses. But he that believeth on this is justified." How could he have spoken more clearly about the kingdom of Christ and justification? He says that the law could not justify anyone, and says that for this reason Christ was given to us so that we might believe and be justified through him. In clear words he says: The law cannot make anyone righteous; therefore righteousness is imputed to us through Christ, if we believe that God is gracious to us through Him. Apost. 4, 11. 12.: "This is the stone rejected by you builders, which became the cornerstone, and in no other is there salvation, neither is there any other name given to men, wherein we must be saved."

But I cannot believe in the name of Christ in any other way, except that I hear the preaching of the merit of Christ and grasp it. Therefore it is by believing in the name of Christ, and not by trusting in our works, that we are saved. For the word "name" in the place signifies cause, by which and because of which salvation comes. Therefore, to boast or confess the name of Christ is as much as to trust in Him who alone is Christ, and is called the causa of my salvation and treasure, by which I am saved. Apost. 15:9: "By faith he purified their hearts." Therefore faith, as the apostles speak of it, is not a poor knowledge of history, but a strong, powerful work of the Holy Spirit that changes hearts. Habak. 2, 4: "The righteous lives by faith." First, he says that the righteous is justified by faith, if he believes that God is gracious through Christ. Secondly, he says that faith gives life. For faith alone brings peace and joy to the heart and conscience and eternal life, which begins here in this life. Isa. 53, 11: "His knowledge will make many righteous. But what is the knowledge of Christ, but to know his good pleasure and his promise, which he preached and caused to be preached into the world? And to know the benefits means to truly believe in Christ, that is, to believe what God has promised through Christ that he will surely give. But the Scriptures are full of such sayings and testimonies. For the Scriptures deal with these two things: The law of God and the promise of God. Now the promises speak of the forgiveness of sin and God's atonement through Christ.

And with the fathers one finds also much of the sayings. For also Ambrose writes to Irenaeo: The whole world therefore becomes subject to God, subjected by the law. For by the commandment of the law we are all accused.

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but by the works of the law no one is justified. For sin is known by the law, but guilt is redeemed by faith. And it seems as if the law has done harm, because it has made all sinners. But the Lord Christ came and gave us sin, which no one could avoid, and blotted out the handwriting by the shedding of his blood. And this is what Paul says to the Romans on the 5th, v. 20: "Sin was made mighty by the law, but grace was made mightier still by Jesus." For because the whole world became guilty, he took away sin from the whole world, as John testifies John 1:36, "Behold, this is the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the world." And therefore let no one boast of his works, for by his own doing no one is justified. But to him that is justified it is given in baptism into Christ, being justified. For it is faith that makes us free through the blood of Christ. And blessed is he, whose sins are forgiven, and whose mercies are pardoned.

These are Ambrosii's clear words, which are quite publicly consistent with our doctrine. He says that works do not justify, and says that faith redeems us through the blood of Christ. If all the sententiarios, which have great titles (for some call them angelic, some angelicos, some subtle, some irrefragabiles, that is, doctores who cannot err), were to be melted together in one heap, and if they were all read, they would not be as useful in understanding Paul as the one saying of Ambrosii.

Augustine also wrote a great deal against the Pelagians, and in De spiritu et litera he says: "For this reason the law and its righteousness are held out to us, that whoever does them may live by them, and that each one, recognizing his weakness, may come to God, who alone makes righteous, not by his own strength nor by the letter of the law, which we cannot fulfill, but by faith. No one can do a good work unless he himself is righteous, pious and good. But we attain righteousness by faith alone. There he clearly says that God, who alone saves and sanctifies, is reconciled through faith, and that faith makes us righteous and just before God. And soon after: By the law we fear God, by faith we hope and trust in God. But those who fear punishment, grace is hidden from them. Under what fear, when a man is in fear 2c.,

He shall flee by faith to the mercy of God, that He may give and grant grace, which He gave in the law. There he teaches that through the law the hearts are frightened and through faith they receive comfort again.

It is truly a wonder that the adversaries can be so blind, and not consider so many clear sayings, which clearly declare that we are justified by faith, and not by works. Where do these poor people think? Do they think that the Scriptures, without any cause, so often give clear words? Do they think that the Holy Spirit does not make his word sure and deliberate, or that he does not know what he is saying?

(157) The ungodly have invented a sophistical gloss on this, saying that the sayings of Scripture, when they speak of faith, are to be understood from fide formata, that is, they say that faith makes no one pious or righteous, except for the sake of love or works. And in sum, according to them, faith makes no one righteous, but love alone. For they say that faith can be next to mortal sin. What is this but overthrowing all the promise of God and the promise of grace, and preaching the law and works?

If faith obtains forgiveness of sins and grace because of love, the forgiveness of sin will always be uncertain. For we never love God as fully as we should; indeed, we cannot love God, for the heart is only certain that sins are forgiven. Thus, if the adversaries teach us to trust in God's love, which we are able to do, and in our own works, they are even pushing the gospel, which preaches the forgiveness of sin, to the ground; since no one can really have or understand love, unless he believes that we obtain forgiveness of sin by grace through Christ for nothing.

We also say that love should follow faith, as Paul says: "In Christ Jesus there is neither circumcision nor foreskin, but faith working through love. But we are not to trust in love or rely on it, as if we obtained forgiveness of sin and reconciliation with God for the sake of love or through love. Just as we do not obtain forgiveness of sins for the sake of other works that follow, but through faith alone. For no one can grasp the promise of God by works, but only by faith. And faith really, or fides proprie dicta, is when my heart and the Holy Spirit in my heart say to me: The promise of God is true.

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God is true and yes. Scripture speaks of the same faith. And because faith, before we do or work anything, only gives and receives, faith is counted to us for righteousness, as it was to Abraham before we loved, before we did the law or any work.

160 Although it is true that fruit and work do not remain outside, and faith is not a mere bad knowledge of history, but a new light in the heart and powerful work of the Holy Spirit, through which we are born again, through which the frightened consciences are restored and gain life. And because faith alone obtains forgiveness of sin and makes us pleasing to God, it brings with it the Holy Spirit, and should be called gratia gratum faciens, that is, the grace that makes pleasing, rather than the love that follows.

161 Until now, we have abundantly indicated from the sayings of the fathers and the Scriptures, so that this matter would be quite clear, that we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith alone for Christ's sake, and that we are justified through faith alone, that is, we are born again from unrighteousness, holy and new. Pious hearts, however, see here and realize how utterly superfluous this doctrine of faith is. For through it alone one learns to recognize Christ and his good deeds, and through the doctrine alone do hearts and consciences find a certain peace and comfort. For if there is to be a Christian church, if there is to be Christian faith, there must be preaching and teaching in it, so that the consciences are not built on a delusion or on a foundation of sand, but on which they can safely rely and trust.

For this reason the adversaries are truly unfaithful bishops, unfaithful preachers and doctors, have until now advised the consciences evil, and still advise them evil, that they lead such teaching, since they leave the people in doubt, uncertain and hanging, 1) whether they attain forgiveness of sin or not. For how is it possible that those who have not heard or do not know this necessary doctrine of Christ, who are still wavering and in doubt as to whether they have forgiveness of sin or not, should remain in mortal peril and in final straits and anxieties? If there is to be a Christian church, then the gospel of Christ must remain in the church, namely this divine promise that sins are forgiven us without merit for Christ's sake. The same holy gospel is expressed by those who

  1. So the Jena people. Müller: "bangen". In Latin only: (üGitnrk.

among those who teach nothing at all of the faith we are talking about.

Now the scholastics do not teach one word, not one tittle of faith, which is terrible to hear; they are followed by our adversaries, who reject this supreme doctrine of faith, and are so obdurate and blind that they do not see that they are trampling underfoot the whole gospel, the divine promise of the forgiveness of sin, and the whole of Christ.

(Article III.) Of love, and fulfillment of the law.

164 The adversaries accuse us of this saying: "If you want to live forever, keep the commandments of God"; item, Rom. 2:13: "Not those who hear the law will be righteous, but those who do the law"; and many other such things about the law and works. Now, before we answer this, we must speak of love, and what we think of the fulfillment of the law.

It is written in the prophet Jer. 31:33, "I will put my law in their hearts." And Rom. 3,31. Paul says: "We do not abolish the law by faith, but establish the law." Item, Christ says Luc. 10:28., "If thou wilt live forever, keep the commandments." Item, to the Corinthians Paul says, "If I have not love, I am nothing" 1 Cor. 13:2. These and similar sayings indicate that we are to keep the law when we have been justified by faith, and thus the longer the more we increase in the spirit. But we are not speaking here of ceremonies of Moses, but of the ten commandments, which demand of us that we should rightly fear and love God from the bottom of our hearts. Since faith brings with it the Holy Spirit, and works a new light and life in the heart, it is certain and necessary that faith renews and changes the heart. And what kind of change of heart this is, the prophet indicates, when he says: "I will put my law into their hearts.

When we are born again through faith and have recognized that God wants to be merciful to us, wants to be our Father and helper, we begin to fear God, to love Him, to thank Him, to praise Him, to ask and wait for all help from Him, and to be obedient to Him even in tribulations. We then also begin to love our neighbor. Inwardly, through the Spirit of Christ, there is a new heart, mind and spirit. All this cannot happen before we are justified by faith, before we are born again.

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are born through the Holy Spirit. For first of all, no one can keep the law without the knowledge of Christ, and no one can fulfill the law without the Holy Spirit. But we cannot receive the Holy Spirit except by faith, as Paul says to the Galatians in Galatians 3, v. 14, that we receive the promise of the Spirit through faith.

Item: It is impossible for a man's heart to love God through the law or its work alone. For the law alone shows God's wrath and severity Rom. 4, 15. The law accuses us and shows how he will punish sins so terribly, both with temporal and eternal punishments. Therefore, what the scholastics speak of the love of God is a dream, and it is impossible to love God before we recognize and grasp mercy through faith. For only then does God become objectum amabile, a lovely, blissful sight.

  1. Although reason is able to lead an honorable life and do outward works of the law without Christ, without the Holy Spirit of innate light, it is nevertheless certain, as indicated above, that the highest parts of the divine law, as turning the whole heart to God and esteeming Him great with the whole heart, which is required in the first table and in the first, highest commandment, no one is able to do without the Holy Spirit.

But our opponents are good, crude, lazy, inexperienced theologians; they only look at the other table of Moses and the works of the same. But the first table, where the highest theology is located, since it is all in order, they pay no attention at all; indeed, the same highest, holiest, greatest, noblest commandment, which surpasses all human and angelic understanding, which concerns the highest service of God, the Godhead itself and the honor of the eternal majesty, since God commands that we should warmly consider, fear and love Him as Lord and God, they consider so little, so small, as if it did not belong to the theology.

  1. but Christ is presented to us so that for his sake sins are forgiven us and the Holy Spirit is given to us, who works in us a new light and eternal life, eternal righteousness, so that he shows us Christ in our hearts, as John 16:15 is written: "He will take of mine and proclaim it to you. Item, he also works other gifts, love, thanksgiving, chastity, patience 2c. Therefore no one can fulfill the law without the Holy Spirit. Therefore Paul says Rom. 3:31, "We establish the law by faith," and do not do away with it; for in this way

nly when the Holy Spirit is given to us do we fulfill and keep the law.

And Paul 2 Cor. 3:15 f. says that the covering of the face of Moses cannot be removed, but only through faith in the Lord Christ, through whom the Holy Spirit is given. For thus he says: "Until this day, when Moses is read, the covering is over their hearts; but when they turn to the Lord, the covering is taken away. For the Lord is a spirit. But where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." Paul calls the covering the human thought and delusion of ten commandments and ceremonies, namely that the hypocrites want to think that the law can be fulfilled and kept by outward works, and as if the sacrifices, item, all kinds of worship ex opere operato make someone righteous before God. But when the covering is removed from the heart, that is, the error and delusion is taken away, when God shows us our sorrow in the heart and makes us feel God's wrath and our sin. Only then do we realize how far and distant we are from the law; only then do we realize how secure and blinded all people are, how they do not fear God, in sum, how they do not believe that God created heaven, earth and all creatures, preserves our breath and life and the whole creature every hour, and protects us against Satan. Only then do we learn that unbelief, certainty and contempt for God are so deeply hidden in us. Only then do we learn that we are so weak, or do not believe at all, that God forgives sin, that He hears prayer 2c. When we hear the Word and the Gospel, and by faith know Christ, we receive the Holy Spirit, so that we may think rightly of God, fear Him, believe Him 2c.

172 In this it is sufficiently shown that we cannot keep God's law without faith, without Christ, without the Holy Spirit. Therefore we also say that one must keep the law, and every believer begins to keep it, and increases the longer the more in love and fear of God, which is rightly fulfilling God's commandment. And when we speak of keeping the law or of good works, we understand both, the good heart inwardly and the works outwardly.

For this reason, the adversaries do us an injustice by blaming us for not teaching good works, when we not only say that one must do good works, but also actually say how the heart must be, so that they are not loose, deaf, cold hypocritical works. Experience teaches that the hypocrites, even though they are under the impression that they do not do good works, out of

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They are not able to keep the law with their strength, nor do they prove it with deeds. For how fine they are without hatred, envy, strife, wrath, anger, avarice, adultery, etc., so that nowhere are the vices greater than in monasteries and convents. All human powers are far too weak for the devil to resist his cunning and strength of his own ability, which imprisons all those who are not redeemed by Christ. It must be divine strength and Christ's resurrection that overcomes the devil. And if we know that we are made partakers of Christ's strength, of His victory through faith, we can, on the promise that we have, ask God to protect and govern us by His Spirit's strength, so that the devil does not overthrow us or overthrow us; otherwise we would fall into error and terrible vices every hour.

For this reason Paul does not say of us, but of Christ, "He has led captivity captive," Eph. 4:8. For Christ overcame the devil, and through the gospel promised the Holy Spirit, that by the help of Him we also might overcome all evil. And 1 John 3:8 is written, "For this purpose the Son of God appeared, that he might destroy the works of the devil."

    1. We teach not only how to keep the law, but also how to please God in all that we do. Namely, not that we can keep the law perfectly and purely in this life, but that we are in Christ, as we will say hereafter. So it is certain that ours also teach rightly of good works. And we add that it is impossible for true faith, which comforts the heart and receives forgiveness of sin, to be without the love of God. For through Christ one comes to the Father. And if we are reconciled to God through Christ, then we believe and conclude in our hearts that a true God lives and exists; that we have a Father in heaven who always looks upon us, who is to be feared, who is to be loved for such unspeakable good deeds, to whom we should always give heartfelt thanks and praise, who hears our prayers and also our longings and sighs; as John says in his first epistle, 1 John 4:19: "We love God. 4, 19: "We love him, because he loved us first." We, namely, because he gave his Son for us and forgave us our sins. John indicates enough that faith goes first and love follows.
  1. item, this faith is in those who have right
  1. Müller: "Therefore". The Jena has our reading, which is confirmed by the Latin: uon üoe tuntum.

Repentance is when a frightened conscience feels God's wrath and sin and seeks forgiveness of sin and grace. And it is in such terror, in such anguish and distress, that faith first proves itself, and must therefore be proven 2) and increase. Therefore faith cannot be in carnal, secure people who live according to the lust and will of the flesh. For so Paul says in Romans 8:1: "There is therefore nothing condemnable in them which are in Christ, who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. Item, v. 12, 13: "Therefore we are debtors, not to the flesh, in that we live after the flesh. For if ye live after the flesh, ye shall die: but if ye by the spirit of the flesh kill business, ye shall live." Therefore, faith, which is only in the hearts and consciences of those who are heartily sorry for their sins, cannot at the same time be next to mortal sin, as the adversaries teach. Neither can it be in those who live carnally according to the world, according to the will of Satan and the flesh.

From these fruits and works of faith, the adversaries believe only one thing, namely love, and teach that love makes one righteous before God. So they are nothing else than preachers of works and teachers of the law. They do not first teach that we attain forgiveness of sin through faith. They do not teach anything about the mediator Christ, that through him we attain a gracious God, but speak of our love and our works, and yet do not say what kind of love it is, nor can they say.

They boast that they can fulfill or keep the law, when the honor belongs to no one but Christ; and so they hold their own work against God's judgment, saying that they deserve grace and eternal life. This is a completely vain and ungodly trust in one's own works. For in this life even Christians and saints 3) cannot fully keep God's law; for evil inclinations and lusts always remain in us, even though the Holy Spirit resists them.

But someone among them might ask: If we ourselves confess that love is a fruit of the Spirit, and if love is nevertheless called a holy work and the fulfillment of the Law, why do we not teach that it makes us righteous before God?

  1. Müller: "bewahrt". Jenaer: "bewert". In Latin: eonürmari. Therefore, we have adopted the latter reading.
  2. Müller: "the saints". In Latin only: non PO88UMU8.

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180 Answer: First, it is certain that we do not receive forgiveness of sin through love or for love's sake, but only through faith for Christ's sake. For only faith in the heart sees God's promise, and only faith is the assurance that the heart is certain that God is merciful, that Christ did not die in vain 2c. And the same faith alone overcomes the terror of death and sin. For whoever still wavers or doubts whether his sins are forgiven, does not trust in God, and despises Christ, because he considers his sin greater and stronger than the death and blood of Christ, even though Paul says in Romans 5:20 that grace is mightier than sin, that is, more powerful, richer and stronger.

181 Therefore, if anyone thinks that he will obtain forgiveness of sin because he has love, he dishonors and defiles Christ, and in the end, when he stands before God's judgment, he will find that such confidence is in vain; therefore it is certain that faith alone makes one righteous. And just as we do not obtain forgiveness of sin by other good works and virtues than for patience, chastity, obedience to authority, and yet the virtues follow where there is faith; so also we do not receive forgiveness of sin for the love of God 1); although it does not remain outside where this faith is.

  1. But when Christ says in Luke 7:47, "Her sins will be forgiven much, because she has loved much," Christ himself interprets his word by saying, "Your faith has helped you. And Christ does not want the woman to have earned forgiveness of sin through the work of love; therefore he clearly says, "Your faith has helped you." Now this is the faith that relies on God's mercy and word, not on its own works. And if anyone thinks that faith can rely on God and its own works at the same time, he certainly does not understand what faith is. For a frightened conscience is not satisfied by its own works, but must cry out for mercy, and can only be comforted and uplifted by God's word. And history itself shows in this place what Christ calls love. The woman comes to Christ with the confidence that she will obtain forgiveness of sin from him; that is to say, to truly recognize and honor Christ. For greater honor can be
  2. That is, for the sake of the love we have for God. Because this expression was misunderstood, in the old edition the preceding "not" is omitted. Cf. § 395.

Do not do this to Christ. For this is called truly knowing Messiah or Christ, seeking forgiveness of sin from him. To hold the same of Christ, that is, to recognize and accept Christ, is to truly believe in Christ.

183 Now Christ used this word, when he said, "She loved much," not when he spoke to the woman, but when he spoke to the Pharisee. For the Lord Christ holds up against each other all the honor that the Pharisee did to him, with the offering and works that the woman showed him. He punishes the Pharisee for not recognizing him as Christ, even though he honored him outwardly as a guest and a devout holy man. But the service of women, that they recognize their sin and seek forgiveness from Christ, this service Christ praises. And it is a great example that moved Christ to punish the Pharisee as a wise and honest man who does not believe in him. He reproaches him for unbelief and admonishes him by the example. As if to say, "You should be ashamed, you Pharisee, that you are so blind as not to recognize me as Christ and Messiah, if you are a teacher of the law, and the woman, who is an unlearned poor woman, recognizes me.

184 Therefore he praises not only love, but the whole cultum or worship, faith with its fruits, and yet calls it fruit before the Pharisee. For faith in the heart cannot be shown and signified to others except by the fruits, which prove faith in the heart before men. Therefore Christ does not want love and works to be the treasure by which sins are paid for, which is Christ's blood. Therefore this controversy is about a high and important matter, since pious hearts and consciences have their highest, most certain, eternal comfort in Christ, whether we should trust in the merit of Christ or in our works. For if we trust in our works, Christ is deprived of his glory, Christ is not the reconciler nor the mediator, and we will finally learn that such trust is in vain, and that consciences only fall into despair because of it. For if we do not obtain forgiveness of sin and reconciliation with God through Christ without merit, no one will have forgiveness of sin unless he has kept the whole law. For the law makes no one righteous before God as long as it accuses us. Now no one can boast that he has done enough for the law. That is why we must seek comfort elsewhere, namely in Christ.

1168 Section 6: Apology of the Augsburg Cons. Cons. No. 1030. W. xvi, 1398-1401. H6A

Now let us answer the question we posed above: why love or dilectio does not make anyone righteous before God. The adversaries think that love is the fulfillment of the law, so it would be true that love makes us righteous if we keep the law. But who may truthfully say or boast that he keeps the law and loves God as the law commands? We have shown above that this is why God has made the promise of grace, so that we cannot keep the law. That is why Paul says everywhere that we cannot be justified before God by the law.

The adversaries must be far off the mark here, and must be mistaken about the main question, for they regard only the law in this matter. For all human reason and wisdom cannot judge otherwise than that one must become godly by laws, and he who outwardly keeps the law is holy and godly. But the gospel moves us around and directs us from the law to the divine promises, and teaches that we are not justified by the law, for no one can keep it, but by the fact that reconciliation is given to us for Christ's sake, and this we receive through faith alone. For before we fulfill any part of the law, there must first be faith in Christ, through which we are reconciled to God and first receive forgiveness of sin. Dear Lord God, how can people call themselves Christians, or say that they have ever looked at or read the books of the Gospels, who dispute the fact that we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith in Christ? Is it terrible for a Christian man to hear this alone?

187 Secondly, it is certain that even those who are born again through faith and the Holy Spirit are still not pure as long as this life lasts, nor do they fully keep the law. For although they have received the firstfruits of the Spirit, and although the new, even eternal life has begun in them, there still remains something of sin and evil desire, and the law still finds much to accuse us of. Therefore, although love of God and good works should and must be in Christians, they are not righteous before God for the sake of their works, but for the sake of Christ through faith. And trusting in one's own fulfillment of the law is vain idolatry and blasphemy of Christ, and yet falls away in the end, and causes consciences to despair.

188 Therefore let this foundation stand firm, that we may please God for Christ's sake.

and are justified by faith, not because of our love and works. Let us therefore make this clear and certain, that it may be grasped.

(189) As long as the heart is not at peace with God, it cannot be righteous. For it flies in the face of God's wrath and despairs, wanting God not to judge; therefore, the heart cannot be righteous and pleasing to God unless it has peace with God. Now faith alone makes the heart satisfied, and obtains peace and life, Rom. 5:1, if it confidently and freely relies on God's promise for Christ's sake. But our works do not bring the heart to peace. For we always find that they are not pure. Therefore it must follow that we are pleasing and righteous to God through faith alone, if we conclude in our hearts that God will be gracious to us, not because of our works and fulfillment of the law, but out of pure grace for Christ's sake.

What can the adversaries raise against this reason? What can they invent or devise against the public truth? For this is ever certain, and experience teaches it strongly enough, that when we feel God's judgment and wrath rightly or come under challenge, our works or worship cannot quiet the conscience. And the Scriptures indicate this often enough, as in the 143rd Psalm, v. 2: "Thou wilt not enter into judgment with thy servant, for before thee none that liveth shall be just." There he clearly indicates that all saints, all godly children of God, who have the Holy Spirit, if God does not want to forgive their sin by grace, still have remaining sin in the flesh. For when David says in another place Ps. 7:9, "Lord, judge me according to my righteousness," he is speaking of his own cause, not of his own righteousness, but asks that God protect his cause and his word, as he says, "Judge my cause. Again in the 130th Psalm, v. 3, he clearly says that no one, not even the highest saints, can bear God's judgment, if he will take heed to iniquity, as he says: "If you will take heed to iniquity, O Lord, who will stand?" And so Job says on the 9th, v. 28 Vulg., "I am astonished at all my works." Item, v. 30. f.: "Though I were washed white as snow, and though my hands shone with purity, yet shalt thou find uncleanness in me." And in Proverbs of Solomon Cap. 20, 9., "Who can say my heart is pure?" And 1 John 1:8: "If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us." Item, in the Lord's Prayer also the

1170 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1101-1403. 147f

Saints: "Forgive us our trespasses"; therefore also the saints have trespasses and sins. Item, in the 4th book of Moses 14, 18 .: "Even the innocent will not be innocent." And Zechariah the prophet says in 2 Cap. v. 13: "Let all flesh be silent before the Lord." And Isaiah says Cap. 40, 6., "All flesh is grass," that is, the flesh and all righteousness, as we are able, cannot bear God's judgment. And Jonah says in the other chapter, v. 9: "Those who are vain in vanity forsake mercy." Therefore, mercy sustains us; our own works, merit and fortune cannot help us.

191 These sayings and the like in Scripture indicate that our works are unclean, and that we are in need of grace and mercy. Therefore, works do not satisfy consciences, but only mercy, which we take by faith.

Thirdly, Christ nevertheless remains the only Mediator and Reconciler before and after we are thus born anew in him. Therefore those are mistaken who say that Christ alone earns us primam gratiam, or the first grace, and that afterwards we must earn eternal life by our own works and merit. For He remains the only Mediator, and we are to be certain that for His sake alone we have a gracious God, even though we are unworthy of it, as Paul says Rom. 5:2: "Through Him we have access to God." For our best works, even after we have received the grace of the Gospel (as I said), are still weak and not pure. For it is not such a bad thing about sin and Adam's fall as reason thinks or imagines, and it is beyond all human understanding and thought what terrible wrath God has bequeathed upon us through disobedience, and even a terrible corruption has happened to the whole of human nature, which no works of man but God Himself alone can bring back. Therefore the Psalm P2, 1. says: "Blessed are those whose sins are forgiven." Therefore we may have grace, and God's gracious kindness, and forgiveness of sins, if we have done as many good works. But this grace can be grasped only through faith. So Christ alone remains the high priest and mediator, and what good we do or what we keep of the law is not pleasing to God for Himself, but that we hold to Christ and know that we have a gracious God, not for the sake of the law, but for the sake of Christ.

  1. fourth. If we held that, when we have come to the gospel and are born again, we should afterwards merit by our works that God would be gracious to us henceforth, not by faith, then the conscience would never come to rest, but would have to despair. For the law accuses us without ceasing, because we cannot fully keep it, 2c. as the whole holy Christian church and all the saints have always confessed and still confess. For so Paul says to the Romans on the 7th, v. 19: "The good that I want I do not do, but the evil that I do not want I do" 2c. Item v. 25.: "With the flesh I serve the law of sins" 2c. For there is no one who fears and loves God the Lord as wholeheartedly as he is guilty, no one who bears the cross and tribulations in complete obedience to God, no one who does not often doubt through weakness whether God will take care of us, whether he will respect us, whether he will hear our prayer. Because of this we often grumble against God out of impatience, that it is good for the wicked and bad for the pious. Who is he who does what is right for his profession, who does not rage against God in temptations when God hides Himself? Who loves his neighbor as himself? Who is without all kinds of evil lusts? Of the sins of all, Psalm s32:6 says: "For this all the saints will ask in due time." There he says that all saints must ask for forgiveness of sin.

194 Therefore, those are blind as blind who do not consider the evil desires in the flesh to be sin, of which Paul says: "The flesh strives against the spirit, and the spirit strives against the flesh. For the flesh does not trust in God, relies on this world and temporal goods, seeks human comfort and help in tribulations, even against God's will, doubts God's grace and help, murmurs against God in the cross and temptations; all of which is against God's command. Against the sin of Adam the Holy Spirit strives and strives in the hearts of the saints, so that he fights out and kills the poison of the old Adam, the evil, desperate way, and brings a different mind and courage into the heart.

And Augustine also says: "We keep all the commandments of God when all that we do not keep is forgiven us. Therefore, Augustine wants even the good works that the Holy Spirit works in us to please God in no other way than that we believe that we are pleasing to God for Christ's sake, not that they should please God in themselves.

196 And Jerome says against Pelagium: Then we are righteous if we consider ourselves sinners.

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and our righteousness is not in our merit, but in God's mercy. Therefore, even though we are rich in good works and have begun to keep God's law, as Paul did when he preached faithfully, 2c., there must still be faith by which we trust that God is merciful and reconciled to us for Christ's sake and not for our works. For mercy cannot be grasped except by faith alone. Therefore, those who teach that we become pleasing to God because of works, not because of Christ, lead consciences into despair.

From all this it is clear enough that faith alone makes us righteous before God; that is, it obtains forgiveness of sins and grace for Christ's sake and brings us to a new birth. Item, it is clear enough that we receive the Holy Spirit through faith alone. Item, that our works, and since we began to keep the law, are not pleasing to God in Himself. Therefore, even if I am full of good works, as Paul and Peter were, I must still seek my righteousness elsewhere, namely, in the promise of Christ's grace, item, if faith alone satisfies the conscience, then it must always be certain that faith alone makes us righteous before God. For we must always remain true to this, if we want to teach correctly that we are pleasing to God not because of the law, not because of works, but because of Christ. For the glory due to Christ is not to be given to the law or to our wretched works.

Response to the arguments of the opponents.

(198) Now that we have shown the proper grounds of this matter, namely, the difference between the divine promise and the law, it is easy to disregard what the opponents say against it. For they introduce sayings about the law and good works, but they leave out the sayings that speak of divine promise. But a brief answer can be given to all the sayings they introduce about the law, namely, that no one can keep the law without Christ, and even if outward good works are done without Christ, God is not pleased with the person for that reason. Therefore, if one wants to teach or preach about good works, one should always add that there must first be faith, and that they are pleasing to God only because of faith in Christ, and that they are fruits and testimonies of faith.

This doctrine of ours is ever clear, it can also be seen in the light and against the holy Scriptures.

and is also clearly and correctly presented here, whoever wants to let him be told and not knowingly deny the truth. For in order to recognize Christ's good deeds and the great treasure of the gospel (which Paul exalts so highly), we must separate God's promise and grace offered on one side and the law on the other as far apart as heaven and earth. In dilapidated matters, much gloss is needed, but in good matters, there is always one or two solutios that go well, and resolve everything that one would think to oppose. So here in this matter, this one solutio resolves all the sayings that are raised against us, namely: that one cannot do the law rightly without Christ, and even if outward works are done, that God does not please the person apart from Christ. For we confess that the Scriptures teach these two doctrines: the law and the promise of grace.

200 But the adversaries tread badly underfoot the whole gospel and all the promises of grace in Christ, teaching 1) that we obtain forgiveness of sins because of our love and works, and not through faith. For if God's grace and help toward us is based on our works, it is not at all certain. For we can never be sure if we do works enough, or if the works are holy or pure enough; so also the forgiveness of sins is uncertain, and God's promise is lost, as Paul says Rom. 4:14: The divine promise is then overthrown, and everything is uncertain. Therefore we teach hearts and consciences to be comforted by the same promise of God, which stands firm, offering grace and forgiveness of sins for Christ's sake, not for our works.

  1. After this we also teach about good works and the law; not that we earn forgiveness of sin through the law, or that we are pleasing to God because of the law, but that God wants good works. For one must (as Paul says 2 Tim. 2, 15.) rightly cut and divide God's word; the law in one place, the promise of God in another. One must see how the Scripture speaks of the promise, how it speaks of the law. For the Scriptures praise and commend good works in this way, yet they still place God's promise and the right treasure, Christ, a thousand times higher.

For good works should and must be done, for God wants them; so they are fruits of the Lord.

  1. Müller: "so they teach". In Latin: qnnm (loetznt. The Jena has our reading.

1174 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1406-1109. 1175

faith, as Paul says in Eph. 2, 10: "For we were created in Christ Jesus for good works. Therefore good works should follow faith, as thanksgivings to God; item, that faith may be exercised, grow and increase thereby, and that through our confession and good conduct others may also be reminded. Thus Paul says Rom. 4:11 that Abraham received circumcision, not that he was justified because of the work, but that he had a sign in his body by which he was reminded and always increased in faith; item, that he confessed his faith before others, and by his testimony also provoked others to believe. Thus Abel by faith offered a pleasing sacrifice to God Genesis 4:4. For the sacrifice did not please God ex opere operato, but Abel certainly believed that he had a gracious God. But the work he did was to exercise his faith and to provoke others to believe by his example and confession.

(203) If then, and not otherwise, good works should follow faith, those who do not believe that sins are forgiven them without merit for Christ's sake, do their works much differently. For when they see good works in the saints, they judge the saints humanly; they want to think that the saints have obtained forgiveness of sins by their works, or have been justified before God by works. Therefore, they imitate them and think that they also want to obtain forgiveness of sins and appease God's wrath.

We condemn such public error and false doctrine of works. First, that by it the honor of Christ, the true Mediator, is taken away, and is given to wretched works, if we want to present our works in Christ's stead as a treasure and propitiation of divine wrath and sin. For the glory belongs to Christ alone, not to our wretched works.

Secondly, the consciences do not find peace in such works. For even if they do many works and make an effort to do them, there is no work that is pure enough, important enough, delicious enough, to make God gracious, to obtain eternal life with certainty, in sum, to make the conscience calm and peaceful.

(206) For the third, those who build on works never come to know God rightly, nor His will. For a conscience that doubts God's grace cannot believe that it will be heard, and because it cannot call upon God,

it will also not be aware of divine help, and thus cannot come to know God. But if there is faith, namely that we have a gracious God through Christ, he may cheerfully call upon God and learn to know God and His will.

But the error of the works sticks to the world very hard. The heathen also have sacrifices, which originated with the patriarchs. They followed the same sacrifices and works of the fathers; they did not know about faith, but thought that these works made them a gracious God. The Israelites also invented works and sacrifices for them, thinking that they would thereby make a gracious God through their opus operatum, that is, through the mere work that was done without faith. There we see how vehemently the prophets cry out and shout against this, as in the 50th Psalm, v. 8: "Because of your sacrifice I do not punish you" 2c. Item, Jeremiah says ^Cap. 7, 22.], "I have not spoken to your fathers of burnt offerings." There the prophets do not condemn the sacrifices in themselves, for God commanded them as an outward practice in the same people, but they hit primarily their godless heart, since they did the sacrifices in the opinion that they thought God would thereby be reconciled ex opere operato; thereby the faith was suppressed.

And since no work satisfies the conscience, the hypocrites, on a blind guess and venture, nevertheless invent one work over the other, one sacrifice over the other, and all without God's word and command, with an evil conscience, as we have seen in the papacy. And they are especially moved by the examples of the saints; for when they follow them in this way, they think they want to obtain forgiveness of sin, as the saints obtained 2c. But the saints believed.

The people of Israel saw that the prophets sacrificed on the high places and in the groves; they imitated the work of atoning for God's wrath through the work. The prophets had sacrificed there, not to earn forgiveness of sin by the works, but to preach and teach in the places; therefore they did the sacrifices as a testimony of their faith.

210 Now the people had heard that Abraham had sacrificed his son: so that they also might do works that were grievous and sore to them, they also sacrificed their sons. But Abraham was not of the opinion to sacrifice his son, that this should be an atonement, by which he would be justified before God 2c.

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In the church, Christ instituted the Lord's Supper, in which forgiveness of sin is offered by divine promise, so that we are reminded that our faith is started by the outward sign, that we thereby also confess our faith before the people, and praise and preach the benefits of Christ, as Paul says 1 Cor. 11:26: "As often as you do this, you shall proclaim the death of the Lord. The opponents, however, pretend that the mass is such a work that ex opere operato makes us righteous before God, and redeems those from chastisement and guilt for whom it is done.

St. Anthony, St. Bernard, St. Dominic, and other saints did themselves by a life of their own, so that they could read the Holy Scriptures more easily, or for the sake of other exercises. Nevertheless, they maintained that they were righteous before God through faith in Christ, that they obtained a gracious God through Christ alone. But the great multitude subsequently came, abandoned faith in Christ, looked only to the examples without faith, and undertook to obtain forgiveness of sin through the same monastic works. Thus reason always places good works too high and in an unjust place. The Gospel challenges this error and teaches that we are justified before God, not because of the law or our works, but solely because of Christ. Christ cannot be grasped but by faith alone, so we are justified before God by faith alone.

In contrast, the opponents draw on Paul's saying to the Corinthians on the 13th, v. 2: "If I had all faith, 2c. but had not love, I would be nothing. There the adversaries shout with a great triumph and boast that they are certain through this saying that not only faith makes us righteous before God, but also love. But it is quite easy to answer after we have stated above what we think of love and works. In this saying, Paul wants Christians to have love for their neighbor. We also say this. For we have said above that when we are born again, we are to keep the law and be obedient to God's laws. Therefore, if someone neglects Christian love, even if he had great, strong faith, he has become cold, and is now carnal again, without spirit and faith; for there is not the Holy Spirit where there is not Christian love and other good fruits.

But it does not follow that love makes us righteous before God, that is, that we therefore obtain forgiveness of sin through love, that love overcomes the terror of sin and death, that love should be held in Christ's stead against God's wrath and judgment, that love fulfills the law, that we become reconciled and pleasing to God through love, and not for the sake of Christ. Paul says nothing about all this, and yet the opponents invent it from their brains.

For if we overcome God's wrath through our love, if we are pleasing to God through our law-keeping, the adversaries may also say that the divine promise, the whole gospel, is nothing. For this teaches that we have access to God through Christ alone, that we are pleasing to God not through our law-keeping, but for the sake of Christ, as the only Mediator and Reconciler.

216 The adversaries point out many sayings to their opinion, which are not so; but they add to them, as here. For this saying is clear enough, if only the adversaries did not add their own dreams outside the Scriptures, so that they do not understand what faith is, what Christ is, or how it happens when a man is justified before God.

217 The Corinthians and some of them had heard the gospel and received many excellent gifts, 1) and as it happens in such matters, in the beginning they were hot-tempered and brave in all things; after that, divisions and sects grew up among them, as Paul indicates; they began to despise the true apostles. Therefore Paul punishes them and reminds them to unity and Christian love. And Paul does not speak in this place of forgiveness of sin or how to become righteous before God, or how it happens when a sinner is converted to Christ, but speaks of the fruits of faith; he also does not speak of love toward God, but of love toward the neighbor.

Now it is almost foolish that love for one's neighbor, by which we deal with people here on earth, should make us righteous before God, when the righteousness that is valid before God includes this, that we obtain something by which God's wrath is quenched and the conscience against God in heaven comes to peace. He who has no

  1. This is how all editions read, but it seems to us that the text is corrupted, and according to the Latin it should be read this way: The Corinthians heard the gospel, and some of them, who had been justified before, had received many excellent gifts 2c.

1178 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi. nn-nn. 1179

is through love, but only through faith, by which one grasps Christ and God's promise.

219 But it is true that he who forsakes love forsakes the spirit and the faith. And so Paul says: "If I do not have love, I am nothing" 1 Cor. 13:2. But he does not add the affirmative, that love makes one righteous before God.

But here they also say that love is preferred to faith and hope, for Paul says in 1 Cor. 13:13: "Love is the greatest of the three. Now it is to be considered that virtue, which Paul calls the greatest, makes us righteous and holy before God. Although Paul is actually speaking of love for one's neighbor, and when he says, "Love is the greatest," he says it because love goes far and bears much fruit on earth. For faith and hope deal with God alone. But love goes about on earth among people, and does much good, with comforting, teaching, instructing, helping, counseling, secretly and publicly. But let us admit that loving God and one's neighbor is the highest virtue. For this is the highest commandment: "You shall love God with all your heart. It does not follow that love makes us righteous.

Yes, they say, the highest virtue shall make just. Answer: It would be true if, for the sake of our! It would be true if we had a gracious God for the sake of our virtue. Now it is proved above that we are pleasing and righteous for the sake of Christ, not for the sake of our virtue. For our virtues are impure. Yes, as this law is the highest: "Thou shalt love GOD," so this virtue, loving GOD, can least of all make one righteous. For if the law and virtue are higher, so that we can do less, we are not righteous for love's sake; but faith makes righteous, not for our doing, but only because it seeks and receives mercy, and will not rely on any doing of its own. This is that we teach: The law does not justify, but the gospel does; which is to believe that we have a gracious God for Christ's sake, not for our own doing.

For this reason, the adversaries teach about love in order to reconcile us to God, for they know nothing of the Gospel, but look only at the law, wanting to have a merciful God for the sake of their own holiness, not out of mercy for the sake of Christ. Thus, they are teachers of the law alone, and not teachers of the gospel.

(223) Also, the adversaries use against us the saying to the Colossians Cap. 3, 14: "Love is a bond of perfection. Hence they conclude that love makes us righteous before God, for it makes us perfect. Although we could answer all kinds of questions about perfection here, we want to treat Paul's saying simply.

It is certain that Paul speaks of the love of one's neighbor. Nor should it be thought that Paul's opinion is that we should be justified before God by the works of the other table rather than by the works of the first table. If love is perfection or the complete fulfillment of the law, there is no need for Christ as mediator. But Paul, who teaches in all places that we are pleasing to God because of Christ, not because of our love or our works or law, for no saint (as said above) fulfills the law completely. Therefore, when he writes and teaches in all other places that in this life there is no perfection in our works, it is not to be remembered that he speaks to the Colossians of perfection of the person, but he speaks of unity of the church, and the word by which they interpret perfection means nothing else than to be undivided, that is, to be united. Now that he says, "Love is a bond of perfection," that is, it binds, joins, and holds together the many members of the church under itself. For just as in a city or in a house unity is preserved by the support of one to another, so peace and tranquility cannot remain unless one gives much to another, unless we bear with one another: So Paul wants to admonish Christian love, that one should tolerate and bear the other's faults and infirmities, that they should forgive one another, so that unity may be preserved in the church, so that the cluster of Christians may not be torn apart and divided into all kinds of factions and sects, from which great discord, hatred and envy, all kinds of bitterness and evil poison, and finally public heresy may result. For unity cannot remain if the bishops impose too heavy a burden on the people without any cause. It is also easy for mobs to develop, if the people want to master everything quickly and make a mess of the bishops' or preachers' lives, or if they soon tire of the preachers, for example because of a small ailment, much great evil follows. Then they soon seek other teachers and other preachers out of the same bitterness.

  1. again, perfection is obtained

1180 Section 6: Apology of the Augsburg Conf. Conf. no. 1030. w. xvi, i4i4-i4i6. 1181

and unity, that is, the church remains unbroken and whole, if the strong tolerate and support the weak, if the people also have patience with their preachers, if the bishops and preachers in turn know how to take all kinds of weaknesses and infirmities into account for the people. Much is also written everywhere in the books of philosophers and worldly wise men about the way and manner of keeping unity. For we must forgive one another many things and consider them good, for the sake of unity. And Paul speaks of this more than in one place. Therefore the adversaries do not rightly conclude that love should make one righteous before God, for Paul does not speak of the perfection or holiness of persons, as they suppose, but says that love makes a quiet being in the church. And so Ambrose also interprets the saying: Just as a building is whole when all the pieces are joined together 2c.

226 But the adversaries should also be ashamed that they write and preach so excellently about love, and write and shout love, love in all their books, and show no love at all. For what a beautiful Christian love is this, that they, by their outrageous tyranny, cut and tear asunder the unity of the church, so that they, in order to let nothing but blood letters and tyrannical commandments go forth, would gladly imagine the most ridiculous things to the most noble emperor. They strangle the priests, and many other pious, honest people, for no other reason than that they alone contest public, shameful abuses. They would like to see all those dead who speak out against their ungodly teachings. All this rhymes very badly with the great boast of love, of caritas 2c. For if there were a drop of love in the adversaries, peace and unity could well be made in the church, if they would not thus, out of pure revengeful bitterness and Pharisaic envy against the recognized truth, despise their human statutes, which are of no use for Christian doctrine or life, especially if they themselves do not keep their statutes right.

227 From the apostle Peter they also draw the saying, when he says: "Love covers the multitude of sins. Now it is certain that Peter is also speaking of love for one's neighbor, for he is speaking of the commandment of love, where it is commanded that we love one another. So it never occurred to any apostle that love should overcome death or sin, that love should be a reconciliation without the mediator Christ, that love should be our righteousness without the reconciler Christ. For love, if

If we have it already, it is nothing more than the righteousness of the law; it is not Christ, through whom alone we are justified, if we believe that for the sake of the Mediator the Father is gracious to us, that his merit may be given to us. For this reason Peter shortly before admonishes us to cleave to Christ, that we may be built upon him as the cornerstone. For he says, "He that believeth on him shall not be put to shame." With our works and lives, we will truly stand before God's judgment and face with shame. But faith, through which Christ becomes ours, delivers us from such terrors of death. For through the promise we are quite sure that sin is forgiven us through Christ.

And the word 1 Petr. 4, 8: "Love covers the multitude of sins" 2c. is taken from the Proverbs of Solomon, where he says: "Hatred causes strife, but love covers the multitude of sins. The text itself clearly shows that he is speaking of love for one's neighbor and not of love for God. And he wants the same thing that Paul's next saying to the Colossians says, namely, that we should be diligent to live in a brotherly, friendly manner, so that one may do much to benefit the other, that unpleasure and discord may be avoided. As if he were saying, "Discord grows out of hatred," as we see that from a small spark there is often great fire.

229 There were not so great things, about which only Caesar and Pompey disagreed, and if one had yielded to the other, the following great war, so much bloodshed, so many great misfortunes and misfortunes would not have come from it. But since everyone wanted to go through with his head, the great unspeakable damage, disruption of the whole Roman regime of the time occurred. And many heresies have arisen from it, that preachers have been embittered on each other.

230 So Peter's saying is to be understood as follows: "Love covers the multitude of sins," that is, love covers the neighbor's sin. That is, even though there is ill will among Christians, love bears all things, gladly overlooks, yields to the neighbor, tolerates and bears his infirmities brotherly, and does not seek all things most fiercely. Peter does not mean that love deserves forgiveness of sin before God, that love reconciles us to God without the mediator Christ, that through love we should be pleasing to God without the mediator Christ, but this is what Peter means: that the one in whom Christian love is, is not obstinate, not hard and unkind, but

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easily hold his neighbor's infirmities and shortcomings, fraternally forgive his neighbor, calm down, teach himself, and soften for the sake of peace, as also teaches the saying: Amici vitia noris, non oderis, that is, I should learn my friend's way, but not hate him (whether it is not all the same) because of it.

And the apostles admonish not without cause to such love, which the philosophers called έπιείχειαν? For if people are to be or remain in unity with one another, whether in the church or also in secular government, they must not count all afflictions against one another on the gold scale, they must let one another pass by almost much with the water and always be kind to one another, as much as also always possible have brotherly patience with one another.

  1. They also use the saying from the apostle Jacob Cap. 2, 24 and say: "Do you see now that we are not justified before God by faith alone, but by works? And they want to think that the saying is almost strong*) against our doctrine. But if the adversaries alone leave their dreams outside, and do not mend what they will, the answer is easy. For the apostle Jacob's saying has its simple meaning, but the adversaries invent that by our works we earn forgiveness of sins, item, that good works are a propitiation by which God is gracious to us, item, that by good works we can overcome the great power of the devil, death and sin, item, that our good works are so pleasing and great in themselves before God that we do not need Christ's mediator. None of these things came into the heart of the apostle Jacob, which the adversaries are obliged to keep by the saying of Jacob.

233 So we must first notice that this saying is more against the adversaries than for them. For the adversaries teach that man becomes righteous and just before God through love and works. They speak nothing of the faith by which we hold to the Mediator Christ. And what is more, they do not want to hear or see anything about faith, and they dare to destroy this doctrine of faith with sword and fire. But Jacob does differently. He does not leave faith outside, but speaks of faith; thus he lets Christ remain the treasure and the mediator, through which we are justified before God, as also Paul, when he sets the summa of the Christian faith, does.

  1. In Müller: "firm, strong". But the Latin shows that the reading of the Jena edition, which we have taken up, is the correct one.

faith, he puts faith and love together, 1 Tim. 1, 5.: "The summa of the law is love out of undyed faith."

234 Second, the matter itself indicates that he is speaking of works that follow faith, for he indicates that faith must not be dead, but alive, vigorous, active, and active in the heart. Therefore Jacobi's opinion was not that we earn grace or forgiveness of sin by works. For he speaks of the works of those who have already been justified by Christ, who have already been reconciled to God, and have obtained forgiveness of sins through Christ. Therefore, the opponents are far wrong if they want to conclude from this saying that we earn grace and forgiveness of sins through good works, or that Jacob wants this, that we have access to God through our works without the mediator and reconciler Christ.

Thirdly, St. James had previously said of the spiritual rebirth that it takes place through the gospel. For so he says in the first chapter, v. 18: "He begat us according to his will, by the word of truth, that we should be the firstfruits of his creation. Therefore, if he says that we are born again through the gospel, he wants us to be justified before God through faith. For the promise of Christ is grasped by faith alone, if we are comforted by it against the terror of death, of sin 2c. Therefore, his opinion is not that we should be born again by our works.

236 From all this it is clear enough that the saying of Jacob is not against us. For he rebukes some lazy Christians who were too sure, making them think they had faith, when they were without faith. Therefore he makes a distinction between living and dead faith. He calls dead faith, if not followed by all kinds of good works and fruits of the spirit, obedience, patience, chastity, love 2c. He calls living faith, where good fruits follow. Now we have often said what we call faith. For we do not call it faith, to know the bad history of Christ, which is also in devils, but the new light and power which the Holy Spirit works in the heart, by which we overcome the terror of death, of sins 2c. This is what we call faith.

237 Such a right Christian faith is not such an easy bad thing as the adversaries want to think, as they say: Believe, believe! how soon can I believe 2c. It is also not a

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It is not a human thought that I can make for myself, but a divine power in the heart, by which I am born again, by which we overcome the great power of the devil and death, as Paul says to Colossians Cap. 2, 12: "In whom also ye are risen through the faith which God worketh" 2c. This faith, because it is a new divine light and life in the heart, through which we get a different mind and courage, is alive, busy and rich in good works.

238 Therefore this is rightly said, that faith is not right which is without works. And though he said that we are justified by faith and works, he does not say that we are born again by works, nor does he say that Christ is half the reconciler, half our works, but he speaks of Christians as they should be, now that they have been born again through the gospel.

For he speaketh of works which must follow after faith, and it is well said, He that hath faith and good works is righteous; yea, not for works, but for Christ's sake through faith. And as a good tree should bear good fruit, and yet the fruit does not make the tree good, so good works must follow after the new birth, even though they do not make man pleasing to God, but as the tree must first be good, so man must first be pleasing to God through faith, for Christ's sake. Works are far too small for God to be gracious to us for their sake, when He would not be gracious to us for Christ's sake.

So Jacob is not contrary to St. Paul, nor does he say that we earn forgiveness of sin by works, nor does he say that our works overcome the power of the devil, death, sin, the horror of shells, and are equal to the death of Christ, nor does he say that we become pleasing to God by works, nor does he say that our works bring hearts to rest and overcome God's wrath, nor that we may not have mercy if we have works; which is not what Jacob says. What an addition the adversaries add to the words of Jacob.

241 They also have more sayings against us than this: Danielis on the 4th, v. 24. the text says: "Redeem your sin with righteousness, and your transgression with almsgiving to the poor." And Isa. 58, 7: "Break thy bread to the hungry." Item, Luc. 6, 37.: "Forgive, and you will be forgiven"; and Matth. 5, 7.: "Blessed are the merciful, for they will obtain mercy."

  1. To these sayings and the like of works we first answer this: namely, that (as we said above) no one can keep the law without faith, so no one can please God without faith in Christ, as He says John 15:5, "Without Me you can do nothing." Item Heb. 11, 6.: "Without faith it is impossible to please God." Item, as Paul says Rom. 5, 2. Eph. 3, 12.: "Through Christ we have access to God by faith." Therefore, as often as Scripture remembers works, it wants the gospel of Christ and faith to be communed with them everywhere.

Secondly, the sayings of Daniel and the others (as now told) are almost all sermons of repentance. First, they preach the law, point out sin, and exhort to repentance and good works. Secondly, there is a promise that God will be merciful. Now it is certain that for a right repentance it is not enough to preach the law alone, for it alone terrifies the conscience, but the gospel must also be added, namely that sins are forgiven without merit, for Christ's sake, that we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith. This is so certain and so clear that if the adversaries dispute it, and separate Christ and faith from repentance, they are rightly considered blasphemers of the gospel and of Christ.

Therefore, the words of the great, high prophet Daniel should not be interpreted and interpreted in terms of mere work, alms, but also in terms of faith. One must not regard the words of the prophets, which were full of faith and spirit, as pagan as Aristotle 1) or any other pagan. Aristotle also admonished Alexandrum that he should not use his power for his own good will, but for the betterment of countries and people. This is right and well written; nothing better can be preached or written about the royal office. But Daniel does not only tell his king about his royal office, but also about repentance, forgiveness of sins, reconciliation against God and about the high, great, spiritual things, which are very high and far above all human thoughts and works. Therefore, his words are not to be understood of works and alms alone, which even a hypocrite can do, but primarily of faith.

  1. but that one must understand faith here, as we speak of, that is, believing that god is sin.
  1. Müller: Aristotle.

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The text itself proves that he forgives through mercy, not because of our merit. First of all, because there are two parts in Daniel's sermon. One is the preaching of the law and punishment, the other is the promise or absolution. Where there is promise, there must be faith. For the promise cannot be received in any other way than that the heart trusts in the word of God and does not consider its own worthiness or unworthiness. For thus the promise reads: Your sins will be healed. This word is a true prophetic and evangelical sermon, for Daniel knew 1) that through the future Seed, Christ, forgiveness of sins, grace and eternal life had been promised not only to the Jews but also to the Gentiles, otherwise he would not have been able to comfort the king in this way. For it is not man's work to promise forgiveness of sins to a frightened conscience and to comfort that God will no longer be angry. Then one must have the testimony of God's will from God's Word, as Daniel knew and understood the great promises of the future Seed. Because he now sets a mission, it is clear and obvious that he demands faith, since we speak of.

246 But that he saith, "Repay thy sin with righteousness, and thy transgression with lovingkindness toward the poor," is a summa of a whole sermon, and is so much as, Correct thyself. And it is true that if we amend ourselves, we are freed from sin. Therefore he says rightly, "Loose thy sin." But it does not follow that we are freed from sin because of our works, or that our works are payment for sin. Nor does Daniel put works alone, but says, "Loose thy sin with righteousness." Now men only know that righteousness in Scripture does not mean outward works alone, but includes faith, as Paul says Rom. 1:17: Justus ex fide vivet, "the righteous lives by faith". Therefore Daniel first demands faith when he calls it righteousness, and says, "Repent of your sin with righteousness," that is, with faith toward God, by which you become righteous. In addition, do good works, namely, wait for your office, do not be a tyrant, but see to it that your rule is useful to the land and people, keep peace and protect the poor against unjust violence. These are princely eleemosynae.

So it is clear that this saying is not contrary to the doctrine of faith. But our contradictions

  1. Müller: "knows"; Jenaer: "wisset"; in Latin: nornt.

The scribes, the rough asses, add their additions to such sayings, namely, that our sins are forgiven us because of our works, and teach to trust in works, when the sayings do not speak thus, but require good works, as it is true that another and better life must be in us; but yet these same works shall not take away Christ's glory.

248 So also to the saying from the Gospel Luc. 6, 37. is to be answered, "Forgive, and you will be forgiven." For it is equal to such a doctrine of repentance. The first part of this saying demands correction and good works. The other part adds the promise, and one should not conclude from this that our forgiving merits ex opere operato forgiveness of sins. For Christ does not say this, but as in other sacraments Christ attaches the promise to the outward sign, so also here he attaches the promise of forgiveness of sins to the outward good works. And just as in the Lord's Supper we do not obtain forgiveness of sins without faith ex opere operato, so also not in this work and our forgiveness, for our forgiveness is also not a good work, unless it comes from those whose sins have already been forgiven beforehand by God in Christ.

Therefore our forgiveness, if it is to please God, must follow after the forgiveness that God forgives us. For Christ used to put the two together, the law and the gospel, both faith and good works, to show that there is no faith unless good works follow. Item, that we have outward signs which remind us of the gospel and forgiveness of sins, by which we are comforted, so that our faith may be exercised in many ways.

(250) Such sayings should be understood in this way, for otherwise they would be contrary to the whole gospel, and our beggarly works would be put in the place of Christ, who alone is to be the propitiation, which is not to be despised. Item, if they should be understood of works, then the forgiveness of sin would be quite uncertain, because it would stand on a loose foundation, on our wretched works.

251 They also refer to a saying from Tobiä j^Cap. 4, 11]: "Alms deliver from sin and death." We do not mean to say that there is a Ii^perdole; though we would say it, that Christ's honor might be preserved; for this is Christ's office alone, to redeem from sin, from death 2c. But we will keep to our old rule, namely, that the I law or works are not given to anyone apart from Christ.

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to make myself right before God. Thus, the alms "which follow faith" are pleasing to God only after I have been reconciled through Christ, not before. Therefore, they do not redeem from death sx opere operato, but, as I said shortly before about repentance, that one must combine faith with the fruits at the same time. So also of the alms it is to be said that they please God, because they happen in the believers. For Tobias does not speak of alms alone, but also of faith, for he says, v. 20: "Praise God, and ask Him to guide you in your ways" 2c. There he actually speaks of faith, as we speak of the one who believes that he has a gracious God, whom he owes to praise for His great goodness and grace, from whom he also waits daily for help, and asks Him to guide and govern him in life and death.

252 In this way, we may concede that alms are not unmeritorious against God, but not that they can overcome death, hell, the devil, sin, and put consciences at rest (for this must be done through faith in Christ alone), but that they deserve God's protection against future evil and against the body and soul. This is the simple mind, which also agrees with other sayings of Scripture. For where good works are commended in Scripture, it should always be understood according to the rule of Paul, that the law and works are not to be exalted above Christ, that Christ and faith are as high above all works as heaven is above the earth.

They also refer to the saying of Christ Luc. 11, 41: "Pray alms, and all things shall be clean unto you. The adversaries are deaf and have thick ears, therefore we must often repeat to them the rules that the law without Christ makes no one righteous before God, and that all works are pleasing for Christ's sake alone. But the adversaries exclude Christ everywhere, act as if Christ were nothing, and impudently teach that we obtain forgiveness of sin through good works 2c.

But if we look at the saying in its entirety, we will see that it also speaks of faith. Christ chides the Pharisees for thinking that they would become holy and pure before God through all kinds of baptisimata carnis, that is, through all kinds of bodily bathing, washing and cleansing of the body, of vessels, of garments, just as a pope has placed in his canons a necessary papal part of the water of consecration, that when it is sprinkled with consecrated salt, it sanctifies it, and

cleanse the people from sins. And the gloss says: it cleanses from daily sins. So the Pharisees also had error among them, which Christ punishes, and sets against the purification that is sealed two kinds of purity, one inward, the other outward, and admonishes that they should be inwardly pure. This happens (as Peter says in the Acts of the Apostles, 15, v. 9) through faith. And he adds of outward purity, "Give alms of that ye have left, and all things shall be clean unto you."

(255) The adversaries do not use the word "all" correctly, for Christ makes the decision on both parts, on inward and outward purity, and says: "All things shall be clean unto you," that is, if you do not only bathe yourselves bodily, but believe in God, and thus are pure inwardly, and give alms outwardly, all things shall be clean unto you. And show that the right outward purity is also in the works which God has commanded, and not in human statutes, as there were the traditiones Pharisaeo- rum 2c., and as in our time is the sprinkling and sprinkling of holy water, the snow-white monastic garments, the differences of food and the like.

The opponents, however, sophistically apply the signum universale, namely the word "all" to only one part, and say: All will be pure for you, if you give alms 2c. As if one says: Andrew is there, therefore all the apostles are there. Therefore in the antecedent, or preceding part of this saying, both shall remain with each other: Believe and give alms. For the whole mission, the whole ministry of Christ, is based on this, therefore he is there, that they should believe. Now when both these things are put together, faith and almsgiving, it follows that they are all pure; the heart by faith, the outward walk by good works. So the sermon is to be understood in its entirety, and not the one piece turned around and interpreted, that the heart is cleansed from sins through our eleemosyna.

257 There are also some who think that it is ironic or mocking to speak against the Pharisees of Christ. As if to say, "Yes, my good men, rob and steal, and then go and give alms, and you will soon be clean, so that Christ may somewhat harshly and mockingly attack their Pharisaic hypocrisy. For though they were full of unbelief, avarice, and all evil, yet they kept their purification, gave alms, and thought they were pure, tender saints. The interpretation is not contrary to the text there.

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The answer to other such sayings can easily be deduced from this one, which we have explained. For the rule states that all sayings about good works are not valid before God apart from Christ, but the heart must first have Christ and believe that it pleases God for Christ's sake, not because of its own works.

The adversaries also make a number of scholastic arguments, which are easy to answer if one knows what faith is. Experienced Christians speak much differently of faith than the sophists, as we indicated above, that to believe means to trust in God's mercy, that he will be merciful for Christ's sake, without our merit; and that is to believe the article "forgiveness of sin. This faith is not only the historia know, which also devils know, therefore the school argument is easily dissolved, that they speak: The devils also believe, therefore the faith does not make just. Yes, the devils know the historia, but do not believe forgiveness of sin.

(260) They say that to be righteous is obedience. Now doing works is obedience, therefore works must make one righteous. To this one should answer: To be righteous is such obedience that God accepts for it. Now God does not want to accept our obedience in works for righteousness, because it is not a heartfelt obedience, since no one keeps the law right. Therefore He has ordained another obedience, which He will accept for righteousness, namely, that we recognize our disobedience and trust that we please God for Christ's sake, not because of our obedience. Therefore, to be righteous here is to be pleasing to God, not because of our own obedience, but out of mercy for Christ's sake. Item, sin is hating God, therefore righteousness must love God. True, loving God is righteousness of the law. But no one fulfills this law. Therefore the gospel teaches a new righteousness, that we please God for Christ's sake, though we do not fulfill the law, yet we should begin to do the law. Item, what is the difference between faith and hope? Answer: Hoping awaits future goods and salvation from tribulation; believing receives present reconciliation, and locks in the heart that God has forgiven sin, and that He is now gracious to me. And this is a high service, which serves God by giving Him glory, and by keeping the mercy and promise so surely that he can receive and wait for all kinds of goods from Him without merit. And in this service the

The heart must be exercised and increase; the mad sophists know nothing about this.

And to all this it is easy to understand what is to be thought of the merito condigni, since the adversaries invent that we are righteous before God through love and our works. There they do not even think of faith, and instead of the mediator Christ they put our works, our fulfillment of the law; this is not to be suffered in any way. For although we said above that where the new birth is through the Spirit and grace, love will surely follow: yet the glory of Christ is not to be given to our works, but this is certain, that before and after, when we come to the gospel, we are justly esteemed for Christ's sake, and Christ remains the Mediator and Reconciler before than after, after than before, and through Christ we have access to God, not because we have kept the law and done much good, but that we so cheerfully, confidently build on grace, and so assuredly rely, that by grace we are justly esteemed before God for Christ's sake.

262 And this teaches, preaches, and confesses the holy catholic Christian church, that we are saved through mercy, as we have quoted above from Jerome. Our righteousness is not based on our own merit, but on God's mercy; and this mercy is obtained through faith.

Here, however, all those of understanding want to see what would follow from the doctrine of the adversaries. For if we hold that Christ alone has earned us primam gratiam, that is, the first grace (as they call it), and that afterwards we must first earn eternal life by our works, then the hearts or consciences will never be satisfied either at the hour of death or otherwise, will never be able to build on certain foundations, will never be certain whether God would be gracious to us. Thus, their teaching leads the consciences to endless heartache and finally to despair. For God's law is not a joke, which accuses consciences apart from Christ without ceasing, as Paul says Rom. 4:15.: "The law causes wrath." So then, when consciences feel God's judgment and have no certain comfort, they fall into despair.

Paul says Rom. 14,23: "Everything that is not of faith is sin. But those who cannot do anything by faith shall not receive a gracious God until they have fulfilled the law with their works. For they will always waver and doubt whether they have done enough works, whether they have fulfilled the law enough.

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Yes, they will strongly feel and sense that they still owe the law; therefore, they will never think that they have a merciful God or that their prayer will be heard. For this reason, they can never love God rightly, nor do anything good for God, nor serve God rightly. For what are such hearts and consciences but hell itself, if there is nothing else in such hearts but doubting, despairing, grumbling, resentment and hatred against God? And yet in hatred they hypocritically call upon God, as the godless king Saul did.

Here we can appeal to all Christian consciences and all those who have tried temptations. They must confess and say that such great uncertainty, such restlessness, such anxiety and fear, such terrible trembling and despair result from such teaching of the adversaries, since they teach or think that we are justified before God by our works or the fulfillment of the law, which we do, and show us the wrong way to trust not in the rich, blessed promises of grace, which are offered to us through the Mediator Christ, but in our miserable works.

266 Therefore this decree remains firm as a wall, even as a rock, that even though we have already begun to do the law, we are not pleasing to God for the sake of such works, but for the sake of Christ through faith, and have peace with God. And God does not owe us eternal life for these works, but just as forgiveness of sins and righteousness are imputed to us for the sake of Christ, not for the sake of our works or the law, so also eternal life is offered to us not for the sake of our works, nor for the sake of the law, but for the sake of Christ, together with righteousness, as Christ says Jn. 6:40, "This is the will of the Father which hath sent me, that every one which seeth the Son, and believeth on him, should have everlasting life." Item v. 47., "He that believeth on the Son hath everlasting life."

267 Now the adversaries must be asked what advice they give to the poor consciences at the hour of death? whether they put off the consciences so that they may go well, be saved, have a gracious God for their own merit, or out of God's grace and mercy for the sake of Christ? For St. Peter, Sl. Paul and the like saints cannot boast that God owes them eternal life for their suffering, nor do they have any credit for their works.

but on the mercy promised in Christ.

  1. Nor would it be possible for a saint, however great and high he is, to remain or stand against the accusation of divine law, against the great power of the devil, against the terror of death, and finally against the despair and fear of hell, if he did not grasp the divine promise, the gospel, like a tree or branch in the great flood, in the strong, mighty river, under the waves and bulges of the fear of death, if he did not by faith adhere to the word that proclaims grace, and thus without all works, without law, purely by grace, attain eternal life. For this doctrine alone sustains the Christian conscience in temptations and fears of death; of which the adversaries know nothing, and speak of it as the blind speak of dye.

269 But here they will say, If we are to be saved by pure mercy, what difference is there between those who are saved and those who are not? If there is no merit, then there is no difference between the bad and the good, and it follows that they will be saved at the same time. This argument moved the scholastics to invent the meritum condigni. For there must be a difference between those who are saved and those who are damned.

(270) As for the first, we say that eternal life belongs to those whom God esteems righteous, and if they are esteemed righteous, they have become God's children and Christ's fellow heirs, as Paul says to the Romans on the 8th, v. 30: "Whom He has justified, He has also glorified. Therefore no one is saved, except those who believe the gospel. But just as our reconciliation with God is uncertain if it is based on our works and not on God's gracious promise, which cannot be lacking, so also everything we expect through hope would be uncertain if it were based on our merit and works. For God's law accuses the conscience without ceasing, and feel nothing else in the heart, but this voice from the cloud and flames of fire, Deut. 5, v. 6 ff: "I am the Lord your God, this you shall do", this you owe, this I will have 2c. And no conscience can have rest for a moment if the law and Moses press in the heart before it grasps Christ through faith. Nor can it rightly hope for eternal life, unless it has first come to rest 1). For a conscience,

  1. Müller and the old editions: "to rest".

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that doubts, that flees from God and despairs, that cannot hope. But now the hope of eternal life must be certain. So that it may not waver, but be sure, we must believe that we have eternal life, not by our works or merit, but by pure grace through faith in Christ.

In the hands of the world and in the secular courts, there are two things: grace and right. Law is certain by law and judgment; mercy is uncertain. Here before God it is a different matter, for grace and mercy are promised by a certain word, and the gospel is the word that gives us to believe that God is gracious to us and wants to make us blessed for Christ's sake, as the text reads: "God did not send his Son into the world to judge the world, but that the world might be saved through him. Whoever believes in Him will not be judged" John 3:17.

272 As often as mercy is spoken of, it is to be understood that faith is required, and this same faith makes the difference between those who are saved and those who are condemned, between the worthy and the unworthy. For eternal life is promised to none but those who are reconciled in Christ. But faith reconciles and makes us righteous before God, if and when we take hold of the promise through faith. Throughout our lives we should pray to God and work diligently to obtain and increase in faith. For, as said above, faith is where repentance is, and is not in those who walk according to the flesh. This same faith must grow and increase throughout life, even through all kinds of trials. And they that obtain faith are born again, that they may lead new lives, and do good works.

273 As we say then, that right repentance shall continue throughout life, so we say also, that good works and fruits of faith shall continue throughout life, though our works shall never be so dear as to be like the treasure of Christ, or to merit eternal life. As Christ also says Luc. 17:10, "When ye have done all, say, We are unprofitable servants." And St. Bernard says rightly: "It is necessary and you must first believe that you cannot have forgiveness of sin, but only through God's grace, and then that you cannot have and do any other good work afterwards, if God does not give it to you. Finally, that you cannot earn eternal life by any works if God does not give it to you.

the same is also not given without merit. And soon after: Let no man deceive himself, for if thou wert to consider the matter aright, thou wouldst doubtless find that with ten thousand thou canst not meet him who meets thee with twenty thousand 2c. These are strong sayings of St. Bernhardt, they would like to believe the same if they did not want to believe us.

Therefore, so that hearts may have a certain comfort and hope, we point them, as Paul does, to the divine promise of grace in Christ, and teach that one must believe that God does not give us eternal life for our works, not for the fulfillment of the law, but for the sake of Christ, as John the Apostle says in his epistle: "He who has the Son has life; he who does not have the Son does not have life" 1 John 5:12. 5, 12.].

Here the adversaries have shown their great skill, and have perverted the saying of Christ, "When ye have done all things, then say, We are unprofitable servants. Dragging him from works to faith, saying, Rather, if we believe all things, we are useless servants. These are the shameful sophists, who so pervert the comforting doctrine of faith. Say, ye asses, if a man lie at the point of death, and feel that he hath no work sufficient for God's judgment, and can trust in no work, what will ye counsel him? Will you also say to him: Even if you believe, you are still a useless servant, and will not help yourself? The poor conscience must fall into despair, if it does not know that the gospel demands faith for this very reason, because we are unprofitable servants and have no merit.

276 Therefore beware of the sophists, who thus blaspheme the words of Christ. For it follows not, that works profit not, neither doth faith profit. We must give the rough asses a rough example. It does not follow: The penny does not help, therefore the florin does not help either. Just as the florin is much higher and stronger than the penny, so it must be understood that faith is much higher and stronger than works. Not that faith helps because of its worthiness, but because it trusts in God's promise and mercy. Faith is strong, not because of its worthiness, but because of the divine promise. And that is why Christ does not trust in his own works, because they cannot help. On the other hand, he does not reject trust in God's promise; indeed, he demands the same trust in God's promise.

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Therefore, because we are unfit servants, and works cannot help.

For this reason, the wicked unjustly change the words of Christ from trusting in their own worthiness to trusting in divine promise...) Thus their sophistry is clearly displaced and dissolved. May the Lord Christ soon put to shame the sophists who thus tear apart his holy word. Amen.

But the adversaries want to prove that we earn eternal life by works de condigno, so that eternal life is called a reward. We want to answer this briefly and correctly.

Paul calls eternal life a gift and a present Eph 2:8, because if we are justified by faith, we become sons of God and joint heirs with Christ. In another place it is written: "Your reward is rich in heaven" Matth.5,12. Luc. 6,35.. Now if the adversaries think that this is contrary to one another, let them bring it about. They do as they like, they leave out the word donum, and leave out everywhere the main part, how we become righteous before God, item, that Christ always remains the mediator, and then they pick out the word merces or reward, and interpret it to their liking in the worst way, not only to speak against the Scriptures, but also against common custom, and thus conclude: There it is written: your reward 2c., therefore our works are so worthy that we thereby earn eternal life. This is quite a new dialectic, since we find the single word "reward", therefore our works are sufficient for the law, therefore we are pleasing to God through our works, we do not need any grace nor any mediator of Christ. Our good works are the treasure by which eternal life is purchased and obtained, therefore by our good works we can keep the first supreme commandment of God and the whole law. Furthermore, we can also do opera super- erogationis, that is, other works and more than the law requires. Therefore, the monks, if they do more than they owe, have other, superfluous merit; they may give it to others, or share it for money, and may, as the new gods, institute a new sacrament of the gift, so that they may testify that they have sold and shared their merits with those, as the barefoot monks and other orders have done impudently, by putting on the dead bodies of religious caps. These are fine strong reasons, which

  1. That is, the words that Christ spoke of his own worthiness, unjustly on trust of divine promise.

they can all spin "wages" from the one syllabus, so that they obscure Christ and the faith.

We do not quarrel about the word reward, but about these great, high, most important things, namely, where Christian hearts should seek right certain consolation. Whether our works can bring our consciences to rest or peace. Whether we should consider that our works are worthy of eternal life, or whether it is given for Christ's sake. These are the proper questions in these matters; if consciences are not rightly informed, they can have no certain comfort.

We have said clearly enough that good works do not fulfill the law, that we need God's mercy, and that we become pleasing to God through faith, and that good works, however delicious they may be, even if they were St. Paul's works themselves, cannot make a conscience at rest. From all this it follows that we should believe that we attain eternal life through Christ by grace, not because of works or the law.

282 But what do we say of the reward which the Scriptures commemorate? For the first, if we said that eternal life is called a reward because it belongs to the believers in Christ from the divine promise, we would have said right. But the Scriptures call eternal life a reward, not that God is obligated to give eternal life for works, but that, since eternal life is otherwise given for other reasons, our works and tribulations are nevertheless rewarded with it, even though the treasure is so great that God would not owe it to us for works. Just as the inheritance or all the goods of a father are given to the son, and find a rich comparison and reward for his obedience; but still he does not receive the inheritance for his merit, but that the father grants it to him as a father 2c.

283 Therefore it is enough that eternal life should be called a reward, that the afflictions which we suffer, and the works of love which we do, should be recompensed thereby; though it be not merited thereby. For there are two kinds of recompense: one that is due, the other that is not due. As when the emperor gives a servant a principality, the servant's work is repaid, and yet the work is not worthy of the principality, but the servant confesses that it is a fief. So God does not owe us eternal life for works, but nevertheless, if He gives it for Christ's sake, He will give it to us.

1198 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530.

W. xvi, >4:;7-i4:;9. 1199

the believers, our suffering and work will be repaid.

We further say that good works are truly meritorious and meritorious, not that they should merit forgiveness of sins or make us righteous before God, for they do not please God, they are done by those whose sins have already been forgiven. So they are not worthy of eternal life, but they merit other gifts that are given in this life and after this life, for God consumes many gifts until that life, after which God will honor the saints. For here in this life He will crucify and kill the old Adam with all kinds of trials and tribulations.

And to this belongs the saying of Paul: "Each one will receive a reward according to his work. For the blessed will have reward, one higher than the other. Such is the difference in merit, which is pleasing to God, and is merit because those who do such good works, whom God has adopted as children and heirs, have their own and special merit, like a child before another.

The adversaries also use other sayings to prove that works deserve eternal life than these: Paul says Rom. 2, 6., "He will give to each one according to his works." Item, John 5:29: "They that have done good shall rise again unto the resurrection of life." Item, Matth. 25, 35.: "I was hungry and you fed me." Answer: All these sayings praising works we are to understand according to the rule which I have set above, namely, that works apart from Christ do not please God, and that in no way should one exclude the Mediator Christ. Therefore, when the text says that eternal life is given to those who have done good, it indicates that it is given to those who have been justified beforehand through faith in Christ. For God is not pleased with good works, unless faith is involved, by which they believe that they are pleasing to God for Christ's sake, and those who have thus been justified by faith certainly bring forth good works and good fruits, as the text says: "I hungered, and you fed me" 2c. There one must confess that Christ does not understand the work alone, but wants to have the heart that thinks rightly of God and believes that it pleases God through mercy. Thus Christ teaches that eternal life is given to the righteous, as Christ says v. 46: "The righteous shall enter into eternal life,

and yet name the fruits above, that we may learn that righteousness and faith are not hypocrisy, but a new life, where good works must follow.

We are not looking for an unnecessary subtlety here, but there is a great reason why one must have a certain report in these matters. For soon, if one allows the adversaries to say that works merit eternal life, they spin this clumsy doctrine from it, that we are able to keep God's law, that we do not need mercy, that we are righteous before God, that is, pleasing to God by our works, not for Christ's sake, that we can also opera supererogationis, and do more than the law requires. Thus the whole doctrine of faith is suppressed. But if a Christian church is to be and remain, the pure doctrine of Christ, of the righteousness of faith, must always be preserved. Therefore we must challenge such great Pharisaic errors, so that we may save the name of Christ and the honor of the gospel and of Christ, and preserve a right, constant, certain comfort for Christian hearts. For how is it possible that a heart or conscience can come to rest or hope for salvation, if in temptations and fears of death our works become so much dust before God's judgment and eyes, if it does not become certain by faith that we are saved by grace for Christ's sake, not for our works, for our fulfillment of the law.

Of course, St. Lawrence, when he was lying on the grate and martyred for the sake of Christ, was not so minded that his work would fulfill God's law completely and purely, that he would be without sin, that he would not need the mediator of Christ or grace. He has admittedly left it at the word of the prophet David: "Thou wilt not go into judgment, O Lord, with thy servant" 2c. Ps. 143, 2.

Neither did St. Bernard boast that his works were worthy of eternal life when he said, "Perdit6 vixi, I have lived sinfully. 2c. But he confidently straightens up again, holds to the promise of grace, and believes that for Christ's sake he has forgiveness of sin and eternal life, as the Psalm says, "Blessed are they whose sins are forgiven" Ps. 32:1, and Paul to the Romans on the 4th, v. 6: "This is man's blessedness, when righteousness is imputed to him without works." So Paul says that he is blessed to whom righteousness is imputed through faith in Christ, even though he has done no good work.

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This is the right constant consolation, which consists in temptations, so that the hearts and consciences can be strengthened and comforted, namely, that for Christ's sake, through faith, we are given forgiveness of sin, righteousness and eternal life. Now if the sayings that speak of works are understood in such a way that they include faith, they are not at all contrary to this teaching. And faith must always be understood, so that we do not exclude the mediator Christ. But faith is followed by the fulfillment of the law, for the Holy Spirit is there who makes a new life. That is enough of this article.

Articles VII and VIII. (IV.) Of the Church.

  1. The seventh article of our confession, where we say that the Christian church is the assembly of the saints, condemns the adversaries and introduces wide talk that the wicked or ungodly should not be separated from the church, because John the Baptist compares the church to a threshing floor in which grain and chaff lie together Matth. 3, 12., item Cap. 13, 47., Christ compares the church to a net in which evil and good fish are found.

We see that it is true, as they say, that one cannot speak so clearly, evil tongues can pervert it. For this very reason and for this reason we have added the eighth article, so that no one may think as if we wanted to separate the wicked and hypocrites from the outward society of Christians or the church, or as if our opinion were that the sacraments, when administered by the ungodly, are without power or effect.

292 Therefore, this false, wrong interpretation must not be answered at length; the eighth article excuses us sufficiently. We also confess and say that the hypocrites and the wicked may also be members of the church, in outward communion of name and offices, and that the sacraments may be rightly received from the wicked, especially if they are not banned. And the sacraments are not without power or effect because they are administered by the ungodly. For Paul also prophesied that Antichrist would sit in the temple of God, rule and reign in the church, and have rule and office therein 2 Thess. 2:4.

But the Christian Church is not only in the company of external signs, but is primarily in communion with the eternal goods in the heart, such as the Holy Spirit, faith, fear and love of God. And

This church also has outward signs by which it is known, namely, where God's word is pure, where the sacraments are administered according to the same, there is certainly the church, there are Christians, and this church alone is called Christ's body in Scripture. For Christ is its head, and sanctifies and strengthens it by his Spirit, as Paul says to the Ephesians in 1, v. 22: "And hath made him the head of the church, which is his body, and the fullness of him that filleth all in all." Therefore, in whom Christ works nothing by His Spirit, they find not the members of Christ. And this is also confessed by the adversaries, that the wicked alone are dead members of the church.

294 Therefore I cannot wonder enough why they dispute our decision about the church, when we speak of the living members of the church; and we have said nothing new. For Paul, speaking to the Ephesians in chapter 5, v. 23, immediately says what the church is, and also sets forth the outward signs, namely the gospel and the sacraments. For thus he says: "Christ loved the church, and gave himself for it, that he might sanctify it, and cleanse it with the bath of water in the word, that he might fashion it for himself, a glorious church, not having spot or wrinkle, but that it should be holy and without blemish" 2c.

295 This saying of the apostle we have put very closely from word to word in our confession, and so we also confess in our holy symbol and faith: "I believe in a holy Christian church. There we say that the church is holy; but the ungodly and the wicked cannot be the holy church. In our faith, this is soon followed by "the communion of saints," which explains even more clearly what the church means, namely, the group and the assembly that confess one gospel, have the same knowledge of Christ, and have one Spirit who rejuvenates, sanctifies, and governs their hearts.

296 And the article about the Catholic or common church, which is sent together from every nation under the sun, is quite comforting and highly necessary. For the multitude of the ungodly is much greater, even innumerable, who despise the word, hate it bitterly and persecute it to the utmost, as they find Turks, Mahometists, other tyrants, heretics 2c. In addition, the right doctrine and church is often so completely suppressed and lost, as happened under the papacy, as if there were no church, and can often be seen as if it had even perished.

1202 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, E-1445. 1203

On the other hand, that we may be sure, not doubt, but firmly and completely believe that a Christian church will actually be and remain on earth until the end of the world, that we also do not doubt at all that a Christian church lives and is on earth, which is Christ's bride, although the ungodly multitude is more and greater, that also the Lord Christ here on earth in the multitude, which is called church, works daily, forgives sin, daily answers prayer, daily in temptations with rich, strong consolation refreshes His own, and always again delivers, so the consoling article is set in faith: "I believe a catholic, common Christian church," so that no one may think that the church, like another external police force, is bound to this or that country, kingdom or city, as the pope of Rome wants to say, but that it certainly remains true, that the multitude and the people are the true church, who now and then in the world, from the going out of the sun to the going down, truly believe in Christ, who then have one gospel, one Christ, one baptism and sacrament, and are ruled by one Holy Spirit, even though they have different ceremonies.

297 For also in the decree Gratiani the gloss clearly says that the word "church" is to be taken in a large sense to mean evil and good. Item, that the wicked are in the church by name alone, not by deed; but the good are both in it by name and deed. And on this opinion many sayings were found among the fathers. For Jerome says, "Whoever is a sinner, and lies still unclean in sins, cannot be called a member of the church, nor be in the kingdom of Christ.

298 Although the wicked and ungodly hypocrites keep company with the true church in outward signs, names, and offices, yet if one is to speak truly of what the church is, one must speak of this church, which is called the body of Christ, and has fellowship not only in outward signs, but has goods in the heart, the Holy Spirit and faith.

299 For it is necessary to know what makes us members of Christ, and what makes us living members of the church. For if we were to say that the church is merely an outward police force, like other regiments, in which there are evil and good, 2c., no one would learn from this, nor understand, that Christ's kingdom is spiritual, as it is, in which Christ inwardly rules, strengthens, comforts, and distributes the Holy Spirit and various spiritual gifts to the hearts, but it would be thought to be an outward police force.

The outward way, certain order of some ceremonies and services. Item, what difference would there be between the people of the law and the church, if the church were only an outward police? Now Paul distinguishes the church from the Jews by saying that the church is a spiritual people, that is, such a people, which is not only distinguished from the Gentiles in police and civil nature, but is a true people of God, enlightened in heart and born again by the Holy Spirit. Item, in the Jewish people, all those who were Jews by nature and born of Abraham's seed, had, over and above the promise of spiritual goods in Christ, also much promise of bodily goods, as of the kingdom 2c. And because of the divine promise, even the wicked among them were called God's people. For God had separated the physical seed of Abraha and all born Jews from other Gentiles by the same physical promises, and these wicked and evil ones were not God's true people, nor did they please God. But the gospel, which is preached in the church, does not only bring with it the shadow of eternal goods, but every right Christian, here on earth, becomes partaker of the eternal goods themselves, also of the eternal comfort, of eternal life and the Holy Spirit, and of the righteousness that is of God, 1) until he is fully saved there.

Therefore, according to the gospel, those alone are God's people who have received spiritual goods, the Holy Spirit, and this church is the kingdom of Christ, distinct from the kingdom of the devil. For it is certain that all the ungodly are in the power of the devil and are members of his kingdom, as Paul says to the Ephesians Cap. 2, 2 that the devil reigns powerfully in the children of unbelief. And Christ says John 8:44 to the Pharisees (who were the holiest, and also had the name that they were God's people and the Church, who also did their sacrifice): "Ye are of your father the devil."

Therefore the true church is the kingdom of Christ, that is, the assembly of all the saints. For the ungodly are not ruled by the Spirit of Christ. But what need are many words in such a clear public matter? Only the adversaries contradict the bright truth. If the church, which is certainly Christ's and God's kingdom, is distinguished from the devil's kingdom, then it is not possible to distinguish the church from the devil's kingdom.

  1. So the Jenaer; "theilhaftig" is missing in J. T. Müller.

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he ungodly, who are in the devil's kingdom, will never be the church, although in this life, because Christ's kingdom has not yet been revealed, they are among the true Christians and in the church, in which they also have teaching authority and other offices. And the ungodly are therefore in the meantime not a part of the kingdom of Christ, because it is not yet revealed. For the true kingdom of Christ, the true body of Christ, is and always will be those whom God's Spirit has enlightened, strengthened, and governed, even though it has not yet been revealed to the world, but is hidden under the cross. Just as it is and always remains One Christ, who was crucified for time, and now reigns and rules in heaven in eternal glory.

302 And here also the parables of Christ rhyme, as he clearly says Matth. 13, 38. 39. that the good seed are the children of the kingdom, the tares find the children of the devil, the field is the world, not the church. This is also the meaning of John's words when he says Matth. 3, 12: "He will sweep his threshing floor and gather the wheat into his sheds, but he will burn up the chaff. There he speaks of the whole Jewish people and says that the right church should be separated from the people. The same saying is more contrary to the adversaries than for them, for it clearly indicates how the right, believing, spiritual people should be separated from the physical Israel. And since Christ says Matth. 25, 1. 13,47.: "The kingdom of heaven is like a net", item, "the ten virgins", he does not want the wicked to be the church, but teaches how the church appears in this world. Therefore he says that it is like these 2c., that is, as in the heap of fishes the good and the bad lie one with another, so the church is hidden here among the great heap and multitude of the wicked, and wants the pious not to be offended. Let us know that the word and the sacraments are not without power, even though the ungodly preach or administer the sacraments. And thus Christ teaches us that the ungodly, though they may be in the church according to outward society, are not members of Christ, not the true church, for they find members of the devil.

And we do not speak of a fictitious church that is nowhere to be found, but we truly say and know that this church, in which saints live, is and remains true on earth, namely, that there are some children of God now and then in all the world, in all kinds of kingdoms, islands, countries, cities, from the beginning of the sun to the end, who have rightly known Christ and the gospel, and say that the same

Church has these outward signs, the preaching office or gospel and the sacraments.

304 And this same church is actually, as St. Paul says 1 Tim. 3:15, a pillar of truth, for it keeps the pure gospel, the right foundation; and as St. Paul says 1 Cor. 3:11, "No other foundation can any man lay, but that which is laid, which is Christ." Christians are built on this foundation.

305 And though in the multitude which is built upon the right foundation, that is, Christ and the faith, there are many weak ones, which build upon such foundation straw and hay 1 Cor. 3:12, that is, some human thoughts and opinions, with which they neither overthrow nor reject the foundation, that is, Christ. For this reason they are still Christians, and such errors are forgiven them, and they are also enlightened and taught better. So we see in the fathers that they also sometimes built straw and hay on the foundation, but they did not want to overthrow the foundation with it.

(306) But many of the articles of our adversaries destroy the right ground, the knowledge of Christ and faith. For they reject and condemn the high and greatest article, in which we say that we obtain forgiveness of sin through Christ by faith alone, without any works. On the other hand, they teach to trust in our works to earn forgiveness of sins, and instead of Christ they put their works, orders, mass, just as the Jews, pagans and Turks intend to be saved by their own works. Item, they teach that the sacraments make pious ex opere operato, without faith. Whoever does not consider faith necessary has already lost Christ. Item, they establish the service of saints, call them instead of Christ, as mediators 2c.

Just as there are clear promises of God in Scripture that the church will always have the Holy Spirit, there are also serious warnings in Scripture that false teachers and wolves will creep in next to the right preachers. But this is actually the Christian church that has the Holy Spirit. The wolves and false teachers, although they rage and do harm in the church, are not the church or the kingdom of Christ, as Lyra also testifies when he says: "The true church does not stand on prelates because of their authority, for many of the high class, princes and bishops, as well as many of the lower class, have fallen away from the faith. Therefore the church stands on those in whom is a right knowledge of Christ, a right confession and confession of faith and truth.

1206 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**, W. xvi, 1447-1450.** 1207

Now, in our Confession, we have said nothing different in essence, but just that which Lyra thus says in clear words, that he could not speak more clearly. But the opponents would like to have a new Roman definition of the church, so that we should say: The church is the supreme monarchy, the greatest, most powerful sovereignty in the whole world, in which the Roman Pontiff, as the head of the church, is quite powerful in all high and low things and affairs, worldly, spiritual, as he wants and may think; of which power (he uses, abuses as he wants) no one may dispute, speak or murmur. Item: in which church the pope has the power to make articles of faith, to establish all kinds of worship, to alter, pervert and interpret the holy scriptures according to his liking, against all divine laws, against his own decree, against all imperial rights, how often, how much and when he desires, to sell liberty and dispensation for money. From whom the Roman emperor, all kings, princes, and potentates owe to receive their royal crown, their glory, and titles, as from the governor of Christ. Therefore the pope is an earthly god, a supreme majesty and the only most powerful lord in all the world, over all kingdoms, over all lands and people, over all goods, spiritual and temporal, and thus has in his hand everything, both temporal and spiritual sword. This definition, which does not rhyme at all with the true church, but does rhyme well with the Roman Pontiff's nature, is not only found in the Canonist books, but Daniel the Prophet paints the Antichrist in this way.

309 If we were to make such a definition, and say that the church is such a splendor as the pope's being is, we might not have such ungracious judges. For there are books of the adversaries in the day, wherein the authority of the pope is exalted too high; no one punishes them. But we must stand our ground, because we praise and exalt Christ's good deeds, and write and preach the clear words and teachings of the apostles, namely, that we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith in JESUS Christ, and not through hypocrisy or fictitious worship, which the pope has done countless times. But Christ and the prophets and apostles write and speak very differently about what the church of Christ is, and the pope's kingdom does not rhyme with this church at all, but looks very unlike it.

310 Therefore, the sayings that speak of the true church should not be interpreted as referring to the popes or bishops, namely, that they are pillars of truth.

that they cannot be mistaken. For how many can be found, or how many have been found up to now, among bishops, popes, etc., who have accepted the gospel with earnestness and heart, or who would have considered it worth their while to read a leaf or a letter in it? It is well known, unfortunately, that there are many examples of them in Switzerland and elsewhere, who ridicule the whole religion, Christ and the Gospel, and publicly consider them a mockery. And if they like something, they like that which is according to human reason; the rest they consider to be fables.

311 Therefore we say and conclude according to the Holy Scriptures that the true Christian church is the multitude now and then in the world of those who truly believe the gospel of Christ and have the Holy Spirit. And we also confess that as long as this life on earth lasts, there are many hypocrites and evil men in the church, among the true Christians, who are also members of the church, as far as outward signs are concerned. For they have offices in the church, preach, administer sacraments, and bear the title and name of Christians. And the sacraments, baptism 2c., are not therefore without effect or power, that they are administered by the unworthy and ungodly. For for the sake of the profession of the church such are there, not for their own persons, but as Christ, as Christ testifies Luc. 10:16., "He that heareth you heareth me." So also Judas is sent to preach. When the ungodly preach and administer the sacraments, they administer them in the place of Christ. And this is what the word of Christ teaches us, that in such a case we should not let the unworthiness of the ministers deceive us.

312 But of this we have spoken clearly enough in our Confession, namely, that we do not hold with the Donatists and Viklefists, who held that those sin who receive the sacraments in the church from ungodly ministers. This, we consider, should be enough to protect and preserve the definition we gave of what the church is; and since the true church is called Christ's body in Scripture, it is not possible to speak of it in any other way than as we have spoken of it.

For it is ever certain that the hypocrites and the ungodly cannot be Christ's body, but belong to the kingdom of the devil, who has caught them and drives them where he wills. All this is quite public, and so clear that it no one can deny. But if the adversaries continue with their calumnies, they shall be answered further.

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314 The opponents also condemn this part of the seventh article, since we have said that it is enough for the unity of the church that one gospel and one sacrament be administered, and that it is not necessary that the statutes of men be uniform everywhere. These pieces therefore allow that it is not necessary for the unity of the church that traditiones particulares be equal, but that traditiones universales be equal, that is necessary for the true unity of the church.

This is a good rough distinction. We say that those who believe in One Christ are called a united church. Have one gospel, one spirit, one faith, one sacrament. And thus we speak of spiritual unity, without which faith and Christianity cannot exist. To the same unity we now say: it is not necessary that human statutes, whether universal or particular, should be the same everywhere. For the righteousness that is valid before God, which comes through faith, is not bound to external ceremonies or human statutes. For faith is a light in the heart that renews the heart and makes it alive. External statutes or ceremonies, whether they are universal or particular, are of little help.

316 And it was for no small reason that we wrote this article. For many a great error and foolish opinion about the statutes has broken out in the church. Some have wanted to think that Christian holiness and faith are not valid before God without such human statutes, and that no one can be a Christian because he holds such traditiones, when they are nothing else but external orders, which are often different in one place than in another by chance, often also for reasons, just as in the secular regime one city has different customs than another. In history, too, one church banished another because of such statutes, as for the sake of Easter Day, for the sake of the images, and the like.

For this reason, the inexperienced have not held otherwise than that by such ceremonies one would become pious before God, and that no one could be a Christian without such services and ceremonies. For there are still many clumsy books of the Summists and others before our eyes.

318 But just as the unity of the church is not divided by whether the days are naturally longer or shorter in one place than in another, so we also hold that the unity of the church is not divided by whether such human statutes have this order in one place and that order in another. Even though it may well be

It is the will of the people that the universal ceremonies be kept uniform for the sake of unity and good order, just as we keep the Mass, the Sunday celebration, and the other high celebrations in our churches.

319 And we accept all good, useful human statutes, especially those that serve the fine outward discipline of the youth and the people. But here the question is not whether human statutes are to be kept for the sake of outward discipline, for the sake of peace. It is much more a different question, namely, whether keeping such human statutes is a service of God, by which one reconciles God, and that without such statutes no one may be righteous before God? This is the main question; if this is finally answered, then it is clear to judge whether this means being united or in harmony with the church, if we keep such statutes everywhere at the same time.

For if such ordinances of men are not a necessary service, it follows that some may be pious, holy, righteous, children of God, and Christians, who have not the ceremonies in use in other churches. As an analogy, if it is stated that wearing German and French clothing is not a necessary service, it follows that some can be righteous, holy, and in the church of Christ, even if they do not wear German or French clothing. So Paul also teaches clearly, Col. 2, 16. 17.: "Let no man therefore make you conscience of meat, or drink, or certain feasts, or new moons, or sabbaths, which are the shadow of things to come, but the body itself is in Christ." Item, v. 20-23: "If ye then be dead with Christ unto the statutes of the world, why then be ye entangled with statutes, as though ye lived yet in the world? Which say, Thou shalt not touch this, thou shalt not taste that, thou shalt not touch that; which yet are all consumed under the hands, and are the commandments and doctrines of men, which have a semblance of wisdom through self-chosen spirituality and humility."

For this is Paul's opinion: Faith in the heart, by which we become devout, is a spiritual thing and light in the heart, by which we are renewed, gain other mind and courage. But the ordinances of men are not such a living light and power of the Holy Spirit in the heart, they are not eternal, therefore they do not make life eternal, but are external, bodily exercises that do not change the heart. Therefore it is not to be held that they are necessary for the righteousness that is valid before God. And Paul also refers to this opinion in Romans 14:17, 18: "The kingdom of God is not food and drink.

1210 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1153-1455. 1211

but righteousness, peace and joy in the Holy Spirit. But it is not necessary to give many sayings here, since the whole Bible is full of them, and we have also given many in our Confession in the last articles, so we will also deal with this main question hereafter, namely, whether such statutes of men are a service of God, which is necessary for salvation? since we want to speak more abundantly and more about this matter.

322 The opponents say: one must therefore keep such statutes, especially the universal ceremonies, because it is probable that they were grounded on us by the apostles. O how great, holy, excellent, apostolic people, how pious and spiritual they have become! They want to keep the statutes and ceremonies established by the apostles, as they say, and they do not want to keep the apostles' teaching and clear words. But we say and know that it is right.

323 Thus, and not otherwise, shall all statutes be taught, judged, and spoken of, as the apostles themselves have taught them in their writings. The apostles, however, fought in the strongest and most vehement manner everywhere, not only against those who would exalt the statutes of men, but also against those who would consider the divine law, the ceremonies of circumcision, 2c. as necessary for salvation.

The apostles did not want to put such a burden on the consciences, that such rules of certain days, of fasting, of food and the like should be sin, if one did not keep them. And that is more, Paul clearly calls such teaching "doctrine of devils" 2 Tim. 4:1. Therefore, what the apostles considered to be good and right must be sought from their clear writings, and not shown by examples alone. They kept a number of certain days, not that they needed to be righteous and just before God, but that the people might know when to come together. They also kept some customs and ceremonies, as a proper reading of the Bible, when they came together 2c. Also, in the beginning of the Church, the Jews, when they became Christians, kept much of their Jewish feasts and ceremonies, which the apostles then directed to the histories of the Gospel. Thus our Easter is derived from the Easter of the Jews, and our Pentecost from the Pentecost of the Jews, and the apostles not only with doctrines, but also by such festivals from history, wanted to inherit the knowledge of Christ and the great treasure to the descendants.

If such ceremonies and the like are necessary for salvation, why then do the

Bishops changed much in it? For, if they are appointed by God's command, no man has had power to change them.

326 Before the Council of Nicene, Easter was held at a different time in one place than in another, and the disparity did no harm to the faith or Christian unity. After that, Easter Day was diligently changed so that our Easter Day would not coincide with the Jews' Easter Day. The apostles, however, commanded that Easter Day be kept in the churches at the same time as the brethren who were converted from Judaism kept it. That is why some bishoprics and peoples, even after the Nicene Council, were adamant that Easter Day should be kept at the same time as the Jewish Easter Day. But the apostles did not want to impose such a burden on the churches with their decree, as if such were necessary for salvation, as the clear words of their decree indicate. For they express it in clear words that no one should worry whether the brethren who keep Easter Day 2c. do not actually reckon the time. For Epiphanius refers to the words of the apostles, from which every person who understands them can clearly see that the apostles want to keep people from error, so that no one will be conscience-stricken about holidays, certain times 2c. For they clearly state that one should not worry much about whether one has already erred in the reckoning of Easter Day. I could bring up countless such things from the histories, and show even more clearly that such inequality in outward statutes does not separate or separate anyone from the common Christian church.

The adversaries do not understand what faith is, what the kingdom of Christ is, who teach that the unity of the Christian church is found in the statutes that speak of food, days, clothing and such things that God has not commanded. But here everyone may see and notice how devout, exceedingly holy people the opponents are. For if universal ordinances are necessary, and are not to be changed, who commanded them to change the ordinance in the Lord's Supper of Christ? which is not a human ordinance, but a divine ordinance. But we will deal with this in detail hereafter.

328 The eighth article the adversaries leave entirely to their liking, since we say that hypocrites and ungodly men are also found in the church, and that the sacraments are not without power because they are administered by hypocrites. For they minister in Christ's stead, and not for their per-

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son, as the saying goes: "He who hears you hears me" Luc. 10:16. But false teachers are not to be accepted or heard, for the same are no longer in Christ's stead, but are antichrists, and Christ clearly commanded of them Matt. 7:15, "Beware of false prophets." And Paul to the Galatians Cap. 1, 8., "Whosoever shall preach any other gospel unto you, let him be accursed."

329 As for the priests' own lives, Christ has admonished us in the parables of the church that we should not cause schism or separation unless the priests or the people everywhere live purely Christian lives, as the Donatists have done. But those who have caused schism and separation in some places by pretending that the priests are not allowed to have goods or property, we consider them rebellious. For having one's own things and goods is a worldly order. But Christians may use all kinds of worldly order as freely as they use air, food, drink, and common light. For just as heaven, earth, sun, moon and stars are God's order and are preserved by God, so the police and everything that belongs to the police are God's order and are preserved and protected by God against the devil.

Article IX: Baptism.

The ninth article is also acceptable to them, since we confess that baptism is necessary for salvation, and that the baptism of young children is not in vain, but necessary and blessed. And because the Gospel is preached among us purely and with all diligence, we also have (praise God!) the great benefit and blessed fruit of not having Anabaptists break into our churches. For our people are (praise God!) instructed by God's Word, against the godless, seditious mobs of these murderous evildoers. And even though we curb and condemn many other errors of the Anabaptists, we have nevertheless especially fought against them and maintained that infant baptism is not useless.

331 For it is quite certain that the divine promises of the graces of the Holy Spirit do not only concern the aged, but also the children. Now the promises do not concern those who are outside the Church of Christ, since there is neither Gospel nor Sacrament. For the kingdom of Christ is nowhere except where the Word of God and the sacraments are.

332 Therefore it is also rightly Christian and necessary to baptize children, so that they may be made partakers of the gospel, the promise of salvation and grace, as Christ commanded: "Go, baptize all the Gentiles" Matth. 28, 19. As grace and salvation are offered to them in Christ, so baptism is offered to them, both male and female, boys and young children. It certainly follows that young children may and should be baptized, for in and with baptism common grace and the treasure of the gospel are offered to them.

333 Secondly, it is in the day that God the Lord pleases Him with the baptism of young children. Therefore, the Anabaptists teach wrongly, condemning this baptism. But that God is pleased with the baptism of young children, he shows by the fact that he has given the Holy Spirit to many who were baptized in childhood, for there have been many holy people in the church who were baptized in no other way.

Article X. Of the Holy Communion.

The opponents do not contest the tenth article, in which we confess that the body and blood of our Lord Christ are truly present in the supper of Christ, and are presented and taken with the visible things, bread and wine, as has hitherto been held in the church, as the Greek canon also testifies. And Cyril says that Christ is given to us bodily in the Lord's Supper, for thus he says: "We do not deny that we are spiritually united to Christ through right faith and pure love. But that we should not have any union with him according to the flesh, we say no to that. And this is also contrary to the Scriptures. For who can doubt that Christ is also the vine and we the branches, that we have juice and life from him? Hear how Paul says 1 Cor. 10:17., "We are all one body in Christ; though ours be many, yet in him we are one, for we all partake of one bread." Do you think that we do not know the power of the divine blessing in the Lord's Supper? For when this takes place, it makes Christ also dwell in us bodily through the enjoyment of the flesh and body of Christ. Item: Therefore it is to be noted that Christ is not only in us through spiritual unity, through love, but also through natural fellowship, and we speak of the presence of the living body. For we know, as Paul says Rom. 6:9, that death shall not henceforth have dominion over him.

1214 Cap. 13 From the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1458-1460. 1215

Article XI: Confession.

335 The eleventh article, where we speak of absolution, the adversaries allow them. But as for confession, they add this, that confession should be kept according to the chapter Omnis utriusque sexus, that every Christian confesses once every year; and though he cannot tell all his sins so purely, yet he should be diligent to remember them all, and as much as he can remember, that he should tell them in confession.

336 We shall deal with the whole article hereafter, when we speak of Christian repentance. It is in the day, and the adversaries cannot deny it, that ours have preached, written and taught about absolution, about the keys, in such a Christian, correct, pure way, that many afflicted, challenged consciences receive great consolation from it, after they have been clearly instructed in this necessary matter, namely, that it is God's commandment, that it is the right custom of the Gospel that we believe in absolution, and that we certainly believe that sins are forgiven us through Christ without our merit, that we are also truly reconciled to God when we believe the word of absolution, as if we heard a voice from heaven.

This teaching, which is almost necessary, has been almost comforting to many troubled consciences. Also, many honest, sensible people, many pious hearts, at the beginning of this teaching of ours, praised half of Luther, and had a special joy that the necessary, certain consolation was again brought to light. For before, the whole necessary doctrine of repentance and absolution was suppressed, since the sophists did not teach a right and constant consolation of the conscience, but pointed people to their own works, out of which comes vain despair in frightened consciences.

338 As for the certain time of confession, it is true, and undisclosed to the adversaries, that in our churches many people need confession, absolution, and the holy sacrament not only once but often during the year; and the preachers, when they teach about the use and benefit of the holy sacrament, teach it in such a way that they diligently exhort the people to use the holy sacrament often. And there are also the books and writings of ours in the light, which are written in such a way that the adversaries, who are respectable, God-fearing people, must not challenge them, but praise them.

  1. Our preachers also always report that those who live in public vices, fornication, adultery, 2c. are to be banished and excluded. Item, so the holy

Despise the Sacrament. So we keep this according to the Gospel, and according to the old canonibus.

340 But on certain days or times of the year no one is urged to the sacrament. For it is not possible for all the people to be sent at the same time, and if they all go to the altar at one time in a whole parish, they cannot be interrogated and instructed as diligently as they are instructed in ours. And the old canons and fathers do not set a certain time; but the canon says: If some go to church and are found not to need the sacrament, they are to be admonished. If some do not communicate, they are to be admonished to repentance. But if they want to be considered Christians, they should not always consider themselves Christians. Paul 1 Cor. 11:29 says that those who receive the sacrament unworthily receive it for judgment. Therefore, our pastors do not force those who are not fit to receive the Sacrament.

341 But our preachers instruct the people in the telling and remembrance of sins in confession, so that they do not entangle the consciences, as if it were necessary to tell all sins by name. Although it is good to instruct the coarse and inexperienced to name some of their sins in confession, so that they can be taught more easily, we do not discuss this here, but whether God has commanded that all sins must be told, and whether sins cannot be forgiven without being told.

342 Therefore, the adversaries should not have attracted to us the chapter Omnis utriusque sexus, which we know very well, but should have proved to us from the Holy Scriptures, from God's Word, that such telling of sin was commanded by God.

343 It is, alas, all too clear in the day, and notorious throughout all the churches in Europe, how this particula, of the chapter Omnis utriusque sexus, where it states that one should be guilty of confessing all sin, has brought the conscience into misery, sorrow and entrapment. And the text itself has not done as much damage as the Summist books, in which the circumstances, circumstance of sin are summarized. For in this way they have first made the consciences quite mad, and troubled them unspeakably, and in addition they have made good-hearted people vain. For the naughty and the savage did not ask much about it.

  1. after the text reads: each one should confess to his own priest what is great strife and what is like murderous envy and hatred.

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Did this question cause trouble between priests and monks of all kinds of orders, which one was the own priest? Because all brotherhood, all friendship was over, when it was about the rule, about the confession penny.

Therefore, we hold that God has not commanded the naming and telling of sin. And this is also held by Panormitanus and many other scholars. Therefore, we do not want to put a burden on consciences through the chapter Omnis utriusque sexus, but say of it, as of other human statutes, that it is not a service of God that is necessary for salvation. Also in this way an impossible thing is commanded in the chapter, namely, that we should confess all sins. Now it is certain that we cannot remember many sins, nor can we see the greatest sins, as the Psalm says: "Who knows his own sins? Ps. 19:13.

346 Where there are sensible, God-fearing pastors and preachers, they will well know how far it may be necessary and useful to ask the youth and otherwise inexperienced people in confession. But this tyranny over the consciences, since the summists, as the cane-masters, have plagued the consciences without ceasing, we cannot nor will not praise. Which, nevertheless, would have been less burdensome, if they had thought with one word of faith in Christ, by which consciences are rightly comforted.

347 But of Christ, of faith, of the forgiveness of sins, there is not a syllable, not a tittle, in so many great books of their Decretal, their Commentary, their Summisten, their Confessional; there shall no man read a word, from which he may learn Christ, or what Christ is. But they go about with these registers to gather and heap up sins. And if only they understood the sin that God considers sin. Now the greater part of their sums is nothing else but of fool's work, of human statutes. Oh what despair the unholy, godless teaching has brought to many pious hearts and consciences, who would have liked to do right, and who could not rest! For they knew nothing else, so they had to eat and bite themselves with the telling, adding up of sin, and yet always found restlessness, and that it was impossible for them. But the adversaries have taught no less clumsy things about the whole atonement, which we shall relate hereafter.

Article XII. (V.) Of repentance.

348 In the twelfth article, the adversaries let them have the first part, since we say that all those who, after baptism, are in sin

fall, obtain forgiveness of sin, at what time and how often they convert. The other part they reject and condemn, because we say that repentance has two parts, contritionem and fidem, that is, to repentance belong these two, a repentant broken heart and the faith that I believe that I obtain forgiveness of sin through Christ.

349 Now listen to what the adversaries say no to. They may impudently deny that faith is not a part of repentance. What shall we do here, most gracious emperor, against these people? It is certain that we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith. This word is not our word, but the voice and word of Jesus Christ, our Savior. These masters of confutation condemn the clear word of Christ. Therefore, we cannot consent to confutation in any way. We will not, if God wills, deny the clear words of the Gospel, the holy divine truth and the blessed Word, in which all comfort and blessedness are found. For to deny this, that we obtain forgiveness of sin by faith, what else would it be but to blaspheme and profane the blood of Christ and his death?

Therefore, we ask, most gracious Emperor, that Your Imperial Majesty graciously and diligently hear and recognize this great, highest, most important matter, which concerns our own souls and consciences, as well as the entire Christian faith, the entire gospel, the knowledge of Christ, and the highest, greatest thing, not only in this transient life, but also in the life to come, and indeed our eternal salvation and destruction before God. All God-fearing, pious and respectable people should not find otherwise than that in this matter we have taught and let teach the divine truth and vain salutary, most highly necessary, most comforting instruction of the consciences, in which all pious hearts of the whole Christian church have the most important and greatest interest, indeed all their salvation and welfare, without which instruction no preaching ministry, no Christian church can be nor remain.

Let all who fear God find that this doctrine of ours concerning repentance has brought the gospel and pure understanding to light again, and that thereby much harmful, ugly error has been done away with, as this doctrine, which is true repentance, was even suppressed by the scholastics' and canonists' books. And before we get to the point, we must indicate this: All respectable, honest, learned people, high and low, even the theologians themselves, will have to confess, and no doubt even the enemies will be convinced by their

1218 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, ii63-i46s. 1219

convinced in my own heart that before and before D. Luther wrote. Luther wrote, all dark, confused writings and books of repentance existed, as can be seen in the Sententiaries, where there are countless useless questions, which no theology itself has yet been able to sufficiently discuss, much less has the people been able to comprehend a sum from their sermons and confused books of repentance, or notice what belongs primarily to true repentance, how, or by what means a heart and conscience must seek rest and peace. And in spite of this, let there come forth one more who will teach some man from their books, when sins are surely forgiven.

Dear Lord God, how blind they are, how they know nothing about it, how their writings are all night, all darkness. They raise questions as to whether sins are forgiven in attrition or contrition, and if sin is forgiven for the sake of repentance or contrition, what need is there of absolution? And if the sin is already forgiven, what need is there of the power of the keys? And then they are afraid, and first they commit a crime, and even destroy the power of the keys. Some of them invent and say: by the power of the keys the guilt before God is not forgiven, but the eternal chastisement is thereby changed into temporal, and thus they turn the absolution, the power of the keys, by which we should expect comfort and life, into such a power, by which only punishment is inflicted upon us. The others want to be wiser, who say that by the power of the keys sins are forgiven before the people, or before the Christian community, but not before God.

This is also almost a harmful error. For if the power of the keys, which is given by God, does not comfort us before God, how then will the conscience come to rest? About this they teach and write even more clumsy and confused things. They teach that one can earn grace through repentance. And when they are asked why Saul and Judas and the like did not deserve mercy, in whom there was a terrible controversy? - To this question they should answer that Judas and Saul lacked the gospel and faith, that Judas was not comforted by the gospel, and did not believe; for faith distinguishes the repentance of Peter and Judas. But the opponents do not think of the gospel and faith at all, but of the law; they say that Judas did not love God, but was afraid of the punishment. But is this not uncertain and unrealistic?

taught about repentance? For if a frightened conscience, especially in the right great fears described in Psalms and Prophets, wants to know whether it fears God as its God out of love, or whether it fears and hates His wrath and eternal damnation.

354 Those may not have experienced much of these great fears, because they play with words and make a difference according to their dreams. But in the heart, and when it comes to experience, it is much different, and with the bad syllables and words no conscience finds peace, as the good, gentle, idle sophists dream. Here we appeal to the experience of all God-fearers, to all honest, sensible people who also like to know the truth; they will confess that the adversaries have taught nothing righteous about repentance in all their books, but vain, useless babble; and yet this is a main article of Christian doctrine, of repentance, of forgiveness of sin.

Now the same doctrine of questions that is now told is full of great error and hypocrisy, by which the right doctrine of Christ, of the keys, of faith, has been suppressed to the unspeakable harm of consciences.

356 Furthermore, they cause even more error when speaking of confession; there they teach nothing but making long registers and recounting sins, and several sins against the commandment of men, and drive people here as if such counting were de jure divino, that is, commanded by God. And this would not be so burdensome, if they had only taught correctly about absolution and faith. But there they pass by, and leave the high consolation, and think that the work, confession and repentance, make pious ex opere operato, without Christ, without faith. These are called true Jews.

The third part of this game is the satisfactio or satisfaction for sin. There they teach even more clumsily, more confusedly, throwing the hundred into the thousand, so that there not a drop of good or necessary consolation might find a poor conscience. For there they invent for themselves that the eternal chastisement will be changed before God into the chastisement of the purgatory, and a part of the chastisement will be forgiven and remitted through the keys; but for a part one must do enough with works. They say further about this and call the satisfaction opera supererogationis, which are then with them the childish, foolish works, as pilgrimage, rosaries and the like, since there is no commandment of God.

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358 And further, as they buy and redeem the chastisement of purgatory with their indulgences, so they have devised still another little bundle to redeem the same indulgences for purgatory also, which then became a quite enjoyable, rich buying and great fair. For they brazenly sold their indulgences and said: whoever redeems indulgences, he thus buys himself off, since otherwise he would have to do enough. And they were unashamed of the cremation, the fair, not only to sell indulgences to the living, but also to buy indulgences for the dead. They also introduced the terrible abuse of the mass, that they wanted to redeem the dead by keeping the mass. And under such devilish teachings the whole Christian doctrine of faith, of Christ, how we are to be comforted by it, has been suppressed.

359 Therefore all respectable, honest, honorable, understanding people, let alone Christians, realize and understand here that it has been highly necessary to rebuke such ungodly doctrine of repentance of the Sophists and Canonists. For this doctrine of theirs is openly false, unjust, contrary to the clear words of Christ, contrary to all the Scriptures of the apostles, contrary to all the Holy Scriptures and the Fathers, and these are their errors:

  1. That God must forgive us our sin if we do good works, even outside of grace.
  2. That we earn grace through attrition or repentance.
  3. That to erase our sin is enough, if I hate and rebuke the sin in myself.
  4. That we obtain forgiveness of sin through our repentance, not for the sake of faith in Christ.
  5. That the power of the keys confers forgiveness of sin, not before God, but before the church or the people.
  6. That by the power of the keys not only are sins forgiven, but that the same power is instituted to change eternal chastisement into temporal chastisement, and to make some amends to the consciences, and to establish worship and satisfaction, and to bind and obligate the consciences before God.
  7. That the telling and actual reckoning of all sin is commanded by God.
  8. That satisfactiones, which are imposed by men, are necessary to pay the chastisement or the debt. For although in the school the satisfactiones are counted only for the punishment, it is understood only by men that one thereby earns forgiveness of the guilt.
  9. That we obtain grace by receiving the Sacrament of Penance, ex opere operato, if the heart is not present> without faith in Christ.
  10. That from the power of the keys, through indulgences, souls will be delivered from purgatory.
  11. That in reserve cases not the punishment of the canonum, but the guilt of sins before God may be reserved by the pope in those who truly convert to God.

(360) In order that we may help the consciences out of the innumerable snares and tangled nets of the sophists, we say that repentance or conversion has two parts, contritionem and fidem. Now if someone wants to add the third part, namely the fruits of repentance and conversion, which are good works that should and must follow, I will not argue much with him. But when we speak de contritione, that is, of right repentance, do we cut off the innumerable useless questions, since they pretend to be questions when we repent out of the love of God, item, when we repent out of fear of punishment? For they are mere words and vain babblings of those who have not experienced how to make a frightened conscience feel.

We say that contritio or true repentance is when the conscience is frightened and begins to feel its sin and the great wrath of God over sin, and is sorry that it has sinned. And the same contritio occurs when our sin is punished by God's word. For the sum of the Gospel is in these two parts. First, it says: Correct yourselves and make everyone a sinner. Secondly, it gives forgiveness of sin, eternal life, blessedness, all salvation, and the Holy Spirit through Christ, by whom we are born again. So also the summary of the gospel of Christ, when he says Luc. 24, 47: "To preach repentance and remission of sins in my name among all the Gentiles." And of the terror and anguish of conscience the Scripture speaks in the 38th Psalm, v. 5: "For my iniquities are gone over my head, like a heavy burden they have become too heavy for me." And in the 6th Psalm, v. 3. f.: "O Lord, be merciful to me, for I am weak; heal me, O Lord, for my bones are troubled, and my soul is greatly distressed 2c. Ah, O LORD, how long?" Isa. 38, 10. ff: "I said, Now must I go to the gates of hell, when I thought to live longer 2c. I thought I would live until tomorrow; but he broke all my bones like a lion." Item: "My eyes would break, O Lord, I am in distress" 2c. In

1222 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg 1530. w. xvi. i468-i47i. 1223

In the same anxiety, the conscience feels God's anger and seriousness against sin, which is an unknown thing to such idle and carnal people as the Sophists and their like. For only then does the conscience realize what a great disobedience to God sin is, only then does the conscience feel the terrible wrath of God, and it is impossible for human nature to bear it if it is not raised up by God's word.

So Paul says Gal. 2:19: "Through the law I died to the law. For the law alone accuses the consciences, tells them what to do, and frightens them. And there the adversaries do not speak a word of faith; they do not teach a word of the Gospel, nor of Christ, but only the doctrine of the law, and say that people deserve grace with such pain, sorrow and suffering, with such anguish, but where they repent out of the love of God, or love God. Dear Lord God, what kind of sermon is this for the consciences that need consolation? How can we love God when we are in such high, great anguish and unspeakable struggle, when we feel such great, terrible God's seriousness and wrath, which feels stronger than any man on earth can say or speak? What do such preachers and doctors teach but vain despair, who in such great anguish preach to a poor conscience no gospel, no comfort, only the law? But we add the other part of repentance, namely faith in Christ, and say that in such terror the consciences should be held up to the gospel of Christ, in which forgiveness of sin by grace through Christ is promised. And let such consciences believe that sins are forgiven them for Christ's sake. This faith restores, comforts and revives such broken hearts, as Paul says in Romans 5:1: "Therefore, if we have been justified, we are at peace with God. This faith shows the difference between the repentance of Judah and Peter, Saul and David. And therefore Jude's and Saul's repentance was of no use. For there was no faith that kept the promise of God through Christ.

In contrast, David's and St. Peter's repentance were righteous, for there was faith that grasped the promise of God, which implies forgiveness of sin through Christ. For there is actually no love of God in any heart, unless we are first reconciled to God through Christ. For God's law or the

No one can fulfill or keep the first commandment without Christ, as Paul says to the Ephesians: "Through Christ we have access to God. And faith fights against sin throughout life, and is tested and increased by many temptations. Where there is faith, there follows the love of God, as we said above.

364 And this is what timor filialis fei means, namely such fear and fright before God, when nevertheless faith in Christ comforts us again. Servilis timor untern, servile fear is fear without faith; there becomes vain anger and despair.

Now the power of the keys proclaims the gospel to us through absolution. For the word of absolution proclaims peace to me and is the gospel itself. Therefore, when we speak of faith, we want to understand absolution as well. For faith is of hearing. And when I hear absolution, that is, the promise of divine grace or the gospel, my heart and conscience are comforted. And because God truly gives new life and comfort to the heart through the Word, sins are truly counted away here on earth by the power of the keys, so that they are loosed before God in heaven, as the saying goes Luc. 10:16., "He who hears you hears me." Therefore, we should not respect nor believe the word of absolution less than when we hear God's clear voice from heaven, and absolution, the blessed comforting word, should be called the sacrament of repentance, as some scholastics, more learned than others, speak of it.

366 And the same faith in the word is to be strengthened for and for by hearing sermons, by reading, by the use of the sacraments. For these are the seals and signs of the covenant and graces in the New Testament. These are signs of reconciliation and forgiveness of sin. For they offer forgiveness of sin, as clearly testified 1) by the words in the Lord's Supper: "This is my body, which is given for you" 2c. "This is the cup of the new testament" 2c. So also faith is strengthened by the word of absolution, by the preaching 2) of the Gospel, by the reception of the Sacrament, so that it may not perish in such terror and anguish of conscience.

367 This is a clear, certain, correct doctrine of repentance; through it one can understand and

  1. Müller: "show". Latin: tkstnntur.
  2. Müller: "Preacher. Latin: per nuäituin.

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know what the keys are or are not, what the sacraments are useful for, what Christ's good deed is, why and how Christ is our mediator.

368 But because the adversaries condemn that we have set the two parts of repentance, we must show that not we, but the Scripture thus expresses these two parts of repentance or conversion. Christ says Match. 11:28, "Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will refresh you." There are two parts, the burden or burden, since Christ speaks of, that is the lamentation, the great fright of God's wrath in the heart. The second is the coming to Christ. For coming is nothing else than believing that for Christ's sake our sins are forgiven, and that we are born again and made alive by the Holy Spirit. Therefore these two must be the most prominent pieces in repentance, repentance and faith. And Marci 1:15. Christ says, "Repent, and believe the gospel." For the first, he makes us sinners and terrifies us. For the second, he comforts us and proclaims forgiveness of sin. For to believe the gospel is not only to believe the stories of the gospel, which faith the devils also have, but it is actually to believe that sins are forgiven us through Christ, for the gospel preaches this same faith to us. There you also see the two parts, repentance or the terror of conscience, when he says, "Repent," and faith, when he says, "Believe the gospel." Whether anyone would say that Christ also understands the fruits of repentance, the whole new life, we do not dispute this very much. It is enough for us here that Scripture expresses these two things primarily, repentance and faith.

In all the epistles of Paul, as often as he speaks of how we are converted, he summarizes these two things, the death of the old man, which is repentance, fear of God's wrath and judgment, and on the other hand renewal through faith. For by faith we are comforted and brought back to life, and saved from death and hell. He clearly speaks of these two things in Romans 6:2: that we have died to sin, this happens through repentance and terror, and again, that we shall rise again with Christ, this happens when we receive comfort and life through faith. And since faith brings comfort and peace to the conscience, according to Romans 5:1: "If we have been justified by faith, we have peace," it follows that before there is terror and fear in the conscience. So repentance and faith go side by side.

  1. however, what is noth much sayings or

To introduce testimonies of the Scriptures, as the whole Scripture of Proverbs is full, as in the 118th Psalm, v. 18: "The Lord chasteneth me, but giveth me not unto death." And in the 119th Psalm, v. 28: "My soul is consumed with anguish; raise me up according to thy words." First he says of terror, or of repentance. In the other part of the verse he clearly shows how a repentant, poor conscience is comforted again, namely through the word of God, which gives grace and restores it. Item, 1 Sam. 2, 6: "The Lord killeth, and quickeneth; he leadeth into hell, and out again." There also the two pieces are touched, repentance and faith. Item, Is. 28, 21: "The Lord will be angry that he does his work, which is not his work." He says: God will terrify, although it is not God's work; for God's own work is to make alive. Other works than to terrify, to kill, are not God's own works. For God alone makes alive, and when He terrifies, He does it so that His blessed comfort may be the more pleasant and sweet to us. For secure and carnal hearts, which do not feel God's wrath and their sin, have no regard for comfort.

371 In this way, the Scriptures place the two parts together, first the terror, then the consolation, showing that these two parts belong to a right repentance or conversion, first heartfelt repentance, then faith, which restores the conscience. And it is certain that it is not possible to speak of the matter more clearly or more correctly. So we truly know that God works in his Christians in the church in this way.

These are the two most important works by which God works in His own. All Scripture speaks of these two things: first, that He terrifies our hearts and shows us sin; and second, that He again comforts us, establishes us, and makes us alive. This is why all Scripture has these two teachings. One is the law, which shows us our sorrow and punishes sin. The other teaching is the gospel. For God's promise of grace through Christ and the promise of grace is repeated throughout the Scriptures from Adam onward. For first of all the promise of grace or the first gospel is promised to Adam: "I will set enmity" 2c. [Then the promise of grace was made to Abraham and other patriarchs by the same Christ, which was then preached by the prophets, and finally the same promise of grace was preached by Christ Himself, when He came, among the Jews, and finally by the apostles among the Gentiles.

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Gentiles spread throughout the world. For by faith in the gospel or in the promise of Christ, all the patriarchs, all the saints from the foundation of the world, have been justified before God, and not because of their repentance or sorrow or any works.

373 And the examples of how the saints became devout also indicate the above two things, namely, the law and the gospel. For Adam, when he had fallen, was first punished so that his conscience was frightened and came into great anguish; this is the right repentance or contritio. Afterwards, God promised him grace and salvation through the seed that had been given, that is, Christ, through whom death, sin and the devil's kingdom were to be broken; then he offered him grace and forgiveness of sin again.

These are the two pieces. For even though God subsequently inflicts punishment on Adam, he does not earn forgiveness of sin through the punishment. And of the punishment inflicted we will say hereafter.

Thus David is spoken to harshly by Nathan the prophet and is terrified, so that he speaks and confesses: "I have sinned before the Lord" 2 Sam. 12:13, which is repentance; then he hears the gospel and absolution: "The Lord has taken away your sin, you shall not die. When David believed the word, his heart received comfort, light and life again. And even though the punishment is laid upon him, he does not earn forgiveness of sin through the punishment. And there are also examples where such special punishments are not added, but these two things always belong primarily to a right repentance. The first, that our conscience may know and be afraid of sin; the second, that we may believe the divine promise. As Luke 7:38, the poor sinful woman comes to Christ and weeps bitterly. The weeping indicates repentance. Afterwards she hears the gospel: "Your sins are forgiven, your faith has helped you, go in peace. This is the other most important part of repentance, namely faith, which comforts her again. From this, all Christian readers can note that we are not introducing unnecessary disputations, but are clearly, correctly and actually setting forth the pieces of repentance, without which sins cannot be forgiven, without which no one can be pious, holy, or born again before God.

  1. but the fruits and good works, item, patience, that we gladly suffer the cross and punishment, which God lays out for the old Adam, all this follows, when therefore only by faith sin is removed.

is forgiven, and we are born again. And we have set these two pieces clearly, so that the faith in Christ, of which the sophists and canonists are all silent, may also be taught once, so that one may also see all the more clearly what faith is or is not, if it is thus held against the great terror and fear.

377 But because the adversaries condemn this clear, certain, and most excellent article without any shame, since we say that men obtain forgiveness of sins through faith in Christ, let us give some reasons and proofs from which it may be understood that we do not obtain forgiveness of sins ex opere operato, or through works done, through repentance or sorrow, but through faith alone, since everyone believes for himself that his sins are forgiven him. For this article is the noblest and most necessary, for which we contend with the adversaries, which is also the most necessary for all Christians to know. But since we have said enough about it in the article on justification above, we will deal with it all the more briefly here.

The adversaries, when they speak of faith, say that faith must precede repentance. And they do not understand the faith that justifies before God, but the faith by which in general, that is, in general, it is believed that there is a God, that there is a hell 2c. But we are talking about a faith in which I believe for certain that my sins are forgiven for Christ's sake. This is the faith we are talking about, which must follow after the terror, and which comforts the conscience and makes the heart content again in the difficult struggle and fear.

And this, God willing, we will forever uphold, and keep against all the gates of hell, that the same faith must be there if anyone is to be forgiven of sins. That is why we put this piece also to repentance. The Christian church cannot hold otherwise than that sins are forgiven by such faith, although the adversaries bark against it like raging dogs.

380 For the first, I ask the opponents here whether hearing or receiving absolution is also a part of repentance. For if they separate absolution from confession, as they want to be subtle about distinguishing, then no one will know or be able to say what confession is useful without absolution. But if they do not separate absolution from confession, they must say that faith in the word of Christ is a part of repentance, if absolution cannot be received, because only faith in the word of Christ is a part of repentance.

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by faith. That one cannot receive the word of absolution except by faith alone is proven by Paul, Rom. 4:16, where he says that no one can grasp the promise of God except by faith alone.

But absolution is nothing other than the gospel, a divine promise of God's grace and mercy 2c. Therefore, it cannot be had or obtained except by faith alone. For how can the word of absolution be useful to those who do not believe? But not believing the absolution, what is that but to prove God false? Because the heart wavers, doubts, considers it uncertain that God promises. That is why it is written in 1 John 5:10: "He who does not believe God punishes Him by lying, because he does not believe the testimony that God bears about His Son.

382 Secondly, the adversaries must certainly confess that the forgiveness of sin is a part or, that we speak in their way, is finis, the end, or terminus ad quem of the whole atonement. For what good is repentance if forgiveness of sin is not obtained? Therefore, that by which forgiveness of sin is obtained should and must be the most important part of repentance. But it is actually true, clear and true, when all the devils, all the gates of hell cry out against it, that no one can grasp the word of the forgiveness of sins, but only through faith, Rom. 3, 25: "Whom God hath set forth to be a mercy seat through faith" 2c. Item, Rom. 5, 2: "Through whom we also have access by faith to this grace" 2c. For a frightened conscience that feels its sin soon realizes that God's wrath cannot be atoned for with unrighteous works, but a conscience comes to peace when it holds on to the mediator Christ and believes the divine promises. For those do not understand what forgiveness of sin is, or how to obtain it, who think that hearts and consciences can be satisfied without faith in Christ.

Peter the Apostle introduces the saying of Is. 49:23: "He who believes in Him will not be put to shame. Therefore, the hypocrites must be ashamed before God, who think they want to obtain forgiveness of sins through their works, not for the sake of Christ. And Peter Apost. 10, 43. says: "All the prophets bear witness to Jesus that those who believe in him obtain forgiveness of sins through his name." He could not have spoken more clearly than to say "through his name," and to this he adds, "All who believe in him."

Therefore we obtain forgiveness of sins through the name of Christ, that is, for Christ's sake, not for our own merit or works, and this happens when we believe that sins are forgiven us for Christ's sake.

The adversaries cry out that they are the Christian church, and they hold what the catholic, common church holds. But Peter, the apostle, here in our cause and our highest article, also praises a catholic, common church, when he says: "All the prophets bear witness to Jesus that we obtain forgiveness of sins through his name. I think that if all holy prophets unanimously agree (since God also considers one prophet as a world treasure), it should also be one decree, one voice and one strong decision of the common catholic, Christian, holy church, and it should be considered as such. We will not concede to Pope, Bishop or Church the power to hold or conclude anything against the unanimous voice of all prophets. Nor has Pope Leo X been allowed to condemn this article as erroneous. And the opponents condemn this also.

Therefore it is enough in the day what a fine Christian church this is, which may not only condemn by public, written decree and mandate this article, namely, that we obtain forgiveness of sin without works through faith in Christ, but also condemn and strangle innocent blood above the confession of this article. They may issue a commandment that pious, honest people who teach in this way are to be driven out, and they seek their life and limb by all kinds of tyranny as bloodhounds.

But they will perhaps say: they also have teachers for themselves, Scotum, Gabrielum and the like, who also have great names, plus the sayings of the fathers, which are dressed mutilated in the decree. Yes, it is true, they are all called teachers and scribes, but by their singing you can tell which birds they are. These scribes taught nothing but philosophy and knew nothing of Christ and God's work. Their books clearly prove this.

For this reason we do not allow ourselves to be mistaken, but truly know that we may cheerfully hold the word of the holy apostle Peter, as a great doctor, against all the sententiarios in a heap, even if there were many of them. For Peter clearly says that it is a unanimous voice of all the prophets, and this glorious sermon of the great, great apostle has been powerfully confirmed by God this time through the giving of the Holy Bible.

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the Holy Spirit. For thus the text says: "While Peter was still speaking, the Holy Spirit fell on all who listened to the word."

Therefore, let the Christian conscience know that this is God's word and commandment, that sins are forgiven us without merit through Christ, not because of our works. And such God's word and commandment is a right, strong, certain, everlasting comfort against all terror of sin, death, against all temptation and despair, torment and anguish of conscience.

The idle sophists know little of this, and the blessed preaching, the gospel, which preaches forgiveness of sins through the given seed, that is, Christ, has been the greatest treasure and comfort of all patriarchs, of all pious kings, of all prophets, of all believers from the beginning of the world. For they believed in the same Christ as we believe in. For from the beginning of the world no saint has been saved except through faith in the same gospel. Therefore Peter also says that there is one voice of all the prophets, and the apostles also preach the same thing with one voice, showing that the prophets spoke alike as through one mouth.

The testimonies of the holy fathers are about this. For St. Bernard says in clear words: "Therefore it is necessary above all things to know that we cannot have forgiveness of sin in any other way than by the grace of God. But you should add this to the fact that you believe that sins are also forgiven you, not only others, through Christ. This is the testimony of the Holy Spirit inwardly in your heart, when he himself tells you in your heart that your sins are forgiven. For thus the apostle calls it, that a man without merit is justified by faith.

392 These words of St. Bernard first emphasize this doctrine of ours and bring it to light. For he says that we should not only believe in general that our sins are forgiven, but that this must be added to my believing for myself that my sins are forgiven. And teaches about this still more actually and clearly, how we are assured inwardly in the heart of grace, of the forgiveness of our sins, namely, when the hearts are comforted and quenched inwardly by this comfort. But how now, you adversaries? Is St. Bernard also a heretic? What more do you want? Do you still deny that we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith?

393 For the third, the opponents say that sin is thus forgiven, quia attritus vel contritus elicit actum dilectionis Dei, when we resolve by reason to love God, by the work (they say) we obtain forgiveness of sin. This is no different from rejecting the gospel and the divine promises, and teaching vain law. For they speak of the law and our works, because the law demands love.

394 Therefore they teach us to trust that we may obtain forgiveness of sins through such repentance and our love. What is this but trusting in our works, not in the promise of Christ? If then the law is enough to obtain forgiveness of sin, what need is there of Christ, what need is there of the gospel? But we turn away consciences from the law, from their works to the gospel and the promise of grace. For the gospel, which accepts Christ and is grace, makes us trust in the promise that we will be reconciled to the Father for Christ's sake, not for our repentance or love, for there is no other mediator or reconciler but Christ. Thus we cannot fulfill the law unless we are first reconciled through Christ, and even if we do something good, we must still consider it that we do not obtain forgiveness of sin for the sake of works, but for the sake of Christ.

395 For this reason, if anyone would hold that we obtain forgiveness of sin through the Law or in any other way than through faith in Christ, this is called reviling Christ and rejecting the Gospel. And this we have also done above de justificatione, when we said why we teach that we are justified by faith, and not by the love of God or by our love toward God.

396 Therefore, when the adversaries teach that we obtain forgiveness of sin through repentance and love, and trust in this, it is no different than teaching the Law, which they nevertheless do not understand as to what love towards God it demands, but look, like the Jews, only into the hidden face of Moses. For I will equate that works and love are there, yet neither works nor love can reconcile God, or be considered much as Christ, as the Psalm says: "Thou wouldest not go into judgment with thy servant" 2c. [Therefore, we should not give the glory of Christ to our works.

397 For this reason Paul argues that we are not justified by the law, and he holds that we are not justified by the law.

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against the law the promise of God, the promise of grace, which is given to us for Christ's sake. Paul moves us around Rom. 4, 3 and points us from the law to the divine promise, so that we should look to God and His promise and consider the Lord Christ as our treasure. For this promise will be in vain if we become righteous before God through the work of the law, if we earn forgiveness of sin through our righteousness.

Now it is certain that God makes the promise, therefore Christ also came, that we cannot keep the law nor fulfill it; therefore we must first be reconciled through the promise before we fulfill the law. But the promise cannot be grasped except by faith.

Therefore all those who have true repentance take hold of the promise of grace through faith, and believe assuredly that we are reconciled to the Father through Christ. This is also the opinion of Paul Rom. 4, 16: "Therefore we obtain grace through faith, that the promise may stand firm." And Gal. 3, 22: "The Scripture has decreed all things under sin, that the promise of Jesus Christ should be given through faith to those who believe", that is: All men are under sin, and cannot be saved, unless they take hold of forgiveness of sin through faith. Therefore, before we fulfill the law, we must first obtain forgiveness of sin through faith. Although, as we said above, love certainly follows from faith, for those who believe receive the Holy Spirit. Therefore, they begin to hold the law and obey it.

We wanted to introduce more sayings here, but the Scriptures are full of them everywhere. I also did not want to make it too long, so that this matter would be the clearer. For there is no doubt at all that this is Paul's opinion, that we obtain forgiveness of sin for Christ's sake through faith, that we must also set the Mediator against God's wrath, not our works.

Even pious Christian consciences should not be mistaken about whether the adversaries misinterpret and wrongly interpret the clear sayings of Paul. For nothing so simple, so certain and pure, so clear can be spoken or written; one can make a different nose at him with words.

402 But we are certain of this, and know it truly, that the opinion we have set, the opinion we have set, is the opinion we have set.

is the right opinion of Paul. So there is no doubt that this doctrine alone is a certain comfort to calm the hearts and consciences in the right struggle and in the agony of death and temptation, as experience shows.

  1. Therefore, only far, far from us with the Pharisaic teachings of the adversaries, since they say that we do not obtain forgiveness of sin by faith, but that we must earn it with our works and with our love for God. Item, that we should propitiate God's wrath with our works and love. For it is quite a Pharisaic doctrine, a doctrine of the Law, not of the Gospel, since they teach that man is first justified by the Law before he is reconciled to God through Christ, when Christ says John 15:5, "Without me you can do nothing." Item: "I am the vine, you are the branches."

The adversaries, however, speak as if we were not Christ's branches but Moses', for they first want to become pious and righteous before God through the law, and first sacrifice our works and actions to God before they are branches on Christ's vine. Paul, however, who is of course a much higher doctor than the adversaries, speaks clearly and again denies this alone, that no one can do the law without Christ. Therefore, those who feel or have experienced sin and anguish of conscience must keep the promise of grace that they will first be reconciled to God through faith for Christ's sake before they fulfill the law. All this is public and clear enough in God-fearing consciences. And from this Christians will well understand why we said above that we are justified before God by faith alone, not by our works or dilection 2c. For all our abilities, all our deeds and works are too weak to take away and satisfy God's wrath, therefore we must present Christ as the mediator.

405 Finally, the adversaries should consider, if a poor conscience will come to peace and be still, if we obtain grace and forgiveness of sin because we love God, or because we fulfill the law. The law will always accuse us, because no man fulfills the law, as Paul says Rom. 4, 15.: "The law causes wrath."

406 Chrysostom asks, and so do the Sententiarii: how does one know that his sins are forgiven? It is truly worth asking; good for him who gives a correct answer. To this most necessary question it is not possible to answer, nor is it possible to answer the question of the forgiveness of sins.

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know how to comfort or soothe in temptations, so respond to this opinion:

  1. It is God's decree, God's command from the beginning of the world, that through faith in the Seed given, that is, through faith for Christ's sake, sins shall be forgiven us without merit. But if anyone doubts or wavers in this, he is lying to God about His promise, as John says. So we say that a Christian should take this for certain as God's command, and if he keeps it, he is certain and feels peace and comfort.
  2. The adversaries, when they preach and teach long apart from this doctrine, leave the poor consciences in doubt. It is not possible that there should be peace, a quiet or peaceful conscience, when they doubt whether God is gracious. For if they doubt whether they have a gracious God, whether they do right, whether they have forgiveness of sin, how can they call upon God in doubt? How can they be sure that God will respect and listen to their prayer? So all their lives are without faith, and they cannot serve God properly. This is what Paul says to the Romans Cap. 14, 23: "What is not of faith is sin." And because they are always and forever stuck in doubt, they never know what God is, what Christ is, what faith is. In the end, they die in despair, without any knowledge of God.

The adversaries "lead such a harmful doctrine, namely, such a doctrine that the whole gospel is taken away, Christ is suppressed, people are led into heartache and anguish of conscience, and finally, when temptations come, into despair.

410 Let this now be graciously considered by Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty graciously consider it, and look upon it well; it concerns not gold or silver, but souls and consciences. Also, all respectable, intelligent people want to pay attention to what this matter is or is not. Here we may suffer all respectable people to judge which part has taught the most useful thing for the Christian conscience, we or the adversaries. For truly it should be considered that we are not well with strife and discord. And if it were not for the greatest, most important reasons, namely, concerning our conscience, salvation and soul, why we have to quarrel so vehemently with the adversaries, we would well keep silent: But after they have rejected the holy gospel, all the clear. But since they condemn the holy gospel, all the clear Scriptures of the apostles, the divine truth, we can with God and conscience the blessed doctrine and divine truth, which we finally believe.

When this poor temporal life ceases, and all creatures' help is ended, wait for the one, eternal, highest consolation, not denying it, nor departing in any way from this cause, which is not ours alone, but the whole of Christendom's, and concerns the highest treasure, JESUS CHRIST.

411 We have now stated from what causes we have set the two parts of repentance, namely, repentance and faith. And this we have done, because one finds all kinds of sayings from time to time in books of the adversaries about repentance, which they introduce from Augustine and the other old fathers in a mutilated way, which they have then interpreted and stretched everywhere to completely suppress the doctrine of faith. As, they have set this saying: Repentance is a pain by which sin is punished. Item: Repentance is that I repent of the former sin and do not commit the sins I have sinned against again. In the Proverbs, faith is not considered at all, and even in their schools, when they act such proverbs according to length, they do not consider faith at all.

412 Therefore, in order that the doctrine of faith might be more widely known, we have made faith a part of repentance, for the sayings that teach our repentance and our good works, and do not remember faith at all, are very dangerous, as experience shows. Therefore, if they had considered the great danger to souls and consciences, the Sententiarii and canonists should have written more wisely about their decree. For if the fathers also speak of the other part of repentance, not only of one part, but of both, repentance and faith, they should have put both together.

413 Tertullian also speaks comfortingly of faith, and especially praises the divine oath, of which the prophet says: "As truly as I live, says the Lord, I do not want the death of the sinner, but that he may repent and live. Since God swears that He does not want the death of the sinner, He certainly requires faith that we should believe His oath and swear that He will forgive us sin. Without this, God's promises should be highly regarded and respected by us. Now the promise is confirmed with an oath. Therefore, if anyone thinks that sins will not be forgiven him, he is punishing God with a lie, which is the greatest blasphemy. For thus says Tertullianus: Invitat praemio ad salutem, jurans etiam etc., that is, God entices us for our own salvation, with His own oath, that we may believe Him. O good to those for whose sake God swears! Oh woe to us wretched

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People, if we also do not believe the divine oath!

414 And here we must know that faith must certainly believe that God forgives us sin by grace for the sake of Christ, not for the sake of our works, for the sake of confession and satisfaction. For as soon as we base ourselves on works, we become uncertain. For a frightened conscience soon realizes that its best works are of no value against God. Therefore Ambrose says a fine word about repentance: "We must repent, and also believe that grace will come to us; but so that we hope for grace by faith, for faith waits for and obtains grace, as if from a handwriting. Item: Faith is the very thing by which sins are covered.

For this reason there are clear sayings in the books of the fathers, not only about works, but also about faith. But the adversaries, not understanding the manner of repentance, not understanding the sayings of the fathers, pick out some of them mutilated from one part of repentance, that is, from repentance and from works, and what is spoken of faith they pass over.

(Article VI.) Confession and satisfaction.

416 God-fearing, respectable, pious, Christian people can well notice here that much is at stake that one has and maintains a right certain doctrine of repentance and faith in the church. For the great fraud of indulgences 2c., item, the clumsy teaching of the Sophists has shown us enough what great evil and danger arise from it, if it fails here. How many a pious conscience under the papacy has sought the right path here with such great labor, and has not found it under such darkness.

417 Therefore, we have always taken great pains to teach this subject clearly, confidently, and correctly. We have not particularly quarreled about confession and atonement. For we keep confession also for the sake of absolution, which is God's word, by which the power of the keys absolves us from sins. Therefore, it would be against God to refuse absolution from the church. 2c.

Those who despise absolution do not know what forgiveness of sin is, or what the power of the keys is. But of the telling of sins we have said above in our confession that we hold that it is not commanded by God. For when they say, "Every judge must first understand the things and infirmities

before he pronounces the sentence, so the sins must first be told 2c., that does not matter. For absolution is badly the command to absolve, and is not a new judgment to investigate sin. For God is the judge, who commanded the apostles not the office of judgement, but the execution of grace, to absolve those who desire it, and to absolve and absolve them also from sins that do not occur to us. Therefore, absolution is a voice of the gospel by which we receive comfort, and is not a judgment or law. And it is foolish and childish enough for those with understanding to introduce the saying of Solomon, when he says on the 27th, v. 23: Diligenter cognosce vultum pecoris tui, that is, take heed to your sheep 2c., in the place of confession or absolution. For Solomon speaks nothing at all of confession, but gives commandment to the fathers of the house, that they should be content with their own, and abstain from other people's goods. And commands with the word: each one should take care of his livestock and goods diligently; but he should not forget God's fear, God's commandment and word out of stinginess.

  1. But the adversaries make black and white out of the Scripture, if and how they want, against all natural way of clear words. In the place: Cognosce vultum pecoris etc., there cognoscere must mean to hear confession, cattle or sheep must mean people. Stabulum, we note, is also called a school, where such doctores and oratores are present. But it serves them right, who thus despise the holy scriptures, all good arts, that they are so grossly lacking in "grammar". If someone in that place would ever want to compare a householder, of whom Solomon speaks, with a pastor, then vultus would not have to mean arcana conscientiae, but the outward walk.

420 But I will let that go. In several places in Psalms the word confessio is used, as in the 32nd Psalm, v. 5: "I will confess my transgression against myself to the Lord. The same confession and confessing that happens to God is repentance itself. For when we confess to God, we must recognize ourselves as sinners in our hearts, and not only with our mouths, as the hypocrites do, but only by repeating the words. Thus, the same confession that God makes is such a repentance in the heart, since I feel God's seriousness and anger, and I agree with God that He is justly angry, that He cannot be reconciled even with our merit, and since we seek mercy, since God has promised mercy in Christ. So this is a confession in the 51st Psalm, v. 6: "In You alone

1238 Cap. 13: The Diet of Augsburg in 1530**, W. XVI, 1489-1491.** 1239

I have sinned, that thou mayest be found righteous when thou art judged," that is: I confess myself a sinner, and that I have deserved eternal wrath, and cannot with my works, nor with my merit, appease thy wrath; therefore I say that thou art righteous, and justly punish us. I agree with thee, though the hypocrites judge thee, that thou art unjust, because thou regardest not their merit and good works. Yes, I know that my works do not stand before your judgment, but so we are justified if you judge us to be just by your mercy.

  1. Someone would also like to use Jacob's saying: "Confess your sins to one another" Jac. 5, 16. But he is not talking about confession, which is done to the priest 2c., but about reconciliation and confession, when I otherwise reconcile myself with my neighbor.

422 The adversaries must also condemn their own teachers very much, if they want to say that confession of sin must take place and is commanded by God. For although we also keep confession and say that it is not useless to ask the young and inexperienced people, so that they may be taught all the better. But all this is to be tempered, so that consciences are not caught, which can never be satisfied as long as they are under the delusion that they are guilty of telling God about their sins.

423 Therefore the word of the adversaries, when they say that a completely pure confession is necessary for salvation, since no sin is concealed, 2c., is completely false. For such confession is impossible. O Lord God, how miserably they have plagued and tormented many a pious conscience by teaching that confession must be completely pure, and that no sin must remain unconfessed! For how can a man always be sure when he has confessed completely purely?

424 The Fathers also remember confession, but they do not speak of the recounting of secret sin, but of a ceremony, a public penance. For in times past, those who had been in public vices were not accepted back into the church without a public ceremony and punishment. Therefore, they had to confess their sin to the priests, so that the satisfactiones could be imposed according to the magnitude of the transgression. The whole thing, however, was not the same as the telling of sins that we are talking about. For the same confession and confession did not take place because forgiveness of sin before God could not take place without the same confession, but so that no external punishment could be imposed on them, unless they knew of the sin.

425 And from the outward ceremony of public repentance the word satisfactio or satisfaction is also derived. For the fathers did not want to accept again without punishment those who were found guilty of public vices. And this had many causes. For it served as an example that public vices were punished, as also the gloss in the decree says. It was also unwise that those who had fallen into open vices should soon be admitted to the sacrament without being tried. All of these ceremonies have now long since been discontinued, and there is no need for them to be instituted again. For they do nothing at all for reconciliation before God. Nor has it been the opinion of the fathers in any way that men should thereby obtain forgiveness of sin, although such outward ceremonies easily lead the inexperienced to think that they help something toward salvation. Whoever teaches or holds this, teaches and holds completely Jewish and pagan. For the pagans have also had some purification, where they wanted to think that they would be reconciled to God through it.

426 But now, when the same way of public penance has departed, the name satisfactio has remained, and still remains the shadow of the ancient custom that they apply satisfaction in confession, and call it opera non debita. We call it satisfactiones canonicas. Of this we teach, as of the telling of sins, namely that these same public ceremonies are not commanded by God, are not necessary, and do not help to forgive sin. For this doctrine must be preserved and remain above all things, that we obtain forgiveness of sin by faith, not by our works, which take place before or after we are converted or born again in Christ.

427 And we have spoken of satisfactionibus primarily for this reason, so that no one would understand satisfaction in such a way that the doctrine of faith would be suppressed, as if we could earn forgiveness of sin by our works. For the dangerous error of satisfactionibus has thus been torn down and confirmed by some clumsy teaching, so that the adversaries write that satisfaction is such a work, by which the divine wrath and displeasure are reconciled.

However, the adversaries themselves confess that the satisfactiones do not absolve the guilt before God, but they invent that they alone redeem and absolve the chastisement or punishment. For thus they teach that when sin is forgiven, the guilt or culpa is released without remedy, only through

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God forgives; and yet, because He is a just God, He does not leave sin without punishment, and turns the eternal punishment into a temporal punishment. They teach that a part of the temporal punishment is remitted by the power of the scourge; but a part is to be paid by satisfactiones or pardon. And it cannot be understood which part of the punishment or chastisement is remitted by the power of the keys, for they would say that a part of the chastisement of the purgatory is remitted, from which it would follow that the satisfactiones alone served to redeem the chastisement of the purgatory. And further, they say that the satisfactiones are good in the sight of God, even if they are done by those who have fallen into mortal sin; as if God were reconciled by those who are in mortal sin and are His enemies.

429 All these are vainly dreamed up, invented doctrines and words, without any foundation in Scripture, and against all Scripture of the ancient Fathers. Nor does Longobardus himself speak of the satisfactionibus in this way. The Scholastici may have had hearsay that there were satisfactiones in the church, and did not consider that it was an outward ceremony, in which the publice poenitentes or penitents had to show themselves to the church with a ceremony that was used: first, as a fright and example that others might take offense at; second, as a test whether the same sinners or penitents, who desired mercy again, had also heartily converted. In sum, they did not see that such satisfactio was an outward discipline, punishment, and disciplina, and that such a thing, like other worldly discipline, was erected to a shyness or fear. They taught that they served not only for discipline, but also to propitiate God, and were necessary for salvation. As 1) in many other things they boiled the kingdom of Christ, which is spiritual, and the kingdom of the world and outward discipline into one another, so they also did with the satisfactionibus. But the glosses in canonibus indicate in some places that these satisfactiones are intended only as an example for the church.

Here, however, let us see how the adversaries base and prove their dreams in the confutation which they finally hung on the Emperor's Majesty. Majesty hung at last. They use many sayings of the Scriptures to make the inexperienced believe that their doctrine of satisfactionibus is founded in the Scriptures, which was still unknown in Longobardi's time. They bring these sayings

  1. Müller: Because. Latin: 8icut.

"Repent, bring forth fruits of repentance." Item: "Pray your limbs to serve righteousness." Item: Christ said, "Repent." Item: Christ commands the apostles to preach repentance. Item: Peter preaches repentance in the stories of the apostles on the 2nd, v. 38. After that they point to some sayings of the fathers and the canons, and decide: "The penances in the church against the gospel, against the decree of the fathers and the canons, against the decree of the holy church, are not to be done, but those who obtain absolution are to perform their penance and satisfaction, the penance imposed on them by the priest.

  1. May God disgrace and punish such desperate sophists, who so treacherously and wickedly interpret the holy gospel to their dreams. What pious, honorable man would not be hurt in his heart by such a great public abuse of the divine word? Christ says, "Repent." The apostles also preach, "Repent." Therefore, is it proven by the Proverbs that God does not forgive sin without the sake of fictitious satisfaction? Who taught such dialectics to the rude, insolent asses? It is neither dialectica nor sophistica, but it is knavery to play with God's word in such a way, and to do so with annoying willfulness. That is why they take the saying from the Gospel as obscure and hidden: "Repent," 2c. so that when the inexperienced hear that this word from the Gospel is taken against us, they should think that we are such people who do not think anything of repentance. With such wickedness they deal with us. Although they know that we teach rightly about repentance, they want to scare people away, and like to embitter many people against us, so that the inexperienced should cry out: Crucify, crucify such harmful heretics, who think nothing of repentance; and so are publicly overcome as the liars here.

432 But we take comfort in this and know for a fact that with God-fearing people, even with respectable, pious, honest people, such insolent lies and falsification of the holy Scriptures are of no avail. Thus, even God the Lord, as true as He is a living God, will not long suffer such insolent blasphemy and unheard malice; they will certainly burn themselves on the first and other commandments of God.

433 And having understood in our Confession almost all the highest articles of the whole Christian doctrine, that is, that about this matter there can be no greater, more highly important thing under the sun, one should add to these high, all-important

1242 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1494-1497. 1243

We have sought out and selected so many innumerable souls and consciences throughout the world, now and in our descendants, who are concerned about the whole holy Christian religion, the welfare and unity of the whole Christian church, and 1) this time, with all faithful, utmost diligence, who would be more God-fearing, more understanding, more experienced, more capable and more honest, and also more faithful, good of heart and mind for the common good, for the unity of the church, for the welfare of the kingdom, than the loose, careless sophists who wrote the Confutation.

  1. And you, Cardinal Campegi, as the wise man who is trusted with this matter in Rome, whose wisdom is to be praised, even if you would not respect or regard anything but the honor of the pope and see of Rome, should have kept better house here, and done this with the utmost diligence, so that in such a great and excellent matter such a clumsy confutation would not have been written by such or such sophists, in such a great and excellent matter, such a clumsy confutation would not have been written by the or such sophists, which both at this time and in the future with the descendants, will do you no other than to vain ridicule, to the diminishment of your reputation and name, to eternal, unavoidable disgrace and damage.

435 You Romanists see that these are the last times before the last day, of which Christ warns that many dangers shall befall the church. You, then, who would be called guardians, shepherds and heads of the church, should take care in this time with special, faithful, highest diligence. There are already many signs before your eyes that, where you do not manage and direct yourselves well in time and things, a great and strong change is about to take place in the whole Roman See and in its nature. And you must not take it into your minds, indeed you must not think that you want to keep the congregations and churches with you and the Roman See by the sword and force alone. For good consciences cry out for the truth and right instruction from God's Word, and death is not so bitter to them as it is bitter to them when they doubt in one thing. Therefore, they must seek where they can find instruction. If you want to keep the church with you, you must strive to teach and preach rightly; in this way you can establish good will and constant obedience.

436 Let us return to the matter at hand. The sayings from the Scriptures, so attracted by the adversaries, do not speak of the satisfaction of the Lord.

  1. Müller: "now and". Jenaer: "itzund".

and satisfaction, which the opponents argue about. Therefore, it is only a counterfeit of the Scriptures that they interpret God's word in their own opinion. We say that where there is true repentance, renewal of the Holy Spirit in the heart, good fruits, good works will surely follow. And is it not possible that a man should turn to God, do right repentance, have heartfelt remorse, and good works, good fruits, should not follow. For a heart and conscience that has rightly felt its sorrow and sin, that is rightly frightened, will not regard or seek much of the pleasures of the world. And where faith is, it is grateful to God, and warmly respects and loves His commandments. Also, there is certainly no true repentance in the heart, if we do not outwardly show good works, Christian patience. And so does John the Baptist, when he says Luc. 3, 8. Matth. 3, 8.: "Produce the right fruits of repentance. Item, Paul, when he says to Romans 6, v. 19: "Give your members weapons of righteousness" 2c. And Christ, when he says, "Repent," is truly speaking of the whole repentance, and of the whole new life and its fruits. He does not speak of the hypocritical satisfactions of which the scholastic dream, and may say that they are valid before God for punishment, if they are done in mortal sins. Of course, this should be a delicious service.

437 There are also many other arguments and reasons why the aforementioned sayings of Scripture do not rhyme with the satisfaction of which the scholastics speak. They invent and say: the satisfactiones are fine works, which we do not owe. But the holy Scriptures in the Proverbs, so introduced, demand such works as we owe. For this word of Christ, when he says, "Repent," is a word of divine commandment.

438 The adversaries write that those who confess, even if they do not want to accept the satisfaction, do not sin because of it, but will have to bear punishment and satisfaction in purgatory. Now there is no doubt that these sayings: "Repent" 2c., item Pauli: "Pray your limbs to serve righteousness", and similar sayings are those of Christ and the apostles, which do not concern purgatory at all, but only this life. Therefore, they cannot be stretched to the satisfactionibus that I may or may not accept. For God's commandments are not thus freely given to us. 2c.

439 Thirdly, the pope's law and canon teach that through indulgences such satisfactiones are remitted, chap. Cum ex eo de poenitentiis. But the indulgence does not absolve anyone

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Of these commandments: "Repent", "Produce right fruits of repentance" 2c.

440 Therefore it is bright in the day, that one quite clumsily introduces the sayings of the Scriptures of the satisfactionibus. For if the penances of purgatory are satisfactiones or satispassiones, or if the satisfactiones are acknowledgments of the chastisement of purgatory, then the above-mentioned sayings of Christ and Paul must also prove and test that the souls go into purgatory and suffer chastisement there. If this follows from necessity from the opposing opinion, then the sayings must all put on new skirts, and thus be interpreted: fructus etc., show true fruits of repentance, that is, suffer in purgatory after this life. But it is annoying to make more words of such 1) public error of the adversaries. For indeed it is known that the Scriptures speak in places of works which we owe, and of the whole new life of a Christian, 2c. not of the fictitious works which we do not owe, of which the adversaries speak. And yet with these lies they defend monasticism, the buying and selling of masses, and countless other traditions, namely, that it is works that are enough for penance and punishment, although they are not enough for guilt against God.

441 If then the Proverbs, drawn from the Scriptures, do not say at all that eternal chastisement or purgatory will be paid by works for which we are not guilty, then the adversaries say without any reason that by such satisfaction the chastisements of purgatory will be redeemed.

442 The keys are not commanded to inflict punishment, or to partially or completely acknowledge the punishment. Such dreams and lies are nowhere found in Scripture. Christ speaks of forgiveness of sin when he says: "What you dissolve" 2c. When sin is forgiven, death is also taken away and eternal life is given. Also in this way the text: "What you dissolve" 2c. does not speak of imposing punishment, but that sins remain on those who do not convert.

443 Although we now hold that good fruits and works should follow right repentance, to praise and thank God, and of the same good works and fruits we have God's commandment, as of fasting, prayer, almsgiving, 2c., yet nowhere in Scripture is it found that God's wrath or eternal chastisements should be relieved by the chastisement of the purgatory, or by satisfactiones or satisfactiones, that is, by some

  1. Müller: "so von".

Works that we would not be guilty of without this, or that the authority of the keys have command to interpret chastisement, or to remit a part of the chastisement. Now the adversaries should prove these things from the Scriptures. They will probably leave it at that.

  1. It is certain that Christ's death is a satisfaction, not only for the guilt against God, but also for eternal death, as the saying of Hosea Cap. 13, 14 clearly states: "Death, I will be your death. What an abomination it is to say that Christ's death is enough for our guilt against God, but that the punishment we suffer redeems us from eternal death? So that this word of the prophet, "Death, I will be your death," is to be understood not from Christ, but from our works, and in addition from miserable human statutes, which God has not commanded. And yet they may say that these works are enough for eternal death, even if they are done in mortal sins.

445 The completely clumsy speech of the adversaries must certainly hurt a pious heart. For whoever reads and considers it, must be heartily grieved by such public teachings of the devil, which the wicked Satan has spread into the world to suppress the true teaching of the gospel, so that no one or few may be taught what is law or gospel, what is repentance or faith, or what are the benefits of Christ.

446 For of the law they say thus: God has considered our weakness, and has set for man a goal and measure of the works which he is obligated to do, that is, the works of the ten commandments, 2c. that he may suffice from the rest, from the operibus supererogationis, that is, from the works which he is not obligated to do, for his shortcoming and sin.

  1. Then they invent a dream for themselves, as if a man could or could fulfill God's law in such a way that he would do something more and above and beyond what the law requires, when all of the holy Scriptures testify, and all of the prophets also testify, that God's law demands much more than we are always able to do. But they want to think that the law of God and God are satisfied with external works, and do not see how the law demands that we love God with all our heart 2c. and be rid of all evil lusts. Therefore, there is no man on earth who does as much as the law requires.

For this reason, it is quite foolish and childish for those with understanding to imagine that we can do something more than the divine law requires. For even though we can do the poor outward works, which are not God's, but

1246 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1499-1502. 1247

If I have commanded men, whom Paul calls mendicant statutes, this is a foolish, vain trust, that I would trust that I have fulfilled God's law, yes, done more than God requires.

  1. Item, right prayers and right alms, right fasting, these are commanded by God, and in the case that they are commanded by God, one cannot slacken them without sinning. On the other hand, these works, if they are not commanded by God's laws, but have a form according to human choice, are nothing but human statutes, of which Christ says Matt. 15:9, "They serve me in vain with the commandments of men," as then are some certain fasts, not invented to tame the flesh, but to honor God with it, and as Scotus says, to get rid of eternal death. Item, how then are some prayers, some certain alms, which are supposed to be a divine service, which ex opere operato reconciles God, and redeems from eternal damnation. For they say and teach that such works ex opere operato, that is, by the work done, are sufficient for sin, and teach that such satisfaction is valid, even if one is in mortal sin.

450 Above these are works that have even less divine command or commandment, such as rosaries and pilgrimages, which are of various kinds. For some go to St. James in full armor, some with bare feet, and the like. Christ calls these vain, useless services. Therefore they are of no use to reconcile God, as the adversaries say. And these works, as pilgrimages, they praise highly, 1) and consider them great, delicious works, calling them opera supererogationis. And, what is more shameful, what is even more blasphemous, they give them the honor that is due to Christ's death and blood alone, that they should be the pretium, that is, the treasure, so that we may be redeemed from eternal death. Fie on the wretched devil, who may so revile and blaspheme Christ's holy and precious death!

So these pilgrimages are preferred to the righteous works expressed in the Ten Commandments, and thus God's law is obscured in two ways. First, that they think they have done enough for the law when they have done the outward works. Second, that they esteem the wretched statutes of men more highly than the works that God has commanded.

452 The doctrine of repentance and grace is also suppressed. For eternal death and the fears of hell cannot be explained in this way.

  1. Müller: "doch" instead of: "hoch".

as they would like to think. We must have a different and greater treasure, by which we are bought from death, eternal anguish and pain, than our works are. For such holiness of works is an idle thing, and the saints of works do not even taste what death is; but, as God's wrath cannot be overcome in any other way than through faith in Christ, so also death is overcome through Christ alone, as Paul says: "Praise be to God, who gives us the victory through Jesus Christ our Lord" 1 Cor. 15:57. He does not say, who gives us victory through our satisfaction.

The adversaries speak almost coldly and sleepily of the forgiveness of sin against God, and do not see that forgiveness of such guilt and redemption from God's wrath and eternal death is such a great thing that it is obtained only through the one Mediator Christ and through faith in Him.

If the death and blood of Christ is the right payment for eternal death, and the adversaries themselves confess that such works of satisfaction are works that we do not owe, but are ordinances of men, of which Christ says in Matt. 15:9 that they are vain works of God, then we may freely conclude, even from their own words, that such satisfactions are not commanded by God, nor do they redeem eternal chastisement and guilt, or the chastisement of purgatory.

(455) Perhaps the adversaries will reproach us here that chastisement and punishment actually belong to repentance. For Augustine says that penance is a revenge, fear and punishment for sin. Answer: Our adversaries are gross asses, that they interpret the words of Augustine, who speaks of repentance and whole penance, to the ceremonies of satisfaction, and further hang on it, that such satisfactio is to earn forgiveness of eternal death.

456 We also teach that in repentance is the punishment of sin, for the great terror by which sin is judged in us is a punishment much greater and higher than pilgrimages and the like. But such terror does not concern satisfaction, so it does not deserve forgiveness of sin or eternal death, but, if we were not comforted by faith, such terror and punishment would be vain sin and death. Thus Augustine teaches about punishment. But our adversaries, the gross asses, do not even know what repentance or contrition is, but go about with their jugglery, rosaries, pilgrimages and the like.

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But then they say: God, being a just judge, must not leave sin without punishment. Yea, verily he punisheth sin, when in such terror he presseth and distresseth the consciences so strongly with his wrath, as David saith in the 6th Psalm, v. 1, "O Lord, punish me not in thy wrath"; and Jeremiah in the 10th Cap. v. 24, "Punish me, O Lord, yet with mercy, not in thy wrath, lest I perish." There he truly speaks of great, unspeakable anguish, and the adversaries themselves confess that repentance can be so bitter and swift that satisfaction is not necessary. Therefore, contritio or repentance is more of a torment than satisfactio.

The saints must bear death, all kinds of crosses and tribulations, just like the others, as Peter says in 1 Peter 4:17: "It is time to approach the judgment of the house of God. And although these tribulations are often penance and punishment for sin, they have another cause in Christians, namely, that they should drive and train Christians to realize their weak faith in temptation, and to seek God's help and comfort, as Paul says of himself 2 Cor. 1:8 f.: "Since we were weighed down by measure, and by power, so that we had resolved with ourselves that we should die, lest we should learn to trust in us." And Isaiah Cap.26, 16. says: "The distress and anguish in which they are in, and in which they call upon you, is a discipline to them, that is, the tribulation is a discipline of children, by which God trains the saints. God also sends us the tribulations to kill and dampen the sin that is still left in us, so that we are regenerated in spirit, as Paul says in Romans 8:10: "The body is dead because of sin," that is, it is being killed more and more every day because of the sin that is still left in the flesh. And death itself serves to put an end to sinful flesh, so that we may rise from the dead all holy and renewed.

459 We are not freed from these afflictions and torments by the satisfactiones, therefore it cannot be said that the satisfactiones apply to this cross and affliction, and take away the temporal punishment of sin. For this is certain, that the power of the keys can absolve no one from the cross or other common afflictions. And if they want the word poenae, by which enough is done, to be understood of common tribulations, how then do they teach that one must do enough in purgatory?

They set before us examples of Adam and David, who was punished for his adultery. From the example they make a

Rule that every sin must have its certain temporal punishment before the sin is forgiven. I have said before that Christians suffer tribulations by which they are chastened; thus they suffer terror in their consciences, many a struggle and temptation; thus our Lord God also imposes his own penance and punishment on some sinners, as an example. And the power of the keys has nothing to do with the penalties, but only God has to interpret and solve them as He wills.

461 Neither does it follow that there is a separate punishment imposed on David, that there is a chastisement of purgatory on top of the common cross and tribulation of all Christians, since every sin has its degree and measure of chastisement. For it is nowhere to be found in Scripture that we cannot be redeemed from eternal torment and death except by such an acknowledgment of our suffering and satisfaction. But Scripture everywhere testifies that we obtain forgiveness of sin without merit through Christ, and that Christ alone has overcome sin and death. Therefore, we should not attach our own merit to it. And although Christians must suffer all kinds of penalties, punishments and tribulations, the Scriptures indicate that these are laid upon us to kill and humble the old Adam, not to redeem us from eternal death.

Job is excused in the Scriptures because he was not afflicted because of some evil deeds. Therefore, afflictions and temptations are not always signs of divine wrath, but consciences must be diligently instructed so that they learn to regard afflictions much differently, namely as signs of grace, so that they do not think that God has rejected them when they are in affliction. They should look at the other true fruits of the cross, namely that God attacks us and therefore does a foreign work, as Isaiah says, so that he may have his own work in us; as he then makes a long comforting sermon about it in chapter 28, v. 19 ff. And when the disciples asked about the blind man, John 9:3, Christ says that neither the blind man's parents nor he sinned, but God's glory and work must be revealed. And so also Jeremiah the prophet says Cap. 49, 12.: "Those who are not guilty of it shall also drink the cup" 2c. So the prophets are strangled, so John Baptist is killed and other saints.

463 Therefore, the tribulations are not always punishments or penalties for past sins, but are God's works, directed to our benefit, that God's strength and power may be seen all the more clearly in our weakness, as He is in the midst of the

1250 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1504-1507. 1251

Death can help 2c. So Paul says [1 Cor. 12, 9.1: "God's power and strength can be experienced and seen in weakness." Therefore we are to sacrifice our bodies in God's will, to show our obedience and patience, not to deliver us from eternal death or eternal torment. For God has decreed another treasure, namely the death of His Son, our Lord Christ.

464 And so St. Gregory interprets the example of David 2 Sam. 12, 14, when he says: "If God has punished him for the same sin, so that he should be humiliated by his own son, why did he let this happen, since the sin was already forgiven? the answer is that the forgiveness happened so that the man would not be prevented from receiving eternal life. Nevertheless, the punishment that was inflicted followed, so that he would test him and keep him in humility. So God also put natural death on man, and did not take it away when sin was forgiven, so that those who were forgiven sin and sanctified might be proved and tested. Now it is public that the keys do not take away this common punishment, as war, torment and similar plagues. Item, that even canonicae satisfactiones do not make us free from such plagues, so that our satisfactiones should help or apply to them, if we are already in mortal sins. Also, the adversaries themselves confess that they do not apply the satisfactiones for such common plagues, but for purgatory. Therefore, their satisfactiones are vain imaginary dreams.

  1. but here some refer to the saying of Paul 1 Cor. 11, 31: "If we judged ourselves, we would not be judged. From this they conclude: If we would punish ourselves, God would punish more mercifully. Answer: Paul speaks of punishment of the whole life, not of outward punishment and ceremonies, therefore this saying does nothing for satisfactio. For what does God ask about punishment without correction? Yes, it is an atrocious blasphemy to teach that our satisfaction alleviates God's punishment, when it already occurs in mortal sins. Paul speaks of repentance and faith and of the whole correction, he does not speak of the outward punishment alone. Therefore, nothing more can be enforced from this, except that if we amend ourselves, God will avert His punishment. This is true, and it is useful, comforting and necessary to preach that God will relieve the punishment if we mend our ways, as He did with Nineveh. And so Isaiah teaches in chapter 1, v. 18: "When

Even though your sins are as red as blood, they will be gone and as white as snow when you repent. And this correction is not in the canonica satisfactione, but in other pieces of repentance, in repentance, in faith, in good works, which follow after faith. But our adversaries interpret these comforting sayings to their lies and jugglery of satisfaction.

466 But that the ancient teachers and fathers remembered satisfaction, that the concilia were made of the satisfactionibus canones, I have said above that it was an outward ceremony, and it was not the opinion of the fathers that these ceremonies of repentance should be an extinguishing of guilt against God or of chastisement. For although some of the fathers are like those who think of the fire of sweeping, they themselves interpret it as meaning that, even if it were, it would not be redemption from eternal death and torment, which Christ alone does, but that it would be a cleansing and sweeping (as they say) of imperfect souls. Alfo Augustine says: The daily sins are burned and extinguished, as weak faith against God and the like 2c.

467 One also finds in some places that the fathers use the word satisfactio or satisfaction, which originally comes from the ceremony of public penitence, as I said, for right repentance and killing of the old Adam. Thus Augustine says: The right satisfactio or satisfaction is to cut off the cause of sins, that is, to kill the flesh 2c., item, to tame and mortify the flesh, not that eternal death or torment may be acknowledged thereby, but that the flesh may not draw us to sins.

Thus Gregory says of the restitution of other people's goods that it is a false repentance if not enough is done to those whose goods we have wrongfully taken. For he does not repent of having stolen who still steals; for as long as he holds other people's goods, he is a thief or robber. The same satisfaction against those who are guilty shall be made against the same; and of the same civil satisfaction there is no need to dispute here. Item, the fathers write that it is enough that once in the whole life the publica penitenz or the public repentance happens, of which the canones satisfactionum are made. From this it can be seen that their opinion was not that these canons should be necessary for the forgiveness of sins. For without these ceremonies of public repentance, they otherwise teach much about Christian repentance, since they do not remember the canones satisfactionum.

469 The donkeys that have made the confutation.

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They say that it is not acceptable to deny satisfactiones against the public gospel. But we have shown this clearly enough, that these same canonicae satisfactiones, that is, such works (as they speak of them) as we are not guilty of, are not founded in Scripture or the Gospel. Thus the matter indicates itself: for if the satisfactiones are works which one is not guilty of, why do they say that we teach against the clear gospel? For if it were stated in the Gospel that eternal punishment and death would be taken away by such works, then they were works that one would be guilty of doing before God. But they speak in such a way as to make a pretense before the noses of the inexperienced, and they use sayings of the Holy Scriptures that speak of right Christian works that we owe, while they base their satisfaction on works that we do not owe, and which they call opera non debita. They teach and even admit in their schools that one can remit such satisfaction without mortal sin. Therefore, it is wrong for them to say that the clear gospel allows one to keep the satisfactiones.

We have often said that righteous repentance cannot be without good works and fruits. The Ten Commandments teach us what good works are, namely, to truly and most sincerely esteem, fear and love God the Lord, to cheerfully call upon Him in times of need, to always give thanks to Him, to confess His word, to hear the same word, and to comfort others with it, To be obedient to parents and authorities, faithful to his office and profession, not bitter, not hateful, not killing, but comforting, kind to your neighbor, helping the poor according to your ability, not fornicating, not committing adultery, but keeping the flesh in check at all times. And all this, not to do enough for eternal death or eternal torment, which is due to Christ alone, but to do it in such a way that the devil is not given room, and God is angered and the Holy Spirit is grieved and displeased. These fruits and good works are commanded by God and have their rewards, and for the sake of God's glory and divine commandment, they should be done.

471 But that the eternal punishments are not remitted in any other way than only through satisfaction in purgatory, or some good works of human tradition, is not mentioned anywhere in the Holy Scriptures. By means of indulgences, such imposed penances and satisfactions are acknowledged to the publice poenitentibus or penitents, so that the people are not so much burdened. Now, if people have power to make the satis

If a man is to remit the punishment or chastisement imposed on him, such satisfactio is not commanded by God. For a human being cannot disobey a divine command and commandment.

472 But since the old way of public penance and satisfaction has long since been done away with, which the bishops have allowed to happen from one time to the next, indulgences are not necessary, and yet the name indulgentia or indulgence has remained in the church. Just as the word satisfactio is understood differently than for a church order and ceremony, so the word indulgence or indulgence has also been wrongly interpreted and interpreted for such grace and indulgence by which souls are redeemed from purgatory, although the whole power of the keys in the church does not extend further than here on earth alone, as the text reads: "What you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven. What thou shalt loose on earth, that shall be loosed in heaven."

The power of the keys, then, is not such a power to establish special punishment or worship, but only to forgive sin to those who convert and to banish those who do not. For to dissolve in that place is to forgive sin; to bind is not to forgive sin. For Christ speaks of a spiritual kingdom, and God has commanded to absolve from sins those who convert, as Paul says: "The power is given to us to edify, and not to break" 2 Cor. 10:8.

474 For this reason, the reservatio casuum, that is, in which the pope and the bishops reserve certain cases, is an external, secular thing. For they reserve for them the absolutio a poena canonica, not from guilt against God. Therefore, the opponents teach rightly, since they themselves confess and say that at the hour of death such a reservatio or reservation should not hinder the right Christian absolution.

475 Herewith we have presented the summa of our doctrine of repentance, and know truly that it is quite useful and highly necessary for Christian and pious hearts. And if God-fearing, pious, respectable people will consider this most important matter according to necessity, and hold this doctrine of ours, and indeed of Christ and the apostles, against so much unsophisticated, confused, childish disputation and books of the adversaries, they will find that they have omitted the very highest, most necessary part, namely, faith in Christ, without which no one can teach or learn anything righteous, Christian, through which alone the consciences may have right consolation. They

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will also see that the adversaries invent much from their own brains about the merit of attrition, about the narration of the sin, about satisfaction, all of which is unfounded in Scripture and neither sufficient above nor below, which the adversaries themselves do not understand.

Article XIII (VII) Sacraments and their proper use.

476 In the thirteenth article, the adversaries allow us to say that the sacraments are not bad signs by which people know one another, like slogans in war and court scar 2c., but are powerful signs and certain testimonies of divine grace and will toward us, by which God reminds and strengthens our hearts to believe all the more surely and joyfully.

477 But here they want us to confess that there are seven sacraments, neither more nor less. Then we say that it is necessary to preserve these ceremonies and sacraments, which God has instituted by His Word, how many and in what number they are. But of this number of the seven sacraments it is found that the fathers themselves did not count them equally, so these seven ceremonies are not all equally necessary.

If we call sacraments the outward signs and ceremonies that have God's command and have a divine promise of grace attached to them, we can soon conclude what sacraments are. For ceremonies and other external things, instituted by men, are not sacraments in this way. For men without command do not have to promise God's grace. Therefore, signs that are instituted without God's command are not signs of grace, although they may otherwise bring a reminder to children and rude people, as a painted cross.

479 So the proper sacraments are baptism and the Lord's Supper, and absolution. For these have God's command and the promise of grace, which actually belongs to the New Testament and is the New Testament. For this is the purpose of the outward signs, that by them the hearts may be moved, namely, by the word and outward signs at the same time, that they may believe when we are baptized, when we receive the body of the Lord, that God truly wants to be gracious to us through Christ, as Paul says Rom. 10:17: "Faith is of hearing." As the word enters the ears, so the outward sign is set before the eyes, so as to stir up the heart inwardly and move it to faith, for the word and the outward sign are not the same.

Signs work in the heart in the same way as Augustine spoke a fine word. The sacrament, he says, is a visible word, for the outward sign is like 1) a painting, by which is signified that which is preached by the word. Therefore, both are one and the same.

480 But the confirmatio and the last rites are ceremonies which are of ancient origin and which the Church has never considered necessary for salvation. For they do not have God's command or commandment. Therefore, it is good to distinguish these from the above-mentioned ceremonies, which are instituted and commanded by God's Word and have an attached promise from God.

481 By the sacrament of the order or priesthood, the adversaries do not understand the ministry of preaching and the ministry of administering and distributing the sacraments, but understand it of priests who are ordained to sacrifice. As if there had to be a priesthood in the New Testament, as the Levitical priesthood was, since the priests sacrifice for the people and obtain forgiveness of sins for the others. But we teach that the one sacrifice of Christ on the cross was enough for all the sin of the world, and that we do not need another sacrifice for sin. For we do not have in the New Testament such a priesthood as the Levitical priesthood was, as the epistle to the Hebrews teaches.

But if one wanted to call the sacrament of the order a sacrament of the ministry of preaching and the gospel, there would be no objection to calling ordination a sacrament. For the ministry of preaching was instituted and commanded by God, and has glorious promise of God, Rom. 1, 16: "The gospel is a power of God to all those who believe in it" 2c. Isa. 55, 11: "The word that goeth out of my mouth shall not return unto me void, but shall do according to my pleasure."

If one wanted to understand the sacrament of the order in this way, one would also call the laying on of hands a sacrament. For the church has God's command that it should appoint preachers and deacons. Since this is very comforting when we know that God wants to preach and work through men and those who are elected by men, it is good that such election be highly praised and honored, especially against the devilish Anabaptists, who despise and blaspheme such election along with the ministry of preaching and the bodily word.

484 But the conjugal state is not first instituted in the New Testament, but soon as the

  1. "Like" is missing in Müller. Latin: quasi.

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He is also commanded and ordered by God. It also has divine promises, which do not really belong to the New Testament, but rather concern the bodily life. Therefore, if someone wants to call it a sacrament, we do not contest it highly. But it should nevertheless be separated from the previous two, which are the actual signs and seals of the New Testament. For if the marriage state should be called a sacrament only because God has instituted and commanded it, then the other offices and states should also be called sacraments, which also go by God's word and command, as authorities or magistrates 2c.

And finally, if all things were to be called sacraments with such a glorious title, because they have God's word and command, then prayer should be called a sacrament above all others, because there is a strong command of God and a much more glorious, divine promise. It would also be justified, for if prayer were given such a great title, people would be encouraged to pray. Alms could also be counted among the sacraments. Item, the cross and the tribulation of the Christians. For they also have God's promise. But no prudent man will make a great quarrel about whether seven or more sacraments are counted, but only so far as God's word and command are not interrupted.

486 But this is more necessary to discuss and to know what is the right use of the sacraments. We must freely condemn the whole bunch of scholasticorum, and punish their error, since 1) they teach that those who use the sacraments badly, if they do not set obicem, obtain God's grace ex opere operato, if the heart then already has no good thoughts. But this is a Jewish error, so they hold that we should become righteous and holy by a work and outward ceremony without faith, and if the heart is already not in it, and yet this harmful doctrine is preached and taught far and wide, absolutely and everywhere in the whole of Pabst's kingdom and Pabst's church. Paul cries out against this and says Rom. 4, 11. that Abraham was justified before God, not through circumcision, but that circumcision was a sign to practice and strengthen faith. Therefore we also say that to the right use of the sacraments belongs faith, which believes the divine promise, and receives promised grace, which is offered through sacrament and word. And this is a certain, right

  1. Müller: "that". Latin: qui ckoeent.

Custom of the holy sacraments, because a heart and a conscience may dare and let themselves. For no one can grasp the divine promise except through faith alone. And the sacraments are external signs and seals of the promise.

487 Therefore, the proper use of the same requires faith. When I receive the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, Christ clearly says: "This is the New Testament. I must believe that I will receive the grace and forgiveness of sins promised in the New Testament. And this I shall receive in faith, and thereby comfort my frightened, stupid conscience, and stand certain that God's word and promise are not lacking, but be as certain, and even more certain, as if God had given me a new voice, or new miraculous signs from heaven, through which grace would be promised to me. But what good are miraculous signs if there is no faith? And we are speaking here of faith, since I certainly believe for myself that my sins are forgiven, not only of fide generali, since I believe that there is a God. The same right use of the sacraments is quite comforting and refreshes the conscience.

488 But what the ugly, shameful, ungodly doctrine of the opere operato, since it teaches that if I use the sacraments, the work done makes me pious before God and obtains me grace, even though the heart has no good thoughts about it, has introduced for abuse and error, no one can think, write, or say enough. For that is where the unspeakable, innumerable, horrible abuse of the masses came from. And they cannot point to a tittle or a letter from the old fathers that proves the scholastic opinion; indeed, Augustine says straight against it that faith in the use of the sacrament, not the sacrament, makes us pious before God.

Article XIV: The Church Regiment.

489 In the fourteenth article, where we say that no one is allowed to preach or to administer the sacraments in the church, but only those who are duly called, that is what they accept, if we understand the calling thus of priests who are ordained or consecrated according to the content of the Canonum. We let ourselves hear about this matter several times at this Imperial Diet, that we are highly inclined to help preserve the old church order and the bishops' rule, which is called oarionioarn politianp, if the bishops would tolerate our doctrine and accept our priests.

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490 Now the bishops have persecuted ours until now, and murdered them against their own rights. Thus we cannot yet obtain that they desist from such tyranny. Therefore, it is our fault that the bishops are deprived of obedience, and we are excused before God and all pious people. For since the bishops will not tolerate ours, for they abandon this doctrine that we have confessed, and yet we owe it to God to confess and uphold this doctrine, we must let the bishops go, and be more obedient to God, and know that the Christian Church is there, where God's Word is taught rightly. Let the bishops see how they will take responsibility for 1) tearing apart and desolating the churches through such tyranny.

Article XV. (VIII.) Of the human statutes in the church.

491 In the fifteenth article they let them have their way, since we say that ceremonies and statutes should be kept in the church, which can be kept with a good conscience without sin, and which serve for good order and peace. The other part they condemn, because we say that the statutes, which are established to propitiate God and to obtain forgiveness of sins, are strictly contrary to the gospel. Although we have said much in the Confession about the difference between food and ordinances, we must briefly repeat it here.

492 Although we thought that the adversaries would seek other causes to protect the human statutes, we would not have thought that they should condemn this article, namely: through human tradition no one deserves forgiveness of sin. But because the same whole article is unashamedly condemned, we have an easy, bad thing. For this is openly Jewish, that is, openly suppressing the gospel with the devil's teaching. For the Scriptures and Paul call such doctrines true doctrines of the devil only when they are praised for serving to obtain forgiveness of sin. For then they are contrary to Christ, contrary to the gospel, as fire and water are contrary to one another.

The gospel teaches that through faith in Christ we receive forgiveness of sins without merit and are reconciled to God. But the adversaries set up another mediator, namely the laws of men, by which they want to obtain forgiveness of sins.

  1. Thus the Jenaer. Müller: there.

They want to obtain the forgiveness of sin, through which they want to appease the wrath of God. But Christ clearly says: "They serve me in vain by the commandment of men."

  1. Above we have abundantly shown that we are justified before God by faith, when we believe that we have a gracious God, not by our works, but through Christ. Now it is quite certain that this is the pure gospel. For Paul clearly says to the Ephesians in chapter 2, v. 8: "Without merit you have been saved; and that not of yourselves, for it is the gift of God, not of works." Now the adversaries say that people deserve forgiveness of sins by such human statutes and works. What is this different than putting and placing another mediator, another propitiator above Christ? Paul says to the Galatians Cap. 5, 4: "You have fallen away from Christ, if you want to be justified by the law", that is, if you think that you are justified before God by the law, Christ is of no use to you. For what may those of Christ's mediator who trust in the works of the law to propitiate God? God has shown Christ that He will be gracious to us for the sake of the same Mediator, not for the sake of our righteousness. But they think that God is gracious to us for the sake of their works and for the sake of such tradition. So they take and rob Christ of his honor, and there is no difference between the ceremonies of the Law of Moses and such statutes as far as this matter is concerned. Paul rejects the ceremonies of Moses for the very reason that he also rejects the commandments of men, namely, that the Jews considered them to be works that earned forgiveness of sins. For by this Christ was suppressed. Therefore he rejects the works of the law and the commandment of men at the same time, and disputes this: that not for our works, but for Christ's sake without merit, forgiveness of sins is promised, but so that we grasp it by faith. For the promise cannot be grasped in any other way than by faith.

495 If then we obtain forgiveness of sins through faith, if we have a gracious God through faith for Christ's sake, it is a great error and blasphemy that we should obtain forgiveness of sins through such statutes.

496 If then they would say that we do not obtain forgiveness of sins by such works, but if we have forgiveness now through faith, we should then merit by such works that God may be gracious to us. But Paul argues against that, to the

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Galatians 2, v. 17, where he says: "But if we ourselves, who seek to be justified by Christ, should also be found sinners, Christ would be a minister of sin." Item sCap. 3, 15]: "To a man's testament let no man add anything." Therefore, even to the testament of God, where He promises us that He will be gracious to us for Christ's sake, nothing should be added, nor should this be suggested, as if we first deserve that God should be gracious to us for the sake of such works.

  1. And if someone else wanted to establish or choose such works to propitiate God, to earn forgiveness of sin, how would he be sure that the works pleased God, if he had neither God's command nor His word about them? How will he assure the consciences and hearts how they stand with God? Item, that the works are pleasing to God, if there is no word of God nor command?

The prophets forbid everywhere to establish their own, chosen, special worship without God's word and command, Ezek. 20, 18: "Walk not in the statutes of your fathers, neither observe their customs, nor be defiled by their idols. I am the LORD your God, walk in my commandments, and keep my statutes and my judgments, and do them." If men have power to worship, that we may thereby pay for sin and become godly before God, then all the worship of the Gentiles, all the idolatry of all the godless kings of Israel, Jeroboam and others, must also be good. For there is no difference. If men have the power to establish worship to earn salvation, why should the worship of the Gentiles and Israelites be unjust? For this is why the services of the Gentiles and Israelites were rejected, because they thought that such services pleased God, and knew nothing of the highest service, which is called faith. Item, how can we be sure that such services and works without God's word make one righteous before God, if no man can know or experience God's will other than by His word alone? How, if such services are not only despised by God the Lord, but also considered an abomination? How can the adversaries say that they justify themselves before God? Without God's word, no one can ever say that. Paul says to the Romans Cap. 14, 23.: "Everything that does not come from faith is sin." If these services have no divine command, the hearts must be in doubt as to whether they please God.

499 And what may this public matter of many words? If the adversaries defend these services as if they were works, by which one earns forgiveness of sins and salvation, they establish public antichristian doctrine and kingdom. For the kingdom of Antichrist is actually such a new worship, invented by men, by which Christ is rejected, as Mahomet's kingdom has its own chosen worship, its own works, by which they pretend to become holy and pious before God, and do not believe that one is justified by faith in Christ alone.

So the papacy also becomes a part of the kingdom of Antichrist, if it teaches to obtain forgiveness of sins by human commandment and to reconcile God. For Christ's honor is taken away when they teach that we are not justified by faith through Christ without merit, but through such worship, especially when they teach that such self-chosen worship is not only useful, but also necessary, as they hold in the eighth article above, where they condemn that we said: for the right unity of the church it is not necessary that there be uniform statutes of men everywhere. Daniel in the 11th chapter, v. 38, describes the kingdom of Antichrist in such a way that he indicates that such new services, invented by men, will be the politia and the true essence of the Antichristian kingdom. For thus he says: "He will honor the God of Maosim, and the God whom his fathers did not recognize he will serve with gold, silver and precious stones." There he describes such new services, because he says of such a God, of which the fathers did not know.

For the holy fathers, though they had ceremonies and statutes, they did not think that such ceremonies were useful and necessary for salvation, yet they did not suppress Christ with them, but taught that God was gracious to us for Christ's sake, not for the sake of such services. But they kept the same statutes for the sake of bodily exercise, as the festivals, so that the people would know, when they came together, that everything in the churches was done properly and chastely, for the sake of good examples, so that even the common, coarse people would be kept in fine child discipline. For such a difference of time and such various services serve to keep the people in discipline and to remind them of history. The fathers had these causes to preserve human order.

502 And in this way we do not dispute that good custom is kept. And we can-

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We are not surprised enough that the adversaries are allowed to teach against all the scriptures of the apostles, against the Old and New Testaments, that we should obtain eternal salvation and forgiveness of sins through such church services. For what is that but, as Daniel says, to honor God with gold, silver and precious stones, that is, to hold that God will be gracious to us through various church decorations, through flags, candles, such as are innumerable in such statutes of men? Paul writes to the Colossians Cap. 2, 23 that such statutes have an appearance of wisdom. And also has a great appearance, as if it were almost holy, because disorder is evil, and such orderly child discipline is useful in the church 2c. But because human reason does not understand what faith is, those who judge by reason fall into it from the beginning, and make such a work out of it, which is to help us to heaven and reconcile God.

503 Thus the falsities and harmful idolatries have broken down among the Israelites. Therefore they made one worship above another, as in our time one altar is set up above another, one church above another. So also human reason judges of other bodily exercises than fasting 2c. For fasting serves to tame the old Adam; soon reason falls upon it and makes a work out of it that reconciles God, as Thomas writes, fasting is a work that is suitable to erase guilt against God and to prevent it further. These are the clear words of St. Thomas. So these services, which are very glittering, have a great appearance and a great reputation of holiness before the people. And the examples of the saints help in this, when they say: St. Francis wore a cap, and the like. Here they look only at the external practice, not at the heart and faith.

504 And when people are thus deceived by such great and splendid appearances of holiness, innumerable dangers and evil ensue, namely, that the knowledge of Christ and the gospel are forgotten, and that all trust is placed in such works. Moreover, through such hypocritical works, the true good works that God demands in the Ten Commandments are completely suppressed (which is terrible to hear). For the works must be called only spiritual, holy, perfect life, and are then far preferred to the right, holy good works, since each one must walk according to God's commandment in his profession, to rule the authorities diligently, faithfully, the fathers of the house, the married people, wife and child, servants,

to keep them in Christian discipline. Item, as a maid, a servant is obligated to serve his master faithfully. These works are not regarded as divine, but as worldly beings, so that many people have a heavy conscience about them. For it is known that some have left their princely state, some their married state, and have gone into monasteries to become holy and spiritual.

505 And in addition to the error, there is the lamentation that when people are under the delusion that such statutes are necessary for salvation, their consciences are in unrest and torment without ceasing, because they have not kept their orders, their monasticism, and their established works so strictly. For who could tell all the statutes? There are innumerable books in which not one tittle, not one syllabus is written of Christ, of faith, or of the right good works that God gives, which each one is obliged to do according to his profession, but of such statutes alone do they write, as, to grasp the forty days, to hear mass, to pray four tides 2c. There is no end to interpretation and dispensation.

How miserably the good pious man Gerson agonizes, writhes and wriggles over things, since he would like to help the consciences with the right consolation, since gradus unb latitudines ^φεί praeceptorum, how far the same commandments bind, and yet cannot find a certain degree, since he may assure the heart of security and peace. Therefore, he also complains quite vehemently, how in great danger the consciences and consciences stand by the fact that one demands such statutes thus in a mortal sin and wants to have kept.

507 But against such hypocritical, glittering statutes, by which much is touched and the consciences are miserably troubled without cause, we are to arm ourselves and strengthen ourselves with God's word. First of all, we must be sure that forgiveness of sin is not earned by such statutes. We have the apostle above, to Colossians Cap. 2, 16.: "Let no one make you conscience about food, drink, new moons, Sabbaths." And the apostle wants to understand the whole law of Moses and such tradition at the same time, so that the adversaries would not fall asleep here, as they tend to do, as if Paul were speaking only of the law of Moses. But he indicates clearly enough that he also speaks of human statutes. Although the opponents themselves do not know what they are saying. For if the gospel and Paul clearly state that even the ceremonies and works of the Law of Moses do not help in the sight of God, much less will i human statutes.

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For this reason, the bishops do not have the power or authority to establish their own chosen services, which are to make the people holy and devout before God. For the apostles also say, Apost. 15,10: "Why do you tempt God and put a burden on the disciples" 2c. Peter chides it as a great sin to blaspheme and tempt God. Therefore, it is the apostle's opinion that this freedom should remain in the church, that no ceremonies, neither the Law of Moses nor other statutes, should be valued as necessary services, as some ceremonies in the Law of Moses had to be held as necessary in the Old Testament for a time. Therefore, we must also prevent the preaching of grace and of Christ, of the forgiveness of sins out of pure grace, from being suppressed, and the harmful error from taking hold, as if 1) the statutes were necessary to be pious before God.

  1. there have been Gerson, and many other faithful pious people, who have borne compassion about the great peril of consciences, and

They sought relief, how one might help the consciences, so that they would not be tortured by tradition in such manifold ways, and could not find anything certain to help the consciences out of their bonds. The holy Scriptures and the apostles, however, have gone through it briefly, and have badly acknowledged everything with one stroke, and have stated clearly and plainly that we are free in Christ, free from all traditions, especially if we seek to attain salvation and forgiveness of sin through them. This is why the apostles teach that the harmful Pharisaic doctrine should be resisted with doctrines and counterexamples.

(510) Therefore, we teach that such statutes do not make one righteous in the sight of God, nor are they necessary for salvation, nor should anyone make or accept such statutes in the belief that he will thereby become righteous in the sight of God. But whoever wants to keep them, let him keep them, just as I would keep another city custom where I live, without any confidence that I would thereby become righteous before God. As that I wear German clothes with the Germans, with the whales I hold as a custom of the country, not to be blessed by it.

511 The apostles, as the gospel indicates, break such statutes freshly, and are praised by Christ for it. For it is necessary to show and prove to the Pharisees, not only by teaching and preaching, but also by deed, that such services are of no use for salvation.

  1. Müller and the Jenaers: are.

And therefore, even if ours omit some traditions and ceremonies, they are sufficiently excused. For the bishops demand such things as necessary for salvation. This is an error that is not to be suffered.

Furthermore, the oldest statutes in the church, such as the three high feasts 2c., the Sunday celebration and the like, which were invented for the sake of good order, unity and peace 2c., we like to keep. Our people also preach about them in the mildest way possible, but they also say that they do not make people righteous in the sight of God. Therefore, the adversaries speak their authority, and do us all wrong before God, when they blame us for taking away and putting down all good ceremonies, all order in the church. For we may say with truth that it is more Christian and honest in our churches with proper services than with the adversaries. And where there are God-fearing, respectable, sensible, impartial people who want to consider and look at this matter quite carefully, we keep the old canons and mentem legis more, purer and more diligently than the adversaries. For the adversaries unashamedly trample underfoot the most honest canons, as they also do to Christ and the Gospel. The priests and monks in the monasteries abuse the Mass in the most terrible and atrocious way, holding masses in large numbers every day, just for the sake of interest, for money, for the sake of the shameful belly. Thus they sing the Psalms in pens, not that they study or pray earnestly (for the majority does not understand one verse in Psalms), but they keep their matins and vespers as a proper service, which carries their pensions and interest. They cannot deny all this. Even some of the righteous among them are ashamed of this fair, and say: clerus may be a reformation.

513 In our country, however, the people need the holy sacrament willingly and without hesitation every Sunday, and they are first questioned as to whether they know or understand Christian doctrine, the Lord's Prayer, the faith, and the Ten Commandments. Item, the youth and the people sing Latin and German psalms properly, so that they get used to the sayings of the Scriptures and learn to pray. With the adversaries there is no catechism, since the canons speak of it. With us, the canons are kept so that the pastors and church servants, publicly and at home, instruct the children and youth in God's Word. And the catechism is not a child's note, like flags, carrying candles, but an almost useful instruction.

1266 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1525-1527. 1267

514 In many countries, such as in Italy and Hispania, the opponents do not preach throughout the year, but only during Lent. Then they should cry out and lament, for this means that all church services have been overturned. For the greatest, holiest, most necessary, highest service, which God demanded as the greatest in the first and second commandments, is to preach God's word. For the office of preaching is the highest office in the church; now, if the service is omitted, how can there be knowledge of God, the teaching of Christ, or the gospel? Therefore, even if they preach during Lent or at other times, they teach nothing but such human statutes, calling on the saints, holy water, and such foolish works; and the use is that their people soon run out of the church when the text of the Gospel is said, which may have begun because they do not like to hear the other lies. Some few of them now also begin to preach about good works. But of the knowledge of Christ, of faith, of the consolation of consciences, they can preach nothing, but the same blessed doctrine, the dear holy gospel, they call Lutheran.

515 In our church, however, preachers teach these following necessary things with the greatest diligence: of right repentance, of the fear of God, of faith, what it is, of the knowledge of Christ, of righteousness, which comes from faith. How consciences should seek comfort in anxieties and temptations, how faith must be exercised through all kinds of temptations, what is right prayer, how one should pray. Item, that a Christian should certainly comfort himself that his call and petition will be heard by God in heaven. About the holy cross, about obedience to the authorities. Item, how each one may live and drive Christianly in his state, from the obedience of the lords commandment, all worldly order and laws. How to distinguish the spiritual kingdom of Christ from the regiments and kingdoms of the world, from the state of marriage, and how to conduct it in a Christian manner, from the Christian discipline of children, from chastity, and from all kinds of works of love toward one's neighbor. Thus, our church is equipped with doctrine and conduct, from which impartial people can easily notice and accept that we do not reject Christian, right ceremonies, but maintain them with diligence in the most faithful way.

  1. and the mortification of the flesh or old Adam we teach thus, as our confession reports, that the right mortification happens when God breaks our will, cross and tribulation.

that we learn to be obedient to His will, as Paul says to the Romans on the 12th v. 1: "Commit your own bodies as a holy sacrifice." And these are right, holy mortifications, thus in tribulations learning to know God, to fear Him, to love Him 2c. Above these tribulations, which are not at our will, there are also the bodily exercises, since Christ says: "Beware that your bodies are not weighed down with food and drink" Luc. 21,34.. And Paul to the Corinthians 1 Ep. 9, 27: "I tame my body" 2c. The exercises are to be done, not that they are necessary divine services, by which one becomes pious before God, but that we keep our flesh in check, so that we do not become secure and idle through gluttony and burdening of the body, following the devil's temptations and the lusts of the flesh. This fasting and fasting should not only be done for a certain time, but all the time. For God wants us to live moderately and soberly at all times. And as experience shows, certain days of fasting do not help much. For with fish and all kinds of fasting food, people have done more intemperance and quaffing than apart from fasting. And the adversaries themselves have never kept fasts as indicated in the canons.

517 This article of human tradition or statutes has been the subject of much heavy disputation and questioning, and experience has made it all too clear that such statutes are heavy chains and ropes to torment the conscience. For if there is this delusion that they are necessary for salvation, then they torment a poor conscience beyond measure, as pious hearts well experience when they have omitted a comple 2c. in horis canonicis, or have done something similar against it. Again, to teach liberty par excellence has also its concern and question, according to which the common people need external discipline and instruction.

  1. But the adversaries themselves make this thing certain and bad. For they condemn us because we teach that by human statutes we do not deserve forgiveness of sin before God. Item, they want to keep their statutes universally throughout the whole church, worse than necessary, and put them in place of Christ. We have a strong patron saint for us, the apostle Paul, who argues in all places that such statutes do not make us righteous before God and are not necessary for salvation.
  2. Our people also teach clearly and distinctly that Christian freedom in things should be used in such a way as to protect the weak from those who are so

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The church is not to be changed without special and unmoving cause, but for the sake of peace and unity, those customs should be kept which without sin are not changed. Therefore our preachers also teach that nothing should be changed in the church customs without special and moving causes, but for the sake of peace and unity, those customs should be kept which can be kept without sin and without burdening the consciences. And on this Augsburg day of celebration, we found ourselves and let ourselves be heard immediately enough that we wanted to be unburdened for love's sake to keep some adiaphora with the others. For we have also well considered among ourselves that common unity and peace, as much as these could be maintained without burdening the consciences, would be preferred to all other minor matters. But of all this we shall speak further hereafter, when we shall deal with monastic vows and the potestate ecclesiastica.

Article XVI: The Secular Regiment.

520 The XVIth article the adversaries leave to them without any further questions, since we say and teach in the Confession that a Christian may be in authority with God and conscience, govern land and people, pronounce judgement and law, from imperial and other common rights, punish evildoers with the sword and otherwise according to severity, wage wars, buy and sell, have and keep house, farm and other property, swear oaths taken in courts. In sum, since we teach that authority and government, item, their right and punishment, and everything that belongs to it, are good creatures of God and God's order, which a Christian may use with a good conscience. This article pleases them well.

521 This very important, necessary article of the difference between the spiritual kingdom of Christ and the temporal kingdom, which is almost necessary to know, has been given by ours quite properly, correctly and clearly, to the noticeable great comfort of many consciences. For we have clearly taught that Christ's kingdom is spiritual, since he reigns through the Word and the preaching, works through the Holy Spirit, and increases in us faith, godliness, love, patience inwardly in the heart, and here on earth sows in us God's kingdom and eternal life. But as long as this life lasts, he nevertheless leaves us in need of the laws, order and status that exist in the world, according to which each one's profession is, just as he leaves us in need of medicines, items, building and planting, air and water.

And the gospel does not bring new law into the government of the world, but commands and wills that we should be obedient to the laws and to the authorities under whom we live, whether Gentiles or Christians, and that in such obedience we should show our love. For Carolostadius was foolish and foolish in this case, that he taught that one should order the city and country regiments according to the law of Moses.

522 For this reason, ours have written about this piece all the more diligently. For the monks had taught many and quite harmful errors in the church. For they called this an evangelical life, that one should not have one's own, that one should not practice punishment and revenge, that one should not have a wife and child. Such teaching has completely suppressed the pure evangelical doctrine, that one has not understood at all what is Christian or the spiritual kingdom of Christ, and have boiled the worldly and spiritual kingdom into one another, from which much unrighteousness and seditious, harmful teaching has resulted 2c. For the gospel does not tear down worldly rule, housekeeping, buying, selling and other worldly police, but confirms authority and rule, and commands to be obedient to the same as God's order, not only for the sake of punishment, but also for the sake of conscience.

523 Julianus Apostata, Celsus and some others have accused Christians that their gospel was tearing and disrupting the world regiments and police, because it forbids not to take revenge and the like. And the same questions have caused much trouble to Origen, Nazianzeno and some others, so that it is easy to answer them, if only we know that the evangelical doctrine does not make new laws of world regimes, but preaches forgiveness of sin, and that the spiritual kingdom and eternal life begins in the heart of the believer.

524 The Gospel does not only leave the same external police, world government and order, but also wants us to be obedient to them, just as in this temporal life we should be obedient and subject to the common course of nature as God's order. We let it become winter and summer 2c. There is nothing to prevent the spiritual kingdom. The gospel alone bequeaths privatam vindictam, that no one may encroach upon the office of the authorities. And this is why Christ so often indicates that the apostles should not think that they should become world rulers, and take the kingdoms and authorities from those who were in authority at the time, as the Jews thought of the kingdom of the Messiah.

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but that they would know that their office was to preach the spiritual kingdom, not to change some world rule. For this reason the commandment that Christ betrayed to avenge Himself is not only a counsel but a serious commandment, Matth. 5, 39. and Rom. 12, 19.

525 The vengeance and punishment of evil done by the authorities is not forbidden, but rather commanded, for it is God's work, as Paul says Romans 13:1, 2. The same vengeance occurs when one punishes evildoers, wages war for the sake of public peace, uses the sword, horses and armor 2c. Some teachers have taught such harmful errors that nearly all princes, lords, knights, and servants have considered their rightful status to be worldly, ungodly, and damned 2c. And it is not easy to explain in words what unspeakable harm and damage to souls and consciences this has caused. For they have taught as if the gospel and Christian doctrine were vain monastic life, and have not seen that the gospel teaches how one is saved from sin, hell, and the devil in the sight of God and in conscience, and by heart leaves to the world its rule in outward things.

526 It has also been a lie and a deception that they have unashamedly taught that Christian perfection consists in having nothing of one's own. For Christian perfection does not consist in being outwardly pious and in separating myself from the world, but in faith and the true fear of God in the heart. For Abraham, David, Daniel have been in royal status, in great princely estates and offices, have also had great riches, and yet have been more holy, more perfect, than ever a monk or a Carthusian has come on earth.

But the monks, especially the barefooted, made a pretense before the eyes of the people, about which no one knew what true holiness was. For how highly evangelical, how great holiness the monks have praised only this, that one should have nothing of one's own, that one should be willingly poor. But these are very harmful doctrines, since Scripture says nothing about them, but teaches them directly against them. The Ten Commandments of God clearly say: "Thou shalt not steal. God is relenting, so that each one may have his own.

528 In this matter, Wiclefus has been quite furious, insisting that no bishop or priest should have anything of his own. Thus are innumerable, confused disputations of contracts,

since Christian consciences can never be satisfied, they have been taught this necessary part, so that a Christian with a good conscience may abide by the law of the land and its usage. For this instruction saves many consciences, since we teach that the contracts are without danger before God, as far as they are accepted in common law and custom of the land, which are equal to the law.

529 This high, necessary article, namely of authority, of world laws, is given by ours quite clearly and correctly, so that many great, high, honorable people, who according to their status must deal with regiments and are in great dealings, confess that their consciences have received noticeable consolation, who before suffered unspeakable agony through such errors of the monks, and were in doubt whether their status was also Christian, and whether the gospel would allow such.

We have told this so that even the strangers, enemies and friends may understand that through this doctrine the authorities, land regiment, imperial law and others are not suppressed, but rather highly honored and protected. That this doctrine also only gives right instruction, how a glorious, great office, full of Christian good works, is the office of the regiment, 2c., all of which was previously held by the hypocritical monastic doctrine for sinful, worldly states, life and being, to unspeakable danger to the conscience. For the monks have invented such hypocrisy, praised and held their humility and poverty much higher than that of princes and lords, fathers, mothers and heads of households, even though these ranks have God's word and command, while monasticism has no command from God.

Article XVII: From the Second Coming of Christ to the Judgment.

531 The adversaries accept the XVII article, since we confess that Christ will come on the last day, raise the dead, give eternal life and joy to the pious, and condemn the wicked to eternal torment with the devil.

Article XVIII. Of free will.

  1. The adversaries accept the XVIIIth article of free will, even though they use several sayings of Scripture that do not rhyme with the matter. They also make a great clamor that free will should not be exalted too high, like the Pelagians; so it should not be taken too much with the Manichaeans. Yes,

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all well said. But what is the difference between the Pelagians and our opponents? They both teach that without the Holy Spirit men can love God, keep God's commandment quoad substantiam actuum, that is, they can do the works by natural reason, without the Holy Spirit, thereby earning God's grace.

533 How many innumerable errors result from this Pelagian doctrine, which they nonetheless practice and preach very strongly in their schools. These same errors are most vehemently refuted by Augustine of Paul, whose opinion we have set forth above in de justificatione. And we also say that reason has free will to some extent. For in the things that can be grasped and understood by reason, we have a free will. There is in us a capacity to live outwardly honorably, to speak of God, to perform outward worship, or holy offerings, to obey authorities and parents, not to steal, not to kill. For since, after Adam's fall, natural reason remains, that I know evil and good in things that can be understood by sense and reason, so also is to some extent our free will's ability to live honorably or dishonorably. This is what the Scriptures call the righteousness of the flesh, which reason is able to do to some extent without the Holy Spirit, although the inherent evil desire is so powerful that people follow it more often than reason, and the devil, who, as Paul says, works powerfully in the ungodly, incites the poor, weak nature to all sins without ceasing.

534 And this is the reason why even few lead an honorable life according to natural reason, as we see that even few philosophers, who nevertheless strive hard for it, have led an honorable external life properly. But this is false and fictitious, that those should be without sin who do such works apart from grace, or that such good works should merit forgiveness of sins and grace. For such hearts, which are without the Holy Spirit, are without fear of God, without faith, without trust, do not believe that God will hear them, that He will forgive their sins, that He will help them in need; therefore they are godless.

Now an evil tree cannot bear good fruit, and without faith no one can please God. Therefore, although we concede that it is in our power to do such an outward work, we say that free will and reason are not able to do anything in spiritual matters.

To truly believe in God, to rely on God to be with us, to hear us, to forgive our sins 2c. For these are the right, high, noblest good works of the first table in the Ten Commandments, which no human heart can do without the light and grace of the Holy Spirit, as Paul says to the Corinthians 1 Ep. 2, 14: "The natural man hears nothing of the Spirit of God," that is, a man who is not enlightened by God's Spirit hears nothing at all from natural reason about God's will or divine things.

536 And this is what people feel when they ask their hearts how they are against God's will, whether they are certain that God is aware of them and hears them. For to believe this with certainty, and thus to dare and rely completely on an invisible God, and, as Peter says 1 Ep. 1, 8, to love and esteem great the Christ whom we do not see, is difficult even for the saints; how then should it be easy for the ungodly? But then 1) we begin to believe rightly, when our hearts are first frightened, and are raised up again through Christ, being born again through the Holy Spirit, as said above.

537 Therefore it is good to distinguish clearly between these things, namely, that reason and free will are able to live outwardly honorably to some extent. But to be born anew, to get a different heart, mind and courage inside, that is only the work of the Holy Spirit. Thus, worldly outward discipline remains. For God does not want a clumsy, wild, impudent nature and life, and yet a proper distinction is made between outward worldly life and piety and the piety that is valid before God, which is not philosophically outward, but inwardly in the heart.

538 And we did not invent this difference, but the holy scripture clearly states it. So does Augustine, and recently Guilielmo Parisiensi has also written and acted diligently. But those who invent and dream for themselves, as if men were able to keep God's law without the Holy Spirit, and as if the Holy Spirit would give us grace in view of our merit, have shamefully suppressed this necessary teaching.

Article XIX: The Cause of Sins.

  1. the XIX article the adversaries leave to them, since we teach that, although the one God created the whole world and the whole nature, and all hours he created all creatures, he did not create the whole world and the whole nature.
  1. "but" is missing in Müller. Latin: autsm.

1274 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1535-1537. 1275

But the evil will in devils and men, which turns away from God, is a cause of sin, as Christ says of the devil: "When he speaks lies, he speaks from his own mouth.

Article XX: Of Good Works.

540 In the XX article they clearly put these words, that they reject and condemn our doctrine, since we say that people do not deserve forgiveness of sins by good works. Let everyone be aware of this. They condemn and reject this very article with clear words. Now what need is there to say much in this public matter? The great doctors and masters of the Confutation publicly show what kind of spirit speaks out of them. For in the Christian church this is no small article, but the very highest and chief article, that we obtain forgiveness of sin without our merit through Christ; and that not our works, but Christ is the propitiation for our sin, as Peter says Acts 10:43: "To Jesus all the prophets bear witness, that we obtain forgiveness of sins, all who believe in him."

541 Such a strong testimony of all holy prophets may be called a decision of the Catholic Christian Church. For even a single prophet is held in high esteem by God, and is a world treasure of the same holy church. And we are to believe the unanimous mouth of all prophets more cheaply than the unholy, godless sophists who have made the confutation and blaspheme Christ so brazenly. For although some teachers have written that afterward, when our sins are forgiven, we obtain grace not by faith but by our own works, they have not held that the forgiveness of sins in themselves comes to us because of our works and not because of Christ.

Therefore, it is an abominable blasphemy to give the glory of Christ to our human works. And we pledge and pledge ourselves to the imperial majesty and also to other princes of this imperial, princely virtue, that they would not have left in any way, if they had been warned, such public untruth and falsehood, by which God and the Gospel are blasphemed before all the world. For that this article is certainly divine and true, and that this is the holy divine truth, we could here very nearly bring forward innumerable sayings of Scripture, even from the Fathers. And there is not a single leaf in the Bible, not a single passage, in the pre

The most beautiful books of the Holy Scriptures, because this would not be clearly reported. We have also said much about these things above; and godly, pious hearts, who know why Christ is given, who would not spare for all the world's goods and kingdoms that Christ should not be our only treasure, our only mediator and reconciler, are shocked and horrified that God's holy word and truth should be so publicly despised and condemned by poor men. Isaiah the prophet says Cap. 53, 6.: "The Lord has laid on him all our sin." The adversaries, however, lied to Isaiah and the whole Bible and Scripture, saying: he has laid on us our sin and our works and beggarly satisfaction. Nevertheless, I will be silent here about childish works, rosaries, pilgrimages 2c. and the like.

543 We are well aware of the serious mandates and the imperial edict that have gone out against us and our doctrine; we should be reasonably frightened if we had to deal with minor matters or matters that were in doubt. But since we are certain (praise God!) by God's word in distant hearts and minds that the adversaries condemn the public, divine truth and the right Christian, blessed, holy doctrine, without which no Christian church can exist, which every Christian, as far as his body and life reach, is obliged to confess, save and protect for the glory of God, we will not be deterred by such salutary doctrine. For who would not wish him at his last end to die in the confession of the article, that we may obtain forgiveness of sin by faith, without our merit or works, through the blood of Christ?

There is experience, as the monks themselves must confess, that consciences cannot be quieted nor brought to peace except by faith in Christ; and consciences cannot have proper constant comfort in the great anxieties at the hour of death, and in contestation against the great terror of death, of sin, if they do not hold to the promise of grace in Christ. Nor can they have constant comfort against the devil, who first presses strongly upon the hearts, distresses them, and provokes them to despair, and blows away all our works in a moment like dust, if they do not hold fast to the gospel, to this doctrine, that we obtain forgiveness of sins through the precious blood of Christ without any merit. For faith alone refreshes and sustains us in the

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In the great agony, in the great anguish, when no creature can help, yes, when we are to pass away and die outside of this whole visible creature into another being and world.

545 Therefore, it is a matter that is truly worth talking about, for the sake of which every Christian should gladly dare and set everything in motion. Therefore, all those who adhere to this confession of ours must not be frightened or misled, but in all joyfulness in God and the Lord Christ, may confidently and cheerfully dare to confess this public truth against all the tyranny, wrath, anger, terror, and also against all tyrannical daily murder and persecution. For who would want to deprive him of such great, even eternal comfort, in which all salvation of the entire Christian church is at stake?

If you take the Bible in your hand and read it seriously, you will soon realize that this doctrine is founded everywhere in Scripture. For Paul clearly says in Romans 3 and 4 that sins are forgiven without merit for Christ's sake; therefore he says, "We are justified by faith without merit, that the promise may stand firm," that is, if the promise were of our works, it would not be firm. And if grace or forgiveness of sin were given because of our works, when would we be sure that we had obtained grace? When would the conscience find such a work that would be enough to propitiate God's wrath? We have said enough about this above; each one may search the sayings of the Scriptures that establish this doctrine. For in this place I have been moved to complain so vehemently of the abominable, impudent, overpowering, preconceived wickedness of the adversaries, when they state in plain words that they reject this article, that we obtain forgiveness of sin, not by our works, but without merit through faith in Christ.

547 The adversaries also introduce some sayings of Scripture why they condemn this article; namely, they bring forth the saying of Peter 2 Ep. 1, 10: "Be diligent to make your profession firm by good works. There everyone sees that our adversaries have not invested their money badly, since they have studied dialeeticam. For they may introduce the sayings of the Scriptures rhymed, unrhymed, finally, unfinished, as they will and as they please. For so they conclude, Peter says, "Make your profession firm by good works," therefore only by works earn forgiveness of sin. It is truly a fine argumentation, as if one were to say

In the case of a defendant in a court of law, whose life had been forfeited, the judge commanded that he should henceforth abstain from such wrongdoing; therefore, by such abstention, he deserved to have his life forfeited. Thus to argue, that is, to make ex non causa causam. For Peter speaks of good works and fruits that follow faith, and teaches why they should be done, namely, that we may establish our profession, that is, that we may not again fall from the gospel if we sin again. I want to say: Do good works, so that you stay with the gospel, with your heavenly calling, so that you do not fall away again, become cold, lose your spirit and gifts, which have come to you by grace through Christ, not for the sake of the following works. For in the profession one remains firm through faith, and faith and the Holy Spirit do not remain in those who lead a sinful life.

They set more sayings and testimonies that rhyme just as well. In addition, they may say that this opinion was condemned a thousand years ago in Augustine's time. This is not true, but a lie. For the Christian church has always held that forgiveness of sin comes to us without merit, and the Pelagians are therefore condemned who said that grace is given to us because of our works.

(549) We have said enough above that we also teach that where there is faith, good fruits and good works should follow. For "we do not abolish the law, but establish it," as Paul says Rom. 3:31. For when we have received the Holy Spirit through faith, good fruits follow; so we increase in love, in patience, in chastity, and other fruits of the Spirit.

Article XXI. (IX.) Of invocations of the saints.

(550) The twenty-first article the adversaries condemn entirely, that we teach nothing of invoking the saints. And they do not act at all with such rambling talk, and yet accomplish nothing, except that they say: one should honor the saints. They try to prove that the living saints pray one for another; from this they conclude that the dead saints should and must be invoked.

They refer to Cyprianum, who asked Cornelium, while he was still alive, that if he had died, he would pray for the brothers. In this way they prove that one must invoke the dead saints. They also draw on Hieronymum against Vigilantium, saying: In this matter, a thousand years ago, Jerome overcame Vigilantium.

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den. So they go on, thinking that they have won by far, and they do not see that in Jerome against Vigilantium there is no syllable about calling the saints. Jerome does not speak of invoking the saints, but of honoring the saints. Also, the ancient teachers before Gregory's time did not think of the invocation of the saints. And the invocation of the saints, as well as the applicatio of the merit of the saints, of which the adversaries teach, has no basis in Scripture.

552 In our confession we do not deny that one should honor the saints. For there are three kinds of honor in honoring the saints. For the first, that we give thanks to God that he has shown us examples of his grace in the saints, that he has given teachers in the church and other gifts; and the gifts, because they are great, are to be praised highly, also the saints themselves, who have used such gifts well; as Christ in the Gospel praises the faithful servants Matth. 25, 21. 23..

The other honor we may do to the saints is to strengthen our faith by their example. When I see that Petro's sin is forgiven by such abundant grace, because he denied Christ, my heart and conscience are strengthened, so that I believe that grace is more powerful than sin.

For the third, we honor the saints by following their examples of faith, love, and patience, each according to his profession.

555 The adversaries speak nothing of this right honor of the saints, only of the invocation of the saints, which, even if it were without danger to the consciences, is not necessary. There they quarrel. So we give in to them and let the angels pray for us. For it is written in Zech. 1:12, that the angel prayeth, "O LORD of hosts, how long wilt thou not have mercy on Jerusalem?" And though we concede that, as the living saints pray for the whole church in general or in genere, so may the saints in heaven pray for the whole church in general or in genere. But this has no testimony in Scripture, but only the dream, which is taken from the other book Maccabaeorum Cap. 15, 14.

556 Further, although the saints pray for the church, it does not follow that one should call upon the saints. Although our Confession alone states this: there is nothing in Scripture about calling upon the saints, or that one should seek help from the saints. If then neither commandment, nor promise, nor example can be brought forward from Scripture, it follows that neither heart nor conscience

can rely on it. For since every prayer is to be done by faith, how will I know that God pleases Him with the invocation of the saints, if I do not have God's word about it? How can I be sure that the saints will hear my prayer and everyone else's?

Some make bad gods out of the saints, and say that they can know our thoughts and see into our hearts. They invent these things, not to honor the saints, but to defend their cretinism and the fair, which brings them money. We still say, as before, that in the Word of God, in the Scriptures, it is not written that the saints understand our appeals; and if they understand that God would have him like such appeals, there is never any reason for it. Against this the adversaries can muster nothing; therefore the adversaries should not force or press us to uncertain things, for a prayer without faith is not a prayer. For that they say that the church has it in use, it is certain that such is a new custom in the church. For the old congregations, though they remember the saints, yet they do not call upon the saints.

558 The adversaries not only speak of calling upon the saints, but also say that God accepts the saints' merit for our sin, and thus make the saints not only intercessors, but mediators and propitiators. Now this is not to be suffered at all, for there they give the honor due to Christ alone to the saints. For they make of them mediators and reconcilers.

559 And though they make a distinction between the mediators who pray for us and the mediator who redeems us and reconciles us to God, yet they make the saints mediators, through whom people are reconciled. And that they say that the saints are mediators to pray for us, they say this even without all Scripture. And even if one wants to speak of this in the most unobjectionable way, Christ and his good deeds are suppressed by such teaching, and they trust in the saints when they should trust in Christ. For they invent a delusion for themselves, as if Christ were a severe judge, and the saints gracious, kind mediators, and so flee to the saints, shying away from Christ as from a tyrant, trusting more in the kindness of the saints than in the kindness of Christ; running away from Christ, and seeking the help of the saints; thus, at bottom, they make mediatores redemptionis out of the saints.

560 Therefore let us prove that they make of the saints not only intercessors, but

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Reconcilers and mediatores redemptionis. We are not yet talking about gross abuses, such as the common rabble committing public idolatry with the saints and pilgrimages; we are talking about what their scholars preach, write and teach in their schools about this matter. The other than the gross abuses, even inexperienced, coarse people can judge and judge.

There are two parts to a mediator or reconciler. For the first, a certain, clear word of God and promise that God will hear through the mediator all who call upon him. Such a divine promise is found in the Scripture of Christ: "Whatever you ask the Father in my name, he will give it to you. Nowhere in Scripture is there such a promise about the saints; therefore no one can be sure that he will be heard when he calls upon the saints. Therefore, such calling is not of faith. We have God's word and commandment that we should call upon Christ, for He says Matt. 11:28, "Come unto Me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest." Ps. 45, 13.: "Before thy face shall all the rich among the people worship." And Ps. 72:11: "And shall worship him all the kings of the earth." And soon after v. 19., "They shall kneel before him daily," 2c. And John 5:23. says Christ, "That they all may honor the Son, as they honor the Father." Item, 2 Thess. 2, 17. says Paul, praying, "Our Lord JEsus Christ, and God our Father, admonish your hearts, and strengthen you." These are vain sayings of Christ. But of appeals to the saints, the adversaries cannot bring forward any commandment of God, any example of Scripture.

562 Secondly, it belongs to a reconciler that his merit pays for other people, that others share in his merit and payment as if they had paid themselves. As when a good friend pays for another's debt, the debtor is released from the debt by another's payment as by his own. So Christ's merit is given to us and imputed to us when we believe in him, just as if his merit were ours, so that his righteousness and merit are imputed to us, and his merit becomes our own.

Christian prayer must be based on both the divine promise and the merit of Christ. Such faith in the divine promise and in the merit of Christ belongs to prayer. For we should certainly believe that we will be heard for Christ's sake, and that we have a gracious God for his sake.

The adversaries teach that we should call upon the saints, when we have neither commandment, nor promise, nor example in Scripture; and yet they make us trust more in the saints than in Christ, when Christ says, "Come unto me," not to the saints.

565 Secondly, they say that God accepts the merit of the saints for our sin, and thus teach trust in the merit of the saints, not in the merit of Christ. And they clearly teach this about indulgences, in which they give out the saints' merit as satisfaction for our sin.

And Gabriel, who interprets the canonem missae, may freely say: We should flee to the saints according to the order that God has instituted, so that we may be saved through their help and merit. These are the clear words of Gabrieli. And now and then in the books of the adversaries one finds much more clumsy talk about the merit of the saints. Does this mean that the saints are not made propitiators? For then they become like Christ, if we are to trust that we will be saved through their merit.

  1. But where is the order instituted by God, when Gabriel speaks of that we should flee to the saints? He brings one word, one example from the holy scriptures. Perhaps they make the order of the custom that is in secular princes' courts, where the councils of the prince present things to poor people and promote them as mediators. But how if a prince or a king appointed a single mediator, and did not want to hear the matters in grace through any other, or to hear all requests through him alone? Therefore, if Christ alone is appointed high priest and mediator, why do we seek others? What can the adversaries say against this?

568 A common form of absolution has been used until now, which reads thus: The suffering of our Lord Jesus Christ, the merits of the Mother of Mary and of all the saints shall be for the forgiveness of sins. There the absolution is pronounced publicly, not only through the merit of Christ, but also through the merit of the other saints, so that we may obtain grace and forgiveness of sins through the same merit. 1) The sins of the saints are forgiven.

  1. some of us have seen a doctor of sacred scripture in agone or at his
  1. Wittenberger: as if the saints' merit had paid for our sin.

1282 Cap. 13: The Diet of Augsburg, 1530, W. xvi, 1545-1548. 1283

A monk was assigned to him to comfort him. Now he called and shouted nothing else to the dying man, but only this prayer: Mary, mother of goodness and graces, protect us from the enemy, and in the hour of death receive us, Mary mater gratiae, etc.".

570 Although Mary, the Mother of God, prays for the Church, it is too much that she should overcome death, that she should protect us from the great power of Satan. For what would Christ need if Mary were able to do this? For although she is worthy of all the highest praise, she does not want to be held like Christ, but rather wants us to follow the 1) example of her faith and humility. Now this is publicly known, that through such false teaching Mary has come in Christ's place. They have called upon her, they have trusted in her goodness, through her they have wanted to reconcile Christ, as if he were not a reconciler, but only a terrible, vengeful judge.

We say, however, that we are not to be taught to trust in the saints, as if their merit made us blessed, but for Christ's merit alone we obtain forgiveness of sins and blessedness, if we believe in him. Of the other saints it is said: "Each one will receive wages according to his work," 2c., that is, they cannot share their merit with one another, as the monks of their orders have sold their merit to us unashamedly. And Hilarius says of the foolish virgins Matth. 25, 8. 9.: Because the foolish cannot go to meet the bridegroom, because their lamps have gone out, they ask the wise to lend them oil. But they answer that they cannot lend it to them, because both of them would be lacking, and there would not be enough for all of them. 2c. There he indicates that no one among us can help the other through foreign works or merit.

572 If then the adversaries teach that we should trust in the invocation of the saints, when they have no command from God, no word of God, nor example of the Old or New Testament, when they exalt the merit of the saints as high as the merit of Christ, and give the honor due to Christ to the saints, we cannot praise or accept their opinion and custom of worshiping or invoking the saints. For we know that we should place our trust in Christ, since we have God's promise that he is to be the mediator; thus

  1. In the old editions and in Müller: "die Exempel", because in Latin it says 6X6uax>Ia.

we know that Christ's merit alone is a propitiation for our sin. For Christ's sake we are reconciled if we believe in Him, as the text says: All who believe in Him shall not be put to shame. And we are not to be trusted that we are righteous before God on account of Mary's merit.

573 Their scholars also impudently preach that each of the saints can give a special gift, as St. Anne protects against poverty, St. Sebastian against pestilence, St. Valten for the falling pestilence, the holy knight St. Jörgen was called upon by the horsemen for stabbing and womb and all kinds of driving to protect; and all this is basically of pagan origin.

574 And I will also say that the adversaries did not teach such impudent pagan lies about calling upon the saints, yet the example is dangerous. If they have neither God's command nor His word, nor can they find anything certain from the old fathers, what is the need to defend such an unfounded argument?

575 First of all, however, it is quite dangerous, because if one seeks other mediators than Christ, then one puts one's trust in them, and thus Christ and the knowledge of Christ are completely suppressed, as we, unfortunately, have experience. For it may be that at first some have thought of the saints in their prayers; soon after that the invocation of the saints followed; soon after the invocation the strange pagan abominations and abuses occurred, as that it was thought that the images had a secret power of their own, as the sorcerers and magicians think that if one digs or forms some star signs at a certain time in gold or other metal, these should have a special secret power and effect. Some of us have seen an image of the Virgin Mary in a monastery, carved from wood, which could be pulled inside with strings, so that it appeared from the outside as if it moved itself, as if it waved its head at the worshippers whom it heard, and as if it turned its face away from worshippers who did not offer much, whom it did not hear.

576 And whether such abominations, such idolatry, pilgrimages and fraud with the images would not have been innumerable and unspeakable: but even more horrible and ugly were the many fables and lies of the legends of saints, which were preached publicly. As, of St. Barbara, they preached that at her death she asked God to give her the reward for her torture, whoever called upon her, that he could not do without her.

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Sacrament. St. Christopher, which in German is called Christbearer, was painted by a wise man to the children in such great length, and he wanted to indicate that a greater strength than human strength must be in those who are to carry Christ, who are to preach and confess the gospel. For they must wade through the great sea by night, 2c. that is, endure all manner of great trials and perils. Then the foolish, unlearned, unholy monks came and taught the people to call Christophorus, as if such a great giant had existed in the flesh and had carried Christ across the sea.

577 If God Almighty, through His saints, as special people, has wrought many great things in both regimes, in the church and in worldly affairs, then there are many great examples in the lives of the saints, which would be quite useful to princes and lords, right priests and pastors, both for the worldly regime and church government, especially for strengthening the faith against God; they have let them go, and preached the least of the saints, from their hard camp, from hard shirts 2c., which, for the most part, are lies.

  1. Now it would be useful and almost comforting to hear how some great holy men (as it is told in the holy scriptures about the kings of Israel and Judah) had ruled the country and the people in their regiment, how they had taught and preached, what many trials and temptations they had endured; How many learned men were able to advise and comfort the kings, princes and lords in great perilous runs; how they taught and preached the gospel; what various battles they endured with the heretics. So also the examples, where the saints were shown great special mercy by God, were almost useful and comforting. As when we see that Peter, who denied Christ, obtained mercy, that Cyprian's magia was forgiven. Item, we read that Augustine, having been deathly ill, first experienced the power of faith, and publicly confessed God with these words: Now I have felt that God hears the sighs and prayers of the faithful. Such examples of faith, where one learns to fear God, to trust God, from which one can see how God-fearing people fared in the church, even in great matters of the high worldly regiments, should have been written and preached diligently and clearly by the saints.

Now, some idle monks and loose boys (who did not know how great and how

The saints have invented fables, partly from the books of the pagans, since there are nothing but examples of how the saints wore their shirts, how they prayed their seven times, how they ate water and bread, and have made all this out of their creeds, out of the pilgrimages to make money. How then are the miraculous signs which they boast of the rosary, and how the barefoot monks boast of their wooden grains. And there is no great need to show examples, their false legends still exist, so that one cannot deny it.

And such abominations against Christ, such blasphemies, shameful, impudent lies and fables, such lying preachers, the bishops and theologians can suffer, and have suffered for a long time, to the great detriment of the consciences, that it is terrible to remember, for such lies have borne money and interest. But they would gladly destroy us, who preach the gospel purely, if we therefore dispute the calling of the saints, so that Christ alone may remain the mediator and the great abuse may be stopped. Just as long before this time, before Luther wrote, their theologians themselves, as well as all pious, God-fearing, respectable people, cried out about the bishops and preachers, that they were over punishing abuses for the sake of belly and money, so our opponents in their confutation do not think of such abuses with a single word, that if we accepted the confutation, we would at the same time have to go into all their public abuses.

So their whole confutation is full of deceit and dangerous deception, not only in this place but everywhere. They present themselves as if they were pure as gold, as if they had never grieved a victim. For in no place do they distinguish from their dogmatibus or doctrines the public abuses, and yet many among them are so honorable and honest, confessing themselves that much error is in the scholasticorum and canonists' books, that also much abuse is torn in the church by unlearned preachers, and by such great, shameful imprudence of the bishops.

  1. Luther was not alone, nor the first to cry out and complain about such innumerable abuses. There have been many learned, honest people before this time, who have pitifully complained about the great abuse of the monks, about abuse of monasticism, item, about such avarice and money market of the pilgrimages. And especially that the most necessary article, of penance, of Christ, without which no Christian church can be nor remain, which before all an-

1286 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1550-1553. 1287

The teaching of the pure and correct, which was so miserably suppressed.

For this reason, the adversaries have not acted faithfully or Christianly in their confutation of public abuses. And if they were really serious about helping the church and the poor consciences, and not rather about preserving splendor and avarice, they would have had right access and cause here; and especially in this place they should have most humbly petitioned the imperial majesty, our most gracious lord, to abolish such great, public, shameful abuses, which are also a mockery to us Christians among Turks, Jews and all unbelievers.

For we note clearly enough in many things that His Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, undoubtedly researches and seeks the truth with all faithful diligence, and would like to see the Christian church properly ordered and arranged. But the adversaries are not much interested in how they do enough for the imperial majesty's imperial Christian mind, will and laudable concern, or how they help things, but how they only suppress the truth and us. For they do not lie much unslept for the Christian doctrine and the gospel to be preached purely. They leave the preaching ministry completely desolate, defend public abuses, still shed innocent blood daily from unheard tyranny and rage, just to defend their public lies.

They also do not want to tolerate pious Christian preachers. Where this finally wants to go out, sensible people can well accept. For they will not long rule churches with vain violence and tyranny. And although the adversaries sought to preserve nothing but the kingdom of the pope, this will not be the way, but a vain desolation of the kingdom and the church. For even if they had thus strangled all pious Christian preachers, and the gospel had been suppressed, there will come after them red spirits and fanatics, who will also fight seditiously with their fists, 1) who will distress the congregation and the church with false doctrines, 1) and destroy all church order, which we would like to preserve.

586 Therefore, most gracious Lord Emperor, since we have no doubt that your Imperial Majesty's mind and heart are that the divine truth, the glory of Christ and the Gospel may prevail. Majesty's mind and heart that the divine truth, the honor of Christ, and the gospel may prevail.

  1. Müller: "would". In Latin, the future tense is used.

and always increase abundantly, we most humbly request that your imperial majesty will not grant the unreasonable actions of the adversaries, but will graciously seek other ways of unity, so that Christian consciences will not be so burdened, so that divine truth will not be so violently suppressed, or so that innocent people will be strangled by vain tyranny, as has happened until now.

  1. Your Majesty knows without a doubt that this is especially true of Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty is to preserve the Christian doctrine, as much as humanly possible, so that it may reach to the descendants, and also to protect and handle pious, right preachers. For this is what God the Lord requires of all kings and princes when He communicates His title to them, and calls them gods, saying Ps. 82:6, "You are gods." For this reason he calls them gods, that they should protect, save and handle divine things, that is, the gospel of Christ and the pure divine doctrine on earth, as much as possible, and also have true Christian teachers and preachers, in God's stead, against unrighteous power, under their protection.

Article XXII. (X.) Of Both Forms in the Lord's Supper.

There is no doubt that it is divine and right, and according to the command of Christ and the words of Paul, to use both forms in the Lord's Supper. For Christ instituted both forms, not only for one part of the church, but for the whole church. For not only the priests, but the whole church needs the sacrament by the command of Christ, not by the command of men; and this the adversaries must confess.

589 If Christ has instituted the sacrament for the whole church, why do they take away the one form of the church? Why do they change the order of Christ, especially if he calls it his will? For if one should not break a man's testament, much less should one break the testament of Christ. And Paul says, "I have received it of the Lord, which I gave unto you." Now he has given them both form, as the text clearly indicates 1 Cor. 11:23: "This do," he says, "in remembrance of me." There he speaks of the body; then he lifts up the same words from the blood of Christ, and soon after v. 28. says, "But let a man examine himself, and so eat of the bread, and so drink of the cup. "2c. There he calls them both. These are the clear words of the apostle Paul; and he makes a preface just before that, that those who need the Sacrament

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shall use it at the same time in One Lord's Supper. Therefore it is certain that it is not instituted for the priests alone, but for the whole church.

590 And such a custom is also held today in the Greek church; so it was also in the Latin or Roman church, as Cyprian and Jerome testify. For so Jerome says about the prophet Sophoniam: "The priests who administer the sacrament and distribute the blood of Christ to the people 2c. Synodus Toletana also testifies to the same. And

It would be easy to introduce many sayings and testimonies here, but for the sake of brevity we will refrain from doing so. For every Christian reader will be able to judge for himself whether it is proper to forbid and change the order and institution of Christ.

The adversaries do not even consider in their confutation how to comfort or excuse those consciences that are deprived of a form under the papacy. This would have been appropriate for learned and God-fearing doctors, who would have shown constant cause to comfort such consciences.

592 Now they insist that it is Christian and right to forbid both forms, and do not want to permit the use of both forms. For the first, they invent from their heads that in the beginning of the church there was a use that the laity alone were given one form, and yet they can show no certain example of the use. They draw some sayings from the Evangelist Luke about the breaking of bread, where it is written that the disciples recognized the Lord in the breaking of bread. They also refer to more sayings about the breaking of bread. Although we do not object strongly to some of these sayings being understood of the sacrament, it does not follow that only the one form was initially administered. For it is common to call a piece and mean the whole. They also refer to the laica communio as if it were one form, which is not true. For when the canons enjoin the priests to use the laica communio, they mean that they should not consecrate a punishment themselves, but receive it from another, although in both forms. And the opponents themselves know this well, but they make a pretense to the unlearned and inexperienced. For when they hear the word communio laica, they think from the beginning that it was a communio, as in our time, that the laity were fed in one form.

But let us see further, how impudently the adversaries write against Christ's institution and order. Among other reasons why the laity are not given both forms, Gabriel also puts this one: there should have been a difference, he says, between priests and laity. And I think it is the greatest and most noble reason why they hold so firmly today, so that the priesthood seems holier than the laity. Now this is a human thought; what it is based on can be assumed. And in the confutation they refer to the children of Heli, 1 Sam. 2, 36. where the text says: "He that is left of thy house shall come and worship him for a morsel of bread, and shall say, O let me be a priest, that I may eat a morsel of bread" 2c. There, they say, the one and the same figure is meant, and now they say: So also our laymen shall be satisfied with a priestly portion, that is, with a one and the same figure.

594 The masters of the Confutation are right impudent, rough asses, they play and juggle with the Scriptures as they want, so the history of the children of Heli point to the Sacrament. For in that place is described the serious punishment of Heli and his children. Do they also want to say that the laymen are given a figure for a punishment? They are foolish and mad!

The sacrament is instituted by Christ to comfort frightened consciences, to strengthen their faith when they believe that Christ's flesh was given for the life of the world, and that through the food we are united with Christ, have grace and life. But the adversaries conclude that those who receive such a sacrament in one form are thus punished, saying: The laity should and must be sufficient for them. That is proudly enough said. How, sirs, may we also ask why they should be sufficient for them? Or shall what you will and what you say be called the truth?

But look at the miracles, how impudent and insolent the adversaries are, they may set their words as vain commandment of the Lord, they say freely, the laity must be enough for them. But how, if they do not have to? Are these the reasons and causes by which those should be excused from God's judgment who until now have kept people from both forms and innocently strangled them for it? Shall they console themselves with the fact that it is written of the children of Heli: They will beg? This will be a lame excuse before God's judgment.

597 But they attract even more causes,

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Why both forms should not be served, namely, for the sake of danger, lest a droplet be spilled from the cup. They bring up more such dreams, for the sake of which Christ's order should not be changed.

598 But I want to set equal that it would be free to use one or both forms. How could they prove that they had the power to forbid both forms? Although it is not the duty of men or of the church to make freedom themselves, or that they want to make res indifferent, that is, free on both sides, out of Christ's order. The poor consciences, from whom the one form has been forcibly taken, and who have had to suffer such injustice, we do not want to judge here. But those who have forbidden both forms, and not only forbid them, but also teach them publicly, preach them, and strangle the people because of them, invite upon themselves God's terrible judgment and wrath. And we do not know how to excuse them. They may see how they want to give God an account of their conduct. And it is not so soon the church decides what the bishops and priests decide, especially as the Scripture and the prophet Ezekiel Cp.7,26. say: There will come priests and bishops who know neither God's commandment nor law.

Article XXIII (XI) On the marriage of priests.

599 Although the great unheard fornication with fornication and adultery among priests and monks 2c. from high monasteries, other churches and monasteries all over the world is so reprehensible that people sing and say about it, yet the opponents who have made the confutation are so completely blinded and insolent that they defend the pope's law forbidding marriage, and in addition with false pretenses, as if it were spirituality; Although they should be ashamed in their hearts of the exceedingly shameful, lewd, free, loose boy life in their monasteries and convents, and for the sake of the play alone not boldly look at the sun; Even though their evil, restless hearts and consciences make them so afraid to be frightened and shy to lift their eyes before such a praiseworthy, honor-loving emperor, they are nevertheless bold executioners, act like the devil himself, and all bold, wicked people, go in their blind defiance, forgetting all honor and shame. And the pure, chaste people are allowed to give imperial majesty the electorate. Majesty admonish the Electors and Princes that they should not suffer the marriage of priests ad infamiam et ignominiam imperii, that is to say, to the

Roman Empire to disgrace and dishonor. For

These are her words. As if their shameful life of the church is very honest and praiseworthy.

How could the adversaries be more clumsy, impudent and speak more publicly of their own disgrace and harm? Such impudent presentations before a Roman emperor will not be found in any history. If all the world did not know them, if many pious, honest people, their own concanonics among themselves, had not long ago complained about such disgraceful, lewd, dishonest beings, if their dishonorable, disgraceful, ungodly, lewd, pagan, epicuric life, and the basic soup of all fornication at Rome were not so much in the open, which neither wants to be covered nor colored nor adorned, one might think that their great purity and their unchanged virginal chastity would be a cause that they do not like to hear called a woman or marriage, that they baptize holy matrimony, which the pope himself calls a sacrament of holy matrimony, infamiam imperii.

Now, their arguments and reasons we will relate hereafter. Let every Christian reader, every respectable, honor-loving, pious person take this to heart and consider how completely without honor and shyness and all shame people must be, who may call holy marriage, which the Holy Scriptures praise and extol to the highest degree, a stain of shame, an infamy of the Roman Empire, just as if it were such a great honor of the church and the empire to have its blasphemous, abominable fornication, as one knows the Roman and the priests' nature.

602 And, most gracious Lord Emperor, by your imperial Majesty, who is called a chaste prince and king in all writings, for indeed this saying is said by your imperial Majesty: Pudicus facie regnabit ubique, yes, by your Majesty and the laudable estates such people may seek and impudently demand that your Majesty (God forbid!) should use such abominable fornication.) should deal with such abominable fornication, should use their imperial power, which the Almighty has so far graciously bestowed upon your imperial majesty to be used victoriously and blessedly, to protect and defend shameful fornication and unheard-of vices, which are also considered abominable by the heathen. And as they are minded in their bloodthirsty, blinded hearts, that they would gladly, disregarding all divine and natural rights, disregarding the councils and their own canons, break up such priestly marriages by force at once, many poor, innocent people, for no other reason than for the sake of the marriage state alone, tyrannically with gallows and sword.

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judge the priests themselves, who in greater cases have also spared the heathen, than to strangle the great malefactors for the sake of marriage, to drive so many pious, innocent women and children into misery, to make them poor, abandoned widows and orphans, and to avenge their diabolical hatred on innocent blood: to this they may admonish your imperial majesty.

  1. Since God Almighty graces Your Majesty with special innate goodness and discipline, that Your Majesty, out of a high, noble, Christian mind, should have such great fornication to handle, or such unheard-of tyranny to presume, and should doubtless consider this action much more princely and Christian than the loose people: We hope that Your Majesty will show Yourself to be quite imperial and gracious in this, and consider that we have good reason and cause from the holy Scriptures, whereas the adversaries bring forth vain lies and error.

604 Even so, they are certainly not serious about advocating such celibacy and celibate status, for they know well how pure virgins they are, how few among them keep chastity. But they stick to their word of comfort, which they find in their scripture: Si non caste, tamen caute, and know that to boast or call oneself chaste, and yet not to be, has a semblance of chastity in the world, so that even their vile and priestly ways seem all the more holy before the world. For Peter the apostle rightly warned that such false prophets will deceive the people with fictitious words 2 Pet. 2:1.

The adversaries are not at all serious about the cause of religion, which is the main thing. What they write, speak, act, are vain words ad hominem; there is no earnestness, no loyalty, no right heart for the common benefit of helping the poor consciences or the church. Basically, they are concerned about the rule, they care about it, and they support it finely with vain, godless, hypocritical lies; so it will also stand like butter in the sun.

For this reason we cannot accept the law of celibacy, for it is contrary to divine and natural law, contrary to all sacred Scripture, contrary to the Councils and Canons themselves. Moreover, it is pure hypocrisy and dangerous to the conscience and quite harmful, so that innumerable troubles, ugly, terrible sin and disgrace result from it, and, as one sees in the right priestly cities and residences, as they call it, disruption of all worldly honor and discipline.

  1. the other articles of our confession, such as

The two articles, which are certainly well founded, are nevertheless not so clear that they cannot be contested with a sham. But this article is so clear that on both sides it needs no speech at all. But he who is respectable and God-fearing can soon be a judge here. And even though we now have the public truth for ourselves, the adversaries are still looking for little funds to challenge our reasons.

First, it is written in Genesis 1:28 that man and woman were created by God to be fruitful, to beget children, 2c. that the woman should be inclined toward the man, and the man toward the woman. And we are not speaking here of the disorderly heat that followed after Adam's fall, but of natural inclination between man and woman, which would also have been in nature if it had remained pure. And this is God's creature and order, that the man is inclined to the woman, the woman to the man. Since no one can and should change the divine order and the created nature except God Himself, it follows that the marriage state cannot be changed by any human statute or vow.

  1. Against this strong reason the adversaries play with words, saying: in the beginning of creation the word still had place: "Grow and multiply, and fill the earth. But now that the earth has been filled, marriage is not commanded. But behold, how wise are the adversaries! By this divine word, "Grow and multiply," which still continues and does not cease, man and woman were created to be fruitful, not only at the beginning, but as long as this nature lasts. For as by the word of Genesis 1:11, when God said, "Let the earth bring forth grass and herbs," 2c., the earth was created not only to bring forth fruit in the beginning, but also to bring forth grass, herbs, and other plants throughout the year, as long as this nature endures: so also man and woman were created to be fruitful as long as this nature endures. Now as the commandment and law of man cannot change that the earth should not become green 2c., so also no monastic vow, no commandment of man, can change human nature, that a woman should not desire a man, a man a woman, without a special work of God.

Secondly, since the divine creature and God's order is naturally right and law, the jurisconsulti have rightly said that man and woman being together and belonging together is naturally right. But as the natural law can not change anyone, so must

1294 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, i56v-i563. 1295

marriage should be free for everyone. For where God does not change nature, the nature that God has implanted in nature must remain, and it cannot be changed by human laws.

611 Therefore it is quite childish for the adversaries to say that in the beginning, when man was created, marriage was commanded, but now it is not. For it is as if they said: In the days of Adam and the patriarchs, when a man was born, he had a man's nature; when a woman was born, she had a woman's nature; but now it is different. In former times a child from the womb brought natural kind with itself, but now not.

612 So we now remain with the ruling, as the Jurisconsulti have wisely and rightly said: That man and woman are with each other is naturally right. If it is natural law, then it is God's order, thus planted in nature, and is therefore also divine law. But since the divine and natural right is not to be changed by anyone but God alone, the marriage state must be free to everyone, for the natural, innate inclination of the woman toward the man, of the man toward the woman, is God's creature and order. Therefore it is right, and no angel nor man can change it. God the Lord did not create Adam alone, but also Evam, not only a man but also a woman, and blessed them to be fruitful.

613 And we speak, as I have said, not of the disorderly heat, which is sinful, but of the natural inclination which would also have existed between man and woman if nature had remained pure. The evil lust after the fall has made such inclination even stronger, that we are now much more entitled to the marriage state, not only to beget children, but also to prevent worse sin. This is such a clear reason that no one will overthrow it, but the devil and all the world will have to leave it alone.

  1. For the third, Paul says 1 Cor. 7:2, "To avoid fornication, have every man his own wife." This is a common command and precept, and concerns all those who are unable to remain without marriage. The adversaries demand that we show God's commandment, since he commanded that the priests should take wives, as if the priests were not men. What the Scriptures speak in general of the whole human race, that truly concerns the priests. Paul then says that those who do not have the gift of virginity should take wives, for he interprets himself soon after when he says, "It is better to be married than to burn.

1, 9.]. And Christ clearly says: "They do not all grasp the word, but to whom it is given" Matth. 19, 11].

Since after Adam's fall there are in all of us both the natural inclination and the inherent evil desire, which makes the natural inclination stronger, so that the marriage state is more necessary than when nature was undefiled, Paul speaks of marriage in this way, so that our weakness may be helped. And to avoid such burning, he commands that those who need it should become married, and this word, "It is better to become married than to burn," cannot be done away by any human law, by any monastic vow. For no law can make nature different from what it is created or designed to be. Therefore we have freedom and power to become married, all who feel the burning. And all who are not able to remain truly pure and chaste are guilty of following this commandment and word of Paul. Let every man have his own wife, to avoid fornication; in this every man must examine his own conscience.

For that the adversaries say that one should ask God for chastity and call upon one to mortify the body with fasting and work, they should justly begin such mortification. But, as I said above, the adversaries are not serious about this matter; they play and joke to please themselves. If virginity were possible for everyone, no one would be able to have it but God's gift. Now the Lord Christ says, Matt. 19:11, that it is a special, high gift of God, and not everyone grasps the word; but the others, God wants them to use the marriage state that God has instituted. For God does not want His creatures and ordination to be despised; nevertheless, He wants them also to be chaste, that is, to have need of the marriage state, which He has instituted to preserve marital purity and chastity, just as He wants us to have need of the food and drink that He has created for us for the preservation of the body.

617 And Gerson indicates that there have been many pious, great people who have wanted to keep chastity through corporal mortification, and yet have not succeeded. That is why St. Ambrose says rightly: "Only virginity is a thing that may be advised and not commanded.

  1. If anyone would say here: Let him also consider that Christ speaks of those who have the gift of virginity. For therefore

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he adds: "Whoever can grasp it, let him grasp it. For the Lord Christ is not pleased with such impure chastity as is found in monasteries and convents. We also let true chastity be a fine, noble gift of God. But we say here that such a law and prohibition of marriage is unjust, and of those who do not have God's gift. Therefore, it shall be free, and such cords shall not be cast upon the poor consciences.

619 Fourth, this is also Pabst's law against the canons and ancient conciliarities. For the old canons do not forbid marriage, nor do they destroy the marriage state, although they deprive those who enter into marriage of their ecclesiastical office; this was at the time, according to opportunity, more a mercy than a punishment. But the new Canons, which were not made in the Conciliis, but by the Popes, forbid marriage, and tear up the jam contracta matrimonia, etc. It is now evident that this is contrary to Scripture, and also contrary to Christ's commandment, since he says Matt. 19:6: "Those whom God has joined together, let not man put asunder."

The opponents almost cry out that celibacy or chastity of priests is commanded in the Conciliis. We do not contest the Conciliis in part because they do not forbid marriage, but we contest the new law which the popes have made against the Conciliis. Thus the popes themselves despise the concilia, when they may command others to keep the concilia in the face of God's wrath and eternal damnation. Therefore, the law forbidding the marriage of priests is quite Pabst's law of Roman tyranny. For the prophet Daniel depicted the antichristian kingdom as 1) teaching marriage and wives, even despising the female sex Dan. 11, 37.

621 The fifth: Although they do not defend the ungodly law for the sake of holiness or out of ignorance, for they know well that they do not keep chastity, yet they give rise to innumerable hypocrisies, because they pretend to holiness. They say that therefore priests should keep chastity, because they must be holy and pure; as if the marriage state were an impurity, as if one would become holy and righteous before God through celibacy rather than through the marriage state. And to this they refer to the priests in the Law of Moses, for they say, "When the priests served in the temple, they must abstain from their wives.

  1. So the Jenaer in agreement with the Latin. Müller lacks: "therefore".

According to the will, priests must pray at all times, and they must also keep chastity at all times. Such a clumsy, foolish simile they take as a very clear and certain reason that the priests are obligated to keep eternal chastity, but even if the simile is suitable or rhymes, they get nothing more from it than that the priests should abstain from their wives for a time, namely, when they intend to do church service. Another thing is to pray; another thing is to minister in the church. For many saints have prayed, even if they have not served in the temple, and their conjugal attendance has not prevented them from doing so.

622 But we will answer such dreams one after the other. For the first, the adversaries must confess, and cannot deny, that the married state of believers in Christ is a purely holy state; for it is ever sanctified by the word of God. For it is instituted by God, it is confirmed by God's word, as the Scriptures abundantly testify. For Christ says Matt. 19:6, "What God has joined together, let no man put asunder." Christ says that if God joins together husband and wife, it is a pure, holy, noble, praiseworthy work of God. And Paul says of marriage, food and the like, "that they are sanctified by the word of God, and by prayer" 1 Tim. 4:5. First, through the divine word, by which the heart becomes certain that the marriage state pleases the Lord. Secondly, through prayer, that is, through thanksgiving, which is done in faith, as we use the marriage state, food, drink with thanksgiving. 1 Cor. 7, 14: "The unbelieving husband is sanctified by the believing wife," that is, the marriage state is pure, good, Christian and holy for the sake of faith in Christ, which we may use with thanksgiving as we use food, drink 2c. Item, 1 Tim. 2, 15: "But the woman shall be saved through childbearing, if she continue in the faith" 2c. If the adversaries of their priestly chastity could bring forward such a saying, how they should triumph! St. Paul says that the woman will be blessed through childbearing. What could the holy apostle have said against the shameful hypocrisy of the foul, lying chastity, but to say: they will be blessed by conjugal works, by childbearing, by suckling and bringing up children, by housekeeping 2c.? Yes, how does Paul mean that? He adds in clear words: "If they continue in the faith" 2c. For the works and labor in the marriage state for themselves, without faith, are not praised here alone.

1298 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1565-1568. 1299

623 Therefore, first of all, he wants them to have God's word and to believe, through which faith (as he says everywhere) they receive forgiveness of sin and are reconciled to God. After that he remembers the work of their female ministry and profession. Just as in all Christians good works are to follow from faith, that each one may do something according to his profession, so that he may be useful to his neighbor, and as these good works please God, so also such works as a believing woman does according to her profession please God. And such a woman will be blessed, who thus does her feminine work according to her profession in the conjugal state.

These sayings indicate that the marriage state is a holy and Christian thing. Now if purity also means that which is holy and acceptable in the sight of God, then the marriage state is holy and acceptable, for it is confirmed by the word of God, and, as Paul says Titus 1:15, "To the pure all things are pure," that is, to those who believe in Christ. Therefore, as virginity is unclean in the ungodly, so the marriage state is holy in believers, for the sake of the divine word and faith.

625 But if the adversaries call it purity, when there is no fornication, then purity of heart is called, when the evil desire is killed. For God's law does not forbid marriage, but fornication, adultery, fornication. Therefore, to be without a wife outwardly is not right purity, but there can be greater purity of heart in a husband than in Abraham and Jacob, than in many who keep their chastity right after physical purity.

Finally, if they call chastity purity, that by it one should be justified before God before marriage, it is an error. For without merit, for Christ's sake alone, we obtain forgiveness of sin if we believe that through Christ's blood and death we have a gracious God. But here the adversaries will cry out that we, like Jovinianus, consider the married state equal to virginity. But for the sake of their clamor, we will not deny the divine truth and the doctrine of Christ, of the righteousness of faith, which we indicated above. Nevertheless, we leave to virginity its praise and honor, and also say that one gift is higher than the other. For as wisdom to govern is a higher gift than other arts, so virginity or chastity is a higher gift than the married state. And yet again, just as the ruler is not more righteous in the sight of God because of his gift and wisdom than another is from

because of his art, so the chaste is no more righteous before God on account of his gift than married people are on account of their status, but each one should serve faithfully with his gift, knowing that for Christ's sake he has forgiveness of sin through faith, and is justified before God.

The Lord Christ and Paul also praise virginity, not because it makes one righteous before God, but so that those who are single without a wife or without a husband may be all the freer, unhindered with housekeeping, child rearing, reading, praying, writing, and serving. Therefore Paul says to the Corinthians 1 Cor. 7, 32: "For this reason virginity is praised, that in this state one has more room to learn God's word and to teach others. So Christ does not praise those who are made virgins, but adds, "for the sake of the kingdom of heaven," that is, so that they may learn and teach the gospel more easily. He does not say that virginity deserves forgiveness of sin.

628 To the example of the Levitical priests we have answered that it does not prove at all that the priests should be without marital status. Also, the Law of Moses with the ceremonies of purity or impurity does not concern us Christians. In the Law of Moses, if a man touched his wife, he was unclean for some time. Now a Christian husband is not unclean. For the New Testament says Titus 1:5, "To the pure all things are pure." For through the gospel we are freed from all the ceremonies of Moses, not only from the laws of uncleanness. But if someone wants to defend celibacy on the grounds that he wants to oblige consciences to such Levitical purities, we must resist this just as vehemently as the apostles resisted the Jews, Acts 15:10 ff. 15, 10. f., because they wanted to oblige the Christians to the law of Moses and to circumcision.

Here, however, Christian, God-fearing spouses will know how to be moderate in their marital duties. For those who are in government or church offices and have to work, they will also have to be chaste in marriage. For to be burdened with great things and dealings, as is appropriate to lands and people, regencies and churches, is a good remedy, so that the old Adam does not become horny. So also the godly know that Paul says in 1 Thess. 4, 4. 5: "Let every one of you keep his barrel in sanctification and honor, not in lust." On the other hand, what chastity can there be among so many thousands of monks and priests, who without

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Do they live in all lust, idle and full, have no word of God for it, do not learn it, and do not respect it? All fornication must follow. Such people can keep neither Levitical nor eternal chastity.

Many heretics, who do not understand the law of Moses or how it is to be applied, speak shamefully of the state of marriage, which is considered sacred for the sake of such hypocritical appearances. And Epiphanius complains vehemently that the encratites have gained a reputation among the inexperienced with the hypocritical appearance, especially chastity. They did not drink wine, not even in the Lord's Supper, and abstained from eating both fish and meat, being even holier than the monks who eat fish. They also abstained from marriage. This had a great appearance. And so they thought that by these works and imaginary holiness they were propitiating God, as our adversaries teach.

Against such hypocrisy and angel holiness Paul fiercely argues with the Colossians Cap. 2, 18. For by this Christ is suppressed, when people fall into such error that they hope to be pure and holy before God through such hypocrisy. So also such hypocrites do not know God's gift nor commandment; for God wants us to use His gifts with thanksgiving.

And I would be able to give examples of how many a pious heart and poor conscience has been saddened and has fallen into disarray because it has not been taught that the married state, the obligation to marry, and all that is sacred and Christian about marriage. The great misfortune was caused by the clumsy preaching of the monks, who practiced celibacy, chastity, without moderation, and proclaimed the marital state to be an impure life, so that it would be a great hindrance to salvation and full of sins.

But our adversaries do not hold so hard against the celibate state, for the sake of the appearance of holiness, for they know that in Rome, even in all her foundations, without hypocrisy, without appearance, is vain fornication; so also it is not their earnestness to live chastely, but knowingly they make hypocrisy before the people. For this reason they are worse, and their hypocrisy is uglier, than the heretics, who were more serious. But these Epicureans are not serious, but they mock God and the world, and use only this pretense to preserve their free life.

Sixth, if we have so many reasons why we cannot accept the pope's law of celibacy, there are innumerable dangers of conscience about it, unspeakably much annoyance. Therefore, even if such Pabst's law does not

If it were unjust, then all respectable people should be deterred from such a burden on their consciences that so many souls perish as a result.

635 Long before this time, many honorable people, including their own bishops, canonici 2c. complained about the great, heavy burden of the celibacy, and found that they themselves and other people get into great trouble of their consciences because of it. But no one has taken up the complaint; it is in the day about how in many places, where there are priesthoods, common discipline is shattered by it, what ghastly fornication, sin and disgrace, what great unheard-of vice is caused by it. There are poets' writings and satyrae, in which Roma may be reflected.

Thus God Almighty avenges the contempt of His gift and His commandments in those who forbid the marriage state. Now, if some necessary laws have often been changed for cause, when the common good requires it, why should not this law be changed, since there are so many good causes, so many innumerable grievances of the consciences, for which it should be justly changed?

We see that these are the last times, and as an old man is weaker than a young one, so also the whole world and the whole nature is in its last age and in decline. Sin and vice do not decrease, but increase daily. Therefore, the more help God has given against fornication and vice, the more we should need it than the marriage state. We see in the 1st book of Moses that such vices of fornication had also prevailed before the flood. Item, in Sodoma, in Sybari, in Rome and other cities, abominable fornication occurred before they were destroyed. These examples show how it will be in the last times, shortly before the end of the world. Therefore, if there is also experience that now and in these last times fornication has unfortunately broken out more than ever, faithful bishops and authorities should rather make law and commandment to enjoin marriage than to forbid it, also to exhort the people to the marriage state with words, works and examples, that would be the authority's office. For they should be diligent to preserve honor and discipline.

Now God has blinded the world so that adultery and fornication are tolerated without punishment, but punishment is inflicted for the sake of matrimony. Is this not terrible to hear? The preachers should teach both: those who have the gift of chastity should be admonished not to despise it, but to use it for the glory of God, and those who need the marital state should also be admonished.

1302 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1571-1573. 1303

Otherwise, the pope dispenses daily in many necessary laws, which are much in the interest of the common good, since he should be reasonably firm. But in this law of celibacy he shows himself to be as hard as stone and iron, although it is known that it is nothing but a human law. Many pious, honest, God-fearing people, who have done no harm to anyone, have been strangled usuriously and tyrannically, solely for the sake of marriage, because they were married out of the necessity of their consciences. Therefore it is to be feared that Abel's blood cries out to heaven so strongly that they will never get over it, but, like Cain, will have to tremble. And this Cainian murder of innocent blood shows that this doctrine of celibacy is the doctrine of the devil. For the Lord Christ calls the devil a murderer, who would gladly defend such a tyrannical law with blood and murder.

We know very well that some are crying out that we are making schisms. But our consciences are quite sure, after we have sought peace and unity with all faithful diligence, and do not want to let the adversaries suffice them, we deny (God forbid!) the public divine truth, we agree to accept the ugly papal law with them, to tear pious, innocent spouses from each other, to strangle the married priests, to drive innocent wives and children into misery, to shed innocent blood without any cause. For since it is certain that such things are not pleasing to God, let us be pleased that we have no unity nor fellowship, nor guilt of so much innocent blood with the adversaries.

641 We have shown cause why we cannot in good conscience hold with the opponents who defend celibacy. For it is against all divine and natural rights, against the canons themselves; in addition, it is vain hypocrisy and driving. For they do not hold sanctity so harshly above this fictitious chastity, or that they do not understand it otherwise. They know well that everyone knows the nature of the high priests, which we would be well advised to name, but only to maintain their tyranny and rule. And no respectable person will be able to raise anything against the strong, clear reasons given above. The gospel leaves the marriage state free to all those who need it, so it does not force those to the marriage state who have the gift of chastity, if it is only true chastity and not hypocrisy. We believe that priests should also be granted this freedom, and we want to

We do not want to force anyone into celibacy, nor do we want to drive pious spouses away from each other or break up their marriage.

642 We have now briefly indicated some of our reasons for this time, and we have also reported how the opponents have raised such clumsy expedients and dreams against it. Now we want to show with what strong reasons they defend their papal law. First, they say that such a law was revealed by God. There you can see how completely impudent the unholy people are. They may say that their prohibition of marriage is revealed by God, when it is publicly contrary to Scripture, contrary to Paul, when he says: "To avoid fornication, let every man have his own wife" 1 Cor. 7:2. Item, if the Scriptures and Canons strongly forbid that the marriage, already consummated, should not be broken in any way: what may the boys say, and abuse the high, most holy name of the divine Majesty so insolently and impudently? Paul the Apostle rightly says who is the God who first introduced such a law, namely the wretched Satan, because he calls it "doctrine of the devil" 2 Tim. 4:1. And truly, the fruit teaches us to know the tree, when we see that so many terrible, horrible vices are caused by it, as can be seen in Romans. Item, that also over this law of strangling and bloodshed the devil makes no end.

643 The other reason of the adversaries is that the priests should be pure, as the Scripture says Isa. 52:11: "You should be pure who carry the vessels of the Lord. We have left the argument here above. For we have indicated enough that chastity without faith is not purity before God, and the married state is holiness and purity for the sake of faith, as Paul says Tit. 1:15: "To the pure all things are pure." So we have said clearly enough that Mosi's ceremonies of purity and impurity are not to be drawn there, for the gospel wants to have purity of marriage. And there is no doubt that Abraham's, Isaac's, Jacob's, and the archfathers' hearts, which had many wives, were purer than many virgins, who were pure virgins immediately after the purity of their bodies. But that Isaiah says: "You should be pure who carry the vessel of the Lord", is to be understood from whole Christian holiness, and not from virginity. And this very saying gives the unclean priests who are not married to become pure priests who are married, for, as was said before, marriage is purity among Christians.

The third is, first of all, a terrible argument that the priestly marriage should be heresy. Gna-

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det our poor soul, dear sirs! go beautiful! it is quite a novelty that the holy matrimony, which God created in paradise, should have become heresy. In that way, the whole world would be vain heretics.

It is a great impudent lie that the marriage of priests should be Jovinian heresy, or that such priestly marriage should be condemned by the Church at that time. For in Joviniani's time the Church did not yet know about this papal law, by which priests are completely forbidden to marry, and our adversaries know this well. But they often attract old heresies, and rhyme our doctrine with them, against their own conscience, only to make the unlearned believe that our doctrine was condemned by the church ages ago, and thus to be moved against us manfully. They use such methods, and that is why they did not want to deliver the confutation to us. They were afraid that they would be publicly accused of lying, which would be an eternal disgrace for them among all their descendants. As for Joviniani's teaching, we have said above what we think of chastity and what we think of the state of marriage. For we do not say that matrimony is equal to virginity, although neither virginity nor matrimony makes one righteous before God.

With such weak, loose reasons they protect and defend the pope's law of celibacy, which has given rise to so many vices and fornications. The princes and bishops who believe these teachers will well see whether such reasons hold the sting when it comes to the hour of death, that one should give account before God why they have torn apart pious people's marriages, why they have strangled and staked them, why they have strangled so many priests, and shed innocent blood over all the lamenting, weeping and crying of so many widows and orphans. For they must not take this into their minds; the ears and tears of the poor widows, the blood of the innocent is unforgotten in heaven, it will cry out in its hour as strong as the holy, innocent blood over them in high heaven, and cry out before God, the rightful judge. Now when God will judge such tyranny, they will learn that their arguments are straw and hay, and God is a consuming fire, before which nothing can remain except divine word, 1 Petr. 1, 24. 25.

647 Our princes and lords, be it as it may, must take comfort in the fact that they have acted with a good conscience. For I want to set equal that the priest's marriage is to be contested, as it is not, but that is strictly against God's will.

Word and will, that the adversaries thus tear apart the consummated marriages, chase poor, innocent people into misery and strangle them. Our princes and rulers have no desire for innovation and discord, but they are still guilty of allowing the divine word and truth to be more valid in such a just and certain matter than all other things. May God have mercy on them. Amen.

Article XXIV Of the Mass.

First, however, we must say again that we do not abolish the mass, for masses are held in our churches every Sunday and feast day, and the sacrament is administered to those who desire it, but in such a way that they are first interrogated and absolved. Christian ceremonies are also held with reading, chants, prayers and the like 2c.

649 The adversaries make a great fuss about the Latin mass, and talk quite clumsily and childishly about how even an unlearned man who does not understand Latin deserves great things by hearing mass in the faith of the church. Then they themselves invent that the bad work of hearing mass is a service of God, which is useful even if I do not hear or understand a word. I do not want to make such a point here as it would be worthwhile; we want to let sensible people judge here. We therefore remember that we indicate that the Latin mass, lection and prayer are also held here.

If the ceremonies are to be held so that the people learn the Scriptures and God's Word, and thereby come to the fear of God and attain comfort, and thus pray correctly, for that is why ceremonies are instituted, we keep Latin for the sake of those who know Latin, and let German Christian chants go alongside it, so that the common people also learn something and are taught the fear of God and knowledge. The custom is always considered praiseworthy in the church. For although in some places more, in some places fewer German hymns are sung, yet in all churches something has ever been sung by the people in German, therefore it is not so new. But where is this Pharisaic doctrine written that hearing mass without understanding ex opere operato is meritorious and blessed? Shame on you, you sophists, with such dreams.

That we do not hold private masses, but only one public mass, when the people communicate, is nothing against the common Christian church. For in the Greek church, no private masses are held on this day, but only one mass, and that the same

1306 Cap. 13 Non dem Reichstage zu Augsburg 1530. W. xvi, 1576-1579. 1307

on Sundays and high feasts. This is all an indication of the old custom of the church. For the teachers who existed before the time of St. Gregory do not remember the private masses in any place. But how the individual masses or private masses had a beginning, we leave pending now. This is certain, since the mendicant orders and monks thus gained the upper hand, the masses were founded more and more every day from the false teachings of the same and torn down for the sake of money and avarice, so that the theologians themselves complained about it all the time. And even though St. Francis, out of right good opinion, wanted things to happen, and ordered his own that every monastery should be satisfied with a common mass every day, this same useful statute was subsequently changed by hypocrisy or for the sake of money. Thus they change the order of the old fathers when and where they desire, when it suits them in the kitchens, and tell us afterwards: one must keep the order of the old fathers holy. Epiphanius writes that in Asia communion was held three times every week, and mass was not held daily, and says that the custom was thus traditional from the apostles.

652 Although the opponents in this place have boiled many words and sayings one into the other, trying to prove that the mass is a sacrifice, the great clamor is soon quieted with this single answer, and their mouths are soon shut, when we say: The sayings, the arguments, reasons, and all that is presented do not prove that the masses ex opere operato deserve forgiveness of sins, remission of chastisement and guilt for the priest or others for whom they are applied. This few clear answers knock down in a heap all that the opponents put forward, not only in the Confutation, but in all their books and writings that they have written about the Mass.

653 And this is the main question in this whole matter, of which we want to warn every Christian reader that he should look carefully at the opponents to see whether they also stick to the main question. For they are in the habit of making much futile, unrhymed circumlocutions out of the main point. For if one sticks to the main question immediately and unvariedly, and does not add anything extraneous, it is all the easier to judge on both sides.

654 We have indicated in our Confession that we hold that the Lord's Supper or the Mass does not make anyone pious ex opere operato, and that the Mass said for others does not merit them forgiveness of sin, remission of chastisement, and guilt; and of the principal part we have entirely

strong, certain reason, namely this. It is impossible that we should obtain forgiveness of sins through our work ex opere operato, that is, through the work done in Himself, sine bono motu utentis, if the heart already has no good thought, but through faith in Christ the terror of sin, of death, must be overcome, if our hearts are raised and comforted through the knowledge of Christ, as said above. When we feel that we have a gracious God for Christ's sake, that is, that His merit and righteousness are given to us, Rom. 5, v. 1: "If then we have been justified by faith, we have peace with God" 2c. This is such a strong and certain reason that all the gates of hell can do nothing against it. Of this we are certain.

And this would be just enough of the whole thing. For no sensible or understanding person will praise the Pharisaic or pagan hypocrisy and the great abuse of the opere operato. And yet the same error has taken hold all over the world. That is why so many innumerable masses have been founded all over the world, in all monasteries, convents, churches, cloisters, in all corners. For this purpose, masses are held for money, to propitiate God's wrath, to obtain forgiveness of sins, redemption from torment and guilt, to redeem the dead from purgatory, to obtain health, wealth, happiness and prosperity in handling 2c. The hypocritical, pharisaic opinion was planted in the church by the monks and sophists. Although the error of the abuse of the Mass is sufficiently dispelled by the fact that one does not obtain forgiveness of sins by our work, but by faith in Christ, nevertheless, since the opponents introduce many sayings of Scripture quite clumsily to defend their error, we want to add something more here.

In their confutation the adversaries speak much of sacrifice, although in our confession we have diligently avoided the word sacrificium for the sake of uncertain understanding, but have expressed in clear words their highest abuse, which they mean and practice by the name sacrificium. In order that we may now dispense with the sayings which they have unjustly and falsely introduced, we must first say what the word sacrificium or sacrifice means.

They have written many books for ten years that the mass is a sacrifice, and none of them has ever defined what sacrifice is or is not. They seek only the vocabulum or

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The word sacrificium, where they find it in the concordance of the biblia, and extend it here, it rhymes or not. So they do also in the old fathers' books. Then they invent their dreams about it, as if sacrificium must mean whatever they want it to mean.

What sacrifice is or is not, and how many kinds of sacrifice.

And so that one does not fall blindly into the matter, we must first indicate the difference between what is a sacrifice and what is not a sacrifice. And this is useful and good for all Christians to know. The theologians use to distinguish sacrificium and sacramentum, sacrifice and sacrament. Now the genus we want to let be ceremonia or sacred work. Sacramentum is a ceremonia or outward sign or work, by which God gives us that which the divine promise attached to the same ceremony implies. Thus, baptism is a ceremony and a work, not that we give or offer to God, but in which God gives and offers to us, in which God baptizes us, or the servant in God's stead. There, GOD appoints us and gives us forgiveness of sins according to His promise: "He who believes and is baptized shall be saved" Marc. 16, 16.. Again, sacrificium or sacrifice is a ceremonia or work that we give to God so that we may honor Him.

659 But it is primarily two kinds of sacrifice and no more, among which all other sacrifices are included. One is a propitiatory sacrifice, by which enough is done for pain and guilt, God's wrath is appeased and atoned for, and forgiveness of sin is obtained for others. For another is a thank offering, by which forgiveness of sin or atonement is not obtained, but is made by those who have already been atoned for, that they give thanks for the forgiveness of sin obtained and other graces and gifts.

660 These two kinds of sacrifice must be diligently observed in this transaction, and in many other disputations care must be taken that these two are not mixed together. And this different division has strong evidence from the epistle to the Hebrews, and in many places in Scripture. And all the sacrifices in the law of Moses, as various as they may be, are to be divided and comprehended under these two kinds of sacrifices, as under their genera. For some sacrifices in the Law of Moses are called expiatory sacrifices or sacrifices for sin, for the sake of meaning; not that forgiveness of sin is merited thereby 1)

  1. Müller: "will". Latin: msrsrsutur.

before God, but that they were outward atonements for the sake of meaning; for those for whom they were made atonement by such sacrifices, that they might not be cast out from among the people of Israel. Therefore they were called atonement sacrifices, but the other sacrifices were thank offerings.

661 Thus in the law there were meanings of the right sacrifice, but there was only one true atonement, sacrifice for sin in the world, namely the death of Christ, as the epistle to the Hebrews says: "It was impossible that the blood of oxen and goats should take away sin. And soon after it says of the obedience and will of Christ v. 10, "In which will we are sanctified through the sacrifice of the body of Christ once. "2c. And Isaiah the prophet also before interpreted the law of Moses, indicating that the death of Christ is the payment for sin, and not the sacrifices in the law, since he says of Christ Cap. 53, 11., "If he hath given his life for a trespass offering, he shall have seed, and live unto length." For the prophet applied the word trespass offering to Christ's death to indicate that the trespass offerings in the law were not the right sacrifice to pay for sin, but that another sacrifice had to come, namely Christ's death, by which God's wrath was to be atoned for. The guilt offerings in the law had to cease when the gospel was revealed and the right sacrifice was made. Therefore, they were not true atonements before God, for they had to fall and another had to come. Therefore, they were only meanings and examples of the right atonement. Therefore, it is certain that there was only one sacrifice, namely the death of Christ, which was to be applied for others to atone for God's wrath.

  1. In addition to this one atonement, namely the death of Christ, there are other sacrifices, all of which are only thank offerings, such as all the suffering, preaching, and good works of the saints. These are not the kind of sacrifices by which we are atoned for, which can be done for others, or which merit ex opere operato forgiveness of sin or atonement. For they are made by those who have already been atoned for by Christ. And such sacrifices are our sacrifices in the New Testament, as Peter the Apostle says in 1 Peter 2:5: "Ye are a holy priesthood, that ye should offer spiritual sacrifices." And in the New Testament no sacrifice is ex opere operato sine bono motu utentis, that is, the work without a good thought in the heart. For Christ says John 4:23: "The right worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and in truth."

1310 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, is8i-is84. 1Z11

that is, with heart, with heartfelt fear and heartfelt faith. Therefore, it is a devilish, Pharisaic and antichristic doctrine and worship that our adversaries teach that their mass deserves forgiveness of guilt and chastisement ex opere operato.

The Jews did not understand their ceremonies well either, and thought that they would be pious before God if they had done the works ex opere operato. The prophets cried out against this in the most earnest manner, so that they would point the people from their own works to the promise of God, and bring them to faith and right worship. Jer. 7, v. 22 f.: "I did not speak to your fathers about sacrifices or burnt offerings when I brought them out of Egypt, but I commanded them this word: Hear my voice, and I will be your God. "2c. What will the stiff-necked Jews have said to this sermon and teaching, which seems to be quite publicly against the Law and Moses? For it was ever public that God had commanded the fathers of sacrifices. Jeremiah could not deny this. But Jeremiah condemned their error concerning the sacrifices, of which there was no command from God, namely, that they thought that the sacrifices ox opere operato atoned for and pleased God. Therefore Jeremiah adds this to the faith that God has commanded: "Hear me," that is, believe me that I am your God, that I sustain you, have mercy on you, help you all hours, and do not permit your sacrifice; believe that I am your God, who justifies you and sanctifies you, not because of your merit, but because of my promise; therefore you shall wait for all comfort and help from me.

The 50th Psalm, v. 13, also rejects the pagan opinion of the opere operato, saying: "Do you think that I will eat ox meat or drink the blood of a goat? Call upon me in the time of trouble" 2c. Then the opus oporaturu is rejected, saying, "Call upon me." There he indicates the highest service of God when we call upon him from the heart. Item, in the 40th Psalm, v. 7. "Thou hast no pleasure in sacrifice and meat offering; but thou hast opened mine ears," that is, thou hast given me a word to hear, demanding that I believe thy word, and thy promises to help me. Item, Ps. 51, 18. 19.: "You have no desire for sacrifice, otherwise I would give it to you 2c. The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit" 2c. Item, in the 4th Psalm, v. 6.: "Offer sacrifices of righteousness, and hope in the LORD." There he commands that we should hope in the Lord, and calls this a righteous sacrifice; there he indicates that the others are not righteous.

Sacrifices 2c. Item, Ps. 116, 17: "To You I will offer sacrifices of thanksgiving, and call upon the name of the Lord" 2c.

And all Scripture is full of such sayings, which indicate that no sacrifice, no work ex opere operato atones for God. Therefore, it teaches that in the New Testament, the sacrifices of the Law of Moses have been removed, and are pure sacrifices without blemish, namely, faith toward God, thanksgiving, praise of God, preaching of the Gospel, the cross and suffering of the saints, and the like.

  1. and of these sacrifices Malachias speaks, when he says Cap.1,11.: "From the going out of the sun to its going down my name is great among the Gentiles, and in all places a pure sacrifice shall be offered to my name." The same saying the adversaries interpret falsely and foolishly from the mass, and attract the old fathers. But it is soon answered: If Malachias spoke of the Mass when he did not, it does not follow from this that the Mass ex opere operato makes us pious before God, or that one can say Mass for others to obtain forgiveness of sin. The prophet says none of these things, but the sophists and monks unashamedly invent them from their own brains.

The words of the prophet themselves bring the right understanding. For first the prophet says: let the name of the Lord be magnified; this happens through the preaching of the gospel. For by this the name of Christ is confessed, and the grace promised in Christ is made known. Through the preaching of the gospel people come to faith, they call on God, they give thanks to God, they suffer persecution for God's sake, they do good works. Therefore, the prophet calls it the pure sacrifice, not the ceremonies of the mass alone ex opere operato, but all spiritual sacrifices by which God's name is magnified, namely a pure, holy sacrifice is the preaching of the Gospel, faith, calling, prayer, confessing the Gospel and Christ before the world 2c.

668 And we do not greatly contest whether someone would ever want to apply it to the ceremonies of the Mass, if only he does not say that the bad ceremonia makes atonement for God ex opere operato. For as we call the sermon a sacrifice of praise, so the ceremony of the Lord's Supper may be a sacrifice of praise in itself; but not such a sacrifice that ex opere operato makes one righteous before God, or that one can do for others to obtain forgiveness of sin for them. But soon after, we will also say how the ceremony is a sacrifice. Because

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But Malachias speaks of all services and sacrifices of the New > Testament, so he does not speak only of the mass or the Lord's > Supper. Item, while he clearly refutes the same Pharisaic error of the > opere operato, the saying does nothing against us, but rather for > us, because it demands inwardly the heart to make sacrifices of > thanksgiving to God, through which the name of the Lord becomes truly > great. > > 669 There is also a saying drawn from Malachi Cap. 2, 3.: "And he > shall make the sons of Levi to be as gold and as silver, and they > shall offer sacrifices of righteousness unto God. There he says of > sacrifices of righteousness, therefore the text is against the opus > operatum. But the sacrifices of the sons of Levi, that is, of those > who preach in the New Testament, is the preaching of the gospel, and > the good fruits of preaching, as Paul says Rom. 15:16: "I am to be a > minister of Christ among the Gentiles, to offer the gospel of God, > that the Gentiles may become an offering acceptable to God through > faith." For the slaughter of oxen and sheep in the law has the death > of Christ and the preaching of the gospel, by which the old Adam is > killed daily, and the new and eternal life begins. > > 670 But the adversaries everywhere apply the word sacrifice or > sacrificium only to the ceremonies of the mass. They speak nothing > of the preaching of the Gospel, of faith, of giving thanks and > invoking the divine name, even though the ceremony is instituted for > this purpose, since the New Testament has only spiritual sacrifices > within the heart, and not such sacrifices as the Levitical priesthood. > > 671 The adversaries also refer to the juge sacrificium, that is, the > daily sacrifice, and say: as in the Law of Moses there was a daily > sacrifice, so the mass is the juge sacrificium of the New Testament. > If the matter were to be settled with allegories, everyone would find > allegories useful to him. But all those of understanding know that in > such highly important matters before God, one must have God's word, > certain and clear, and not forcefully drag in dark and strange > sayings; such uncertain interpretations do not hold the sting before > God's judgment. > > 672 Although we wanted to please the adversaries by calling the mass > juge sacrificium or daily sacrifice, if they called the whole mass, > that is, the ceremonies with thanksgiving, with faith in the heart, > with the heartfelt invocation of divine grace, juge sacrificium, > because all of this together would like to

juge sacrificium of the New Testament. For the ceremonial of the Mass or of the Lord's Supper is established for the sake of all this; for it is instituted for the sake of preaching, as Paul says 1 Cor. 11:26: "As often as ye eat the bread and drink the cup, ye shall proclaim the death of the Lord." But it does not follow at all from the figure of the daily sacrifice that the Mass is such a sacrifice, which ex opere operato atones for God, or which one can hold for others or do to obtain forgiveness of sin for them.

673 And if the daily sacrifice or juge sacrificium is rightly considered, it does not only cover the ceremonies, but also the preaching of the Gospel. For in the 4th book of Moses, 28th, v. 3. ff., three parts are set, which belonged to the same daily sacrifice. First, a lamb was sacrificed for a burnt offering, and wine was poured on it. Then a cake was offered, mixed with bread flour and oil.

The whole law of Moses is a shadow and figure of Christ and the New Testament. That is why Christ is painted in it. The lamb signifies the death of Christ; pouring wine on it signifies that all believers in all the world are sprinkled with the blood of the lamb through the gospel, that is, that they are sanctified, as Peter says 1 Peter 1:2: "Through sanctification of the Spirit, in obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ." The kuche means the invocation and thanksgiving in all believers' hearts. As in the Old Testament is the shadow and the meaning of Christ or the Gospel, so in the New Testament is to be sought the same Gospel and the truth which is signified by the figure, and is not first to be sought a new type or figure which they would or would call sacrificium.

Therefore, although the mass or ceremonial in the Lord's Supper is a memorial of Christ's death, the ceremonial alone is not the juge sacrificium or daily sacrifice, but the memorial of Christ's death, together with the ceremonial, is the daily sacrifice, that is, the preaching of faith and Christ, which faith truly believes that God was atoned for through Christ's death. To the same juge sacrificio also belongs the fruit of the sermon, that we are sprinkled with the blood of Christ, that is, sanctified, that the old Adam is killed, and the spirit increases, that is, the watering. After this we should also give thanks and praise God, and confess the faith with suffering and good works, which is signified by flour and oils.

1314 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, is86-i58g. 1313

676 Thus, when the gross Pharisaic error of the opere operato is removed, it is found that by the juge sacrificium is signified the spiritual sacrifice and daily oblation of the heart; for Paul says, Col. 2:17: "In the old testament is the shadow of things to come; but the body and the truth are in Christ. Now this is the knowledge of Christ and the Holy Spirit in the heart, which works vain thanksgiving and daily spiritual sacrifices in the heart. From this it appears enough that the likeness of sacrificio or daily sacrifice is nothing against us, but rather for us. For we have clearly shown that everything that belonged to the daily sacrifice in the Law of Moses must mean a true heartfelt sacrifice, not opus operatum. The opponents' dream is false, because they want to think that it means only the bad external work and ceremonies, when faith in the heart, preaching, confession, thanksgiving and heartfelt invocation are the true daily sacrifices and the best part of the mass, they call it sacrifice or otherwise.

Now all godly, pious, honorable, Christian people can easily notice that the accusation of the adversary is wrong, because they say, we deny the juge sacrificium. But experience shows that they are the true Antiochians, who show themselves as raging tyrants with vain thirst and violence in the church, who, under a pretense of spirituality, draw to themselves all the power of the world, and yet ask nothing about the preaching ministry, about Christ or the gospel. Above all this, they are subject to set up new services of their liking in the church and to defend them with vain violence. For the adversaries keep only the ceremonies of the mass, but they abandon the proper custom of the mass, and use the mass only for avarice and shameful fairs, and then pretend that it is a work that benefits others, that earns others forgiveness of sins, torment and guilt. In their sermons, however, they do not teach the gospel, nor do they comfort consciences, nor do they preach that sins are forgiven without merit for Christ's sake, but they preach about calling on the saints, about satisfactionibus, about pardon, about human statutes, and say that this makes people devout before God. And although these public blasphemous abuses are many, they want to preserve them by force, because they carry money. And the most learned preachers among them preach confused philosophical quarrels and questions/which neither they themselves nor the people understand. Finally, whether some among them are not

unlearned, they teach only the law, and teach nothing of Christ or of faith.

The adversaries draw on Daniel, who says Cap. 9, 27: "There will be abominations and desolation in the church," and point this to our church, because the altars are not covered, lights are not burning in them, and the like. Although it is not true that we do away with all such external ornaments. Nevertheless, if it were so, Daniel does not speak of such things, which are quite external, and do not belong to the Christian church, but rather means another more horrible desolation, which is strong in Pabstism, namely, the desolation of the most necessary, greatest service, the ministry of preaching, and the suppression of the gospel. For the adversaries preach the more part of the statutes of men, by which the consciences are led away from Christ to their own works and trust. Thus it is certain that under the papacy no one understood the sermon on repentance or de poenitentia, as the adversaries taught it, and yet this is the most necessary part of the whole Christian doctrine.

The adversaries have tormented the poor consciences and plagued them with sins; they have not taught anything rightly about faith in Christ, by which one obtains forgiveness of sin, about the right struggle and temptation, which are the exercise of faith, by which the consciences might have had comfort. All their books, all their sermons have been of no more use than nothing, and have done untold harm. In addition to this, there is the terrible, horrible abuse of the mass by the adversaries, the like of which has hardly ever been seen on earth, and countless other unchristian, foolish services; this is the real devastation of which Daniel says.

  1. In our churches, however, the priests attend to their office, teach and preach the gospel, preach Christ, that we have forgiveness of sin and a gracious God, not because of our works, but because of Christ. This teaching gives the hearts a right, certain, constant comfort. They also teach the Ten Commandments, and of righteous good works, which God has commanded. They also teach about the proper Christian use of the holy sacraments.

681 And if the Abandonment or the Mass should be called the Daily Sacrifice, then the Mass would be called so in our country. For in their churches, their priests all say mass for the sake of their prebends and money. In our churches, the holy sacraments are not abused in this way. For there is never-

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The people are taught about the proper Christian use of the sacrament, that it is a seal and certainly a sign of the forgiveness of sins, by which the hearts are reminded and the faith is strengthened, so that they certainly believe that their sins are forgiven. If we keep the preaching of the Gospel and the right use of the sacrament, we will undoubtedly have the daily sacrifice.

682 And even if one should say of external well-being, our churches are better adorned than the opposite. For the proper outward adornment of the church is also proper preaching, proper use of the sacraments, and that the people be accustomed to them in earnest, and come together, learn, and pray with diligence and discipline. Because, by God's grace, Christian and wholesome things are taught in our churches, from comfort in all trials, the people gladly stay with good preaching. For there is no thing that keeps people in the church more than good preaching. But our adversaries preach their people out of the church, because they teach nothing of the necessary pieces of Christian doctrine, telling legends of the saints and other fables.

683 Above that, where our adversaries consider their candles, altar cloths, images and such adornments to be necessary pieces and worship with them, they are the Antichrist's servants, of whom Daniel says that they honor their God with silver, gold and such adornments.

  1. also so they draw from the epistle to the Hebrews Cap.5, 1.: "Every high priest that is taken from men is set for men against God, that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sin." There they conclude: Since in the New Testament there are bishops and priests, it follows that there must also be a sacrifice for sin. This mm would move most the unlearned and inexperienced, especially when they see the splendid splendor in temples and churches. Item, the clothing of Aaronis, since in the old testament also much decoration of gold, silver and purple was, they think, it must be in the new testament likewise a service, such ceremonies and sacrifices, since one sacrifices for other people sin, as in the old testament. For the whole abuse of the masses and papal services is nowhere customary, because they wanted to follow the ceremonies of Moses, and have not understood that the New Testament deals with other things, and

Such external ceremonies, whether or not they are needed for child rearing, should be kept in moderation.

685 And although our cause is especially well founded in the epistle to the Hebrews, yet the adversaries draw from the same epistle some sayings garbled, as in the very place indicated above, where the text says: "Every high priest 2c. is set to sacrifice" 2c. The text soon refers to Christ. The words that precede speak of the Levitical priesthood, and say that the Levitical priesthood is an interpretation of the priesthood of Christ. For the Levitical sacrifices for sin did not merit forgiveness of sin before God, but were only an image of Christ, who was the right, only, true sacrifice for sin, as I said above. And almost the entire epistle to the Hebrews deals with the fact that the Levitical priesthood and the sacrifices in the Law were not intended to merit forgiveness of sin or atonement before God, but only to signify the future true sacrifice, Christ. For the patriarchs and saints in the Old Testament were also justified and atoned for by God through faith in the promise of the future Christ, through whom salvation and grace were promised, just as we in the New Testament obtain grace through faith in Christ, who is revealed. For all believers from the beginning have believed that a sacrifice and payment for sin would take place, namely Christ, who was future and promised, as Isaiah Cap. 53, 10. says: "When he will give his soul as a guilt offering for sin" 2c.

686 If then in the Old Testament no one obtained forgiveness of sin through the sacrifices, for they alone signified the one sacrifice of Christ, it follows that there is only one sacrifice, namely Christ, who paid for all the sin of the world and was sufficient. Therefore no other sacrifice is to be made in the New Testament to pay for sins, but only the one death of Christ, which was offered once on the cross.

687 Therefore, when they say that in the New Testament there must be a priest who sacrifices, this alone is to be accepted and understood by Christ. And this is what the whole epistle to the Hebrews urges and strongly agrees upon. And that would also mean to represent and to invade other mediators besides Christ, if we allowed another satisfaction for sin and atonement than the death of Christ.

  1. and because the priesthood of the new

1318 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, 1592-1594. 1Z19

If the Holy Spirit works through the ministry of the Last Testament, it cannot be a sacrifice that helps others ex opere operato. For unless my own faith and life are wrought by the Holy Spirit, another's opus operatum cannot make me devout and blessed. Therefore, the mass cannot apply to others; that is clear and certain.

689 We have now shown the reason why the mass does not justify anyone before God ox opere operato, and why masses cannot be held for others. For both are strictly contrary to the faith and the doctrine of Christ. For it is impossible that sins should be forgiven, or that the terrors of death and hell should be overcome by another's work, but only by faith in Christ; as the saying is Rom. 5:1: "If we have been justified, then we have peace with God" 2c. In addition, we have shown that the sayings of Scripture, which are accused against us, also prove nothing for the pagan and antichristian doctrine of the adversaries of the opere operato; and this can now be noticed and judged by all God-fearing, respectable people in all the world, in all nations. Therefore, the error of St. Thomas is to be rejected, who writes that the body of the Lord was sacrificed once on the cross for original sin, and is sacrificed daily for daily sins on the altar, so that the church has a sacrifice to reconcile God daily. The other errors are also to be rejected, that the mass is credited ex opere operato to the one who says it; item, if one says mass for others who do not say obicem, even if they are godless, that the latter obtain forgiveness of sin and redemption from pain and guilt. All these are vain errors and false, and invented by vain unlearned, unholy monks, who know nothing at all of the Gospel, of Christ and of the faith.

From this error, from such abuses of the masses, countless others have arisen, namely, that they dispute whether a mass, if it is said for many, is also as powerful as if each person has his own mass said for him. From this disputation the masses have grown and been sold higher and higher.

691 Further, they still say mass for the dead, to deliver souls from purgatory (which is a shameful fair), when the sacrament is useful neither to the living nor to the dead without faith. And the adversaries cannot produce one letter, not one syllable, from the Scriptures, to confirm the dreams and fables, which they have unashamedly and unashamedly, with great clamor, in great adulation.

They preach the truth when they have neither the church's nor the fathers' testimony. Therefore, they are unholy, blinded people who knowingly despise the public truth of God and trample it underfoot.

What the old teachers or fathers from the victim

write.

692 Having rightly interpreted and accounted for the sayings which the adversaries draw from Scripture, we must also answer the sayings of the ancient fathers which they draw. We know well that the fathers call the mass a sacrifice. But the opinion of the Fathers is not that by saying Mass ex opere operato one obtains forgiveness of sin, or that one should say Mass for the living and the dead in order to obtain for them forgiveness of sin, indulgence from chastisement and guilt. For they will never prove that the fathers taught anything of such an abomination against all Scripture, but the books of the fathers speak of thanksgiving and sacrifice of thanksgiving, therefore they call the mass eucharistiam. But we have shown above that the sacrifices of thanksgiving do not obtain forgiveness of sin for us, but are made by those who have already been atoned for through faith in Christ. Just as the cross and tribulation do not merit atonement against God, but are thank-offerings when those who are atoned for bear and suffer such tribulation.

693 And these short words are answer enough against the sayings of the fathers, protect us also enough against our adversaries. For it is certain that the dreams of the opere operato are nowhere found in the books or writings of the Fathers. But in order that this whole matter and trade of the Mass may be the more clearly understood, let us also speak of the proper use of the Sacrament, and thus, as it is also found in the Holy Scriptures and in all the writings of the Fathers.

Of the right custom of the sacrament and of the sacrifice.

694 Some rascally scholars themselves invent that the Lord's Supper was instituted for two reasons. First, that it is a motto and sign of an order, as the monk's caps of their orders are a difference and sign. Then they think that Christ was particularly pleased to give or establish the same motto by means of a meal or supper, so as to indicate the friendship of brotherly kinship that should exist among Christians. For eating and drinking with one another is a sign of friendship. But this is a human thought, and

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does not indicate the right custom of the sacrament. It speaks only of love and friendship, which worldly people also understand. But there is no mention of faith or of the promise of God, which is the greatest thing; which faith is a much higher, greater thing than is thought.

695 The sacraments are signs of the divine will toward us, and are not only a slogan or sign by which people know each other. And those are right who say that the sacraments are signus gratiae, that is, the sacraments are signs of grace. And because in the sacrament there are two things, the outward sign and the word, so in the New Testament the word is the promise of grace, which is attached to the sign. And the same promise in the New Testament is a promise of forgiveness of sin, as the text says: "This is my body, which is given for you. This is the cup of the new testament in my blood, which is poured out for many for the forgiveness of sin." The word beuts us to forgiveness of sin. The outward sign is like a seal and confirmation of the words and promise, as Paul also calls it. Therefore, just as the promise is in vain unless it is made by faith, so also the ceremony or outward sign is not useful unless there is faith, which truly believes that we are forgiven of sin. And the same faith comforts the frightened conscience. And as God gives the promise to awaken such faith, so also the outward sign is given beside it and set before the eyes, that it may move the hearts to believe and strengthen the faith. For through the two, the word and the outward sign, the Holy Spirit works.

And this is the right custom of the holy sacrament, when the frightened consciences are restored through faith in the divine promise. And this is the right service in the New Testament. For in the New Testament the highest divine service takes place inwardly in the heart, that we are killed after the old Adam and are born again through the Holy Spirit. And for this purpose Christ also instituted the sacrament, saying, "Do these things in remembrance of me." For to do these things in remembrance of Christ is not a thing that is done only with gifts and works, only for a remembrance and an example, as is remembered in the Histories of Alexandria and the like, but it means to know Christ rightly, to seek and desire Christ's good deeds. Faith, then, which recognizes the abundant grace of God, makes one alive.

697 And this is the noblest use of the sacrament, to note well those who are rightly sent to the sacrament, namely, the frightened consciences that feel their sin, are terrified by God's wrath and judgment, and long for consolation. Therefore the Psalm says: "He has made a memorial of his wonders, the gracious and merciful Lord; he has given food to those who fear him." And the faith that knows such mercy makes alive. And this is the right use of the sacrament.

698 This is also where the sacrifice of thanksgiving is found. For when the heart and conscience feel the great hardship, fear and terror from which it has been delivered, it gives thanks from the heart for such great, unspeakable treasure, and also needs ceremonies or outward signs to praise God, and shows that it accepts such God's grace with gratitude, and respects it greatly and highly. Thus, the Mass becomes a sacrifice of thanksgiving or praise.

699 And so the fathers speak of two effects or benefits of the sacrament. First, that thereby the consciences are comforted. Second, that praise and thanks be given to God. The first actually belongs to the proper use of the sacrament, the other to the sacrifice. Of consolation Ambrose says: "Go to him, that is, to Christ, and receive grace, 2c. for he is the forgiveness of sin. But do you ask who he is? Hear him himself say, "I am the bread of life; he that cometh to me shall not hunger, and he that believeth on me shall not thirst." There he indicates that with the sacrament forgiveness of sin is offered. He also says that one should grasp this with faith. There are countless sayings in the Fathers' books, all of which the adversaries point to the opus operatum and to the keeping of the Mass, which is done for others, while the Fathers speak of faith in the promise of God and of the consolation that consciences receive, and say nothing at all about application.

  1. There are sayings in the Fathers about thanksgiving, as Cyprianus speaks almost sweetly of Christian communication: "A Christian heart (he says) divides its thanks in one part for the treasure given; in the other part for the sins forgiven, and gives thanks for such abundant grace, that is: A Christian heart looks at what has been given to it in Christ, and what has also been forgiven it for great sins by grace; holds our sorrow and the great mercy of God against each other, and gives thanks to God 2c. And

1322 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**, W. XVI, 1596-1599.** 1323

Therefore, it is called Eucharistia in the Church. Therefore the mass is not such a thanksgiving, which one should do or hold ex opere operato for others, to obtain forgiveness of sins for them. For this would be contrary to faith, just as if the mass or the external ceremony without faith made someone pious and blessed.

From the word Mass.

701 Here it is seen what gross asses our adversaries are. They say that the word missa comes from the word misbeach, which means an altar; from this it should follow that the mass is a sacrifice, because on the altar one sacrifices. Item, the word liturgia, as the Greeks call the mass, is also said to mean a sacrifice. To this we will briefly reply. All the world sees that for these reasons this pagan and antichristic error need not follow, that the mass helps ex opere operato, sine bono motu utentis. That is why they are asses, that they bring up such inconsistent things in such important matters. Even so the asses know no grammatica. For missa and liturgia do not mean sacrifice. Missa in Hebrew means a collected tax. For this was the way that Christians brought food and drink to the poor in the assembly. And such a way is of Jewish origin, who had to bring such a tax to their feasts, which they called missa. Thus liturgia in Greek actually means an office in which one serves the congregation. This fits in well with our doctrine, that the priest serves as a common minister to those who want to communicate, and administers the holy sacrament.

702 Some think that missa does not come from the Hebrew, but is so much as remissio, forgiveness of sin. For when one communicated, one spoke: Ite, missa est, Go, you have forgiveness of sin. And that it is so, they attract, that one has spoken with the Greeks, Lais aphesis "--?), that is also so much: they are forgiven. If so, this would be a fine understanding, for forgiveness of sin is always to be preached and proclaimed at this ceremony. But this trade is little helped, the word Missa means whatever it wants.

From the masses for the dead.

703 But that the adversaries still want to defend this, that the mass helps the dead, of which they have made their own fair and special unspeakable cretinism, they have no

testimony nor command of God in the Scriptures. Now it is an unspeakable, great abomination, and not a small sin, that they are allowed to conduct a service in the church without God's Word, without all Scripture, and are allowed to take the Lord's Supper, which Christ instituted to preach the Word, to commemorate His death, to strengthen the faith of those who need the ceremony, and to impudently draw on the dead. For this is rightly taking God's name in vain against the other commandment.

704 For first of all, it is the greatest dishonor and blasphemy of the Gospel and of Christ that the evil work of the mass ex opere operato should be a sacrifice that atones for God and is sufficient for sin. It is a rather terrible, ugly sermon and doctrine, and a great, unspeakable abomination, that the bad work done by a priest should be considered as much as the death of Christ. It is certain that sin and death cannot be overcome except through faith in Christ alone, as Paul says in Romans 5:1. Therefore, masses cannot help the dead in any way ex opere operato.

705 We do not want to tell here how weak reasons the opponents of purgatory have. Item, from where the doctrine of pardon and satisfaction first arose; as we have indicated above, that it is a vain dream and a fictitious man's work. But we want to tell them that it is certain that the Lord's Supper actually belongs to the forgiveness of guilt. For what consolation would we have if we were offered forgiveness, and yet it should not be forgiveness of guilt? If then the ceremonies imply forgiveness of sins, it follows that it is impossible for them to be a satisfaction ex opere operato, or to help the dead. For if it belongs to the forgiveness of guilt, it must serve only to comfort the consciences, so that they believe that their guilt is truly forgiven.

And truly, it would be no wonder that all pious, Christian people would think they were bleeding from fear and suffering if they really thought about how unspeakable, horrible and terrible the abuse of the masses under the papacy is, namely, that the mass is not used for anything else than for the dead and to relieve the torment of purgatory.

707 They cry, we do juge sacrificium or the daily sacrifice. That is right juge sacrificium, the daily sacrifice taken away from the church, that is a real tyranny and rage of the godless Antiochi, thus undermining the whole gospel, the whole doctrine of faith, of Christ.

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and on such dreams of satisfactionibus preach such lies of the opere operato instead. This means to trample the Gospel underfoot, to shamefully pervert the use of the sacraments. These are the right blasphemers, since Paul says that they are guilty of the body and blood of the Lord, who suppress the doctrine of Christ, of faith, and abuse the mass and the Lord's Supper to a shameful, impudent, public avarice, to a fair and cretinism. And all this under a hypocritical appearance of satisfaction. And precisely because of this great, unspeakable blasphemy, the bishops will have to await severe punishment from God. One day God will make the other commandment truly true and pour out a great, fierce wrath upon them. Therefore, we and all of us must take care that we do not allow the adversaries to abuse us.

708 But let us return to the matter in hand. If the mass is not a satisfaction, neither for pain nor for guilt ex opere operato, then it follows that the mass, if one holds it for the dead, is useless and nothing. And it must not be a long disputation. For it is certain that there is no reason in Scripture for such a mass for the dead. Now it is an abomination to worship in church without all God's Word, without all Scripture. And if it will be necessary, we want to talk about this piece more and more and according to all necessity. For why should we now quarrel much with the opponents, if they do not understand what sacrifice, what sacrament, what forgiveness of sin, what faith is?

The Greek canon does not apply the mass as a satisfaction for the dead, because it applies it at the same time for all patriarchs, prophets, apostles. From this it appears that the Greeks also sacrifice as a thanksgiving, but not as a satisfaction for the chastisement of the purgatory. For it will certainly not be their opinion to redeem the prophets and apostles from purgatory, but only to offer thanksgiving, beside and with them, for the high, eternal goods, which are given to them and to us.

710 The adversaries claim that it should be condemned for heresy that one, called Aerius, should have held that the mass is not a sacrifice for the dead. But here they make do with their usual handles, that they fabricate that our doctrine has been rejected from time immemorial. But the donkeys are not ashamed of lies. Thus they do not know who Aerius was or what he taught. Epiphanius writes that Aerius held

that prayer for the dead is useless. Now we are not talking about prayer, but about Christ's supper, whether the ex opere operato is a sacrifice to help the dead? This trade of ours does not concern Aerium.

711 Whatever else is said about the mass by the fathers does not affect this trade. For the good, pious fathers did not teach this abominable, blasphemous, antichristic error, that the mass ex opere operato merits forgiveness of chastisement and guilt for the living and the dead. For this error of the opere operato is a public heresy against all Scripture, against all prophets and apostles. And all Christians should learn that such papist masses are vile and terrible idolatry.

712 But such idolatry remains in the world as long as the Antichrist reigns and remains. For as in Israel a false worship was established with Baal, even unrighteous worship was under the semblance of the worship that God has established, so the Antichrist has also made a false worship in the church out of the supper of Christ. And yet, just as God nevertheless preserved His Church, that is, some saints, among Israel and Judah, so God nevertheless preserved His Church, that is, some saints, among the papacy, so that the Christian Church did not completely perish. Although the Antichrist will remain with his false worship until Christ the Lord comes in public and judges, all Christians should be warned to beware of such idolatry and learn how to serve God rightly and obtain forgiveness of sins through faith in Christ, so that they may honor God rightly and have constant comfort against sin. For this reason God has graciously made His gospel shine, that we might be warned and saved.

713 We have briefly said this about the mass, so that all God-fearing, pious, respectable people in all nations may understand that with all faithful diligence we have preserved the right honor and the right custom of the mass, and that we have great, highly important reasons why we do not keep it with the adversaries. And we want to warn all pious, honorable people that they do not share the great abomination and abuse of the Mass with the adversaries, so that they do not weigh themselves down with other people's sins. It is a great deal and a very important thing. For this abuse is no less than the matter was in Elijah's time with the false worship of Baal. We have to

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This time we will present this matter with mild words and without profanity; but if the adversaries do not stop blaspheming, let them realize that we also want to be harder on them.

Article XXVII (XIII) Of the monastic vows.

714 In the city of Eisenach, in the country of Thuringia, there was about thirty years ago a barefoot monk, called Johannes Hilten, who was thrown into a dungeon by his brothers, because he had challenged some public abuses in the monastic life. We have also seen some of his writings, from which it is well to note that he preached Christianly and according to the Holy Scriptures; and those who knew him say today that he was a pious, quiet, old man, completely honest, respectable in character and conduct. He would have prophesied many things about these times, and said beforehand that things had already happened, and also some things that were yet to happen; which we do not want to tell here, so that no one will think that we are doing this out of envy or to please someone. Finally, when he had fallen into an illness due to his age and also because the prison had ruined his health, he asked the guardian to come to him and told him of his weakness; and when the guardian, out of Pharisaic bitterness and envy, attacked him with harsh words, because such a sermon would not be useful in the kitchen, he refrained from complaining of his body's weakness, sighed deeply, and said with serious gestures: he would gladly bear and suffer such injustice for the sake of Christ, even though he had neither written nor taught anything detrimental to the monks, but had only attacked gross abuses. Finally he said: "Another man will come when it is written in 1516, who will destroy you monks, and he will remain well before you, whom you will not be able to resist. The same word, how monasticism would fall, and the same year, was found afterwards in other of his books, and especially in the Commentariis on the Danielem. But what to think of this man's speech, we leave to each his own judgment. But there are other signs that the monk's being could not last long.

715 It is evident that the monasteries are nothing but insolent hypocrisy and deceit, full of avarice and pride, and the more unlearned asses the monks are, the more stiff-necked, fierce and bitter, the more poisonous vipers they are,

to pursue the truth and God's word. Thus their sermons and writings are all childish, unrational, foolish things, and all their being is directed to fill their belly and their avarice.

In the beginning, the monasteries were not such dungeons or eternal prisons, but schools where the youth and others were educated in the Holy Scriptures. Now such noble gold has become dung, and wine has become water. Almost in the right, greatest monasteries and convents there are vain, useless, idle monks, who under the appearance of holiness live on common alms in all splendor and pleasure. But Christ says that the dead salt is of no use except to be thrown away and trampled under foot. Therefore, if the monks lead such an ungodly life, they are in fact singing their own requiem, and they will soon be finished.

717 Another sign is that the monks will perish, that they are the originators, founders and instigators, that many learned, honest people will be innocently strangled and judged, that Abel's blood will cry out over them, and God will avenge it. We do not say of all of them; there may be some in monasteries who know the holy gospel of Christ and do not put holiness on their traditions, who are also not guilty of the blood that the hypocrites shed among them.

718 But we speak here of the doctrine which the masters of confutation praise and defend. We do not dispute whether one should keep vows to God? For we also hold that one is obligated to keep true vows; but of this we speak, whether by the vows and such monasticism one obtains forgiveness of sin before God; whether they are satisfaction for sin; whether they are equal to baptism; whether they are perfection, by which the praecepta and consilia, that is, not only the commandments, but also the counsels are kept; whether they are evangelical perfection; whether the monks have merita supererogationis, that is, so much remaining merit and holy works that they cannot do all of them; whether their merits, if they communicate them to others, make them blessed; whether the monastic vows are Christian, according to the opinion thus done? Item, whether the monastic vows, which are enforced by the unwilling, and those who, because of their youth, do not understand what they are doing, whom parents or friends thrust into the monasteries, because of their belly, to save only their paternal inheritance, are Christian and divine; whether the monastic vows are Christian, which certainly give rise to sins,

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That is, that the religious must praise and accept the ugly abuse of the mass, the invocation and worship of the saints, and make themselves partakers of the innocent blood that has been shed until now? Item, since the vows are not kept because of weakness, whether these are true vows and Christian?

719 Of these questions is our controversy and disputation. And as we have also said in our Confession of many unfit vows, which the canons of the popes themselves reject, nor do the adversaries wish all that we have put forward to be rejected. For so they say in plain words, that all things which we have put forward are to be rejected.

But it is necessary here to show how they dispute our reasons, and what they argue to maintain their cause. Therefore, we will briefly describe what the opponents argue. And now, since this trade has been diligently and abundantly dealt with in the book Doctoris Martini von Klostergelübden, we want to consider the same book here as renewed and raised.

721 For the first, it is certain that such vows are not divine nor Christian, if I thus make my monastic vow thinking to obtain forgiveness of sins against God, or to do enough for sin. For this is an error that is publicly against the gospel, and is a blasphemy against Christ. For the gospel teaches that we obtain forgiveness of sins through Christ without merit, as we have abundantly said here above. For this reason we have rightly introduced St. Paul's saying to the Galatians on the 5th, v. 4: "If ye would be justified by the law, ye are fallen from Christ and from grace." For those who seek forgiveness of sins, not through faith in Christ, but through monastic vows and monasticism, rob Christ of His glory and crucify Him anew. But hear. Dearly beloved, hear how the masters of the Confutation would gladly seek a remedy here, saying that Paul is to be understood only from the law of Moses; but the monks do and keep everything for Christ's sake, and take pains to live most closely according to the Gospel, that they may merit eternal life, and add a terrible word to it: Therefore it is unchristian and heretical what is brought against the monastic life. O Lord Jesus Christ, how long will you suffer and endure such public dishonor of your holy gospel, when our enemies blaspheme your word and truth?

722 We have said in our Confession,

that one must obtain forgiveness of sins without merit through faith in Christ. If this is not the true and pure gospel preached by the apostles, if this is not the voice of the gospel of the eternal Father, which you, O Lord, seated in the bosom of the Father, have revealed to the world, then we shall be punished. But your bitter, bitter death on the cross, your Holy Spirit, whom you have abundantly distributed, your whole holy, Christian church, gives strong, mighty and certain testimony, which is as bright and clear as the sun, that this is the summa, the core of the gospel, that we obtain forgiveness of sins, not because of our merit, but through faith in Christ.

723 If Paul may say that we do not deserve forgiveness of sins by the holy divine law of Moses and its works, he wants us to do much less by human statutes; and this he indicates clearly enough to the Colossians. For if the works of the Law of Moses, which was revealed by God, do not deserve forgiveness of sins, how much less do the foolish works, monasticism, rosaries and the like, which are neither necessary nor useful for worldly life, much less do they give eternal life to the sea.

724 The adversaries invent a dream for themselves that Christ has abolished the Law of Moses and has come after Moses and brought a new good law, by which one must obtain forgiveness of sins. By the raving, foolish thought they suppress Christ and his good deeds. Then they go on to invent that among those who keep the new laws of Christ, the monks live and walk in the closest likeness to Christ and the apostles by their obedience, poverty and chastity, when the whole monasticism is vain, shameful hypocrisy. They speak of poverty, when they have never been able to experience, before great abundance, what a true poor person's heart is like. They praise their obedience, as no people on earth is freer than the monks, who have masterfully united themselves out of obedience to bishops and princes. Of their holy, great, dangerous chastity I cannot say; I will let Gerson say it, who also says of those who earnestly resolved to live chastely, truly not much purity and holiness; although that is more hypocrisy and not one in a thousand who earnestly intends to live purely and chastely, that we keep silent inwardly of the thoughts of our hearts.

725 Is this the great holiness? Does this mean that we are being sanctified according to Christ and the Gospel?

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lives? Christ did not come after Moses to bring new laws to forgive sins because of our works, but he set his merit, his own works, against God's wrath for us, so that we might obtain grace without merit. But whoever, without the atonement of Christ, sets his own works against God's wrath, and wants to obtain forgiveness of sins for his own merit, if he does the works of the Law of Moses, the Ten Commandments, the Rules of Benedict, Augustine, or other 1) rules, he casts away the promise of Christ and falls away from Christ and His grace.

726 But here the imperial majesty, all princes and estates of the empire want to notice how exceedingly insolent the adversaries are, that they are allowed to say, in spite of themselves, that everything we have brought forward against monasticism is ungodly, when we have taken up quite certain and clear sayings of Paul, and there is nothing clearer, more certain in the whole Bible, than that we attain forgiveness of sins only through faith in Christ. And this 2) certain divine truth may be called godless doctrine by the masters of confutation, the desperate evildoers and unholy knaves. We have no doubt, however, where Imperial Majesty and the princes de. Majesty and the princes will be warned of this, they will have such public blasphemy eradicated from the Confutation and torn out.

727 But since we have abundantly shown above that it is a mistake that we should obtain forgiveness of sin for our own merit, we will speak all the more briefly here. For any understanding reader can easily accept that we cannot be redeemed from death and the devil's power and earn forgiveness of sin through the wretched works of the monks. Therefore, the blasphemous, ugly word that Thomas writes is not to be suffered in any way, that going to a monastery should be a new baptism or be equal to baptism. For it is a devilish madness and error that one should compare an unholy human statute and commandment, which has neither God's commandment nor promise, to holy baptism, which is a promise and promise of God.

728 Secondly, these things, willing poverty, obedience, chastity, if they are not otherwise impure, are mere adiaphora and bodily exercise, in which neither sin nor righteousness is to be sought. Therefore, the saints used it much differently than St. Bernard,

  1. Müller: "other", but according to the Latin (aliarura reAularuin) it must be "other".
  2. Müller: "the". Latin: 1ia,oe.

Franciscus and others, than now the monks. For these have used such things for the exercise of the body, so that they can more easily wait for teaching, preaching and other such things, not that such works should be the service of God, to make righteous before God or to earn eternal life, but Paul quite disparages the works, saying 1 Tim. 4:8: "Physical exercise is of little use. And it is possible that in some monasteries there are still some pious people who read and study, who need such rules and statutes without hypocrisy, and with this report that they do not consider their monasticism to be holiness. But to hold that these works are a service of God, by which we become righteous before God and merit eternal life, is contrary to the gospel and contrary to Christ. For the gospel teaches that through faith in Christ we are justified and attain eternal life. It is also contrary to the word of Christ Matth. 15, 9: "They serve me in vain with the commandments of men. So it is contrary to this saying of Paul Rom. 14:23., "Whatsoever is not of faith is sin." But how can they say that they are services that please God and are pleasing in His sight, if they have neither the word of God nor the command?

729 But here it is first to be noted how impudent hypocrites and boys they are. They may say that their monastic vows and orders are not only divine services that make them righteous and pious before God, but add to this that they are states of perfection; that is, holier and higher states than others, such as the married state, the regency state. And so, in their monkish hypocrisy and pharisaic nature, there are countless other horrible, heretical errors. For they boast of being the most holy people, who not only keep the commandments or praecepta, but also the consilia, that is, the high counsels, which the Scriptures give of high gifts not a commandment but a counsel. After that, if they themselves pretend that they are so rich in merit and holiness that they still have some left over, the pious saints are nevertheless so lenient that they offer their merita supererogationis, their other merits, to others, and let them have it for an equal penny, for money. All this is vain, cruel, lying, impostor holiness, and vain Pharisaic hypocrisy and glitter.

  1. for since the first commandment of God, "You shall love God your Lord with all your heart, with all your soul" 2c. is higher than a

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It is the highest theology, from which all prophets, all apostles have drawn their best, highest teachings as from the well; Indeed, if it is such a high commandment, then all worship, all honor to God, all sacrifices, all thanksgiving in heaven and on earth must be regulated and judged according to it, so that all worship, no matter how high, delicious and holy it seems, if it is outside the commandment, is vain shells and husks without a core, even vain filth and abomination before God; which high commandment no saint has ever perfectly fulfilled, so that Noah and Abraham, David, Peter and Paul still confess themselves to be imperfect, sinners, and must remain here below: it is outrageous Pharisaic, even diabolical pride, that a lousy barefoot monk or such unholy hypocrite should say, even preach and teach, that he has thus fully kept and fulfilled the holy high commandment, and according to the requirement and will of God has done so many good works that he still has merits left over. Yes, dear hypocrites, if the holy ten commandments and the high first commandment of God could be fulfilled in such a way as bread and parcels can be put into sacks! They are impudent hypocrites, so that the world is plagued in these last times.

The prophet David says Ps. 116, 11: "All men are liars", that is, no man on earth, not even the saints, esteem or fear God as high and great as they should. No man on earth believes and trusts God as fully as he should 2c. Therefore, it is lies and hypocritical imaginary dreams that the monks boast that they live according to the perfection of the Gospel and the commandments of God, or that they do more than they owe, so that good works and several cents of superfluous holiness remain in their store.

732 It is also false and untruthful that the monastic life should be a fulfillment of the counsels in the Gospel. For the Gospel has nowhere advised such a difference of clothing, of food, or to suck out people's goods through such begging. For they are vain ordinances of men, of which Paul says 1 Cor. 8:8, "Food does not make us more holy before God. "2c. Therefore, it is not worship that makes us holy before God, nor is it evangelical perfection; rather, when they are taught, preached and proclaimed with these magnificent titles, they are, as Paul calls them, true doctrines of the devil 1 Tim. 4:1.

733 Paul praises virginity and preaches it as a good advice to those who have the

have the same gift, as I have said here above. Therefore it is a shameful, infernal error to teach and hold that evangelical perfection stands in human statutes. For in this way also the Mahometists and Turks would boast (for they also have hermits and monks, as credible histories exist) that they hold evangelical perfection. So also the evangelical perfection is not in the things that are adiaphora, but because this is the kingdom of God, that inwardly the Holy Spirit enlightens, cleanses, strengthens our hearts, and that He works a new light and life in the hearts, so the right evangelical Christian perfection is that we daily increase in faith, in the fear of God, in faithful diligence of the profession and office that is commanded to us, as also Paul describes the perfection, since he says 2 Cor. 3:18: "We are being transformed into the same image, from one clarity to another, as by the Spirit of the Lord." He does not say, we pass from one order to another, we put on nowand this, then those caps, nowand this belt, then that rope 2c. It is pitiful that in the Christian church such Pharisaic, even Turkish and Mahometan doctrine has gained the upper hand, that they teach that evangelical perfection and the kingdom of Christ, through which eternal goods and eternal life are lifted up here, are to be found in caps, in garments, in food and such childish things.

734 But here let us hear further the excellent teachers, how they have put such a public blasphemy and ugly word in their confutation. They may impudently say that it is written in the Holy Scriptures that the monastic life and the holy orders deserve eternal life, and that Christ has promised the same especially to the monks, who thus leave house, court, brothers, sister; these are the clear words of the adversaries. But is this not a very impudent, ugly lie, that it is written in the holy scriptures that one could earn eternal life through the monastic life? How bold you are! Where does the Scripture speak of monasticism? Thus the adversaries do these great and excellent things, thus they introduce the Scriptures. The whole world knows, the histories are before their eyes, that the orders and monasticism is a completely new thing, nor may they boast that the holy scripture speaks of their monasticism.

735 Thus they blaspheme and revile Christ, saying that one can earn eternal life through monastic life. God does not honor His own law, that by works one can earn eternal life.

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of the law should earn eternal life, as he clearly says Ezekielis on the 20th, v. 25: I have given them law, so that they can not have life. For the first thing is certain, that through monasticism no one can earn eternal life, but for the sake of Christ's merit, through pure mercy, eternal life is given to those who through faith obtain forgiveness of sin, and hold the same against God's judgment, not their poor merit. As St. Bernard also spoke a fine word, that we cannot have forgiveness of sin, but only through God's grace and goodness. Item, that we can have nothing at all of good works, if he does not give it. Item, that we cannot earn eternal life by works, but it is also given to us by grace; and St. Bernard speaks much of the same opinion, as we have told above. And at the end St. Bernard adds: Therefore, let no one deceive or seduce himself in this; for, if he will consider it rightly himself, he will certainly find that with ten thousand he cannot meet him (namely, God) who is pressing toward him with twenty thousand. If then we do not earn forgiveness of sin or eternal life by the works of the divine law, but must seek the mercy promised in Christ, we deserve it much less by monastic life, monasticism, which are vain human statutes, and the honor should be given much less to mendicant statutes.

736 Those who teach that we can earn forgiveness of sin through monasticism, and thus place the trust that belongs to Christ alone in wretched statutes, trample the holy gospel and the promise of Christ underfoot. And for the Savior Christ they honor their shameful caps, their monkish mad works. And if they themselves still lack grace, they act as godless, unholy people, that they still invent their merita supererogationis, and sell other people the remaining part of heaven.

737 We speak of this matter all the more briefly here, because from what was said above about repentance, de justificatione, about the ordinances of men 2c., it is enough to note that the monastic vows are not the treasure by which we are saved and attain eternal life 2c. And if Christ calls these same statutes vain services Matth. 15, 9, they are in no way an evangelical perfection. But some sensible monks have been shy to praise their monasticism so highly that it should be called Christian perfection,

Those who have moderated this high glory have said: it is not Christian perfection, but it is a state that should serve to seek Christian perfection. Gerson also remembers such moderation and rejects the unchristian speech that monasticism is Christian perfection.

738 If monasticism is only a state of seeking perfection, then it is no more a state of perfection than the state of farmers and farm workers, of tailors and bakers. For all these are also states of seeking Christian perfection. For all men, in whatsoever state they may be, each according to his profession, should strive for perfection as long as this life lasts, and always increase in the fear of God, in faith, in love toward their neighbor, and in such spiritual gifts.

739 One reads in vitis patrum of St. Anthony and several other great saintly hermits who, through experience, have finally come to realize that their works do not make them more pious before God than the works of others. For St. Anthony at one time asked God to show him how far he had come in the life of perfection. A shoemaker in Alexandria was shown to him, and he was told that he was like a craftsman in holiness. Soon the next day Antonius set out, went to Alexandria, spoke to the same shoemaker, and asked with diligence what kind of holy life and conduct he was leading. The shoemaker answered, "I do nothing special, for in the morning I say my prayers for the whole city, and after that I work at my trade and wait on my house. 2c. Then Antonius soon understood what God had meant by the revelation. For one is not justified before God by this or that life, but only by faith in Christ.

740 But the adversaries, though they are ashamed to call monasticism perfection, still consider it to be so, for they sell their works and merits, and pretend that they keep not only the commandments, but also the counsels, and think that they still have merit left. Does this not mean that they boast of perfection and holiness in deed, even if they moderate the matter a little in words? It is also clearly stated in the Confutation that the monks live closer and more exactly according to the Gospel than other worldly people. Where their opinion is that one lives closer to the Gospel by not having one's own things, by living outside of marriage, by wearing special clothing or a cap, by fasting and praying in this way, then it is true that they do not live more closely to the Gospel.

1336 Section 6: Apology of the Augsburg Conf. Conf. no. 1030. w. xvi, 1615-1617. 1337

their opinion that their monasticism is Christian perfection, because it is supposed to be closer to the Gospel than common life.

741 It is written in the Confutation that the monks attain eternal life more abundantly than others, and they refer to the scripture Matth. 19, 29: "He who leaves house and home" 2c. There they also praise a perfection that should be in monasticism. But the saying does not speak of monasticism. For Christ does not want that leaving father, mother, wife, child, house and farm is such a work, so that one earns forgiveness of sin and eternal life, but leaving father and mother in this way does not please God at all, and is condemned to hell. For if anyone leaves parents, house, and farm to earn forgiveness of sin and eternal life, he blasphemes Christ.

742 But there are two kinds of abandonment. One is by profession and God's command. The abandonment that happens without a calling and God's commandment is not at all acceptable to the Lord Christ. For the works that we choose ourselves, the Lord Christ Matth. 15, 9. calls useless, futile service. But from this it is even clearer that Christ does not mean such a fleeing of wife and child. He says: "Whoever leaves wife, child, house and farm" 2c. Now we know that God commanded not to leave wife and child. But it is a different abandonment when we leave parents, wife, child 2c. out of God's commandment, and when we do it ourselves. For if tyrants would force me to deny the gospel, or drive me out, we have God's command that we should suffer injustice before we are driven out, not only from wife and children, house and farm, but also that our life and limb should be taken from us. Christ speaks of abandonment; therefore he also adds: "for the sake of the gospel," and indicates enough that he speaks of those who suffer for the sake of the gospel, not abandon wife and child of their own accord. For we also owe it to ourselves to lay down our own lives for the sake of the gospel. So it would be foolish, and quite absurdly understood, if I wanted to kill myself without God's command. It is also foolish to consider this as holiness and worship, that I leave my wife and child on my own initiative, without God's command.

743 Because of this, Christ's saying is badly interpreted to monasticism. However, it could rhyme with the monks that they received a hundredfold in this life. For many monks

for the sake of the belly, and that they have idleness and soapy kitchens, since they nevertheless come to rich monasteries as beggars. But as all monasticism is full of hypocrisy and deceit, so they also put on the Scriptures falsely. So they do two terrible sins. One, that they deceive the world with idolatry; the other, that they falsely put on God's name and word to adorn their idolatry.

744 There is also a saying used like this Matth. 19, 21: "If you want to be perfect, go, sell everything you have and give it to the poor, and follow me. The saying has troubled many, that they want to think that this is the highest holiness and perfection, not to have their own, not to have house, farm, goods. But the Cynici, as Diogenes, who did not want to have a house, but lay in a barrel, may praise such pagan holiness; Christian holiness stands much on higher things than on such hypocrisy. For having goods, house and yard, are worldly regiment orders, which are confirmed by God, as in the seventh commandment: "Thou shalt not steal" 2c. Therefore to leave goods, house and farm is neither commanded nor advised in Scripture. For evangelical Christian poverty does not consist in leaving goods, but in not trusting in them, just as David was nevertheless poor, with a great power and kingdom.

745 Therefore, since such abandonment of goods is nothing but a human statute, it is a useless service of God. And the pope's extravagant praises and extols far too highly such monkish hypocritical poverty, saying that not having one's own for God's sake is a meritoriously holy thing and a way of perfection. When inexperienced people hear such boasting, they fall for it, it is unchristian to sit in goods. From this follows much error and sedition. Münzer was deceived by such boasting, and many Anabaptists are seduced by it.

746 But they say, "Christ himself called it perfection. I say no to this, for they do violence to the text, that they do not put it on completely. Perfection is found in this passage, where Christ says, "Follow me. And therein is the perfection of every Christian, that he should follow Christ, every man according to his calling; and yet the callings are unequal. One is called to be a ruler, another to be a householder, the third to be a preacher. Therefore, although that young man is called to sell, his calling does not concern others, just as David's calling to be a king does not concern all; Abraham's calling to sacrifice his son is not the same.

1338

Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1617-1620. 1339

should not concern others. So the professions are unequal, but obedience should be equal; and therein stands perfection, if I am obedient in my profession, not if I take on a foreign profession, since I do not have command or God's command of it.

747 For the third, one of the substantive monastic vows is chastity. Now we said above about priestly marriage that no law or monastic vow can change natural or divine law, and if all people do not have the gift of chastity, they also keep the same, that it may be pleaded to God; so also no monastic vows nor law can change the Holy Spirit's commandment, since Paul says 1 Cor. 7:2: "To avoid fornication, let every man have his own wife." Therefore monastic vows are not Christian in those who do not have the gift of chastity, but fall and make it worse from weakness. We have spoken of this article above. And it is truly a wonder that the adversaries see before their eyes so many innumerable dangers of the consciences and troubles, that they nevertheless, as the foolish, furious people, insist on such statutes of men, against the public commandment of God, and do not see that the Lord Christ so severely punishes the Pharisees, who taught statutes against God's commandment.

748 Fourth, everyone should be deterred from the monastic life by the horrible, terrible abuse of the masses, which are said for the living and for the dead. Item, the invocation of the saints, which is all directed to avarice, to vain abominations of the devil. For there are two abominations in the calling of the saints. One is that the service of the saints is directed toward avarice. The other is that the saints are put in the place of Christ, and that they are idolatrously worshipped and taken for mediators against God. How alone the preacher monks (let alone the countless mad dreams of the other monks) with the brotherhood of the rosary have caused a quite impudent idolatry, which now enemy and friend themselves mock. Item, the gospel, which preaches forgiveness of sin for the sake of Christ, of right repentance, of right good works, which have God's command, they do not hear, they do not teach it either, but teach from their sermons fables of saints, and their own imaginary works, by which Christ is suppressed. The bishops have suffered all this.

749 We want to keep quiet here about the innumerable childish ceremonies and foolish services with lessons, with songs and the like, which might be tolerated in part if they had a

They say that these ceremonies are of great importance, and that they are used for good practice, just as lessons in school and sermons are used to improve the listeners. But now they themselves invent that such various ceremonies should be a service of God to earn forgiveness of sins for themselves and others; therefore they also make new ceremonies without ceasing. For if they directed such church services and ceremonies so that the youth and the common man might be trained in God's word, then short and diligent lessons would be much more useful than their babbling in the choir, which has neither measure nor end. Thus, the whole monastic life is full of idolatry and hypocritical errors against the first and other commandments, against Christ. In addition, there is the danger that those who are in monasteries or convents must knowingly help to persecute the truth. For this reason, there are many great causes why pious, honest people may flee or even leave the monastic life.

750 The canons themselves absolve those who have been persuaded with good words before they have reached their proper age, or who have been expelled by their friends into a monastery against their will. From all this it appears that there are many causes which indicate that the monastic vows which have been made up to now are not truly Christian, covenant vows. Therefore, one may leave monastic life with a clear conscience, after it is full of hypocrisy and all kinds of abominations.

Here the adversaries accuse us of the Nazarenes in the Law of Moses. But they did not take their vows in order to obtain forgiveness of sins, as we said above about the monks' vows. The Nazarene order was a bodily exercise with fasting, with certain food, by which they confessed their faith; not that they thereby obtained forgiveness of sins, or would thereby be redeemed from eternal death, for that they sought elsewhere, namely in the promise of the blessed Seed. Item, as the circumcision in the law of Moses or the sacrifice is not to be set up for a service now, so the fasting or ceremonies of the Nazarene are not to be set up or put on as a service, but are to be kept for a mean thing and bodily exercise. For this reason, they cannot compare their monastic state, which is ordained without God's word, as a worship service to appease God, with the Nazarene state, which God had commanded; and it was not intended that the Nazarenes should thereby attain a gracious God, but rather that it should be a means of physical exercise.

1340 Section 6: Apology of the Augsburg Conf. Conf. no. 1030. w. xvi, 1620-1622. 1344

An outward discipline and exercise of the body, like other ceremonies in the Law of Moses. Item, the same is to be answered of other various vows, which are set in the law of Moses.

752 The adversaries also use the example of the Rechabites, who had no goods, nor did they drink wine, as Jeremiah says Cap. 35, 6. f. Yes, indeed, the example of the Rechabites rhymes with our monks, for their monasteries are built more splendidly than the palaces of kings, and they live in abundance. Even so the Rechabites, with their poverty, have been married; our monks, when they have all splendor, all abundance, pretend chastity in their hypocrisy.

Now the wise and learned know well that all examples are to be interpreted or instituted according to the rule, that is, according to the clear Scriptures, and not contrary to the rule or Scriptures. Therefore, if the Rechabites are praised in Scripture, it is certain that they did not keep their ways and ceremonies in order to earn forgiveness of sin or eternal life, or that their works in themselves could atone for them before God, but they believed as pious, God-fearing children in the blessed, blessed Seed, in the future Christ. And because they had the commandment and commandment of their parents, their obedience is commended in the Scriptures, of which the fourth commandment speaks: "You shall honor your father and your mother."

754 Item, the Rechabite way has another cause. They were among the Gentiles, and their father distinguished them from the Gentiles by some signs, that they should not fall again into ungodliness and idolatry. Therefore their father wanted to remind them of the fear of God, of faith, of the resurrection of the dead; and this is a good cause. But monasticism has many other causes. They invent that monasticism is a service of God, through which one earns forgiveness of sin and is propitiated to God. Therefore, it is no comparison at all with the Rechabite example, that I, let alone others, have innumerable troubles and annoyances, which are still in the monastic life.

755 They also bring forward from the first epistle to Timothy 5, v. 11, 12, of the widows who served the churches and were fed by the common church goods, since Paul says: "For if they have been lewd against Christ, they want to be free, and have their judgment that they have committed the first faith. I will put it in the same way that, since the apostle speaks of the vows

(which is not the case), the saying does nothing to make the monastic vows Christian. For the monastic vows are made to be a service of God, by which one earns forgiveness of sin. But Paul rejects all laws, all works, all services of God, which are thus kept and accepted, in order to merit forgiveness of sin and eternal life, which we obtain through Christ alone. Therefore it is certain that even if the widows had made some vows, they would have been unlike the present monastic vows.

756 If the adversaries ever want to apply Paul's saying to monastic vows, they must also accept that Paul decrees that no widow younger than sixty years of age should be taken. So then all monastic vows made before the time of old age by younger people will be unbinding and nothing. But the church has not known about the monastic vows for a long time. So Paul does not condemn widows because they become married (for he calls the young ones married), but because they let themselves be nourished from the common church treasury, abused it for their lust and lustfulness, and thus broke the first faith. That is, he means that they abandoned the first faith, not the monastic vows, but their baptism, their Christian duty, their Christianity. And so he also speaks of faith in the same chapter, v. 8: "If anyone does not provide for the members of his household, he has denied his faith. For he speaks differently of faith than the sophists. Therefore he says that those deny the faith who do not provide for their household. In the same way, he says of the forward women that they forsake the faith.

757 We have shown some of the causes and explained what the adversaries have brought forward. This we have told not only for the sake of the adversaries, but much more for the sake of some Christian hearts and consciences, that they may have clearly before their eyes why the monastic vows and the various forms of monasticism are not right or Christian, which also all with one another may push to the ground the one word of Christ, when he says, "They serve me in vain with the commandments of men." For from the Word alone it is clear that all monasticism, caps, robes, belts, and all one's own imaginary holiness before God are useless, futile services. And all Christian pious hearts should consider this quite certain, that this is certainly a Pharisaic, damned, ugly error, that we should lose forgiveness of sin or eternal life through such monasticism.

1342 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1622-1625. 1343

serve, and not rather obtain, through faith in Christ.

Therefore, pious people who have been saved and preserved in the monastic life must finally have come to despair of all their monastic life, to despise all their works like dung, to condemn all their hypocritical services, and to hold fast to the promise of grace in Christ, as is exemplified by St. Bernard, who said: Perdite vixi, I have lived sinfully. For God does not want to have any other services than those He Himself has established through His Word.

Article XXVIII. (XIV.) Of the could Ecclesiastica.

The adversaries here make a great clamor about the liberties and privileges of the clergy (as they call them), and then make such a resolution: "It is all nothing and incompetent that is brought forward in this article against the liberties and privileges of the churches and priests. Here, however, the masters of the Confutation act^once again^as knaves to denigrate us. For in our Confutation nothing is said against the liberties of churches or priests, so that they are graced by secular authorities, emperors, kings and princes. For we teach that secular order and law are to be observed.

But, God willed, that the adversaries would also hear the unspeakable, pitiful, great lamentation of all churches, the great cries and groans of so many pious hearts and consciences. The adversaries do not forget the freedom of the churches and what concerns money and goods. But they care nothing for the most necessary and useful offices in the church; they ask nothing about how to teach or preach; they ask nothing about how to preserve the Christian rites of the sacraments; they ordain crude asses; thus Christian doctrine has perished, because the churches are not staffed with competent preachers. They make traditions and infallible burdens to corrupt souls. And because of their traditions they hold much tighter than God's commandments. Many poor souls are now in doubt and do not know what to do. The prelates should hear what is right and what is wrong, and change the abuses, help the poor people out of their doubts, and take the burden off their burdened consciences. But what they do is in daylight; they make edicts against public truth, show outrageous tyranny against pious people for the preservation of some of their traditions, which are publicly against God. So they

now boast of their privileges, they should also consider their office, and listen to the sighs and complaints of many pious Christians, which God undoubtedly hears, and will one day demand an account from the prelates.

761 The Confutatio also does not answer our reasons, but rather takes a papal stand, says that the bishops have great power, and does not prove it; thus it says: that the bishops have power to rule, to judge, to punish, to force, to make law, for the sake of eternal life. Thus the Consutatio praises the power of the bishops, and yet does not prove it. Now from this article the controversy is: whether the bishops have power to make laws apart from the Gospel, and to command to keep the same as worship, thereby earning eternal life.

  1. We then make this report: This doctrine must be kept in the church, that without merit we obtain forgiveness of sin through faith for Christ's sake; so also must the doctrine be kept that all the ordinances of men are of no use in making atonement for God. Therefore neither sin nor righteousness is to be put into food, drink, clothing and the like. For Paul says Rom. 14:17., "The kingdom of God is not eating and drinking." Therefore the bishops have no power to make statutes apart from the Gospel, that is, to obtain forgiveness of sin by them, or that they should be divine services for the sake of which GOD counts us righteous, and to which they oblige the consciences in case of mortal sin. All this is taught by some of the sayings in the Acts of the Apostles in the 15th chapter, v. 9, 10, where Peter says, "that hearts are purified by faith. And after that they forbid to put a yoke or burden on the disciples, saying how dangerous it is. They also state that those who sin terribly and act against God and tempt God, thus burdening the church, sin terribly and act against God. For they say, "Why do you tempt God?" This hard, serious word of the apostles, which should frighten them as a thunderclap, the adversaries do not let them go to their hearts at all, but still want to defend their imaginary church services with all tyranny and violence.

763 For the XV. Article, in which we have stated that we do not earn forgiveness of sin through the ordinances of men, they condemn, saying here: "The ordinances of men are useful and useful for earning eternal life. On the other hand, it is public that they do not comfort the heart inwardly, so they do not bring new light or life into the heart, as Paul says to Colossians Cap. 2:8 that therefore the statutes do not help,

1344 Section 6: Apology of the Augsburg Conf. Conf. no. 1030. w. xvi. 1625-1628. 1345

To obtain eternal righteousness or eternal life. For the statutes teach of the difference of food, raiment, and things that consume themselves under hands. But eternal life, which begins inwardly by faith in this life, the Holy Spirit works in the heart through the gospel. Therefore, the adversaries will never prove that eternal life is earned through the deeds of men.

764 If the gospel clearly states that the church and conscience are not to be burdened with such statutes, that is, that one must thereby obtain forgiveness of sins, or must hold them as necessary services, without which Christian holiness cannot be, or that one should be obliged to hold them in the case of mortal sin, then the adversaries will never prove that the bishops have the power to establish such services.

765 But what office or power the bishops have in the church, we have said in the Confession. The bishops, who now bear the name of bishop in the church, do not do their episcopal office according to the Gospel. But let them be bishops according to the canonica politia, which we leave in its value, but we speak of true Christian bishops. And I do not dislike the old division or partition, that they said: episcopal power stands in these two, potestate ordinis and potestate jurisdictionis, that is, in the administration of the sacraments and spiritual jurisdiction. Thus every Christian bishop has potestatem ordinis, that is, to preach the gospel, to administer the sacraments. He also has power of spiritual jurisdiction in the church, that is. Power and authority to exclude from the Christian community those who are found in public vices and, if they convert, to accept them again and to give them absolution. They do not have a tyrannical power, that is, to judge without certain laws; nor do they have a royal power, that is, to create over the given laws; but they certainly have God's command and measured order, under which they are to use their spiritual power and jurisdiction. Although they have such jurisdiction over public vices, it does not follow that they therefore have power to establish new religious services. For jurisdictio, and making new services, are far apart. Item, the jurisdictio also does not extend to sins against their new laws, but only to such sins that are against God's commandment. For the gospel does not judge them a re

giment other than the gospel, that is clear and certain.

766 Although we have now stipulated in the Confession how far the bishops may make statutes, namely, that they do not establish and teach them as necessary services, but that they take place quietly and orderly in the church. But the consciences should not be caught up in this, as if they were necessary services. For Paul says to the Galatians in chapter 5, v. 1: "Stand therefore in liberty, as Christ hath made you free, and be not brought again under the yoke of bondage." So now one must leave free to need such outward statutes, or not to need them, so that they are not considered or kept for such divine services as should be necessary for salvation. However, one is obliged to avoid trouble. So the apostles ordered many things in the church for the sake of good discipline, which have changed with time. And they did not make statutes so that they should be necessary or remain forever, for they did not act against their own Scripture and doctrine, in which they argued vehemently that the church should not be burdened or bound with statutes as if they were necessary for salvation.

767 This is a simple, clear teaching of the ordinances of men, namely, that we know that they are not necessary services, and that they should nevertheless be held according to opportunity, in order to avoid trouble. And so many learned, great people have held and taught in the church, and it is certain that the opponents can raise nothing against it; so it is also certain that this word of the Lord Christ Luc. 10, 16, "He who hears you hears me," does not speak of the ordinances of men, but is strictly against them. For the apostles did not receive a mandatum cum libera, that is, a completely free, appropriate command and authority, but a measured command, namely, not to preach their own words, but God's word and the gospel. And the Lord Christ wants to strengthen all the world in the words: "He who hears you hears me," just as it was necessary that we should be completely certain that the bodily word of God was power, and that no one from heaven should seek or wait for another word. Therefore this word, "He that heareth you heareth me," cannot be understood of statutes. For Christ wants them to teach in this way, so that Christ himself may be heard through their mouths. So they do not have to preach their own words, but his word, his voice and gospel, Christ is to be heard. This comforting word, which is most powerfully un-

1346 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, isW-iWi. 1347

The words that confirm our doctrine and contain much necessary teaching and consolation for Christian consciences are pointed out by the rude asses to their foolish statutes, to their food, drink, clothing, and such childish works.

768 They also use this saying to the Hebrews, Cap. 13, 17: "Obey those who go before you" 2c. This saying demands that one be obedient to the Gospel, for it does not give the bishops their own dominion or lordship apart from the Gospel. So also the bishops are not to make statutes against the gospel, nor to interpret their statutes against the gospel. For if they do, the gospel bequeaths us to be obedient to them, as Paul says to the Galatians Cap. 1:3, "If any man preach any other gospel unto you, let him be accursed."

769 We answer in the same way to the saying of Matthew 23:2, 3: "The scribes sit on Moses' throne, 2c.; all things therefore which they say unto you, that ye ought to observe, observe and do them"; which is certain that it is not commanded universally, in general, that we should observe all things which they command, even against the commandment and word of God. For in another place the Scripture says Acts 5:29, "One must obey God more than men." Therefore, if they teach unchristianly and against the Scriptures, one should not listen to them. So this saying also does not establish a regiment apart from the gospel; therefore they cannot prove their authority, which they have established apart from the gospel, by the gospel. For the gospel does not speak de traditionibus, but to teach from God's word.

770 But that the opponents, at the end of the confutation, revile us and complain that this doctrine gives rise to disobedience and other more grievances, such is unreasonably laid to the charge of this doctrine of ours. For it is public that authority is highly praised by this doctrine. Thus it is known that in the places where this doctrine is preached, by the grace of God, the authorities have been held in all honor by the subjects until now.

That there is disunity and division in the church is known, as these quarrels first occurred, and who gave cause for separation, namely the Jndulgenzkrämer, who preached insolent lies impudently, and later condemned Luther, that he did not approve of the same lies, and caused more quarrels for and for, that Luther was caused to challenge other errors. But because our opponents did not want to tolerate the truth, and were

If you are still able to handle public errors by force, it is easy to judge who is guilty of the separation. All the world, all wisdom, all power should give way to Christ and his holy word. But the devil is God's enemy, therefore he exerts all his power against Christ to suppress and suppress God's word. Thus the devil with his members, who opposes God's word, is the cause of division and disunity. For we have sought peace to the highest, which we still desire to the highest, so far that we are not urged to blaspheme and deny Christ. For God knows, who is the judge of all hearts, that we have no pleasure or joy in this terrible disunity; so the opposite has not wanted to make peace until now, so that we should not seek to drop the wholesome doctrine of the forgiveness of sins through Christ, without our merit, thereby blaspheming Christ to the highest.

772 And although it is not unknown that, as the world is wont to do, there may nevertheless have been some trouble in this division through sacrilege and unskilful men, for the devil causes such trouble to the shame of the gospel, yet they are all not to be esteemed against the high consolation which this doctrine has brought with it, which teaches that for Christ's sake, without our merit, we have forgiveness of sins and a gracious God. Item, that it teaches that worship is not leaving worldly statuses and authorities, but that such statuses and authorities are pleasing to God, and are right holy works and worship.

  1. If we were to tell the opposite story, which we really do not want to do, it would be a terrible record of how the mass has been turned into a shameful, blasphemous fair by the opposite party, and how an indecent life has been caused by their celibacy, how the popes have been in war with the emperors for more than four hundred years and have forgotten the Gospel, seeking only to be emperors themselves and to bring all of Italy under them, how they have gambled with the church goods, how much false doctrine and false worship has been established by the monks through their carelessness. Their worship of saints is a public pagan idolatry. All their scribes do not say a word about this faith in Christ, through which one attains forgiveness of sins; they place the highest holiness in human statutes, of which they write and preach primarily. So it is also to be counted among their annoyances that they publicly show what spirit they have, that they have so much innocent piety.

[1348]{.underline} Section 7: The other committee. No. 1030ff. W.xvi, i63if. 1349

The people are murdered now and then for the sake of Christian doctrine. But we do not want to talk about this now, because these things should be judged according to God's word, and the anger of both sides should not be considered in the meantime.

774 We hope that all God-fearing people will see sufficiently in this scripture of ours that our

teaching be Christian and comforting and salutary to all the pious. Therefore, we ask God to grant grace that His holy Gospel may be known and honored by all to His praise, and to the peace, unity and blessedness of all of us, and we hereby request, where necessary, to report further on all articles.

Section Seven of Chapter Thirteen.

Of the further committee ordered for the amicable settlement of the religious disputes, and of Landgrave Philip's deductions from the Imperial Diet.

1031: List of persons who belonged to the other committee.

From Müller's History of the Protestant Churches. Estates Protest..,

lib. Ill, eap. 26, S. 706.

  1. Elector Albrecht of Mainz.
  2. Elector Joachim of Brandenburg.
  3. churtrierian embassy.
  4. churköln embassy.

5th Chur Palatine Embassy.

  1. the Archbishop of Salzburg.
  1. Georg Truchsess, on account of the House of Austria.
  1. theBishopofWorms .

9 The Bishop of Strasbourg .

  1. TheBishopofAugsburg .

11th Duke George of Saxony.

12th Duke Henry of Brunswick.

13th Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg.

14th Margrave Philip of Baden Skilled.

15 The Abbot of Weingarten, on account of the prelates. > > 16. count Martin von Oettingen, on account of the counts.

1032 Speech by the Elector of Brandenburg on behalf of the Committee to the Protestant Estates, Aug. 7, 1530.

From Müller's Hist. 2c, p. 714.

The Lutheran princes would know from the loyal diligence of the imperial majesty that they should first be dealt with in a friendly and amicable manner, whether ways of unity could be found.

could; For this reason he also wanted to admonish them to consider how the opinion they had recently adopted was so publicly against the gospel and all apostolic writings, how great the destruction of souls, bloodshed and other harm to the whole German nation would result from it, if they did not obey imperial majesty's search and commandment, and if they failed to ensure that what should be done and decided at the Imperial Diet for the welfare of Christendom and the peace of the common German nation could not be carried out. Therefore, his admonition and request would be that they grant the request of so many of their lords, dear friends, and relatives, that they refrain from their false opinion, and that they no longer be separated from the Christian church; for although some abuses had broken out in the Christian church, the imperial majesty was of the opinion that they should be stopped in Germania with the pope's help, and that unity should be established in the empire.

1033 Response to the presentation made to the Protestant Estates by Churbrandenburg, Aug. 9, 1530.

In Chyträus, p. 322 and Müller, p. 714.

Although we have kindly and graciously warned Your Lordships, Major and Princely Graces, that Your Lordships, Major and Princely Graces may not receive us from Your Lordships, Major and Princely Graces for our damage and harm, including that of the German nation, in any other way than kindly and submissively

1350 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1632-1635. 1351

It is, however, to us to hear and to hear, as Your Dear and Royal and Princely Graces themselves can consider. Your Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has had the articles presented to him, we would not compare ourselves to them. For Your Lordships and Princely Graces know that Imperial Majesty's invitation to this Imperial Diet is clearly intended to ensure that every opinion and good opinion is heard between ourselves in love and kindness, and that what would not have been rightly interpreted and acted upon by either party should be done away with, and that we should all adopt a single true religion. Thus, at the beginning of this Imperial Diet, the Imperial Majesty requested in her Majesty's speech that such an opinion and view be expressed in writings. Thus, we have prepared ourselves, as much as was possible in a hurry, and in the time determined for us, we have presented our opinion, and that of our pastors and preachers, by means of doubled writings and languages, with strong reasons from the Holy Scriptures, to Imperial Majesty. Majesty humbly. Thus, we have also presented the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, as Your Lordships and Princes know. We have therefore also graciously appealed to the Imperial Majesty, as we know to Your Lordships and Your Royal Highnesses, after we have been informed of our opinion and ours, concerning the interpretation of the disputed articles, that Her Majesty may have the gracious understanding that henceforth Her Majesty's letters, as mentioned above, may be complied with. And in the preface to our submitted articles and opinions, we requested to compare ourselves evenly, so that we could come to such a discussion, with your beloved ones and the Church and the F. Gn., and to unite in everything that would happen with God and conscience according to His holy word and the same powerful interpretation. But there is next a writing before the imperial majesty, in the form of a transposition and confutation of our articles, with some drawn. But a document has been publicly read before the Imperial Majesty in the form of a transfer and confutation of our articles, with some related writings, sayings of the fathers, and the decree of some conciliation, which, however, has caused us other problems, as Your Lordship and Princely Grace know. Gn. know, because it has been difficult for us for the aforementioned reasons, they should not have been delivered to us. Therefore, Your Lordships, the Electors and the Princes. Your Grace, how we have to respond to the articles that the Emperor's Majesty has presented to us. Majesty has had presented to us, which have been considered by Your Grace and Your Majesty to be founded in Scripture and the Holy Gospel, as well as in the sayings of the Fathers, we can unite and compare ourselves in such a way. For Your Grace, Church and

Your Royal Highnesses have to consider that we have indicated so much from the Holy Scriptures in the articles we have handed over, and have also offered to indicate to you upon request that it is impossible for us to refrain from this with a clear conscience and peace of mind, since we consider such a transfer to be based on God's Word and truth that we would like to guide our conscience peacefully and safely. Even though we are also graciously and kindly served by Your Lordship and Prince. Gn. kindly and graciously indicated to us that if it were ever thought among us that the abuses of the clergy were the cause of this error, they would be obliged to advise against it and to have it corrected in that which was done improperly. Majesty's decree no other way, than that, after presentation of each part's opinion and opinion, it should be discussed between ourselves in love and kindness, what is not rightly interpreted or acted on either side, and that therefore abuses of the clergy and churches should be acted upon. Nor could we judge how reported abuses of the clergy and churches might be fruitfully dealt with in another way. Thus, Your Lordships and Prince and Electorate know that they, as well as the Churches, are not to be treated in a fruitful manner. Gn. know that they, we and all the estates have spoken of a common, free, Christian concilio for the sake of this most important matter at almost all the imperial congresses held, and that it has been unanimously resolved that the Emperor and the Holy Roman Emperor be granted the right to a common, free, Christian concilio for the sake of this most important matter. Majesty, so that this may be done in a beneficial manner in the German nation; and the Imperial Majesty is more than once requested by the German people. Majesty more than once by writs, so that Her Majesty's governors and decreed commissioners, E. Liebden and Chur- und F. Gn., also we and other estates, may inform Her Majesty of the farewells and actions of the Imperial Diet held, have been most humbly requested to do so. Thereupon Her Majesty, according to the Instruction issued a year ago at the Imperial Diet against Speier, has graciously consented to the same, as we mentioned in the preface to our confession, with notification that Her Majesty has also obtained approval from the Pope. Thus, the next Speier parting gives the time between which such a common, free, Christian concilium should be announced and begun. For all this, after the reported Speier Diet, we have appealed to the Imperial Majesty for these matters. Maj. and a common council, as is proper. Therefore, we do not hope that Imperial Majesty, as a right-loving person. Majesty, as a right-loving Emperor, our most gracious Lord, will blame us for this, or allow himself to be moved to be ungracious, that we, for reasons of constant

[1352]{.underline} Section 7: About the other committee. No. 1033 f. W. xvi, 1635-1637. 1353

The reason for this is that in such cases the proper course has already been taken, and that we need the legal means of rights that are not available to anyone in many lesser and secular matters. For Imperial Majesty Majesty, together with Your Grace, the Elector and the Supreme Pontiff, can well accept that these matters should take a different form, and that we should be able to proceed without such noticeable danger to our salvation and consciences, as the Imperial Majesty desires, and that we should be able to do so without such noticeable danger to our salvation and consciences, as the Imperial Majesty desires. Majesty desires, and E. Dearest and Grace have also sought from us, that we would much rather dispense with such unrest. It would also be appalling that such complaints should be made and carried out, as indicated and reproached to us by E. L., the Elector and F. Gn., when these matters can be dealt with in other Christian and proper ways; we would also, as E. L., the Elector and F. Gn. themselves can consider, have given no cause or reason for this. And because E. L. and the Supreme Court and the F. G. understand sufficiently from this, that we are not to be blamed for the remonstrances and requests made by Your Grace and the Supreme Court. We would like to provide ourselves to Your Lordship and Your Grace, and have also kindly and humbly reminded them that they will allow themselves to be heard in other possible ways of their offered friendly and amicable negotiation, in which we do not want to let anything happen to us in all that we may always do with God and a good conscience.

By the Grace of God, John, Duke of Saxony and Elector, > > George, Margrave of Brandenburg, Ernst, Duke of Brunswick and > Lüneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, John Frederick, Duke of Saxony, > Francis, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg, > > "Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, Albrecht, Count and Lord of Mansfeld.

And the cities:

Nuremberg. Winsheim.

Reutlingen. Heilbronn.

Kempten. Weißenburg.

1034. of the further committee the 11. august

counter-response was made.

At Chyträus and Müller at the locations indicated at the previous number.

After they, from the committee, and other estates of the realm, more friendly, faithful and gracious

The Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, and the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty's honor, the Holy Empire's welfare, and our friendship and grace, to be friendly and faithful mediators, and to use all diligence so that the discord of faith between Imperial Majesty, the estates of the Empire, and us may be amicably settled. Majesty, the estates of the empire and us, be settled and amicably reconciled, as they have therefore recently done their faithful remembrance and exhortation, and have also proposed to us a means of helping Imperial Majesty and the estates of Christianity. Majesty and the estates' Christian and faithful goodwill, as it was understood and read out in the answer to our submitted confession, to be accepted and accepted once again; they would also have provided that such their friendly and Christian grace should have produced more and better fruit with us than they still feel. And when we complained about four articles, among others, in our document that was read out to you, the committee: Firstly, as if no satisfaction had been given to His Majesty's invitation to this Imperial Diet, in which His Imperial Majesty had mentioned that the Imperial Diet would not be held. Majesty mentions that the parties should be heard against each other according to necessity; item, that the answer of the Estates to our Confession may not be copied for us; item, that for the sake of our conscience we cannot consent to their proposal, and that Imperial Majesty has often refused to accept it. They then said and asked that we understand their loyal action in no other way than good opinion, and that we do not want to regard them as a party, but rather as friendly conciliators and mediators. They could not, however, refrain from calling upon Imperial Maj. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, and the estates, on account of the above-mentioned articles. And at the outset, Imperial Majesty Majesty should by no means be accused of not having graciously given all parties sufficient and also superfluous hearings in accordance with her invitation to this Imperial Diet. For we would have presented our confession in writings according to the length, and thereupon the confutation and refutation of the estates, as they were heard, would have taken place according to necessity, with such a request from the Emperor. Majesty's request, whether we or the other party think of or want to add anything further: that Imperial Majesty may also graciously grant us the right to do so. Majesty also wished to hear it graciously and according to necessity, but neither party made any further complaint about it, as then Imperial Majesty would have liked. Maj. might be accused of this.

That we would have been refused the Confutationschrift Copia, however, would not have been without important honest

  1. "of length" put by us instead of "lengthwise" in the old edition.

[1354]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, i6:;7-i64o. 1355

We and our advisors, who are experienced in the law, should remember that the imperial laws expressly forbid, in case of loss of life and limb, to discuss or brood about anything in the articles of faith. Thus we would know that the Emperor's. Majesty's edict and serious commandment and prohibition in this matter of faith, which not only have not been lived up to, but which have been held in complete contempt, mocked, ridiculed and ridiculed, to noticeable imperial disgrace and disgrace. Maj. disgrace and ignominy. Should they now issue their confutation again into the community and send it to us, such scorn, ridicule 2c., as well as all kinds of disputation and ineptitude would be to be expected, which, as heard, is forbidden. As it is, they would not be opposed, but would be obliged to send us a copy of the Confutation of the Estates, with the condition and difference that would have been held out to us before, or, if this would not be convenient for us, to have their Confutation read out to us as often as we wanted, which we would also be satisfied with, and would not ask for anything further from them.

As for the excuse of our consciences, they considered (but we should forgive them) that we made consciences when there were none to be made, and when we should have consciences, we did not want to have any. For it would not be known to us that our preachers, contrary to the holy Scriptures and the Christian church, have made their own unchristian laws and ordinances, have deceived the common man, and have caused all kinds of trouble; in addition, we would see with what discord and sectarianism they were divided and burdened: This one would be an iconoclast, this one a sacrament desecrator, this one an Anabaptist, and another one a garden brother, and thus no one would compare himself with the other, and all would be inclined to seduction in general; whether they, the preachers, would be such persons on whom we should base and build more than on the holy whole Christian church, they would think that our conscience should show us otherwise, and namely that we would rather be obliged to adhere to the common church than to these seducers.

That Imperial Majesty also offered to promote a free concilio with Papal Holiness would be true, and Imperial Majesty would still be inclined to do so. Maj. would still be inclined to do so. However, the fact that it has not yet taken place would have been prevented by the great wars and uprisings in German and French lands, because of which it would not have been possible to carry it out.

They were concerned, however, whether in short or long a concilium gathered, that it would be very little.

We do not believe that the old Concilium would have any place or fruit with us, because our preachers have let themselves be heard to say that the old Concilium was mistaken, and that the future Concilium would also be mistaken, and therefore it is likely that much more mockery, scorn and ridicule than salvation would result from it; therefore we do not want to accuse ourselves of any Concilium, or that Imperial Majesty has not yet instituted such a thing, with the request that we still find ways and means by which the matter might be remedied and come to unity. And even though they do not want to consider any other means than the one they suggested earlier, they still want to hear us talk about it and propose it. And if it were something that might have a reputation with the imperial majesty, they would faithfully bring it up and promote it; but if it were not to be done, they would return it to us together with their discretion.

1035 The Protestants' other reply to the Committee's counter-answer, read on August 13 and submitted on August 14.

In Chyträus, p. 229 and in Müller, p. 727. Furthermore, in the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 447; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 104; in the Altenburg, vol. 230 and in the Leipzig one, vol. XX, p. 213. From a copy in the common archive at Weimar in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 201. According to the latter we have improved our copy.

Dear Sirs, Grandparents, Cousins, Brothers and Friends in Law, and especially dear, most gracious, gracious and favorable Sirs. We have listened to your dearest and dearest recent presentation after the length, and have kept it harmless to the following opinion:

  1. First, how and in what manner Your Lordship and Grace's next written and oral reply to Your Lordship and Grace's faithful, friendly admonition that we wish to compare ourselves with Imperial Majesty and the Princes and Estates of the Realm by means of the document read out next has been heard. Majesty, as well as the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, by means of the document that has just been read out, and that Your Majesty's diligent, faithful diligence should have produced more fruit than has happened, which they are faithfully sorry for. However, in order that they would be flushed into all ways as faithful and well-meaning negotiators, they would have diligently inspected the document, considered it, and found that our complaint as to why we could not settle with E. L. and G. would be harmlessly based on four articles.
  1. firstly, as if we had not been able to do so sufficiently or according to necessity by virtue of Imperial Majesty. Majesty's invitation, we do not have sufficient or necessary

1356 Section 7: The other committee. No. 1035. W. xvi, 1640-1642. 1357

nor to comply with the same Imperial Majesty's request with a friendly act of love and kindness.

  1. secondly, that we had anticipated how the next writing, imperial answer or, as we call it, confutation, would have been denied us. Maj.'s answer, or, as we call it, confutation, would have been denied us something of our oversight and rejected.
  1. For the third, that we further draw on our conscience, also beside it, and for the fourth, that we press for the concilium and therefore the promise that has been made. 1)

6 And because E. L. and Gn. wanted to use their next reproach, as touched, friendly good opinion done, and what they still knew, which would serve or be conducive to Christian common unity, gladly possible diligence, and then found that we in our answer attributed something unequal to Imperial Majesty, and in which we ourselves are mistaken, so that we are led to other ways, E. L. and Gn. have decided that it is necessary. Majesty, and in which we ourselves are mistaken, so that we might be led in other ways, the E. L. and G. have decided and deemed it necessary to give us the following notice of the matters as they are everywhere; however, not at all in the opinion that they would thereby make themselves parties, but only to show themselves to be the friends and negotiators, so that we ourselves might not be mistaken or misled.

7 And first of all, as far as the invitation to this Imperial Diet is concerned, E. L. and G. deem with you that Imperial Majesty may not be summoned to it as if Her Majesty had not complied or had sufficiently complied. Majesty may not be imposed in the same, as if Her Majesty had not complied with it, or had sufficiently obeyed it. For Her Majesty had quite graciously heard us in writings and orally, and had indicated whether we had anything further to present, which we also wished to do, so that one thing might go with another. So we would have left it at that, and let ourselves be heard that we wanted to stand and remain by the confession handed over. And as to the other part of this article, Imperial Majesty would have granted and permitted an amicable negotiation; accordingly, E. L. and G., as a committee of the other Princes, Princes and Estates, would have agreed to such action. From this it can be sufficiently gathered that Her Imperial Majesty has not imposed anything in this matter. Majesty in this respect, as if she had not sufficiently complied with the invitation, or had refused to act in love and kindness.

8 Secondly, let it not be laid to her Majesty's charge that the Scripture read in her name has been refused to us. For her majesty

  1. The text in square brackets is mostly the reading of Chytraeus, partly also in the Brandenburg copy and in Müller.

We would have been obliged to send such a document, albeit with a measure; which we complained about, but Her Imperial Majesty cannot grant in any other form. Majesty could not grant it in any other form; and we respect that nevertheless Her Imperial Majesty had cause for it. Majesty has had cause for this. For we would know in what way the imperial edict and commandment, issued at Worms, would have been scorned, disgraced, and struck out, to the notice of the imperial majesty and all the estates, to noticeable disgrace, scorn, and ridicule, and would have to inquire from our scholars that in imperial law, with penalty of life, it would be forbidden in the highest degree to dispute about the articles of faith. Should now Her Imperial Majesty If Her Imperial Majesty had handed over the said document to the Confutation, as it would have been called, without a preface, it might, like the imperial edict before it, have been crossed out, perverted and falsified by some unstable people, preachers and others. Majesty, the Estates and common Christendom to noticeable disadvantage; that then Imperial Majesty and the Estates do not unreasonably bear the burden, nor do Princes, Princes and Estates therein pay tribute to Imperial Majesty. Majesty's honor and to preserve it. However, the fact that such a document of the Confutation has not been promoted would not have been due to Imperial Majesty 2c. but to us.

(9) Thirdly, if we were to draw on consciences, the Lord and Savior could not understand them in this way, but consider that we want to have consciences made for us, since we should not have them, and again, since we should have them, we do not have them. For we let our preachers, as individual persons, lead us away from the holy common Christian church, also from the faith of our forefathers and ancient fathers, founded in Scripture, and also confirmed by the holy fathers' conciliarities and doctrine, and thus from the unanimity of the whole realm and of Christendom, which teachers or preachers made their own law, Scripture and order, and interpreted and perverted everything to their liking. But how the same scripture and doctrine were founded, was evident by day, and as plain as the bright sun, namely, that they were not one among themselves in matters, but repugnant, one black, the other white, writing today yes, tomorrow no, and could nowhere compare themselves in matters; From this, and from such ambiguous doctrine, so many and heavy sects and ineptitude would have arisen with rebaptizers, sacrament abusers, iconoclasts and garden brothers and sisters, and in other ways that it would be frightening to hear.

1358 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, e-iE. 13Hg

(10) This would also be enough to show what life, honorability and conduct these preachers and teachers have. And whether they were the ones in whom we should trust our souls and consciences, and in whom we should place more faith than in all of Christendom, imperial majesty, the princes and rulers of the holy realm, as their born friends and relatives; without a doubt, if ours thought rightly, we would refrain from this and compare ourselves with common Christendom.

Fourthly, we would go to a council and let the same way be the closest and most convenient, to put an end to this error.

12 Now they did not want us to behave as Luther did at the Diet of Worms, when he stood before the imperial majesty and was heard. Now if they did not want us to behave as Luther did at the Imperial Diet at Worms, when he stood before the Emperor's Majesty and was heard, and if, for the sake of his doctrine, action had been taken at that time, and the Council had been proposed, he would have destroyed and ridiculed it, and would also have allowed himself to be heard in the presence of the Emperor's Majesty. His books would also have gone out in such a way that he would have despised the concilia and their authority, and would have stated that, if they were to do something, one would not be obligated to keep them; as such would be indicated by his treatises, if need be.

13 And although we would have liked to have a concilium, we have good knowledge that the wars in German and French lands, as well as the serious conflict with our and the whole of Christendom's hereditary enemy, the Turk, would have occurred in such a way as to have prevented them from doing so.

14 After all this, while things were going on, we should look into ourselves and remember better. And thereupon E. L. and G. would again make a friendly, diligent request, also a faithful and high exhortation, that we compare ourselves with the imperial majesty, also princes, princes and estates of the empire, and the holy common Christian church, according to the Scriptures, which are founded in God's word, so that our confession would also be sufficiently established.

15 Whether we also need such writings, so that there would be no lack of them everywhere, E. L. and G. promised that His Imperial Majesty would let them come to our hands later with the measure indicated. Majesty would let them come to our hands again with the measure as indicated next, without complaint, so that we would have to see all necessity in them.

16 Whether we would still have a concern or complaint about this, so that we would never have anything to complain about, the articles in which we would be in dispute with each other should be read to us as often as necessary.

17 If, however, all this should be considered and regarded by us as burdensome or inappropriate and unhelpful for unity, E. L. and G. would kindly request and ask that we be unburdened to indicate on our part the ways and means by which we believe that amicable negotiations and Christian unity might be achieved. If the same ways were thus proposed by us, that they might be fruitfully acted upon and raised with Imperial Majesty. Majesty, they would like to have them brought to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and in part they would use all possible diligence to this end. If, however, they would be regarded as unprofitable and unhelpful by His Majesty and His Grace, they would inform us of this and would be happy to help in other ways, so that the matter would be brought to a beneficial and Christian unity; and that we would want to receive and understand it from His Majesty and His Grace in such a way that they would mean it kindly, faithfully and quite well for us, and would not like to see some confusion in the Empire, as we have noted in the above opinion.

18 Nevertheless, we would not have provided ourselves with such a report and reminder. For the fact that E. L. and Gn. The fact that E. L. and Gn.'s negotiations have so far been irreparable is not due to us, but to the fact that E. L. and Gn. and proposal have hitherto been based solely on the fact that we have renounced our Christian confession in the articles in which the opposite party does not agree with us, and that we have agreed with Imperial Majesty, E. L., on the following points. Majesty, E. L. and Gn. in those. Which, however, for the aforementioned reasons, we cannot accept without burdening our consciences, but have asked that, since Your Majesty and Your Grace have agreed to negotiate, they indicate other, more convenient means, we would listen to them and not allow anything to happen to our conscience.

  1. In accordance with 1) we again find from E. L. and G.'s recent reproaches that they are again of the opinion to lead us away from our Christian confession, as much as we do not agree with them, and to induce us to compare read writings, and that for this reason they are trying to convince our causes, which we have constantly and with good reason objected to, by many and various means.
  2. "In likeness" - Similarly.

1360 Section 7: The other committee. No. 1035. W. xvi, 1615-1647. 1361

The reasons for rejecting it are subject to us, which, however, are not again of the effect, but much different shape, for which we hold it and have no doubts.

20 For as far as Imperial Majesty is concerned, we are of the opinion that Majesty's invitation to this Imperial Diet, we have not taken such action in the opinion that it would cause some displeasure to Her Majesty. We are also blameless, since we know that Her Majesty has graciously offered to act in accordance with the same invitation. We still have the same hope and trust in Her Majesty. But we have drawn such a letter on the opinion that the suggestions, matters or opinions made by Your Grace are somewhat far-reaching. Things or opinions are somewhat more far-reaching than those of Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. The same clearly implies that each party's opinion should be heard, that it should be spoken of in kindness, and that what is not rightly interpreted on either side should be dismissed; and then this approach alone and straightforwardly leads to the conclusion that we should renounce our confession as stated above, and yet at the same time the other part, which would not have been rightly interpreted, is not thought of, so that our doctrine and our confession may be judged as if we should have separated ourselves from the common Christian church in this, or thought to do so, which we should be heartily and faithfully sorry for, and, if God wills, shall never be found among us; and if we want to understand this, we would not like to remain in it for a moment, with God's help. For as much as we have read the writings of His Majesty the Emperor and the articles of the same, we do not want to persist in this for a moment. Majesty and its articles, which we have not received until now, the same does not conclude against us on the basis of the Holy Scriptures. For we hold and believe that our opinion and confession, as we have recently handed it over, is founded in Holy Scripture, and again, where it will be necessary, and where there is further negotiation, we have offered to declare the same in clear writing.

21 Secondly, concerning the refusal of the writ of Imperial Majesty. Majesty, for what causes the same with a measure, and otherwise not, should be delivered to us, we can ever not consider that such writing should behave to us for the causes mentioned, or be delivered to us with such specified measure, be ordered 1); for we ever never mocked or ridiculed Imperial Majesty's edict. Majesty's edict never scorned or ridiculed, we shall also be faithfully sorry.

  1. With Förstemann: "forbidden".

be. For this reason, we have never given cause for such delusions or suspicions as that something has been changed or reversed, or may still be.

22 Since the L. and the G. have entered into an amicable agreement, we had hoped that the L. and the G. would have promoted this with the Imperial Majesty for many justifiable reasons. Majesty that we had received such a document in accordance with our request, and had not allowed ourselves to be compensated for it, whether someone had acted awkwardly on account of such an edict, for which we were not to blame.

23 In the same way, the other reason does not exclude this, although in imperial laws it is forbidden to argue about faith, as we nevertheless cannot find the same with the jurists in the above-mentioned form, that therefore they should or may refuse to give us a copy of the submitted document other than with a burdensome measure. For ever our need to have such writing and to actually consider how much would have required to be reported. Thus, by the grace of God, we know quite well how far one should or should not dispute articles of faith. Moreover, we do not put any article of faith in doubt, and we are not forbidden by law to profess our Christian faith, and to denounce in a friendly, amicable, and Christian manner whatever abuses have been introduced against it, even to abolish it in our principalities, lands, and cities. However, we shall not take into account how other people behave in this regard, nor shall this cause us any harm.

  1. And when E. L. and Gn. once again requested that the document be sent to us with the indicated condition and be obtained, we have beforehand notified Imperial Majesty, also E. L. and G., of our complaint. our complaint, namely, because we have heard many times before that matters, which have been negotiated among few people, have been brought out 2) and come into print; if such should happen in this case, although not by us, also in the same way, E. L. and G. would have to consider themselves how burdensome it would be for us to take over the copy of the requested measure, and to leave room for such suspicion on us.

However, the fact that they intended to let us read out the scripture as much as we wanted may not be of any service to this matter. For we do not doubt, E. L. and G. can consider, how it would have been possible for the other part to actually grasp our articles from mere reading out into the air.

  1. Förstemann: "außgebrochenn".

1362 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, lE-ina. 1363

and to give an answer to it; if it had been in our hands for many weeks, if it had sought to do so, and if it had thus written its counter-report, even though it was not conclusive: how would such a thing be possible for us, or in such a great matter, touching soul and conscience, to advise or assume, that we should join together without a copy of this writing for a completely thorough refutation of it? And whether it would be possible for us to do so or to assume that it is not, we do not know what this would help, since no other means or way than we have heard so far from E. L. and Gn. wants to be suggested. But that the burden of our consciences is so deceived 1), we, together with what is further attached to it, affecting our soul, honor and duty, are due to answer and instruct for our need.

For although we confess that we are human beings and sinners, in matters concerning God's glory and the holy Christian faith, we would not like to knowingly act against God's word and burden our conscience with persecution of the truth. Therefore, we do not doubt that our consciences are calmer, by the grace of God, than those who have persecuted this doctrine, chased away the preachers, and refused to accept the truth, since this matter has never been interrogated or acted upon as it should have been.

  1. but let not our consciences be upon the person of our preachers, but, finding that their doctrine is founded in the Word of God, we have shunned to oppose it, and still do, because we acknowledge ourselves guilty of honoring and promoting the Word of God to the highest degree, and everything that is preached or acted contrary to it, or not in conformity with it, we are conscience-stricken about, most of all, if it should be confirmed, approved, or permitted by us. And it would be most contrary to our conscience that we should hold or allow to be preached any article of faith contrary to the holy Scriptures or the Christian conciliarities of the fathers. And so we have not turned away from the unity of the kingdom and holy Christendom, because we faithfully and firmly hold to all articles of the holy Christian faith, and have diligently promoted them to the right understanding of the apostles and fathers, and thus to maintain the right and true unity of the church, by admitting the word of God. And it is public that they have so
  1. Förstemann: "furgezogenn".

We are taught that even the opponents now compare themselves in many things of the same doctrine, and are taught 2) more appropriately than ever before.

But that sects have arisen in other places is not the fault of this doctrine, which the princes allow in their lands, but ours have fought most fiercely against such errors; and if they had not, the others would have endured little, as everyone must confess. For this reason, these errors have not broken out in our country, which in other places, when they tried to defend themselves by force alone, did greater harm, so that the pure doctrine cannot be blamed, but the devil, as the Gospel says, while the treeman sleeps, he sows the tares 3) among the wheat. What were the apostles able to do, that some accepted their doctrine commanded by Christ, and then separated themselves from them in one or more articles by the inspiration of the devil, and practiced false doctrine and preaching, for which reason their preaching, that of the apostles, was not wrong, nor was it condemned as unchristian.

(29) It is also known that it is proper to keep concilia and synods, for the benefit of the doctrine, and to always have understanding in the doctrine. Without this in mind, monks and other preachers, out of carelessness and neglect on the part of those to whom it is due, have taught and done what everyone likes about these things; from this have come so many abuses that in the end they have no longer been sound, and have thus given rise to a great change; as is known, then, that the matter of indulgences, indulgences, pilgrimage, sanctuary, and other innumerable things has come about.

(30) If this had been done properly, and the bishops had understood Christian doctrine and preaching at that time, as they owe before God and the world, peace and unity could easily have been obtained. Now they only complain about ours, as if the bishops and other clergymen had never acted criminally, but always waited for their office, as Achab complains about Heliam, as if he 4) confuses the kingdom of Israel; but the prophet Helias said to Achab, he is the one who confuses Israel 1 Kings 18:17, 18.

31: As Pope Hadrianus himself said on the

  1. Förstemann: "schickerlich".
  2. In the Wittenberg and in the Jena in the text: "den Ratten" ^die Rade^, with the marginal gloss: "Unkraut". In Förstemann: "Ratenn". Chyträus: "den Raden".
  3. Instead of the preceding words, Förstemann offers: "als ob der konig verwirret".

1364 Section 7: The other committee. No. 1035, W. xvi, wso-iM. 1365

Reichstag at Nuremberg in the 22nd year has let present and confess that all this complaint from the court of Rome and other ecclesiastical prelates Herkommen 2c.

  1. Therefore, although we have had cause to report in our confession further abuses, grievances, and unmistakable grievances that have occurred for a long time and many years in the Roman church, and that still persist, we have nevertheless bypassed the same for the sake of more peace and unity, for the sake of more peace and unity, in the hope that Christian and reasonable means would have been thought of, so that we might come to Christian and necessary improvement in the holy faith, and otherwise also to peaceful unity, so much more quickly and kindly; Therefore, in our opinion, our and the wholesome Christian doctrine should be spared from the unwarranted impositions and burdens mentioned above.

When the life and conduct of our preachers is also considered, we report that we do not knowingly tolerate or are inclined to tolerate priests in the service of the Church and the Word of God who live in public frivolity.

34 But what good examples are to be seen in the clergy of the other part, only men know how they keep house with lewd persons, against the canons. Item, how they act frivolously with the mass, how they practice simony, and many other vices, of which there is no need to speak.

35 We have always been obliged, and still are, to help maintain the bishops' proper obedience and obedience, as much as they are founded in the Word of God, and to compare ourselves in all things with others, as far as we can with God and a good conscience.

But that we do not approve of all abuses, we are compelled by God's word, which we must set higher than man's obedience.

(37) That we now go to a council is in the opinion that there are no other more lawful ways in matters concerning the faith than this way, and we hope that we have not sought anything contrary to law here.

  1. Moreover, we have given notice of this, indicating our obedience, so that it may be known that we do not intend to disunite from the holy Christian church. 1) We have given notice of this, indicating our obedience, so that it may be known that we do not intend to disunite from the holy Christian church.

39 Thus it is also to be hoped, where the treatment of these things, which we in our part did not want, should now arise 2) that the same will be done.

  1. "Church" is missing in Förstemann.
  2. "arise" here will have the meaning of "break down". In Luther it does not occur in this meaning.

quemlicher shall be heard in a concilio, than otherwise happen.

40 And although something difficult would occur in a concilium, this is nevertheless the only legitimate way to deal with such matters. For this reason, we consider it necessary to convene a concilium, just as such a concilium was deemed necessary a year ago at the Imperial Diet held at Speier, and, in view of the agreement made and established there, was concluded with the Emperor's permission. Majesty's gracious permission, and also a considerable time has been fixed, as indicated in the next of our answers to our need.

41 And what some of the conciliis have written or taught, we leave to each one's responsibility; for we give the Christian conciliis their due honor, as the ancient canons hold of them.

42 And we therefore want to make sure that E. L. and G. will be of service to common Christianity, in case they do not want to compare or unite in kindness, to promote the previously granted and promised Council more than to hinder it by such their announcement.

But we hope to God that such a willing and requested common free Christian council, where we finally do not want to unite, as, as often indicated, should not happen to us, would be promoted by Imperial Majesty and many learned and brave people would speak of the negotiations and move them to God's divine grace. Majesty, and many learned and brave people will speak of the trades and move them, God Almighty will bestow His divine grace, so that, after notification of Imperial Majesty, the present call for tenders will be granted. Majesty, everything that has not been rightly interpreted or acted upon will be brought to a unified, right, Christian truth.

From all this, E. L. and G. can easily conclude and judge for themselves how their presentation could have had such an effect on us as they had intended.

45 Where, however, we have other and more possible ways that could lead to a complete amicable settlement of these differences, or at least to a convenient handling of them in love and kindness, by virtue of Imperial Majesty the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty. The fact that other possible ways for the complete amicable settlement of these differences, or at least for the convenient handling of the same in love and friendliness, have been proposed or would be proposed again by E. L. and G. by virtue of a letter from the Emperor's Majesty, should not meet with our approval.

46 We have, however, considered on our part that it should not be an inconvenient way and means, even in accordance with the imperial decree. Maj.'s request that an equal but small number of special persons from both sides be appointed who understand the matter and are inclined to peace and unity.

[1366]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 16S2-I654. 1367

We have the hope that they will make an effort to bring things to a good agreement, which, according to our often made request, we shall not lack in all that we may always do with God and a good conscience.

1036 Letter from Landgrave Philip to the Elector of Saxony, in which he states the reasons for his departure.

August 6, 1530

From Müller's History 2c, p. 713.

Highborn Prince, kind dear uncle, brother-in-law and godfather! I cannot reproach E. L. for the fact that my wife has now written to me twice about how she is afflicted with illness, which has caused me to ride to her and visit her; I also have other reasons that move me to do so, as my chancellor will report to E. L., but I have ordered my advisors to stand by E. L. and keep watch. If my friendly request is that E. L. keep his guard up and not deviate from God's word in any way, and not be frightened, for there is nothing behind it; then E. L. shall provide himself to me that I will leave my body and goods, land and people with E. L. and God's word. On the other hand, my friendly request is that E. L. will do the best in Duke Ulrich's cause, which I will kindly earn. My chancellor will tell E. L. something in secret, which E. L. will give credence to, so that E. L. may command God. Date Saturday after the Feast of the Chains of Peter August 6, Anno Domini 1530.

Philipps, L. of Hesse.

1037 Response of the protesting estates to the emperor's inquiry about the landgrave's departure and about the gate guard ordered by the emperor for this reason.

From Müller's History 2c, p. 711.

That they may credibly report to His Imperial Majesty that they have received no knowledge of the Landgrave Philip's riding. Maj. that they would like to report that they have received no knowledge of the Landgrave Philip's departure before it happened. When they learned of it in the morning, they would not have liked to have heard it; and although it was

Their Lordships and the Emperors, as well as the cities, wanted to be held responsible for the fact that such a thing had not happened for the Landgrave's sake without important causes; however, if he had sought the advice of Their Lordships and the Emperors, as friends, they wanted to have advised His Lordship how they themselves would still consider doing at this time, namely, to persevere with the action; they also did not want to leave without the Emperor's Majesty's prior knowledge. Maj. prior knowledge. However, they knew that Imperial Maj. Maj. for their necessity in subservience, not to leave undisclosed what has reached their Electoral and Princely Graces. They would not leave undisclosed to their Imperial and Princely Graces what happened this morning with the closure and order of the gates, and how it reached their Royal and Princely Graces, which should have been decreed for them. Now that it has come to Her Majesty's Where it has been their Majesty's knowledge and command, it is, as their Majesty may graciously respect. Her Majesty also knows that such a thing was not customary with Her Majesty's ancestors, nor did it happen before at Her Majesty's Imperial Diet, especially the first one held by Her Majesty's own person in the Empire of the German Nation, so that the Princes, Princes and Estates required to attend the Imperial Diet should be hindered and delayed in this way; with most humble request to have a gracious understanding that it would be stopped, considering what harm and danger, since such order of the gates and equal from due causes would occur, if no one knew what it should be, or where Elector and Princes should hold themselves in the cases, her Majesty, himself, would bear such on him. even for her Majesty's sake. For with her Majesty's ancestors it would have been held in such a way, if the guard or gate had been specially ordered, that it would have been announced by her Majesty's Marshals of the Realm 2c.

1038 Spalatin's historical news about the serious speech of the Bishop of Augsburg, Christoph von Stadion, held right at the beginning of this above-mentioned action, and the fierce dispute that arose between him on the one side and the Bishop of Salzburg and Churbrandenburg on the other; as well as about the Landgrave's uncourageous departure and its consequences.

This document is the continuation of the report given in No. 1023. The same is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 423d; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 98; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 224 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 232.

[1368]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1038 f. W. xvi, I6S4-1656. 1369

  1. Sexta Augusti the negotiation took place, the bishop of Augsburg, vir prudens et constans, as diocesan of the place, stood up, gave him cause to speak, and admonished the princes and bishops that they should see to it and not act against the law; for it is true that the Lutherans do not hold against any article of faith; therefore one should seek ways and means for the peace of the church.

The bishop of Salzburg said: how he is now so holy; he had known him differently. To which the bishop of Augsburg answered: unfortunately, he knows well that he has done much wrong so far, and he says that it is time to stop; and, dear Lord of Salzburg, you are also like me in evil, and you want me to help protect against injustice; God shall protect me for this.

After this, Brandenburg clumsily shouted that it is not true that the Lutherans do not hold against any article of faith. The Bishop of Augsburg, it is true. Margrave Joachim, it is not true. Augsburg: What are the articles called? Margrave Joachim: Ecclesiam catholicam, Sanctorum invocationem they have.

not. Augsburg: Invocatlo Sactorurn is not an article of faith; this is what the Lutherans think of the true Christian church. Their dispute is only against the abuses of the Roman church; so no one can deny that the Roman church has many abuses.

The bishop of Mainz asked them to refrain from such bickering and to help each other to improve matters and to make peace, and in the morning nothing was done. In the afternoon, they again told each other lies, and almost hit each other over the mouths.

On the evening of August 6, the landgrave went out to the city and became quiet about it, the king and others.

6th Septima Augusti, the imperial majesty demanded of our sovereigns and princes, and asked for the reason why the landgrave rode away. Our people answered that it had happened without their knowledge and advice, and placed it at his responsibility. The Imperial Majesty requested that they not hurry, but wait for the matter to be resolved and advise them to help make peace; his Majesty would not like to have it said that his Majesty wanted to hurry someone and act differently than graciously with him.

Section Eight of Chapter Thirteen.

Of the narrower committee of the Fourteen and its acts ordered with the emperor's approval.

A. From the first longer conversation, which began on August 16, 1630 and lasted until the 21st.

1039: The concern of D. Joh. Eck, drawn up by order of the Cardinal of Mainz and Duke George of Saxony before the beginning of the discussion, about the articles of the Augsburg Confession, in which they agree, which, on the other hand, are disputed, and how the latter are to be compared.

This script is found in Latin in Cölestin, torn. Ill, x>. 36; German by Chyträus, p. 346.

The first article, of the one divine being and three persons, is in agreement with the Christian church.

The other article, that there is original sin, agrees with the church. But as for the explanation of what original sin is, he does not agree with the church. The middle way would be to say that the inherent evil desire was sin before baptism, and after baptism it was a consequence or punishment of original sin, and not sin in itself.

In the third article, of Christ JEsu, one is equal.

The fourth article, in which he says that we cannot be saved by our own efforts, agrees with the church. But in this he disagrees, that he assigns righteousness to faith, and excludes our merit altogether. The middle way to unity would be that they ascribe righteousness to faith, which is active through love, which St. Paul teaches to the Galatians in the 5th verse. But they should omit this word SOLA; for the one word SOLA is the one word SOLA.

1370 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, iM-iM. 1371

Those who are deceived are deceived into thinking that faith alone, without the grace of God and good works, makes them righteous.

They would agree with us about merit if they declared that the works are not merited by their nature and by themselves, but only by the mercy of God, by the grace of God, which assists us, precedes us, and works with us. Thus, the Lord gives His saints wages for their work.

The fifth article agrees with us that the Holy Spirit is given through the Word and Sacraments, ordained as means for this. But faith and the merit of works are to be held as stated above in the fourth article.

The sixth article, that faith with love brings good works, agrees with the church. Faith is to be held as reported above.

The seventh article does not agree, because they say that the Christian church is an assembly of the pious alone, since there are both the wicked and the pious in it. It could be compared if they said that the Christian church is an assembly of the saints, just as we also call the Christian church holy because of the holiness of faith, sacraments, graces and gifts. For from the noblest thing has a name, they themselves allow that ministers of the church may be who are not pious.

The eighth article, of the priests who are not pious, concurs.

Likewise the ninth.

The tenth article agrees with us as far as the real presence of the body and blood of Christ is concerned; only that it should not be interpreted as meaning that the laity should receive both.

The eleventh article compares itself with the church as far as absolution is concerned, but does not compare itself as far as confession is concerned, of which in the other part, in the fourth article.

The twelfth article, that those who have sinned after baptism may repent again, agrees with the church. But as far as the pieces of repentance are concerned, it does not agree. But it could be compared in this way, because they put repentance and sorrow for the first part, but we put faith for both parts, and here they put faith for a part of repentance; we say that faith is not a part of repentance, but that faith precedes it, as the ground of repentance. Therefore it is more a quarrel about words than about the matter itself. And because they allow confession, they should set the same with the church for the whole piece of repentance. To this we add the sufficiency

thuung for the third piece of repentance. But they confess that the fruits of good works should follow. This is more a quarrel about words than about the matter itself.

The thirteenth article agrees with the church.

The fourteenth article agrees with the church as far as the words are concerned. But in fact they hold it differently, because they do not appoint pastors and preachers according to common rights or order of the ordinaries bishops, which would be a legitimate profession.

The fifteenth article agrees in the most noble point. The human statutes are dealt with below in the last article.

The sixteenth article, of secular authority, agrees with us.

The seventeenth article, of Christ's future, agrees with us.

The eighteenth article, of free will, is the same.

The nineteenth article, of cause of sin, agrees with the church.

The twentieth article, on faith and good works, excuses only the preachers, so it is not to be respected, except that it is taught, as stated in the fourth article.

The one and twentieth article, of the service of the saints, does not agree with us. For here are three parts, the honor of the saints, invocation of the saints, and intercession of the saints, which they do for us. The Lutherans give in to the honor, the other two parts they deny. The intercession of the saints is admitted by the Sacramentarians. 1)

There is no agreement here, but they confess with the Church that since a living person can call upon the living, a dying person upon a mortal, a sinner upon a sinner, a poor person upon a poor person for intercession, why should he not be able to call upon an immortal, righteous, pure from sins, rich in graces, goodness and mercy, and who eagerly takes care of us in complete love.

The other part, from the abuses.

The first article does not agree with our teaching. But it should be compared in this way. Since communion under both forms is not contrary to the faith, and it has been held this way in many churches from time immemorial, communion under both forms could be allowed freely, as it is permitted to the Bohemians in the Concilio of Basel, but with three conditionibus attached.

  1. Here the text seems to us to be corrupted.

[1372]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1039 f. W. xvi, uM-E. 1373

First of all, that one would not let the small children communicate.

On the other hand, if one were to conclude that both forms were not necessary.

Third, that under one form no less than under both is received by those who communicate in the Christian church. But whether it is useful that communion should be tolerated until the future concilium, that may be judged by those with more understanding.

The other article argues with the Christian church. For such a marriage, if a priest is free in the priesthood, can never exist by right. It could be compared, because from the time of the Apostles until the Cyricium, almost four hundred years ago, married people were required to be priests. But whether this is useful now, I doubt. As for the priests who now take wives, a settlement could be made if they were not tolerated otherwise than common fornicators until the future Concilium, since they no longer preach or serve in the church, nor would they be allowed in secular offices.

The third article, of the Mass, is not in agreement with the Christian Church. But it could be compared that in the Lord's Supper there would not be a bloody sacrifice, as there was on the altar of the cross; if only they did not deny that just as Christ's body is figuratively sacrificed in the Old Testament, and truly sacrificed on the cross in suffering, so it is sacrificed in secret in the mass. This secret sacrifice is a memorial of the sacrifice made on the cross. But one should not abolish the private masses for this reason.

The fourth article, of confession, does not agree with us; but could be compared according to its adopted saying from the 18th Psalm 19:13.: "Who can know how often he feeleth?" For even the church connects no one to tell the sin, which he himself does not know, nor understand. Therefore, they should agree to confess the sin that one understands, so they will be in agreement with the Christian church.

The fifth article is judged from the seventh.

The sixth article, on monastic vows, is not the same as the church, nor can it be compared. For although vowing, or making vows, is free, it is necessary by God's commandment to pay the vow, by divine right. Now those who consent to this article are guilty of all vow-breaking that occurs; nor could the whole general church permit this article.

The seventh article does not agree with the church, because it takes from it the rule and the power to make statutes for the subjects, so that they may come to eternal life. Which authority has always been in the church, as can be seen from St. Paul's statutes and commandments, and from the decrees in the first Concilio of the Apostles, and subsequent holy Conciliis. This article would also abolish church discipline, and disrupt all good order, and strengthen all disobedience and willfulness. But this article could be compared to tolerating or alleviating some church statutes, but that no carnal liberty would arise from it.

In sum, these are articles that can hardly be tolerated and accepted by the church:

From the Holy Service.

Of the Communion under both forms.

From the priestly marriage.

From the monastic vows.

From the victim in the measuring.

Of human statutes.

These six articles I consider to be the most burdensome; but in other articles, if two princes and two scholars on both sides came together, agreement could easily be reached.

1040 Philipp Melanchthon's and the other theologians' concerns, in which it is advised to make every effort for peace.

Aug. 15, 1530.

German in Spalatin's Annalen, p. 229; in Chyträus, p. 350 and in the 6orx". Lei. vol. II, 281; Latin in Cölestin, tom. Ill, p. 31.

We humbly consider that the princes are obliged to diligently seek and try all means and ways that do not contradict God's word, to make peace, to prevent their own harm and corruption of country and people.

2 Thus, it is not justifiable before God to persist in unnecessary division. Since God has commanded nothing higher than to keep peace.

  1. also see what has happened in this division, how the mob has become wicked, what errors, sects, and cults arise daily, and to worry that God will graciously prevent, where there is war, that more sects and errors will break in, so that the church will be torn apart by irrecoverable errors, and the secular government destroyed by war, both of which will be the result of the war.

1374 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1662-1664. 1375

The people of the world and their spiritual and temporal regiment have fallen to the ground and will never be raised up again until the end of the world.

(4) Now it behooves the princes in particular to prevent in every way such an outrageous rebellion and disruption of the regiment; as Isaiah says, "Let the princes consider the matters of the princes, and let not the established regiment fall.

5 Because of the division, there is no discipline in schools and churches. Everyone shies away from teaching their children, and not unreasonably. For no one wants to put his child in danger, into which those who have studied must come, as long as this disunity stands.

(6) Such things cannot be disciplined in the churches. What is not tolerated in one place is suffered in another. And it is not possible to establish obedience.

Therefore, we humbly ask that the princes work for God's sake and for their own benefit so that peace may be made. And although it is to be feared that our adversary is too hard, and will not give way in any matter, yet our consciences are safer, and our glory before the world greater, if the lack of us has not been.

8 In such an action, it is necessary that we also give in to the opposite and, as much as can be done with God and conscience, escape. For without this there is no action. Therefore it is necessary to consider in what one can give way, even which parts cannot suffer any action.

  1. and these are the following pieces, from which one cannot depart in any way, because we want to deny God and His gospel.

First, that the doctrine of the articles of faith, of good works, and of Christian liberty, as hitherto taught in our country, may be freely maintained and preached according to our confession and confessed creed.

(11) Secondly, that after the institution of Christ our Lord, both forms of the sacrament may be administered and given.

Thirdly, in no way can it be permitted that the Missa privatä, the angular masses, as they have been held by the opposite party until now, be allowed and held henceforth as a sacrifice to obtain grace and forgiveness of sins for the living and the dead before God, in order to diminish the death of Christ.

Fourth, the marital state shall and must be left free to all men who are not specially endowed by God with chastity, whether they are priests or other clergymen.

14 We believe that it is not necessary to report on monasteries. For if the marriage is free,

and the sacrificial measure have fallen, the answer to this question has already been given that it is not possible to rebuild the monasteries with God as a blasphemy, as has been the case up to now.

(15) On the other hand, the princes may generally offer to yield to the opposite in those things in which one can yield with God and a good conscience.

  1. namely: that in common public and unpleasant ceremonies in churches one compares harmlessly; as, with the catching in churches and public form of the mass 2c. But that for the betterment of the people German songs are not forbidden.

017 For there must be order in the church, for the children's sake, and for the sake of the simple people; and it is not good that any man should make any particular thing.

18 Secondly, the bishops may be given their authority over the priests in the church government, as with ordinances 2c., if they do not follow our doctrine, and do not bind the priests with ungodly oaths and burdens.

19 For the order that the bishops are set over the priests as superattendents has undoubtedly had many honest causes. For the priests must have superintendents. In this way the secular princes of the church government will not wait, nor is it possible for them. In addition, it costs them much, whereas the bishops have their goods for the purpose of carrying out such office.

20 Neither is it fitting for us to break this order, that bishops are over priests, who have been in the church from the beginning, without great and urgent cause. For though the pope is an antichrist, yet we may be under him as the Jews were under Pharaoh in Egypt 2c., and afterward under Caipha 2c., if yet right doctrine be left us free.

21 Thirdly, the bishops may be granted their jurisdiction in matrimonial matters; item, the ban for the punishment of public sins, and not in matters belonging to secular courts.

But the fact that the princes complain that many secular matters were brought to the bishops' court may have been the princes' fault, negligentia principum auxit potentiam Episcoporum. Where also the princes punished public vices with seriousness, the officials would not get much money 2c.

(23) Nor is it necessary to dispute how far the obedientia and jurisdictio should extend. For this may be spoken of in dealings, if God would have mercy that it should come to that.

[1376]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1040 ff. W. xvi, i664-i667. 1Z77

(24) From the difference of food, fasting and the like, it is to be sought that it be left free, but where it would not go, it may be considered further.

25 Christ punished the Pharisees, because they consented to them concerning small things, and let the great ones go, saying, They cowardly flies, and swallow a camel.

(26) Now outward peace is much better and higher than outward liberty. If one were to prevent the gospel from coming to others, it would also be burdensome. But of this we may speak further. Of monastery estates and other church estates, where such is thought of, it is due to offer what Imperial Majesty has granted to the church. Majesty 2c. will order for the good of the church to follow the same 2c.

1041: List of persons appointed to the Select Committee from both sides.

From Müller's History, lib. Ill, 29, x>. 742. Compare Spalatin's Annals, p. 153 and Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 220.

I. On the papist side.

1. to princes.

Christoph, Bishop of Augsburg.

Duke Henry of Brunswick, but after his departure Duke George of Saxony.

2. to lawyers.

Bernhard Hagen, Chancellor of Cologne. Hieronymus Vehus, chancellor of > Baden.

3. to clergymen.

D. Johann Eck, Ordinarius at Ingolstadt.

D. Conrad Wimpina, Ordinarius at Frankfurt.

D. Johann Cochläus, provost of St. Severi in Erfurt.

II. on the protesting side.

1. to princes.

Duke Johann Friedrich, son of the Elector of Saxony.

Margrave George of Brandenburg.

2. to lawyers.

D. Gregorius Brück, Chancellor of the Church of Saxony.

D. Sebastian Heller, Chancellor of Brandenburg.

3. to clergymen.

Philipp Melanchthon, professor at Wittenberg.

Erhard Schnepf, Hessian preacher.

M. Johann Brentius, preacher at Hall in Swabia.

1042 Spalatin, who attended this act as notary, recorded the minutes of the first session of the committee.

This and the next number belong together. Here we have the preliminaries, there the report on the action itself. From Müller's History, op. Ill, eap. 29; compare the papist report No. 1063; likewise Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. ll, p. 220 and Spalatin's Annalen, p. 154.

1. lecture by the chancellor of Baden on the papist part.

This was done in an unobjectionable way, asking 1) to proceed without quarreling; 2) to compare with the one who had made a complaint in the council, but if one or the other complaint had been lost, to indicate sufficient causes; 3) if some things were thought to be abuses, to think of ways to stop them; and finally 4) to keep all actions secret until the end.

2. answer of the Chancellor of the Church of Saxony, on behalf of the Protestants.

The Electors, Princes and Estates would undoubtedly know how they, the Protestants, had hitherto sought not to enter into the matter in any other way than amicably; but that a settlement would subsequently be requested, their Electoral and Princely Graces would know how they had complained that they did not want the Confutation to be communicated to them. They complained that the confutation would not be communicated to them; in which case, and since they had not seen such a document, it was not possible for them to settle. But because they noted that Imperial Majesty's opinion and order was that they should not be informed. They had indeed attracted quite a few in their confession, and had already discontinued the same in their principalities out of distress to their consciences, but they did not want to be without sufficient reason to accomplish this, and in doing so to prove themselves Christian in everything; they were also requested not to let the action reach any further than their relatives.

3. other lecture by the chancellor of Baden.

Their princes and lords thanked them for their offer to act in a friendly manner (as they also offered to do) and not to let the things get further than to the relatives. Now one could resort to the action itself, but as far as it is not contrary to the faith and the Christian common church

[1378]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, e-iesg. 1Z79

against. Why the Confutation had not been communicated, however, had already been reported earlier, and they again left it at that, as they also considered that the communication would only be a hindrance to the matter. It was also known that in the confession that had been handed over, several abuses had been reported, which were to be changed, but meanwhile there were two distinctions in this confession, namely 21 articles as a confession of faith, and 7 or 8 articles of abuses. Their Princely Grace considered that one must first know how the confession of faith, as the most important, is constituted: so one wanted to deal with the same first, whereupon the other 7 or 8 articles could also be carried out, since they wanted to help faithfully for the improvement, where it is possible.

4. other answer from the chancellor of churia.

If the settlement cannot be made without a confutation, the confession and the confutation should be made and considered from article to article.

5. third lecture by the chancellor of Baden.

They would be inclined to take up the matter, but they were certain that it would only lead to disputation and bickering if the confutation were to be considered along with the confession; rather, it would be more advisable to consider only the confession from article to article, and to deliberate on each one in particular, whether it could be compared, but since there were conflicting opinions, to let it reach Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

6. third answer of the chancellor of chur.

To avoid the disputation, one would put up with this way and would also be obliged to follow it willingly.

1043 Spalatin's news of what was discussed at the first meeting.

See the previous number. We give the text of this number according to Förstemann from Spalatin's handwriting.

As the Confession is made to read from article to article.

I. From GOD.

The first article has not had a challenge.

II. from the original sin.

Regarding the other article, D. Eck says that the main article is in accordance with the Christian Church, but in the definition they have a shortcoming, and that is that he calls concupiscence an original sin, that it remains a sin before and after baptism, because one speaks of it as St. Augustine speaks, so it would be more^1^ ) a battle of words, than that they are far from each other. That the words: Sine fiducia et timore etc.. Mr. Melanchthon has offered to speak peacefully; he has two challenges: 1) of the words "without fear and trust", 2) of the Fomes. He did not want to speak of it, as in the school, because they call it carentium rectitudinis originalis, which he called "without fear and confidence", D. Eck said to it, it was a new form to speak, otherwise one was already concordirt of the article, only that one had not used the common words, it was otherwise equal to their opinion. On the other hand, D. Eck also confessed that the material remains peccati, and thus one is compared to the article.

III Of the Person of Christ.

Of the third article, of Christ, both parts and parties have also been united.

IV. From the justification.

V. Of the Word and the Sacraments.

VI Of good works.

Regarding the fourth, fifth and sixth articles, D. Eck says that it should be explained, because the main article is not inappropriate to the Christian faith. He also says that faith, which works through love, justifies and makes righteous, De meritis, or of the merits he also considers it a fighting word. Thus Christ said, If ye do all that ye ought, say, We are unprofitable servants. St. Paul adds Romans 8: "We do not believe that the sufferings of this world are worthy of the future glory that will be revealed to us. Item Solomon and Peter: Love covers the multitude of sins. Ecclesiastes 9: Man does not know whether he is in grace or in disgrace. Besides this, from the apostles' stories, the warrior Cornelius was also attracted with his good works. They call it merita, that the most gracious Father wants to reward the works, and the meritum is nothing but gratia Dei. Saying that no work is meritorious in itself, but the grace of God is to be considered.

  1. Förstemann: only.

1380 Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1043, W. xvi, uM-ivu. 1381

Then Doctor Wimpina says: If our works are done by our will without divine grace, they are unmeritorious, otherwise they would be meritorious for the sake of Christ's communion with the Church, because he has ever said: Si vis ingredi vitam, serva mandata, that is, if you want to enter into life, keep the commandments.

In response, Philippus Melanchthon said: You know how the disputation de merito and de congruo would have been aroused; likewise also in 1) the repentance of satisfaction, and that nothing at all would have been said about faith in repentance, the word meritum would have been bypassed.

Philip Melanchthon also said that he believes that they can suffer the definition of faith, namely, when the heart concludes that God has forgiven its sin for the sake of Christ, as the ancients and Thomas Aquinas interpreted it.

Since it now comes to this proposition and speech that sola fides justificire, that is, that faith alone and heartfelt trust in God's grace for Christ's sake makes one pious and righteous before God, then D. Eck of Ingolstadt said: first, that one could not suffer such speech, for it causes trouble, and crude, wicked, insolent people; second, he said that no old holy doctor, teacher and father had ever spoken in this way; third, he said that faith alone does not make one righteous, but love, and more love than faith, and he also pointed out the following sayings: St. Paul to the Ephesians says: "I am a saint. Paul says to the Ephesians that love is a 2) bond of perfection; item, to the Corinthians, that faith without love is nothing; item, also to the Corinthians, that love is the greatest. That is why D. Eck finally also said: One should send the soles 3) to the cobbler for a while. Eck was allowed to speak so brazenly before the above-mentioned four princes, as given commissioners and commanders, regardless of the fact that the above-mentioned speech, that faith alone makes one righteous and pious before God, is not only carried out according to the meaning and understanding of St. Paul in Romans, Corinthians, and Romans. Paul to Romans, Galatians and Ephesians, but also that only many old holy great fathers, doctors and teachers have spoken in such a way, both Greek and Latin; and especially Greek Eusebius, Basil, Athanasius, Origen; Latin Hilarius, Am-

  1. Thus in Spalatin's Annals. Förstemann offers: "da auch der" 2c.

2i "band" put by us after Col. 3,14. instead of "covenant" by Förstemann.

  1. "Solen", a mockery of so^a üds, by faith alone.

brosius, Jerome, Augustine, Bernard, also St. Thomas Aquinas, Order of Preachers.

Doctor Eck also said that they spoke de merito or of merit, not as if merit were like a painted man, but as of a convenience and superfluous grace of God.

The Lord Philip says that this form was used for three reasons: 1) that St. Paul uses it in this way; 2) if one puts caritatem or otherwise, one points to us and not to God's grace; 3) so it is understandable and clear, because every Christian feels the faith.

Docter Eckius says: the three causes would not be sufficient, 1) that this form is not in Paulo nor in the whole Scripture; 2) so caritas is God's grace, and not our work; 3) so one is not more understandable than the other.

Doctor Eck also thinks that it is spoken de operibus legis judaicae and of ceremoniis, the sola can also make no unity.

Doctor Eck also says that for forgiveness one must first have God's grace and faith and divine love.

Mr. 4) Phil, said: Forgiveness of sins is obtained when first the heart is frightened, and then faith and God's love are found, which comfort can also be felt.

Doctor Eck says: sin is a condemnation of God, therefore sin must be forgiven by love, fides is praesuppositum justificationis, and not justitia.

Brentius says that the word 8ola is not to be rejected, because the word 8o1a was also used by Ambrose and Hilarius, and was drawn from Paulo; it is also not only de operibus legis judaicae, the word sola stands alone against the merita.

Doctor Eck has based it on the fact that it was spoken de operibus legis judaicae, because the Jews, if they had been converted to the Christian faith, would have taken it for granted that they nevertheless had to keep Mosi's ceremonial law.

Philip Melanchthon drew on the words of Paul Ephesians: Fide salvati estis, that is, you have been saved by faith.

D. Eck says that they confessed that the forgiveness of sins is per gratiam et fidem gratum facientem formaliter, et per verbum et sacramenta instrumentaliter. One should put the article thus.

Cochläus talked a lot, but little to the,

Matter of business.

  1. In the old edition: "D". In this case it is to be resolved by domiuus, not by doctor.

1382 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. wn-wn. 1383

VII. and VIII. About the Christian Church and Evil Priests.

D. Eck says: he hopes that there will be no dispute about this article, because the church is beautiful and yet black, as de virginibus unb de piscibus. He considers it useful for comparison, that not the word sanctorum, but the word sanctam stands. d. Eck also says that he considers it that we are not unequal in fundamento and in ground.

IX. From the baptism.

The ninth article, of baptism, has had no contestation.

X. Of the Lord's Supper.

The tenth, de eucharistia, of the reverend sacrament of the true body and blood of Christ, has also had no lack, for alone to add the word realiter, or substantialiter, or in German "essential."

XI. Of the Confession.

About the eleventh article, about confession, D. Eck says that in the main he is unanimous with the Church, the sin that one does not know, one must not confess.

XII. Of repentance.

Of the twelfth article, of repentance, O. Eck says that the main article is also not unequal to the Christian church, and is right, considering it also only a battle of words. In the first, they are unanimous; in the second, the inequality is that faith is included, that faith is a part; in the third, of satisfaction or correction, for they are called satisfactionem die Besserung. Then Philip said what caused him to insert the word faith, for it is the way of poenitentiae and repentance that one first becomes frightened of sins, and then that one again acquires faith and hearty confidence in God's grace and mercy, as happened with David.

D. Eck also said that one is not displeased in re. Much has been said about the word satisfactio or satisfaction.

Philip said he was talking de perpetua poenitentia.

Wednesday after Assumtionis [August 17 morning, the action is further taken, especially of the parts of the penance.

Furthermore, since one wanted to resort to action, the theologians of the opposite on our

They do not want to suffer a notary, but let themselves be heard, where they wanted to have a theologian as notary, they wanted to use Faber as their notary. So I went away from Spalatinus in God's name. God grant that otherwise something fruitful may be accomplished in the action, amen.

1044 Declaration of the Protestants, in which articles they have united.

Aug. 18, 1530.

This document is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 4465; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 103 d; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 230 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 218. Also in Müller, p. 745; in Chyträus, sheet 263 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 230 from Spalatin's manuscript in the Ansbachische Acten. in the determination of time we have followed Förstemann.

The first article is the same. That in the other Latin article it says that man is born by nature without the fear of God and without faith in God, is to be understood not only that children so young cannot have this effect, but that they are also grown by natural powers unable to have the fear of God and faith, and so are born without such powers and gifts, is a lack of the righteousness that we should bring from Adam.

In German articles, this point is clearly stated so that it cannot be disputed, namely, that we are not able to fear and believe in God by nature; the ancients are also understood by this.

Of natural lusts we hold that the sin nature remains, but the guilt is taken away by baptism.

In the third article one is the same.

Declaration of the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Articles, 1) we confess that forgiveness of sins is by grace, through which we have a gracious God, and by faith is done in us, and by God's Word and Sacrament, as by instrument.

In the seventh article, one is the same.

In the eighth article, of the Church, we confess that in the Church in this life there are many wicked and sinners.

  1. Instead of the preceding words, Spalatin had written: "In the fourth article we confess" 2c. Similarly, "In the fifth, sixth, and seventh articles we are equal." Melanchthon crossed out the words we underlined and put in the margin instead: "Declaration of the 4th, 5th, and 6th articles."

1384 Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1044 ff. W. xvi, W73-7675. 1385

In the 9th 10th and 11th articles, one is the same.

In the 12th article, of repentance, we do not refuse to put three parts of repentance, as namely contritio, repentance, which is fright when one recognizes sin.

Confession, but it is to be seen as absolution and believed that sin is forgiven for the sake of Christ.

The third part is satisfactio, good fruit of repentance. But sin is not forgiven by the merit of satisfaction. So we hold at the same time; but we do not agree whether satisfaction is necessary for the forgiveness of penance.

In the 13th article, one is the same.

In the 14th article, one is also equal to the one in words; but as much of the same declaration is concerned, it is kept under the title of spiritual power.

The 15th article has been saved to the article of episcopal authority and monastic vows.

In the 16th 17th 18th 19th article, you are the same.

In the 20th article, as far as the 1) preachers and the same excuse are concerned, one leaves in its value, after one does not burden oneself in this negotiation of the same. However, as far as faith is concerned, the above-mentioned fourth article and the same declaration are left unchanged. But as far as good works are concerned, it is the same that one must and should work good works, and that works done by faith and grace are pleasing to God. But whether the same works are meritorious, and how they are meritorious, and whether and how one should hope in them, have not been compared. It is also used for other purposes.

In the 21st article, two articles are compared, namely that all the saints and angels in heaven pray to God for us, also the use of the church, which remembers the saints, and asks God to promote the saints' prayers, is kept Christian and good; but concerning the invocation of the saints, one is united in that there is no expressed commandment in the Holy Scriptures about anyone being commanded to invoke the saints. But in that the saints may well be invoked according to the traditional usage of common churches of Christian opinion, in this one is so ambivalent that the sovereigns and princes hold with their relatives that such a thing is a doubtful and sorrowful thing, from many 2) because of the abuses, and that there is no expressed Scripture about it.

  1. Förstemann: "the".
  2. That is because of the quantity.
  1. Proposal made by the Protestants at the request of the papists concerning some external ceremonies.

From the uuetor npolo^. lutue. in Müller, p. 754; in Brück's Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg, p. 95 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 249 from the Markgraflich brandenburgischen Acten.

Yesterday we heard your and the others' statements and discussed them, and we considered the matter most diligently, but we can think of no other means or way, after further discussion, than to leave us the Communio sub utraque specie, and our clergy the marriage, even at the masses as they are held here, until further action in a common, free, Christian Concilio. In order that Christian unity may nevertheless be preserved in these articles, and that the church may remain in orderly government, to which we are highly inclined, we are requested, and thereafter, as far as the other articles are concerned, to refrain from the bishops' authority, from differences in food, and from ordinary church ceremonies, or at a later time and place, with the Ordinariis locorum, so that they receive due obedience from our clergy, and their due jurisdiction is not prevented, and, as far as possible and Christian, equality in churches in doctrine and ceremonies is kept.

1046 The so-called non-exclusive, intangible, Christian means proposed by the papists and handed over on August 19, 1530.

In the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 443; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 99 b (wrong 92 b); in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 226; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 214; in Chyträus according to the German edition, p. 386, and according to the Latin, p. 257; in Müller, p. 755; in Spalatin's Annals, p. 170; and from the Margravial Brandenburg acts in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 250.

The first part of the book is an introduction to the history of the church and its ecclesiastical authority, as well as to the traditional statutes, customs, ceremonies, and episcopal authority of the church.

That in fasting, celebrations, confessions, prayers, processions, ceremonies, different times, foods and other such traditional customs, administration of the sacraments, and also with

1386 Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1675-1678. 1387

The bishop's authority and sovereignty is held by princes, rulers and their relatives, as is customary in the common church and has been in use among them from time immemorial. But what about it for abuses or complaints attracted, that reported churl and princes compare themselves in that with common estates, the same with common estates, and they help to consult with them, and as usually decided, will also comply with this.

Also, the Electors, Princes, and their relatives shall be at liberty and not included therein, if they have any special differences, 1) disagreements or defects with archbishops, bishops, or prelates, of the same jurisdiction or otherwise, which they shall otherwise settle amicably or legally with each other.

The administration and reception of the sacrament under both forms.

That by permission of papal holiness or their legate, with the knowledge and approval of imperial majesty, as the supreme advocate of the church, it may be granted that only in the places and parishes, and the subjects of the same parish, as it has now been customary for some years, the sacrament of the communion of the body and blood of Christ, and yet with preceding confession, as was the custom of old, may be administered or given to the desirees in both forms; But with the following measure, namely, that at paschal times, when this sacrament is administered, it should also be taught and preached in them, not by divine commandment, that both forms must be received, that the whole Christ also be and be received under either, as well as both forms.

Item, that anyone who wishes to receive the sacrament under the one form of bread is not denied this, but is informed of it according to the traditional old custom of the church; and that this permission is not to last any longer than until the next Concilii of final decision.

That also by ecclesiastical and secular authorities it is seriously threatened that the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ is not destroyed by 2) or

  1. In the old editions: "sphen" (If) - offence, disagreement. Compare: "spännig", St. Louis edition, Vol. Ill, 115, ?33.
  2. "Verrören" put by us instead of: "verehren" in the old edition. Both, the Wittenberg and the Jena edition read: "verrören", which will probably be interpreted by spilling. In Spalatin's Annals, p. 172:

otherwise no dishonor is done, and where it is done dangerously or unseemly 3) that this is seriously punished by ecclesiastical or secular authorities.

For this reason, the form of wine for the sick is not kept in dishes, nor is it carried to anyone, but if someone wants to communicate under both forms, it is consecrated and distributed in the church or in the homes of the sick under the office of the masses. And for the sake of honoring the sacrament, it is considered good that when both forms are distributed among a crowd, that it be received and enjoyed through a tube.

Concerning the office of the fairs.

That the common and special private monks be kept in ordinary dress, on the altars with the inclusion of the great canon, as has been in use and practice in common Christian churches of the German nation and their territories from time immemorial.

And after in the small and large canon of the Mass there was more a dispute or disagreement in words than in the right understanding of the words hostia, oblatio, sacrificium or sacrifice, that such words should be drawn in Christian right understanding, namely, as Christ sacrificed in the paschal lamb, in the Old Testament figuraliter and typice, that is, meaningful way, and afterwards the same Christ offered Himself on the trunk of the cross, a true, living sacrifice to God the Father for the sin of men, so now the sacrificium or sacrifice of the masses is a mysteriale or in mysteriis Ot repraesentati- vum, that is, a sacramental and memorial sacrifice, practiced and used daily in the Church, in memory and commemoration of the passion and death of Christ.

From stated 4) married priests.

When, due to the impediment of their vows of priestly status, to which they had willingly surrendered, and the statutes of the Church, they could not accept permanent marriage, it was decided that, in order to spare the poor seduced wives, to feed innocent children, to avoid all kinds of trouble, and to avoid other possible

vereeren". Förstemann: "verrorn". In the Weimar copy: "Vermehrung", which however is corrigirt in "verrören".

  1. Thus the Wittenbergers and the Jenaers. Förstemann: "sinseliger", which he explains by: "more muthwilliger".
  2. "stated" alleged.

[1388]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1046 f. W. xvi. i678-ie8o. 1Z89

Causes, the priests, who now sit in the specified matrimonial cohabitation, thus, without confirmation and approval of their conduct, would be tolerated until the future Council, only in the places where it has been their alleged use for some time. But in such a way and measure that no one marries before the decision of the Council, and those who do so are deprived of their priestly office or benefices and expelled from the country, or otherwise punished externally. But whoever wishes to renounce his marriage state and abstain from the caelibatu should be allowed to do so and not be denied it, and he should remain in his beneficio and officio. That also in the places where married priests are, and especially where they are in the churches, diligence is taken to obtain others, as beneficial as this may always be, who are and remain in the caelibatu and unmarried, and the married ones are suspended from officio and beneficio; unless by papal sanctity power or its legate tolerance is obtained in the ministerio of their officii and beneficii.

In this regard, it is also considered necessary to completely abolish the con- cubinarios, who thus sit in many places annoyingly, and to no longer tolerate them.

That the ordinaries would not give any tolerance to this; and whether it would not be good that at a future council, if necessary, it would be proposed that the conjugates be taken to the priestly state and ordained, as was the custom in the first church some hundred years ago.

Of oen monasteries and monastic vows.

The following means are intended, namely, that all and every monastery, male and female, still undestroyed, remain with them, and in singing, reading, and other their services, in dress of their rules, also in visitation and obedience of their prelates, as happened before this division, remain quiet, and where lack of prelates or provincials, that they be made by ordinary election, as before old age. Also, no one who wants to join them in the rules and orders, or who wants to come out of this division and return to it, shall be ordered or restrained to do so; that they shall also be protected and handled from violence and violence which they might encounter to their persons or goods, brs to the end of future Concilii.

And what religious come out of the monasteries without proper admission, that the same return to the monasteries, or if they do not do so

Otherwise they would not be tolerated anywhere in the country (they would have permission from the ecclesiastical authorities who have the power to do this), and the prelates should not be prevented from acting against them in an orderly manner.

However, considering the opportunity and many of the now expired religious, that punishment will not be taken against them with any other than the imposition of a penitence.

Those, however, who would henceforth come from the monasteries without proper permission, shall be punished according to ecclesiastical and secular rights, and the punishment of the prelates and ordinaries shall not be prevented.

Which monasteries, however, are completely closed, and there is no one left in them, even if they are not occupied after the request of their order's superiors, that the same will be tolerated until the future council; but that their monastic dues and income not be collected for the own benefit of each local superior, but that the dues be deposited and preserved by special persons, who would be appointed for this purpose in each place by the prelates of the Order together with the bishops, and until the future decision of the Council as to how and what is to be done with them. As soon as a monastery is occupied, however, its fees and income shall be entered and handed over to it as before.

And after in this amicable negotiation some articles have been set for a future concilium, it is necessary that Imperial Majesty and other estates of the empire be concerned. Majesty and other estates of the empire be concerned, on account of this and other excellent and necessary causes, to reform the church in the head and members, conducive to time, place and place, as the imperial majesty, with papal sanctity, has decreed. Maj. and Papal Holiness Legates, to proclaim and hold a Univerfalconcilium in the German Nation.

1047: The Protestants have submitted on August 20 an unconditional and uncontroversial response to the means proposed yesterday.

This immediately follows the previous number at the locations indicated there.

Of the Most Reverend Sacrament.

Let it be known that the reverend Sacrament of the true Body and Blood of Christ, according to our confession, cannot be performed in our principalities without prior confession.

1390 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1680-1683. 1391

mers and areas, as before, shall be handed and taken.

But that it is desired that one should teach that it is not wrong to receive only one form, one knows in what way we have given account of it.

Moreover, before receiving the reverend sacrament, the people must be informed that they know that it is right to receive both forms.

However, it is important that the pastors and preachers keep such measures that are conducive to peace, until further action in a concilio.

Thus also it is confessed that the whole body of Christ is under the form of bread; nevertheless, since the holy sacrament is thus instituted with both forms, and the words of Christ indicate the same more clearly, this use of receiving both forms is according to the institution of Christ.

Also, in our principalities and territories, no one has been prevented from seeking the sacrament of his liking, where he has to know it.

It should also be established that the reverend sacrament be held in honor; as has been done up to now, even, without speaking of glory, it should be imposed and tolerated unwillingly otherwise; so also the form of wine has not been held nor carried in vessels with us up to now.

From the fair.

Furthermore, the masses in our principalities and territories have hitherto been held in ordinary church clothes, and shall also be held alfo for this purpose.

And since the masses, by virtue of our confession, are held honestly in our principalities and territories with their substantials, even with ordinary ceremonies after the institution of Christ, it is with God's help that they shall continue to be held with due reverence.

From the clerical marital status.

As far as the priestly marriage is concerned, we have shown in our confession many well-founded reasons why we consider our and other clergymen's marriage to be Christian and right.

We have also had to allow the clergy marriage all the more because we have seen and experienced the manifold, great and mean abuse and sinful immorality of the clergy before. Because from the way

and in many other places it is still evident that few priests have the high gift of God of chastity, and that such priests, who should sit in an unrighteous, licentious life, are not acceptable to us: Let it be considered, how in this part of ours, after the death of the present ordained priests, not to accept again other ordained priests, nor as many pastors and preachers, skilled and learned, as are necessary for the order of our churches in our lands and territories, who have the gift of chastity, because your beloved and you yourselves indicate in your sent means that they have considered that the priests concubinarii, who sit in a lewd life, should be completely abolished and no tolerance should be given to them by the ordinaries henceforth. And your beloved and yourselves consider whether it would not be good, therefore, that at a future council it be proposed that the conjugati be admitted to the priestly state, in moderation, as was the custom in the first church some hundred years ago.

From monastic vows.

About monastic vows 1) your beloved and you know what we have indicated on our part in our confession; therefore, we do not want to complain about it to anyone. But how the monks and nuns, who still remain in monasteries in our principalities and territories, should and will keep themselves among themselves for the sake of their going out or remaining in them, or not, will be left to their own responsibility to God until further consideration and consideration in a common free Christian council, nor will they be given any measure in this.

However, as far as the monasteries are concerned, they are not included in this act, but all and every monastery, male and female, shall be left in peace in their character and dress, even in the ceremonies, as they are and have been until now in every place.

For this purpose, 2) as much as possible, the understanding should be exercised, so that no violence, in whatever way it may be, is exercised or carried out against reported persons.

But concerning the single monasteries, that such monasteries, which are now single without monks and nuns, shall henceforth remain unchanged and undiminished in the secular patrons' and advocates' order.

  1. Förstemann: "Vom Klosterwesen.
  2. "should" is missing in Förstemann.

1392 Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1047. W. xvi, M83-1685. 1393

The monasteries shall remain in existence, and the persons who have come and gone from them shall receive from the income, and it shall be given to them for their needs, and also for the maintenance of preachers, pastors, schools, and first of all their places, where the churches may have been occupied by the monasteries, and then the surplus is to be settled until a concilio, and further Christian consideration and consultation, how and in what form such monasteries and estates are to be ordered for God's glory and benevolent things in lands and places, in which, or where they are situated; Then, too, the favors, benefits and annuities shall be duly and unambiguously determined.

Of the bishops' violence.

One is also inclined in all this to help maintain episcopal rule and authority; but with it unapproved the public abuses, that the bishops do not have diligence, that one preaches rightly, that the sacraments are administered and acted seriously and Christianly, that capable people are ordained, that the priests lead a chaste life, that one abuses the ban (Pann) in many things 2c. These and similar abuses are not to be approved herewith.

And it should be ensured that the bishops receive their due obedience, namely that our pastors and preachers are presented to the ordinaries of each place.

If a priest commits a criminal offense, the Ordinary, by virtue of episcopal authority, shall punish him without hindrance.

Item, the bishops shall not be prevented from their ecclesiastical jurisdiction in matters belonging to ecclesiastical courts. For the fact that some matters have been brought before ecclesiastical courts that do not belong there, as common debt cases 2c., is understood, the other estates will also have considered this in abuses.

One should also keep to the promotion of common peace, up to much touched common, Christian, free Concilio, in which like the other estates.

Item, also the bishops shall not be prevented from exercising the excommunication and banishment, as punishment of the cases, belonging to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as is due according to the Holy Scripture.

From the ceremonies.

Also, for the sake of love, the following common ceremonies are to be kept and handled safely, so that equality in them may be kept in churches, conducive to peace and unity.

However, we do not want anyone's conscience to be troubled by this, as if such ceremonies had to be held for necessary church services, but that they are good orders to be kept for the sake of peace and love.

Namely, no meat should be eaten publicly for a certain period of time:

In the four soft fasts, 1)

All Friday and Saturday,

Christmas Eve,

Pentecost weekend,

On the evening of St. John the Baptist, On All Hallows' Eve.

From fasting.

For the sake of fasting in our lands and territories, it is considered what a great burden it has been for the poor common and working people to keep such fasts for 40 days in a row, for the sake of food and otherwise, so that it is known how often it has been talked about and also considered by many that the fasts should be divided into other times of the year. Therefore one should consider the poverty in this. Nevertheless, this part should be kept as much as possible in conformity with other churches, and ceremonies and singing, gospels and epistles should be sung, read, and preached in all ways, as in other churches, and no meat should be allowed to be sold publicly.

From the holidays.

Also, ordinary celebrations should be held, as has been done until now, so that the people may remain in the habit of hearing God's word and the sermon and receiving the holy sacraments, each according to his conscience's need, and especially these holidays should be kept:

All Sunday,

Christmas Day,

St. Stephen's,

St. John Apostle and Evangelist,

The Lord's Circumcision,

Epiphania,

The Charwoche to keep for the sake of the Passion, Easter Day together > the Monday and Tuesday, Ascension of Christ, > > Pentecost together with Monday and Tuesday, The noblest feasts of pure > virgins and

Mother of God, Mary,

All Apostles,

St. Michel,

All Saints.

  1. Quatember.

[1394]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, isW-iesr. 1395

On such holidays, ordinary chanting, officia and lectiones, taken from the Scriptures, should also be held.

Likewise, the litany in the week of the cross to exhort the people to prayer should be held.

From confession.

Nor should confession be abandoned, considering the great consolation that absolution brings. So, too, if confession were to be dropped so completely that no one would know what the high and salutary power of the keys was. And although instruction should be given for the consolation of consciences, so that it may be known how necessary it is that even those sins which have not been told be forgiven, it should also be commanded, as has been done hitherto, that people be accustomed, as much as possible, to present the cases in which they are in particular need of counsel and consolation.

In addition to all this, it is nevertheless considered of great necessity that the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, should think of a conducive universal council in the German nation. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, to hold a conducive universal council in the German nation, it is graciously thought to reform the church at the head and members. And the princes and others who have been appointed to this committee want to promote this declaration of ours to the imperial majesty, also to the churons and princes, in a friendly and submissive manner, so they are requested to do and act with the estates and their relatives in this regard.

1048 The papists demand that the Protestants explain themselves more clearly on some points about their proposed means.

Numbers 1048 to 1053 inel. are found in Müller's Historie, Ild. Ill, eap. 29, x. 767 f. from the unnamed author's uxot. mstu., p. 111.

It is not really clear from this how it is meant for the sake of confession, whether this part is to be kept the same as the confession of other churches or not, so that no one should be communicated, unless he had first confessed, as is customary from time immemorial, with the recounting of all his sins, and had himself absolved; item, whether it should also be permitted in this part to receive the sacrament in one or both forms, and from those who were in church offices, or who had to do it before (by this one meant the mendicants in the cities).

Furthermore, how they would like to see that in this part it be granted and decreed to the preachers and teachers to teach and preach in such a way that those who received the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ only in one form would not do wrong, because in their opinion this would serve Christian unity, and subsequently their actions with the other princes, sovereigns and estates could be all the more elevated. They could not really understand from the counter-proposals whether private masses, as well as canons, large and small, should be allowed on this part or not. They could not really understand from the counter-proposals whether or not private masses, as well as canons large and small, should be permitted in this part, as they indicate in their proposals, that after the departure of the present ordained clergy, no more ordained priests should be accepted until a general council.

1049th Declaration of the Evangelicals.

See the previous number.

As far as confession is concerned, there would be a special point to be read at the end in the compositions handed over to them, which would indicate their opinion clearly enough, in accordance with divine Scripture, and they would leave it at that, along with what concerned private masses, both canons, and the marriage of the clergy, because their princely graces and their associates would have considered the proposals handed over for the other part to the effect that they wanted to declare at once "what they thought" that this part could be left out with conscience. Their Princely Graces and their associates had considered the proposals of the other part that they wanted to declare at once "what they thought", that this part could be left with conscience. If they had now decided that they could further indulge with God and conscience, they would not have failed to indicate this at once in their composition means, all of which they did not want to hold back to the end, so that the opposing party might consider it an unhelpful delay to act on further means or indulgence.

1050: The Papal Part's Further Complaints.

See No. 1048.

They understood that the decrees of the Lutheran part did not want to slacken anything, since the Bohemians in the Concilio of Basel had conceded that the use of the sacrament in a single church was not allowed.

[1396]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1050 ff. W. xvi, E-Eo. 1397

The fact that the form is not unjust, but that this part of the opinion is to be interpreted by His Imperial Majesty and all Christian potentates of the whole world. Majesty and all Christian potentates of the whole world, especially princes, princes and estates of the empire and their own deceased ancestors, as well as all of Christendom, that they were doing and had done wrong in receiving the sacrament in one form; but whether this would be conducive to peace and unity, the deputies of this part should consider for themselves.

1051 Response of the Lutheran part to the persistent complaints of the papists.

See No. 1048.

As they would not have refrained from moving things again with the highest and utmost diligence. Now they would not have been less inclined than anyone from the opposite party to help promote that, as much as God and conscience would always want to happen, which would be conducive to Christian peace and unity; but as they considered the matters for and for themselves, they could not have imagined that they could offer themselves further, or propose anything closer, than what they had already done in their handed-over means of composition. Therefore, they have asked the opposing party not to blame them in this case, but to take the matter up with the Electors, Princes and Estates of their part, and then further with the Imperial Majesty. Majesty in the way they have been presented in their compositions, and also to help to promote that a general, common, Christian concilium may be announced.

1052 The Protestants' Written Opinion on the Use of the Lord's Supper under One Form. August 21, 1530.

This document can be found in Brück's Geschichte, p. 99 and in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 273 after a copy in the Margravial Brandenburg Acts p. 770. The time is given there.

Yesterday we informed your beloved and the rest of you that the opinion of this part is not to condemn the Christian believing ancestors and deceased, or all other country and nation people, because they have received and received the reverend sacrament of the body and blood of Christ in one form alone; we still insist on this. For we have informed your loved ones and you by means of a note of this

It is said that the institution of Christ concerns both priests and laity, but it is ceremoniale praeceptum, dispensabile in quibusdam casibus^1^ ) necessitatis. Therefore, it is considered so, and there is no doubt that many living and deceased Christians, who have received the Sacrament in this way only in one form, or who receive it again, are not to be condemned for this reason, just as we do not condemn them for this reason. We therefore point this out to your loved ones and others, so that we may not be interpreted in the way your loved ones and others would have understood it.

  1. Another attempt by the papists to have Holy Communion. August 21, 1530.

This document is also found in Brück's Geschichte, p. 100 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 274, except for the locations indicated in No. 1048. According to the latter, the time determination.

The opposite proposal.

Further after held consideration is proposed by the other part this means:

That those on our side here between decision next Concilii should preach and teach that the use of both or one form is not from divine commandment. Therefore no one should judge those who receive under one form to be doing wrong, moreover, that under either form the whole Christ, true God and man, is his body and blood; the same again, if and when the Communion is thus left to us under both forms, that on the other hand it is also preached not to judge us that those do wrong who receive the Sacrament with us under both forms, because the use of one or both forms is not of divine commandment, and thus left to us to use until future Concilio. Item, that we also do not deny the sacrament to anyone who wants to receive it in one form, but let it be administered by our parish priests.

1054 Philipp Melanchthon's first essay on the means of composition, in which it is explained why the Protestants cannot enter into anything.

In Cölestin, tom. Ill, p. 47 and in Oorp. L "k., vol. II, 304.

Translated from Latin.

  1. easibus is missing in Förstemann.

[1398]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, iMo-iM. 1399

If the Imperial Majesty will say that she accepts the proposed means, one must first of all ask for a copy of the submitted report in order to know how the opponents have brought the matter to light.

If the emperor wanted to take out some proposals or words from the means of unification, this should not be allowed.

If they should ask whether the emperor sins when he lets himself be served only the One Form, the answer is that we do not condemn the church. The whole church was, as it were, bound and imprisoned under this statute of the forbidden use of the chalice. Is the church therefore innocent in itself, since it was deceived in this? But the prohibition was most unjust.

From the fair.

Why will you not agree with us that private masses may be held?

Answer: Private masses, as they say, are done in the opinion that they are applied to others ex opere operato in order to earn grace with them. Therefore, this opinion is ungodly.

  1. Because if the opus operatum is to earn something for someone, righteousness comes from the merit of works and not from faith, which is fundamentally false.
  2. The suffering of Christ is a sufficient sacrifice, as the Scriptures testify: by one sacrifice he has perfected for eternity those who are sanctified. Therefore, no other sacrifice is needed for daily sin.
  3. No sacrifice of dedication is necessary, because no dedication takes place without faith; therefore, no dedication takes place through a merely external work.

But that no application takes place without the Holy Spirit is proven by the following:

"The letter kills, the spirit makes alive."

"How shall they believe, of whom they have heard nothing?"

"From preaching you have received the spirit of faith."

"He has raised up among us the word of reconciliation."

Therefore, although the mass would be a dedicatory sacrifice, it would have no power ex opere operato, because the letter kills.

Likewise Christ says, "Do these things in remembrance of me"; but to remember is as much as to believe. Item, those who do not remember it, it is of no use to them. So the mass is of no use to the dead.

He also commands that one should preach. What is the point of preaching to the dead?

The canon holds the application in itself, therefore it is not to be suffered. If they do not want to understand it about the sacrifice, they must be asked whether there is a difference between the communion of the laity and the clergy.

1055 Melanchthon's other essay on the fourteen articles left uncompared in the committee. Approximately 20 Sept. 1530.

From the author's own copy in the archives at Weimar, printed in Müller's Historie, lib. Ill, eux. 29, p. 798; in Oorp. kek., vol. II, 298 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 463. The latter moves this document to September (shortly before the 21st) 1530. Compare no. 1091. Bretschneider assumes August 21.

The articles, which have been compared in the committee and which concern the doctrine, shall be combined, but the other articles, which have not been compared, shall also be combined, namely these are:

  1. That faith justifies us in the sight of God, and not works, nor for our previous or subsequent works or merit, but for Christ's sake, if we believe that for Christ's sake God is gracious to us.
  2. That one owes to do good works, although one does not thereby earn grace and righteousness before God, but faith obtains grace, not for the sake of our works.
  3. That in the confession it is not necessary to tell the sins by name.
  4. That although repentance must and should be in repentance, yet sins are not forgiven for the sake of newness, but by faith, if one believes the absolution or the gospel that our sins are forgiven for Christ's sake; therefore faith must come to repentance, which comforts the conscience, and believes that sins are forgiven for Christ's sake.
  5. That it is not necessary to impose special satisfaction in penance for the remission of penance.
  6. That the holy sacraments do not justify without faith, ex opere operato.
  7. That for true unity of the Church and of the faith, there is no need for equality of human statutes, but for equality in articles of faith and in the use of the sacraments.
  8. That worship services, instituted by men, without God's command and God's word, so that

[1400]{.underline} Erl. 5t, 188, Sect. 8: Of the Select Committee. No. 1055 ff. W. XVI, 1692-1694. 1401

grace are contrary to the gospel and obscure the merit of Christ.

  1. That monastic vows and monastic life, instituted to earn grace, are contrary to the Gospel.
  2. That human statutes, which may be kept without sin, and are conducive to good order in the church, should be kept for love's sake, to avoid vexation. However, it should be known that such works are not necessary services, nor do bishops have the right to burden consciences with such traditions; therefore, it is not a sin to refrain from such traditions out of annoyance.
  3. Calling upon the saints is an uncertain and dangerous thing, and obscures the ministry of Christ, whom Scripture holds up to us as the Mediator and Reconciler.
  4. That those who forbid both forms are acting against Christ's appointment and the Scriptures.
  5. That those who forbid marriage are doing contrary to God's commandment, which says that to prevent fornication each man shall have his wife.
  6. That the Mass is not a work that merits grace ex opere operato, or applied to others, but that the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ is instituted to offer us grace, which we receive by faith, not ex opere operato.

And such articles the Elector of Saxony with his relatives again considers to be right and Christian, and herein also all articles shall be common and unconditional, which follow in right consequence from these; the like what more articles are disputed, but are not specified in the submitted Confession expresso, 1) all of which shall be applied to the Concilium, so that in the meantime, because of them, no part shall burden the other by force.

Luther's letter to Lazarus Spengler, in which he mentions the Landgrave's departure. August 24, 1530.

This letter is printed from the original in Wolfenbüttel in the Leipzig Supplement, p. 63; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 140 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 188.

  1. Here our text offers Brück's correction. He crossed out the words: "Item ob etlich mehr Artikel streitig wären, so doch der überreichten Confessio nicht entgegen sein", and substituted the words of the text.

To the honorable!, careful! Mr. Lazaro Spengler, the city of Nuremberg > Syndico, my favorable dear gentleman and friend.

Grace and peace in Christ. Respectable, careful, dear Lord and friend! Here I send you the sermon from the schools, together with the other sexters on the previous ones. I have no more copies, otherwise I would have sent you one or three; even so I have run out of them. I do not know how to write you more, because we are sitting here in the desert, and we need to hear from you about new newspapers. Nevertheless, we have heard of the new committee in Augsburg after the Landgrave's departure, and it is wonderful to see. May God continue to have mercy, amen. Herewith I bless you in the grace of God. And greetings to all dear lords and friends. Christ will lead his own cause. Ex eremo, the Bar- tholomaei [Aug. 24, 1530.

Martinus Luther.

1057 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he reports to him what has happened so far in the actions of the committee. August 22, 1530.

This letter can be found in Latin in Melanchthon's epist., üb. I, x>. 9; in Chyträus according to the German edition, p. 400, and according to the Latin, p. 269; in Cölestin, torn. Ill, x>. 49 and in Eorp. RiT, vol. II, 299.

Yesterday we ended the discussion or rather the bickering before the negotiators. Initially, the negotiators were Duke Heinrich of Brunswick, the Bishop of Augsburg, Eck, and Cochläus; then Duke Georg took Heinrich's place. For the Duke of Brunswick had to ride to the Landgrave in Hesse, before whom they feared that he would accept warriors.

2 As for the doctrine, it is thus: Eck cavils at the word sola when we say that man is justified by faith alone. But he did not condemn the doctrine itself; -but said that the inexperienced were vexed. For I forced him to confess that righteousness is rightly appropriated by us to faith. But he nevertheless desired that we should write in such a way that man might be justified by grace and faith. This I have

[1402]{.underline} Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1694-1696. 1403

but the fool does not understand the word grace.

The other dispute was about the remission of punishment and satisfaction. The third was about the merit of good works. In these two pieces nothing is compared. Although it is small, which he attributed to the merit, so we have not accepted the same.

After that we came to the disputation of both forms. Here he undertook with great labor to prove that it was not a commandment to take both forms; he considered it a middle thing, one takes one or both forms, and if we taught this, he would gladly give us both forms. I could not accept this, and yet I excused those who had hitherto received only one form out of error. For they cried out that we condemned the whole church. What do you think? Christ's order applies to the laity as well as to the priests. Therefore, since we must use the Sacrament, let consciences keep the whole Sacrament. If this is your opinion, write it to me clearly.

There is no discussion of the mass, vows and priestly marriage. Only a number of means have been proposed, which we have not accepted.

I cannot know where it still wants to go. For although peace is necessary to our enemies, it seems to me that some do not consider what great danger there will be if the matter turns into war. We have proposed some very reasonable means. We restore obedience and jurisdiction to the bishops and promise to restore the common ceremonies. What we will accomplish with this, I do not know. Ask Christ to preserve us. August 22.

Luther's response to the above letter. Aug. 26, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in the Oock. cksv. d., toi. 114; from it in Buddeus, p. 195; in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius; in Cölestin, vol. Ill, bl. 50 b and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 145. German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 432d; in the Jenaer (1566), vol. V, p. 121; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 248 and in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 191. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! It should surprise me, if this in such a way hin

my dear Philip, that those people could suffer those negotiators, and yet intend to act kindly from the matter. I beg you, isn't it all deceit and trickery there? You have now the Campegius, you have the Salzburger, you have clearly the hooded monks who crossed the Rhine at Speier. 1) For what have I ever hoped for less, and what do I desire even less, than that a doctrinal union should be negotiated? as if we could indeed overthrow the pope, or as if, as long as the papacy remains unharmed, our doctrine could be unharmed. He certainly gives covenant and contract so that he remains pope; he will allow and permit if we do 2c. But thanks be to God that you have accepted nothing of yours.

You write that Eck was forced by you to confess that we are justified by faith, but God would have wanted you to force him not to lie. Namely, Eck confesses that righteousness comes from faith, but in doing so, he defends all the abominations of the papacy, kills, persecutes, condemns those who confess this doctrine of faith, and does not even repent of it, but continues. The whole party of the adversaries does the same. And with these people (if it please Christ) you seek conditions of union and labor in vain, until by some cause they find an apparent cause (plausum) with which to press us down.

In what you write about both forms, you have done right. For so I hold with thee, that it is not a mean thing, but a commandment, that we should take both forms, if we would take the sacrament. For it is not in our discretion to establish or tolerate anything in the Church of God or in the divine service that cannot be defended by the word of God, and I am not a little displeased by this word that is contrary to God: a middle thing, namely, with the same

  1. The 8p66trum lVlonueüorum Fpirsusium, sung in elegiac verse by Georg Sabinus, can be read in Ooswslin., tom. Ill, lol. 30. the meaning of the apparition should be:

l^tlsru Ovrinurios disoordia IlsMS,

VroHUS euouüutis impirr dsllu xurunt. (De bet.)

[1404]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1058 f. W. xvi, E-ikW. 1405

With this word I could easily make all laws and orders of God mean things. For if one allows a middle thing in the word of God, in what way will one be able to prevent that everything does not become a middle thing? They may cry out and shout that the whole church is condemned by us; we say that the church is imprisoned against its will, oppressed by the tyranny of one figure, and for that reason to be excused, as the whole synagogue in Babylon was excused, that in its ecclesiastical customs and sacraments it did not keep the law of Moses as in Jerusalem. For because of this they did not cease to be God's people, because they did not keep the customs commanded them, being captives and prevented by force. But Eck wants him and his people to be praised as the Church. On the other hand, we say that not the whole church is condemned by us, but that the whole word of God (which is more than the church) is rejected by them by doing violence to the sacrament.

That the bishops have been restored to obedience and jurisdiction, and the common ceremonies, as you write, "yet beware, and give no more than ye have," lest we be forced anew into a more difficult and dangerous war to defend the gospel. I know that you always exclude the gospel in these treaties, but I fear that they will accuse us of being faithless and fickle people if we do not keep what they want. For they will accept our concessions far, farther, farthest, but give theirs scarce, scarcer, scarcest.

In sum, I dislike the discussion about doctrinal unification, since it is completely impossible, unless the pope wants his papacy to be abolished. It was enough that we gave an account of our faith and asked for peace; why do we hope to convert them to the truth? We have come to hear whether they approve of ours or not, and leave them free to remain as they are. And we ask whether they reject it or recognize it as right. If they reject it, what is the use of making an agreement with the enemies?

Do they want to strive for harmony? If they know it to be right, what need is there to retain the old abuses? But since it is certain that ours will be condemned by them, because they do not repent and strive to keep theirs, why do we not see that whatever they do is a vain pretense and a lie? For it cannot be said that these things of theirs flow from the Holy Spirit, since with them there is nothing of repentance, nothing of faith, nothing of godliness. But the Lord, who began in you, will accomplish his work; to him I commend you with all my heart. August 26, 1530.

Martin Luther.

Luther's letter to Justus Jonas, same content. August 26, 1530.

This letter is handwritten in the Ooä. cksn. d., lol. 125 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 92. Printed in Buddeus, p. 198; in 6oo1o8lin., tom. Ill, col. 57; in Schütze, vol. II, p. 166 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 147. According to the latter we have translated.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace! About our cause I have seen and read the testimonies of yours. But what I write to Philip, the same I write to you, that for Christ's sake and for my sake, if I belong to Christ in anything, you will condescend to believe with all ours that Campegius is the one great and noblest devil. It cannot be said in words how I am excited by the proposals made by the other party, namely since the devils ridicule and mock our cross in such a way. This is the envelope of Campegius and the pope, that our cause should first be attacked by force and threats; if this way would not succeed, then it should be contested by intrigues and tricks. You have experienced the violence and the threats, and endured the frightening future of the emperor; now you suffer the treacheries and in truth these hooded monks who have crossed the Rhine at Speier; namely, the arrival of these brings these associations in doctrine

[1406]{.underline} Eri. "5,46f. Cap. 13. From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. XVI, 1699-1701. 1407

For what can the father of deceit and lies, the author of death and violence, do but practice violence and deceit? But he who gave you the power to overcome violence will also give you grace and power to overcome deceit. But of this I have written to Philip and the prince; I had to send the messenger back in haste. But act manly and do not yield to the adversaries unless they prove it with clear Scripture. The Lord Jesus be with you, amen. From the desert, August 26, 1530. Martin Luther.

1060 Luther's letter to Spalatin. August 26, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in Ooü. .len. d., lol. 225 d and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 86. Printed in Buddeus, p. 197; in Coslestin., iow. Ill, lol.59 and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 144. According to the latter we have translated.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To his dearest brother in the Lord, M. Georg Spalatin, the disciple of > Christ 2c.

Grace and peace in the Lord! I have a matter, my dear Spalatin, in which I call upon your service and your conscientiousness, namely, that you take care that this letter of our prince addressed to me is credibly^ provided with the prince's seal and returned to me. For although it was enough that it was signed with the handwriting of the dear Prince, it gave me pleasure to accuse the Chancellor of negligence, since he sent the Prince's letter without a seal. For I remember that I too once wrote to the Prince without my name's signature, and since I had been so negligent, I was also reprimanded. But now I am taking fine revenge with this unsealed letter; a sweet revenge! After my trust in your conscientiousness, I expect that this will be taken care of.

  1. dona ückk is translated by "in secret" in the old edition.

I hear that you have begun a strange work, admittedly not gladly, namely to unite the pope and Luther. But the pope will not want it, and Luther forbids it; see to it that you do not spend your effort in vain. If now, since both are unwilling to do so, you will have settled the matter, then I will immediately follow your example and reconcile Christ and Belial. But nevertheless I know that you are not driven to this futile work by your own free will, but by chance, or rather by the hooded ghosts of Speier. Christ, who has been your strength up to now, will now also be your wisdom, so that these Italian intrigues can do nothing against you. For the evil advice will be worst for the one who gave it. Greetings M. Eisleben, D. Brenz, Schnepf and all those who are ours. The grace of God be with you, Amen. From the desert, August 26, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

1061. D. Martin Luther's Concerns about Several Articles in Dispute. End of August 1530.

This concern is found in German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p.3936.; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 1116; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 238; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 165; in the Erlangen edition, vol. 65, p. 46; in Spalatin's Annals, p. 270 and in Chyträus, p. 135. Latin in Cölestin, vol. Ill, p. 376 and in Chyträus, p. 273. The time determination is according to De Wette.

First of all, where our adversary intends neither to let up nor to give way, but to continue straightway, and to condemn us, as has hitherto been done in all things, nor has it ever appeared as if they would accept the great offering, as we have often done to them, we do not see how any action is possible to be taken. For we cannot act on it, that all their things should remain whole, and ours be damned; which hitherto has happened too much, without any action.

On the other hand.

But because the Imperial Majesty wants to know what we want to let up, it is necessary to indicate from piece to piece what we can or cannot do.

1408 Erl. K5,47-4S. Sect. 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1061 W. XVI, 1701-1703. 1409

From the articles concerning doctrine re.

We cannot deviate from these articles, for even our opponents have not shown any error therein, as can be clearly heard from their confutation and in the dealings that followed; they will also undoubtedly be considered Christian and right by all other nations. For they are not only well founded in the Scriptures, but are also powerfully proved by the Holy Fathers' writings. They are also so well and so mildly regulated that no Christian can be offended by them. However, if Imperial Majesty If, however, the Imperial Majesty requests some explanations, such as de sola fide, de satisfactionibus, de meritis, etc., then our part is at all times obliged to do the same.

From the articles concerning the abuses.

First, to receive both forms of the sacrament. We cannot deviate from this article, because it is a divine order, which Christ Himself ordered, and it is not fitting for any man to change or alter God's order, Gal. 3:15.It has been used from the beginning in the whole of Christendom for many hundreds of years, and is still a sign in the Greek churches to this day, and will and must remain in the world at least in some places, ne excidat verbum Dei, Rom. 9, 6. Also, our counterpart himself confesses that it is so right, according to their handed over rotel 2c.

(2) But that they desire us to teach that it is not wrong to give and take the same form, we cannot do, for reasons indicated above. Neither has the law proved, either by holy scripture or by the sayings of the fathers, that such a thing may or should be done.

(3) Further, that they desire that we should also give the same form to those who desire it, we cannot do as they require without distinction, as if both were right. In our visitation we have reported sufficiently that the weak may be given the same form, but we do not approve of it as right.

(4) But that they say, whether we will condemn all Christendom, which after all hath used one form as right, say

we: First of all, one must consider God's word, command and order more than the work, deeds or omissions of Christianity. For God cannot lie or err in His word, but Christianity can err and err in its doings and omissions. Thus, Christianity is not a rule and measure over God's word, but God's word is a rule and measure over Christianity. And Christianity is not made by God's word, but God's word makes Christianity; for it is born of God's word, and is multiplied and preserved, as St. Peter says in 1 Peter 1:23: "Ye are born, not of corruptible seed, but of the word of God, which abideth for ever." And in case one should leave or deny one thing, one would have to deny Christianity before God's Word, since Christianity as a creature, created by God's Word, is inferior and inferior to God's Word, through which, as a Creator, it was created.

(5) Secondly, Christianity is not condemned by this. For just as the holy people of God were excused before God in the past for not keeping some of God's commandments and ceremonies, namely, because they were imprisoned in Babylon or elsewhere and were prevented from doing so, because unavoidable necessity and compulsion did not permit this, even Moses himself says Deut. 12:8.Moses himself says in Deut. 12:8 that they should not do in the land of Canaan as they did in the wilderness, nor had they been circumcised for forty years in the wilderness (Jos. 5:7). God will therefore excuse the Christians who used the same form until now, because they had to do it out of necessity and need, since such abuse was forced upon them without their will by the spiritual tyrants, so that they did not know or could not do better. Therefore, it is not the fault of Christianity, but of the tyrants and false teachers, who have imprisoned and oppressed Christianity with such sacrilege and abuse, and have established it and introduced it by force without the consent or knowledge of Christianity.

6 Third, Christianity is not condemned because it still has some defects or abuses, or (as St. Paul says Eph. 5:27) "wrinkles and spots. It

1410 Erl. 65, 49-51. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 1703-1706. 1411

It is far another thing to have sin or error, and another thing to be damned. Christianity cannot be without sin and error, but it is not condemned for that. St. Paul, one of the highest and holiest members, confesses in Rom. 7, 23 that he is a captive servant of sins, and yet wants to be un-condemned, Rom. 8, 1, when he says: there is nothing condemnable about those who are in Christ.

7 Christ himself taught his disciples to pray in the Lord's Prayer: "Forgive us our trespasses. And says Matth. 6, 12-14. to the same: "So your heavenly Father will not forgive you your trespasses, if you do not forgive the trespasses of your brothers.

(8) From which words it clearly follows that the apostles have such sins that they would be condemned if they were not forgiven. And what would it be necessary for the apostles and the whole Christianity to pray for forgiveness of sins, if they did not have such sins that needed forgiveness, and condemned without forgiveness? There does not have to be a saint on earth who can live so holy for a moment that he would not be allowed to pray the Lord's Prayer; otherwise the Lord's Prayer would be wrong for a saint, or at least for such a moment.

(9) It is true that Christianity is holy and cannot err (as the article says: "I believe in a holy Christian church"), but it is true that as far as the spirit is concerned, it is completely holy in Christ and not in itself; but as far as it is still in the flesh, it has sin and can fall short and be deceived. But for the Spirit's sake she is forgiven, and her sins are forgiven, because she believes in Christ and confesses her sins (even the unconscious ones), Ps. 19:13: "Who notices all her faults?" So St. Paul himself teaches Rom. 7,8.10. that our (that is, the Christians') body is dead because of sin, but the spirit lives because of righteousness; freely confesses that all Christians are sinners and dead according to the body, and yet live according to the spirit in Christ.

(10) So all Christendom erred in the beginning at Jerusalem, when they were eager to put it to the Gentiles to be circumcised, and commanded to keep the law of Moses, or they could not be saved.

which, however, strives directly against the main article on which Christianity stands, namely, that we must be saved through Christ and his grace alone, without law and circumcision, as St. Paul there barely obtained with effort. What wonder, then, if afterwards, since Christianity was not so high and rich in spirit, it also sometimes erred and failed, and yet remained holy through the forgiveness of sins, as well as those.

(11) But such errors and mistakes of Christianity, after they are revealed, are not to be approved, nor defended as articles of faith; for that would be contrary to the Holy Spirit, who reveals such things, and henceforth would no longer be a Christian or vain sin, but a hardened and devilish delusion.

From the Spiritual Marriage

We cannot agree to any way that marriage is forbidden to anyone, which God Himself created and commanded, and the doctrine that forbids this is called the doctrine of the devil, 1 Tim. 4:1-3.

From private show.

We cannot allow them to be restored, or to suffer them to be publicly held in the daytime, as such masses, hitherto held, are public abuse and idolatry. For they hold it thus, that it makes pious both the one who holds it and the one for whom it is held, as an opus operatum et applicatum, which nevertheless strives clearly against the main article of faith in Christ. So they themselves cannot deny that for this reason such masses are founded and sold all over the world, and to this day they seek nothing else with them but the belly and mammon; which all would have remained, if the mass had not become a work.

From Canon.

(1) Then we can suffer neither small nor great canon, for both canons make the measure of such works, in express words, to make us godly, and also to be sacrificed for others, as is now said above; which then is openly contrary to the doctrine of faith, and blasphemes the passion of Christ, even so.

1412 Erl. 65, 51-54, Sect. 8, of the Select Committee. No. 1061, W. LVI, 1708-1709. 1413

as if Christ had not sufficiently redeemed us through his blood, and we had to first seek and purchase it through works and masses.

2 But that they want to palliate the Canon with glosses, and interpret the word sacrificium, sacrifice, as a sacrifice to memory, may not help them. For if the mass is to be an opus operatum et applicatum, as they claim, then the gloss is in vain, even wrong for that. But if the Glossa is to be right, the Mass must not be an opus operatum, and so either the Canon overturns the Glossa, or the Glossa the Canonem. For the Glossa and the Canon may not both exist at the same time, because the Canon clearly asks that God should reconcile such 1) sacrifice (as they say) of the memory, and all of us for whom it happens.

3 About this, it is public and certain that the Canon is not the Holy Scripture, but everyone must confess that it is a new thing that has arisen long after, and it is uncertain who the master is, nor are they the same everywhere. For St. Ambrose's Canon, which the Archbishopric of Milan holds, is very different from the Roman Canon. Thus the Greeks also have other canons than we do, and they are not the same among themselves.

4 Because there is no holy scripture here, and the canons are nowhere all the same, from which one must recognize that it is human and not divine order; why then should one be so strict about it, as if it were the one eternal word of God, because men who act apart from and without holy scripture can well err and miss. And whoever wishes to read the canon will find a number of saints who lived long after the time of the apostles; and as many of them as are mentioned therein are told so that God may be gracious to us through their merit and intercession. What honor the canon does not give Christ, that he should be our mediator and intercessor, to whom it is primarily due, but must allow himself to be sacrificed, and besides this the saints suffer our intercessors and mediators in his stead. And the priest may wonderfully pray for Christ that God will be gracious to His Son Christ through such sacrifices, which is an unpleasant abomination.

  1. Thus Spalatin; in the other editions: such.

From the unfinished monasteries

We will gladly consent that the persons who are in them remain, and be provided with food and protection, as has been done from time immemorial; but that one should handle and protect their masses and other ungodly beings, that is contrary to the above-mentioned articles. For if they were allowed to keep their rules and visit their parishes, it would follow that the masses and canons would be confirmed, and they would have to help prevent those who wanted to leave, and allow them to proceed against those who did so. 2) And if anyone appealed to the authorities, they would be punished. And if someone appealed to the authorities for advice and help to get out, the ways would be closed to him.

From the disposed monasteries.

Where the Emperor's Majesty would command. Majesty would command that the persons be reinstated and administered according to their rules 2c., we will certainly permit that they be reinstated and maintained in monasteries. However, we cannot agree to administer their rules and masses (as mentioned above), because this would result in the same thing that has been said about the monasteries that have not been discharged.

Wherever His Imperial Majesty requires it, or wishes to appoint and protect them himself, we must let His Majesty do so. If His Majesty should immediately command that persons be appointed, or if he should wish to appoint and protect them himself, we must let His Majesty do and accomplish this, but we cannot consent to it; His Majesty is sovereign, and may accomplish it on his own conscience; in such matters, however, our conscience shall not be equally burdened with his.

From Jurisdiction.

It is a vain thing that one deals with jurisdiction. For if they do not want to suffer us, and do not want to let up on anything, but rather condemn us straight away, then we cannot expect any jurisdiction from them, except from the Master Hansen. It is true that if they wanted to suffer our doctrine and no longer pursue it, we would not harm their jurisdiction, dignity, or whatever they call it. For we certainly do not desire to be bishops or cardinals, but only good Christians, who should be poor, Matth. 5, 3. and Luc. 4, 18.

  1. Thus Spalatin. Wittenberg, Jena and Erlangen: "prediciren".

**[1414]{.underline} Erl. 54,**188-19". Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530. W. XVI, 1709-1711. 1415

From the matrimonial matters.

Always away with these things to bishops, officials, executioners, and whoever wants them. However, it is to be assumed that they will not want to accept one piece without the other.

Of meat dishes and celebrations.

What is 1) we cannot suffer that the consciences are burdened with it, just as St. Paul also declares such, and yet it is to be assumed that they do not accept it in any other way than by burdening the conscience. However, if it is considered good that the imperial majesty should be informed that the latter should establish an order in this matter, but without entangling the conscience, we may well suffer this, especially since they themselves no longer keep the fasts, according to 2) the Canonum.

1062 Luther's letter to Prince John stating that the means proposed by the adversary could not be accepted. August 26, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the Weimar Community Archives. Printed from it in Cyprian's Supplements to his Hist. of the A. C., p. 105; in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 302 and in De Wette, vol. VI, p. 118. Further, in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 424k; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 122; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 249; in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 188; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 140; in Chyträus, p. 281 k (not 164k) and Latin in the Latin edition, p. 292; in 6o6l68tiu., tom. Ill, lol. 52 and in Buddeus, p. 187. We have improved the old edition according to Förstemann.

Grace and peace in Christ, Most Serene Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I have received E. C. F. G.'s writing, together with the two copies of both parts of the committee. And since E. C. F. G. has requested my objection to it, I hereby inform you of the same. And first of all (as our part also did), that part's proposed condition or means is not to be suffered at all, and I am almost surprised that such a thing has been proposed.

  1. Thus Spalatin. In the other editions: that.
  2. Thus Spalatin. Wittenberg and Jena: "aussatzung.

turn. But on the Our Part article, this is my good opinion:

That the adversaries desire us to teach that one form of the sacrament is also right, and should not be commanded, but rather indifferent, and free to use both forms 2c., E. C. F. G. well know that one of our main things is that one should neither teach nor do anything, unless certainly grasped with God's word, so that we do not (as Paul says) run uncertainly and do wrong. For it is therefore a trouble enough, if we walk in the certain word, that we abide. So it is certain that one form of the sacrament is a purely human finding, and not at all confirmed with God's word, but the contradiction, namely both forms are confirmed with the clear word of God. Therefore we cannot agree nor teach that one form is right. For Christ says Matth. 15, 9: They serve me in vain with the doctrine of men 2c. Without what else is there to make indifferent Christ's word, which he so earnestly commanded: "Do this in remembrance of me" 2c.

(2) Neither do they themselves believe that it is indifferent, for they have burned, driven out, and persecuted many things about it, and condemned it for great heresy. Therefore, not only for God's sake and ours, but also for theirs, we must not allow it to be indifferent. For in so doing we would have to reproach them as murderers and evildoers who had condemned and persecuted an indifferent thing for heresy. Since they themselves do not believe that it is indifferent, we can much less teach it, unless they recant and bring back all those whom they have persecuted for it.

3 And it is fine that they complain: They cannot keep the people, where we do not teach that they are also right. Such wise cause I like to hear. Just as if God had to teach his word that they should keep their people and remain tyrants.

4 The same is to be said of the angle measurements. For they are also the feet of men, arising without the word of God, without what else is the abuse within. But that they pretend, they do not want to force that we should raise them up, but that we do not resist. We do not resist them, but that

1416 Erl. 5t, 190-192, Sect. 8: Of the Select Committee. No. 1062. w. xvi. 1711-1713. 1417

we should approve it, we cannot do that. For where one admits some of the works of men, one must also admit the others. Therefore this is the next way; if we admit the angle mass, we may quickly abandon the whole gospel, and accept the vain works of men. For there is no reason why one and not all works of men should be accepted; and he who has forbidden and condemned them all has also forbidden and condemned one.

(5) That they argue that the princely office does not seek to prevent this, we know very well that the princely office and the preaching office are not the same, and that a prince does not have to do this. But now it is asked whether a prince, as a Christian, will grant this; and the question is not whether he acts here as a prince. It is a different one, whether a prince should preach, or whether he wants to consent to preaching. It is not the prince, but the Scripture that is to prevent the corner mass. If a prince wants to follow the Scriptures or not, that is up to him; no one forces him to do so on earth.

(6) About the canon, whether it is to be suffered, with quite a gloss? Yes, if it were up to a good interpreter in this matter, I would have glossed the faith of the Turks long ago, and brought all unbelievers to the Christian faith. It is well known how they sold the masses as a sacrificium and opus; now they want to gloss it. But summa, it is also a little human feeling that one cannot stand in God's matters, and it is dangerous and annoying. And since they abstain from these things, and hold with us that the mass is not a sacrificium, what need is there that they should retain the vexatious word, if it is, after all, without necessity, and dangerous to it? Now, one should not go on a journey without necessity, for that is forbidden, and is called tempting God. St. Augustine says: Teneat sententiam, corrigat linguam; and speaks of the word Fatum; says, he who understands Fatum pro decreto Dei, understands it right. But he does not want to suffer the word, and says: Corrigat linguam. Do we still want to erect dark and uncertain words, and may hardly remain with the bright clear words?

7 It is of no use to leave the word sacrificium in the canon, for the canon is not a canon of sacrificium.

without which the mass is so clearly declared to be a true sacrifice that no one can interpret or understand it otherwise than that the mass is a sacrifice. For in other words, it says that God would have such a sacrifice of the sacrament brought up by his angel's hand before his divine altar; which cannot be interpreted to mean that it is a memorial of Christ's suffering, for this must be done through the sermon. And in short, the Canon of the Mass^1)^ asks that God would allow such a sacrifice to please him, and yet it is the body and blood of His dear Son, as if a man had to deny Christ to God. This is blasphemous and shameful, and the Canon is not to be suffered.

(8) Finally, we will suffer and give way to all that is in our power. But what is not in our power, we pray that they will not desire it from us. But what is the word of God is not in our power. And what is established for worship without the word of God is also not in our power to accept. Therefore, we cannot accept the fasts and celebrations that are obtained, unless they are set by worldly authorities as a worldly order. For that is called everything worldly, which one decorates with ceremonies, as clothes, offerings, fasts, celebrations, since God has subjected such to reason and commanded that it may freely act with it, Gen. 2. For it is an earthly thing, and a being on earth, which is all under reason by the word: Dominamini terrae. Because the worldly authority of such reason is the highest work, it can create and command in it.

9 I will now humbly answer E. C. F. G. in haste to these questions. Orders hereby the same in God's grace, Amen. On Friday after Bartholomew s26. Augusts Anno 1530.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

  1. Luther seems to have deleted the word "Meß" again. (Förstemann.)

[1418]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1714-171". 1419

B. Of the report made to the Emperor on this action by the Roman magistrates, August 22, and what was said against it by the

The opposite has been remembered.

1063 Report of the papists on the amicable action between their and the protested

the Estates Committee, held in religious matters at Augsburg, Anno 1530.

This account is found in Chyträus according to the German edition, p. 357, and according to the Latin, p. 239; in Oo6l68tiuu8, tow. Ill, toi. 42; in Müller's Hift., 11b. Ill, 6Lp. 29, p. 775; and in Cochläus, äo aati8 6t seriptis l^utb. aä anii. 1530., x. 198.

The action began on August 16 at two o'clock after noon, when first of all the Imperial Estates Committee reminded the protesters of five things.

For now, that the action be taken without bickering and disputation, with friendly conversation on both sides.

On the other hand, that everything be done in an unrestrained and unassailable manner, and that everything be brought to the imperial estates, and subsequently through them to the Roman imperial majesty.

Third, that nothing contrary to the Christian Catholic faith or common peace be done therein.

Fourthly, that the opposite will behave obediently according to the Roman imperial majesty's answer, 1) as in accordance with the holy scripture and church.

Fifth, that the acts of such deliberations are not disclosed to anyone except those concerned.

In these five articles, the other part's deputies have approved, 2) although they complained somewhat about Imperial Majesty's answer that they were not handed over. Maj.'s answer that they were not handed over to them, which nevertheless, as often as it is necessary, is not denied to them. After this receipt, the articles of the handed over Confession were acted upon differently and properly that evening.

The first article, of the Trinity of Persons, and Unity of the Divine Being.

In this article one is united, and on both sides of the Manichaeans, Valentinians, Arians, Simonians, Mahometists, Samosatians old and new errors and heresies are cheaply condemned.

  1. This "answer" is to be understood as the confutation.
  2. This is untrue; see the following number.

The other, from the original sin.

In the other article, about original sin, they agree with us and condemn the Pelagians and others as Zwinglians and Anabaptists who deny original sin. But they did not agree with us in the description of what original sin is. In the end, the Lutherans compared themselves with our opinion and said that original sin is a lack of original righteousness, which sins are taken away in baptism, but the tinder and evil desire remain in man even after baptism.

The third article, of two natures in Christo.

In this article one is equal, by virtue of the Symboli Apostolorum.

The fourth, of faith.

Since they spoke of saving faith, we did not want to allow that faith alone makes us righteous and saved, because even the apostle St. James did not allow this. For this reason we have agreed that we should be taught that we are justified by faith. But not by faith alone, for this is nowhere found in divine holy Scripture, but rather the contradiction. For this reason we have compared that the word sola is not needed, but that justification or forgiveness of sins is done by grace (per gratiam gratum facientem) and through faith in us, and through the Word and Sacraments as instruments.

The 5th article, of the holy office of preaching; Gospel and Sacraments.

The Anabaptists who despise the outwardly preached word are also condemned.

6. of good works.

Here one agrees that one must do good works as God commands. But this explanation is made so that one does not say that faith alone makes one righteous, as stated above in the 4th article.

7. from the Christian church.

They are also at one with us in this matter, and unanimously confess that in the church here on earth there are not only saints but also sinners among them.

1420 Section 8: Of the Select Committee. No. 1063. W. xvi, 171K-1718. 1421

8. of the office of the wicked in the church.

They agree with us that even the ungodly and unbelievers can administer the sacraments, and they condemn the Donatists and the like who pretend that the service of unbelievers should not be used in the church.

9. from the baptism.

The Anabaptists, who forbid infant baptism, are also the same here, and they reject it outright, pretending that even without baptism the little children will be saved.

10. of the reverend sacrament of the altar

They agree with us that the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ is truly present in the reverend sacrament of the altar. And for a clearer explanation it is added that the body of Christ is truly and essentially present.

11. from the confession.

This article is moved to the 4th article, below from Abuses.

12. of the pieces of repentance.

After a long disputation, they finally agreed with us on this form: We do not refuse to set three parts of repentance, namely repentance and horror of our conscience over committed sin; secondly, confession, but in this part one must primarily look to absolution and believe in it. For no sin is forgiven unless we believe that sin is forgiven us only because of the merit of Christ's suffering. The third part of repentance is satisfactio, namely, worthy fruits of repentance. We also agree that sin is not forgiven for the sake of satisfaction, as far as guilt is concerned. But we do not yet agree whether satisfaction is necessary for the forgiveness of sins, as far as punishment is concerned. But here they condemn the Anabaptists and Novatians.

13. the use of the sacraments

It is agreed that the sacraments are instituted not only to be marks of Christians among other people, but rather to be emblems and testimonies of the divine will toward us.

14. of the church regiment.

This article has been moved to the seventh of the following articles of abuses.

15. from the church ceremonies.

This article is moved to the 5th, 6th and 7th subsequent articles of abuses.

16. from secular authorities.

Here one is equal, and condemns cheaply the Anabaptists, who forbid the Christians worldly offices and violence.

17. from the last judgment.

Here one is equal and condemns the Anabaptists who believe that the punishment and torment of the damned will cease and come to an end.

18. of the free will of man.

Here it is agreed that man has free will, but without God's help he cannot attain justification.

19 From causes of sin.

Here it is the same that the cause of sin is the free will of the wicked, as devils and ungodly.

20. of faith and good works.

Here we agree that good works must be done, and that they are necessary, and since they are done out of faith, they are pleasing to God, and that God will reward them according to His promise. But whether our good works are meritorious, and how far we can trust in them, cannot be compared.

21. from the Holy Services.

In the 21st article, two points are compared, namely, that all the saints and angels in heaven pray to God for us. Secondly, to keep holy and solemn the commemoration and feast of the saints, on which we pray to God that the saints' intercession may be of service to us.

But as far as the invocation of the saints is concerned, they still do not agree with us. They say that they do not forbid it, but since the Scriptures do not explicitly mention the invocation of the saints, they do not want to invoke the saints, firstly because the Scriptures do not command it, and secondly because they think that great and dangerous abuses will result from it.

1422 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1718-1720. 1423

Short excerpt of the first part of the Fürsten Bekenntniß.

The first part of the Protestant Confession contains one and twenty articles, in fifteen of which they are in complete agreement with us, but in the others they are partly in agreement. For three articles of it are moved below to the abuses, namely the 11th, 14th and 15th. One is also in part ambivalent in three articles, namely in the 12th, 20th and 21st.

+---------------------+------------------------------------------------+ | | ' 1. | | | | | | 2. | | | | | | 3. | +---------------------+------------------------------------------------+ | | > Deferred items. 6. ( 15. | +---------------------+------------------------------------------------+ | In these articles, | 7. | | one is the same. | | | | 8. | | | | | | 9. | +---------------------+------------------------------------------------+ | | 10Dissonant ( 12 | | | | | | > Article. ) 20. | | | | | | 16. (21. | +---------------------+------------------------------------------------+ | | 17. | | | | | | 18. | | | | | | 19. | +---------------------+------------------------------------------------+

The other part of the confession, from Miß-

The Code of Conduct contains 7 articles.

On the 18th day of August, there was much discussion in various ways about how to deal with the seven remaining articles in dispute. It was finally unanimously agreed that all the points should be dealt with properly, but not each one in particular, as was done in the previous articles, but all of them at the same time. The Catholics would have preferred to act on the last articles first, because they feared that the action of both would soon be spread among the people. However, since the Lutherans opposed this, the Catholics proposed in writings a moderation, but without limitation and without intervention, when all this was to be brought to the attention of the common estates of the empire and then to the Roman imperial majesty. For this reason, one began to deal with both forms of the sacrament as follows:

The middle way, which the Catholics proposed on the 19th day of Augusti.

That, by permission of Papal Holiness or their legate, with the knowledge and approval of the Roman Emperor's Majesty, as the supreme advocate of the

Church, the administration and reception of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ under both forms is permitted to the Lutherans, but with the following measure:

First, that their pastors alone distribute the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ in both forms to their parishioners and to all those who desire it in the places where it has been customary for several years.

On the other hand, that this be done with preceding confession, as was customary in ancient times.

Thirdly, that at Easter, and when the sacrament is otherwise held, it is also taught among them that the reception of the sacrament in both forms is not expressly commanded by God.

Fourth, that they teach that the whole Christ is present and is received both under one form and under both.

Fifthly, that they teach in their sermons that those who receive the sacrament of all things under one form of bread do not sin.

Sixth, that they inevitably hand or let hand to their subjects who desire it under one form alone.

The seventh is that the wine for the sick should not be kept in dishes, nor should it be carried to anyone in the streets, but if someone wants to communicate in both forms, it should be consecrated and distributed in the church or in the homes of the sick under the office of the mass.

Lutheran's response the 20th of August.

They are satisfied that the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of the Lord be received with prior confession. They also want parish priests and preachers to speak peacefully about this until further decisions are made at the next Concilii.

They also confess that the whole Christ is present under the form of bread. They deny that one of them is forbidden to receive the sacrament under one form. They also deny that the form of wine is kept with them in dishes or carried to the sick. Finally, they want to keep the reverend sacrament honestly with them, as before.

Since the Catholics further requested an explanation of some obscure words, the Lutherans, after this action, Aug. 21, in their answer thus declared that from every communicant, before receiving the sacrament, confession should be made of the most noble sins, which are

1424 Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1063. W. xvi, 1720-1723. 1425

  1. to ask for help and consolation.

For the other, they declare themselves to believe that the whole Christ, true God and man, is certainly present under both forms, or under either one.

Thirdly, they have also declared in a held discourse that they do not condemn those who took the sacrament in a crazy time under one form or received it still today.

They believe that those who communicate under one form do not do wrong. But they do not want to allow their own to preach this. And so much has been said about both forms between seven members of the council on both sides.

From this it is evident that there has been no great dispute or disagreement between the parties. For in this alone they disagree with us, that although they believe with us that those who need one figure do not sin, yet they will not permit their own to say so publicly in sermons.

And although they confess that the whole Christ is truly present under one form, they still dispute that the Lord Christ commanded not only the priests but also the laity to receive both forms. Christ says, "Drink from it, all of you." But we have answered from the Gospel of St. Marci, "And they all drank of it." This clearly indicates that this was spoken to the twelve disciples who were sitting at the table with Christ; therefore, if they were not stiff-necked, Christian unity could easily be achieved.

The other article.

Of Spiritual Marriage.

For the sake of peace, the Catholics have given these means in writing: Although such priests, because of their vows and priestly ordination, which they accepted of their own free will, cannot enter into a lawful marriage, that nevertheless, in order to spare the seduced images of women, the nourishment of innocent children, the avoidance of all kinds of trouble and other movable causes, the priests who are now in essential marriage, thus without confirmation and approval of their undertaking, would be tolerated until the future Concilio, but in such a manner and measure as follows: First, that they be tolerated only in the places of worship, as has been customary for some time.

  1. This is untrue; compare No. 1049, also the following number, in which other forgeries are also corrected.

Secondly, that no one marries before the decision of the Council, and whoever does so is deprived of his priestly office and benefices and expelled from the country or otherwise punished.

Thirdly, whoever wishes to abstain from a marriage and remain in the celibate state shall be permitted to do so and shall not be denied it, and shall remain in his office and benesicio after he has received absolution.

Fourthly, that also in the places where the reverend priests are, and especially where they are in the churches, diligence is taken to get others, as beneficial as this may always be, who are and remain reverend, and to promote them to the ministry.

Fifthly, that the spouses be deprived of their office and benefice, unless they obtain from Papal Holiness or their legate tolerance to remain with their Ofsicio and Benesicio.

It is also intended that the priestly concubinage should be completely abolished, and that it should no longer be tolerated by the ordinaries.

Lastly, it is also considered that in the Council it should be proposed whether it would not be useful to allow henceforth that husbands be taken and ordained to the priestly state, as was the custom in the first Church some hundred years ago.

The answer of the opposite, handed over in writing.

First of all, they referred us to their written confession, in which they showed reasons enough, as they believe, why the priestly marriage is to be considered Christian and right.

On the other hand, they have pointed out the manifold and great annoyances of the celibate priests who live in public fornication, which they have allowed their priests to avoid.

Third, they say that the gift of chastity is given to a few, for which reason, after the death of the married priests, they want to accept others who are married.

Fourthly, they have confirmed their opinion from what we have recently added about the concubinate and future concilio. No further action was taken on this matter between the deputies of both sides, because there was more dispute and disagreement here than there was about both forms of the sacrament. For this reason, these matters were left hanging and referred to the Imperial Estates and the Roman Emperor. Maj. Of the arguments, however, which they put forward in their confession, the following is written in Maj. Maj. Imperial Majesty's reply. To be sure, the manifold aversions arising from the priestly con-

1426 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1723-1726. 1427

cubinate, they reproach us unreasonably, since we have previously granted the abolition of the same without it. But as for the gift of chastity, they are of too little faith, because they do not believe that God will also give it to those who ask Him for it, since Christ says: "Whatever you ask the Father in My name, it shall be done for you. Item: "Believe, and you shall receive."

The third article.

From the fair.

The Catholics have requested that the common and private masses on the customary feasts be held in ordinary dress, on the altars, with the inclusion of both the major and minor canons, as before, in the common Christian church of the German nation and its territories, as has been in use and practice from time immemorial. And lest a quarrel arise over the words hostia, oblatio, sacrificium, or sacrifice, they have indicated a clear distinction between three things, namely, that Christ was figuratively sacrificed in the paschal lamb in the Old Testament, and that later the same Christ suffered on the trunk of the cross, offering Himself to God the Father a true sacrifice for the sin of men; but now, in the sacrifice of the Mass, it is offered mysterially and repraesentatively, that is, sacramentally and commemoratively, in the Church every day, in memory and remembrance of Christ's suffering and death, once accomplished on the Cross.

Accordingly, the Mass is not a sacrifice, but a sacramental and memorial sacrifice.

The answer of the opposite, handed over in writing.

They want the masses on the usual feasts to be held in customary church clothes, and because in their principalities and lands (as they report) the mass has hitherto been held honestly with all the essentials and customary ceremonies, after the institution of Christ, they henceforth want it to be held with due reverence.

However, since the Catholics asked for further explanation of the major and minor Canon and the private masses, they did not answer in writing. But in the conversation, when they were asked why they do not want to accept the holy Canon, they put forward three main reasons:

First, that we make a mortal sin of omitting the Canonem at Mass.

On the other hand, because he confirms the sacrifice of the Mass.

Third, that the saints are called therein.

This is again recently and catholically answered:

First of all, whether it is truly a mortal sin fei to sleep the Canonem, yet it is not written in the Canone.

For another, that in the mass a sacramental and memorial sacrifice fei, they can not deny even themselves.

Thirdly, the saints are not invoked in the canon, but only their memory is kept; however, they have admitted above with us that the memory of the saints should be kept in the church. Therefore, there is no great disagreement about this article; nevertheless, they both stubbornly reject the Canonem and Privatmefse, even though they have no legitimate reason to do so.

The fourth article.

From confession.

The Catholics have not presented anything about confession in their writings. This is because it has been mentioned twice before, namely in the 12th article, in the parts of repentance.

Item, afterwards at the Communion under both forms.

However, the opposite party remembers them especially in the writings they present to the Catholics, with more explanation than is written in the Confession. For this reason, we have added three points:

First of all, confession should not be abandoned, considering the great comfort that absolution brings.

Secondly, that from this one may consider how high and salutary the power of the keys is.

Thirdly, that the people may be accustomed to confess their sins, besides being informed that even sins not confessed will nevertheless be forgiven.

For this reason, it is unnecessary to deal further with these matters between the parties.

The fifth article.

Of human statutes.

The Catholics in general have requested that fasting, holidays, confession, prayer, procession, church ceremonies, differences in food and times, and other such customs that have been customary up to now, and the distribution of the sacraments, be kept by the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen as has been customary in the Catholic Church from time immemorial. On this

1428 Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1063. W. xvi, 1726-1728. 1429

The opponent replied in writing to two articles in particular: first about ceremonies, then about holidays.

For this reason, they say at the outset that the common ceremonies are to be held for the sake of love, so that equality in churches, conducive to peace and unity, may be maintained. However, that no one's conscience be troubled by this, and that such ceremonies not be held for necessary church services, but that everything be done properly for the sake of love and peace.

Secondly, they want no meat to be eaten in public at the following times: during the soft fast, every Friday and Saturday, on Christmas Eve, on Pentecost Eve, on St. John the Baptist's Eve, and on all Christmas Eve.

Third, they complain that the forty-day fast is too long, which they would rather have distributed to other times of the year. Nevertheless, in their part, also during this time, one should, as much as possible, conform to other churches with ceremonies, church songs, gospels and epistles, as sung, read and preached in other churches; they also do not want to allow any meat to be sold publicly to their own.

As for the feast days, first of all, they want the ordinary feasts to be kept solemn, so that the people may remain in the habit of hearing God's word and receiving the sacraments, each according to his conscience's need.

Secondly, that especially these following feast days be kept holy and solemn.

All Sunday.

Christmas Day.

St. Stephen's.

St. John, Apostle and Evangelist.

The Lord's Circumcision.

Epiphany, the holy three kings.

The Charwoche, because of the Passion of the Lord.

Easter Day, together with Monday and Tuesday.

The noblest feasts of the pure virgins

Mary's.

Ascension of Christ.

Feast of All Apostles.

The Holy Pentecosts, together with Monday and Tuesday.

Thirdly, on such holidays one should keep and use ordinary chants, officia and lectiones, taken from divine holy scripture.

Fourthly, one should sing and keep the litany in the week of the cross, so that the people may be provoked to prayer.

The sixth article.

From monastic vows.

First of all, the Catholics have requested that all monasteries that have not yet been devastated be left in their lands and territories, with their old worship and order.

Secondly, that they be allowed visitation, due obedience, and free election of prelates, peaceably, without hindrance.

Thirdly, that no one be forbidden or discouraged to enter the monasteries, either anew, or, having run away from them, to return to them.

Fourthly, that the monks may travel with their bodies and goods safely and unharmed in the country for the sake of their business, until the decision of the future Concilii.

Fifth, that those who have escaped without lawful permission shall return to the monastery, and shall not be tolerated anywhere in their territories unless they have obtained permission from the clergy and their overlords.

Sixthly, that their prelates shall not be hindered in ordinary legal proceedings against them, but in view of the quantity no other punishments shall be inflicted on them than only an imposed penance. However, those who subsequently leave the monastery without proper admission and permission shall be punished according to the content and the power of their statutes and canons, and their prelates shall be unhindered in the execution of these punishments.

Seventhly, that the unoccupied monasteries be again filled with monks and nuns, but where these could not be had, the properties and annual income shall be enjoined by decree of the next prelate of the places unchanged and undiminished, and shall be retained until the future Concilio. And the monastery properties shall not be used for the own benefit of the secular authorities, but as soon as they are reoccupied with monks and nuns, all use and pensions shall be given to them again, as before.

On the other hand, the answer from the monks.

First of all, they refer to their transferred con

fession.

On the other hand, they want to leave the monks and nuns who are still in monasteries in their principalities and territories free to go out of them or to stay in them.

Thirdly, they want the monastic people to remain quiet in their ordinary nature, dress and ceremonies.

Fourthly, they also want, as much as possible to

[1430]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, 1728-1731. 1431

The government shall prevent any use of force by such persons and shall ensure that they are not overburdened or subjected to violence.

Fifthly, they want that the rent and goods of the monasteries that have been disposed of shall remain in the order and power of the secular authorities, so that the persons, preachers, parishes and schools that have been evacuated may be maintained from them until the future concilio.

The seventh article.

From church violence.

The Catholics here have generally requested that episcopal power and jurisdiction in their lands and territories remain inviolable to the bishops. However, as far as public abuses and complaints are concerned, the princes want to keep in line with the other "imperial estates" and consult with them about them, and accept what is decided in the common council. If, however, they have a claim against the archbishops, bishops or prelates on account of jurisdiction or other causes, they shall not be prejudiced by this act.

The opposite answer.

First of all, they permit that episcopal rule and authority be maintained with the bishops; but they do not approve of public abuses, that the bishops are negligent in the preaching of the divine word, in the administration of the holy sacraments, in the ordination of priests and supervision of their lives, and abuse of the ban.

On the other hand, they want to ensure that the bishops receive and maintain their due obedience; namely, that the parish priests and preachers are presented to the ordinaries in each place, and that the bishop is permitted to punish the priests who have committed criminal excess.

Thirdly, that the bishops shall retain their ecclesiastical jurisdiction in matters belonging to the ecclesiastical court. However, they shall refrain from common trespasses that do not belong to the ecclesiastical court, and the other estates shall remember this in abuses, which they are determined to maintain evenly until the future Concilio.

Fourth, that the episcopal excommunication, in matters belonging to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, shall not be prevented, provided it is exercised in accordance with the Holy Scriptures.

All this, as it was done, was handed over to the princes and princes and the Holy Roman Empire on the 22nd day of the month of August by the decreed Catholics, and publicly read out.

1064 Remembrance and report of the previous, the papist committee, relation, how this is corrected by the protesting committee.

At Chyträus, Cölestin and Müller at the locations indicated at the previous number.

In some places of the objected relation, the whole disputations have not been told, which complains us highly and manifold, and obscures the whole trade somewhat.

In the entrance, they state that we also consent (as is desired) to Roman Imperial Majesty the King of Bavaria. Majesty. Answer, as being in conformity with the Holy Scriptures. For the sake of this article, we have publicly complained that we are not in compliance with Imperial Majesty. Majesty. We have publicly complained that we cannot conform to the Roman Emperor's answer, because we have not seen the same answer.

In the fourth article, on justification by faith, they state that it is thus compared that we are justified by faith, but not by faith alone, since this is nowhere to be found in holy Scripture, but rather the contradiction. Since we have openly contradicted, and have drawn on the sayings of Rom. 3: "without works". And to Eph. 2: "It is a gift of God, and not of works." Furthermore, after a long disputation, our opponents have conceded that the forgiveness of sins does not come through works or merit, either preceding or following. They also said that it is obtained by faith; and moreover, that it is by grace, through which we have a gracious God, per gratiam gratum facientem; they also added the sacraments.

Since they yield to this, we have said that by the word sola we exclude not grace and sacraments, but works alone. And where they would allow that forgiveness of sins comes about through faith, not for our own sake or for the sake of works and merit, we do not want to make a quarrel about the word sola. This addition has also been made to our article, that we confess that the forgiveness of sins takes place by grace, which makes us pleasing in the sight of God, and through faith in us, and through Word and Sacrament, as an instrument.

The princes of both parts can easily remember that things are getting out of hand.

1432 Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1064. W. xvi, 1731-1733. 1433

Concerning the invocation of the saints, the handwriting of the Chancellor of Baden shows that both parts agree that there is no explicit command and commandment of invocation of the saints in divine holy scripture.

In the other part, about the abuses, they say that we have allowed that everyone who wants to receive the Sacrament of the Lord must confess the most noble sins he has committed. But we have never made it necessary to tell the sins. What we have admitted for the sake of confession, however, is to be seen from handed over writings.

After that, from both forms of the sacrament it is not mentioned how and in which form we have excused those who used one form. And in such brevity it is spitefully stated that we do not want to teach that those who receive the sacrament under one form do not sin.

Whoever reads this, then, may think that we approve of the One Form, and yet, either out of hatred or for other unacceptable reasons, do not want to confess it in public sermons.

We, on the other hand, have both explained to ourselves in words and writings how we have excused those who have suffered hardships of one kind or another, which can be many and varied.

With this, however, we have not approved the prohibition of the other form. Nor do we complain about teaching in this way that we excuse the church, and yet do not approve the prohibition of one form. Thus ours have always written and taught that they have excused the church, so that they do not weigh down the consciences of the blessed.

Of the celibate state of the priests.

Here the words are spitefully put: "About the gift of chastity, they are too small-minded that they do not believe that chastity can be given by God to anyone who asks for it. We, however, do not deny that God can give this gift of chastity, but have thus answered that God has presented this means and medicine which those who cannot abstain should use. For Christ himself testifies that this gift does not happen to everyone. Therefore, the one who does not have the gift of chastity, and yet does not need God's order, is tempted by God. God can preserve life without food, but in the meantime He wants us to enjoy food. Therefore, it appears publicly here that this matter has not been presented honestly and impartially.

From private show.

Concerning the private masses, one has never acted of causes why one does not approve them. Therefore, it is also unkind of them that we reject the private mass and canon without substantial reasons. We, however, have many and highly important reasons why we cannot and will not approve the private mass and a part of the Canon. However, in the confession handed over and before the committee, we have sufficiently explained that we keep the mass with high reverence, and we will keep the essential parts that belong to the Consecration. The other usual ceremonies and church dress are also used. But there is a common mass, in which some of the people, who have been heard beforehand, are given the sacrament in a Christian manner. But we reject the private mass, which is held in such a way that it earns others forgiveness of sins ex opere operato, because it is obvious that such an application is contrary to the righteousness of faith. For if the Mass, applied to this opinion, merits forgiveness of sins ex opere operato, it follows that righteousness comes not from faith but from works. Item, if now only in the mass the sacrifice for sin takes place, to what end then did the death of Christ serve, or is not the suffering and death of Christ sufficient for the payment of our sin? But we read in the epistle to the Hebrews, "With One Sacrifice He hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified." Therefore, no sacrifice that atones for sins is to be sought outside of this. Item, Christ says, "This do in remembrance of me." For this reason the sacrament is instituted, so that we may remember the benefits given to us in the New Testament, namely, the forgiveness of sins. But how can such a sacrament be useful to the dead, since the memory of Christ cannot be awakened in them by the priests? These and other considerable reasons move us not to approve the application of the Mass.

Moreover, we see how great abuses are involved. A large number of people say mass for the sake of the belly alone, even though St. Paul terribly condemns all those who abuse this sacrament. For this reason, the bishops should provide counsel for such great abuses.

And because a part of the canon contains this application of the sacrament, which publicly disputes the righteousness of faith, it is dangerous to read that part of the canon.

[1434]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1-33-1735. 1435

6. from the conversation that is morden in the geengerten committee of six from August to the end of this month by both parties.

1065: Presentation of the papal part at the meeting.

From Brück's History, p. 106, by Müller, lilr. Ill, eup. 130, p. 801, with Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 292 from the Margravial Brandenburg Acts, pp. 236-240, somewhat more detailed. We have subsequently improved this document. The same is a lecture of the chancellor of Baden.

It would be known that on their 1) part we would have been considered as separated from the church; they would like to act with the others of this part on the ways, so that such would be averted, but this could not happen otherwise, because if we were united on both sides of the doctrine, although until a concilio difference in ritibus ecclesiasticis and church customs would be kept. For if one would not confess one part from the other, 2) that both parts would be taught rightly, then veritas fidei would fall; if one would agree on the doctrine that nnitus tiäol exists, then it should be spoken and concluded immediately with the legate, who would have authority from the pope, from a certain time and place of a concilii.

But now would be

I. For the sake of Communion

still three pieces, in which unequal faith would remain.

  1. One, that it would be known in this part that the one form was not unjust; but this was still lacking, that one wanted to allow or agree that in this part it should also be taught and preached that the one form was not unjust. This would cause great concern to many, because this part would know what had been done with the Bohemians in the Concilio at Basel because of this.
  2. The other point is that in this part it is not allowed to administer the Sacrament in one form. Therefore, since the administration of one form would not be wrong according to doctrine and teaching, 3) it should not be dangerous in our parishes.
  3. "their" set by us according to Förstemann instead of: "unserm" in the old edition.
  4. Inserted by us after Förstemann, for easier understanding.
  5. "wrong" put by us instead of: "right" in the old edition.

The first step is to make it possible for the pastors and ministers to reach out in one or both of these forms to those who desire it.

  1. The third point would also depend on the doctrine, for the sake of the honorableness of the Sacrament, that both sides agree not to administer the Sacrament in any place but in the church. 4) For the sake of the sick, they should be carried into the church and communicated there. However, for the sake of the sick, they should be carried into the church and communicated there; but if, because of their weakness, they had to be reported in the house, the sacrament should be brought to them, or mass should be said in the house on a portal 5) before them, and those communicated and massed who had not eaten or drunk, so that the sacrament would not be dishonored.

II. Because of the fair.

Regarding the masses, they noted that we were equal in that they should be held with honest ceremonies, but for the sake of unity of the church, it would be good and necessary that the masses, both public and private masses, as in other places, be held with inclusion of the large and small canons, because they considered that one would have no complaint on this part of the small canon, but that we would have complaint on the large canon, in what concerns oblationem pro Ecclesia, sacrificium, etc.. But they had made a good declaration in the previous committee 6) that in it, in their opinion, we would also have no complaint, but as far as the application of the Mass is concerned, that such would be referred to a concilium on both sides.

III. because of the clergy marriage

In this part, it could be considered that although the revered priests in our countries, territories, and cities were in the form of a marital status, they would still give us to consider whether they should be considered for marriage; for although it would be against Scripture to forbid marriage, it would not be against it that a priest voluntarily let himself into the priesthood, renounced the marital status, and vowed chastity. For it would be true that chastity could not be commanded, but it could well be granted without a commandment; so no one would have prevented him from accepting his priesthood, if he could not keep chastity, that he would have reserved for him the right to take a wife, but each would have kept silent, and let himself be called and accepted into the ministry according to the order of the church.

  1. Supplemented by us according to Förstemann.
  2. "Portatel" - Tragaltar.
  3. In the Committee of Fourteen.

[1436]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1065 f. W. xvi, 1735-1737. 1437

It is also a bad thing that our priests say that they do not have the grace of chastity; one worries that they strive little for it, because they want to feast, enjoy themselves, live well and go to dances, be in good spirits, as one can see; they do not castigate themselves and do not throw themselves into thorns, 1) they also do not have trouble with studying, and nevertheless do not have to have the opinion.

If it were true that they were also men, and not angels, it would not be so pure that one, even if he were a priest, would not have an infirmity; but it would say that the church had to punish public sins, as in other infirmities; but what was secret would not be judged. And they wanted to indicate this to this part, because it was said that one would not be guilty of having such priests who led a sinful, lewd life.

If it had been said that there were as many priests in this part of the world as it was necessary not to have the grace of chastity, it would also have to be considered against which priest wanted to say that he had the gift of abstinence, if he knew that the married state would be free for him. One would have to consider how abhorrent it would be for the greater part of Christendom and the estates, which would not have accepted such priests, nor would they have allowed them. If we were to follow the Scriptures, St. Paul would say: "A bishop shall be the husband of one wife;" and it would be more advisable to accept an heir than to admit those who entered the priesthood without marriage and then took wives. They therefore wanted to have this indicated that it should be done in the proper way, so that this discrepancy could be remedied by a concilium, because it is not to be expected 2) that His Majesty and the other estates should approve, confirm, approve or ratify married priests. They consider such priestly marriages impossible to raise. For Her Majesty and the Estates considered without any doubt that the same could not have validly contracted our priests, and that they would have to forfeit their services, income and office for a time. 3) Therefore, because Imperial Majesty Majesty would not approve the revered priests, or consider ratification of the right for nothing, whether this would be a way and could be obtained from Imperial Majesty. Majesty, that the above-mentioned ordained priests

  1. Förstemann misleading: "thurn" f- Thurms.
  2. For the sake of comprehension, inserted after Förstemann.
  3. In Förstemann more precisely: "suspkQki are ab oKcüo et niinistsrio".

The priests who are married in the places where they are now, for the sake of peace, may be tolerated until a concilium; but in such a way that those who wish to return from the supposed marriage and regrade may do so unhindered by authorities under whom they are, and remain with their ministries and fiefs. And secondly, that the priests, who are still in the single state, without marriage, should remain unpardoned until a concilium. And thirdly, that the authorities should make an effort to get unchaste priests for the vacated parishes, who would keep themselves in chastity without annoyance.

IV. Because of the monasteries.

For the sake of the destroyed and undestroyed monasteries and monastic persons, they have indicated that the undestroyed ones should remain undisturbed in the essence in which they still are, until a concilium, but that they should be left unhindered in their worship and not be prevented from it, as happens in some places 5). And if they do not wear their monastic habit, they should continue to wear it.

Because there were also religious who were expelled or went out and asked to be allowed back in, without further punishment than a penance, because the burdens of conscience were to be considered in it.

But with the monasteries that had been removed, they considered this to be a convenient means that these monasteries, because they considered it reasonable that they should not be used for any other service than the lands in which they were located, nor to be alienated, 6) should be placed in the hands of the Emperor. Majesty's hands and concerns, as it should be for the sake of these things until a concilium 2c. 7)

1066 The Protestants' oral declaration at the Papists' request.

This explanation is found in Brück's Geschichte, p. 109 and from it in Müller, p. 806. That it happened orally, we see from Heller's message in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 298.

  1. "Lehen" is set by us instead of "Beneficio" in Förstemann and "Lehren" in the old edition.
  2. In Förstemann: "wie Sannt Clären vnnd Katharinen closter zu Nurmberg gesche".
  3. Supplemented according to Förstemann.
  4. At the end, Förstemann notes that the chancellor handed over a note about the bishops' power and the church ceremonies. In addition, the note that this note is no longer found in the acts.

1438 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1733-174". 1439

They had diligently considered the other proposals and concerns, but find that all the means and indications they had made extended in principle and effect to proposals that had initially been made by their part in the previous committee of the Fourteen. Now they would have heard sufficiently at that time why such proposals from this part could not be approved or permitted in such a way and in such a different way as their inconceivable counter-proposals would entail. And because they heard in the next end of the touched committee of the fourteen, that in this part, for the sake of love and peace, up to a general, free, Christian concilium was offered in the utmost, and salva fide et doctrina furthermore they did not know how to offer it, they would therefore have provided themselves with more virtuous proposals, after this committee and such further discussion had not been initiated by this, but by their part, as Electors, Princes and Estates, and had been applied to the Elector of Saxony. For since they had intended to persist in the same opinion, they could well have spared themselves and the deputies this part of the effort, for only that the words in their proposals would have been changed, it would have been in substance the same opinion as before.

I. About the Communion.

And that one should have confessed on this part, as if one had confessed that the communion in one form was also not wrong, and only lacked in that, that we did not want to have the same preached, one would not confess, also would not want to be spoken by them, and wanted to have this stated in the notes and answer, which were handed over in the committee of the fourteen, which written handing over would also have happened for this reason, so that the opinion of this part would not be reversed; Therefore one could not teach nor preach, as if the reception of one form was also right.

Therefore, even outside of emergencies, it could not be permitted in our churches to have the Sacrament administered in one or both forms, as each would desire. Nor would any priest in office, with weight on his conscience, teach and hold that Christ instituted the Sacrament in both forms for laymen and priests, and that each one, according to such divine order and commandment, is thus bound to receive it, and yet, outside of emergencies, contrary to doctrine, he should be allowed to receive it without

The Sacrament may be administered in one or both of these forms.

It would be easy for everyone to understand how a frightening and annoying separation this would give, if such repugnant use were to be kept in the churches of this part, but one would have let it be heard in touched counterproposals, since one out of freedom desired the sacrament only in one form, that one would not prevent him from receiving it thus, where he could get it.

II. from the fair.

Concerning the keeping of the public common and angular masses, the reported committee of fourteen heard why they could not be allowed in this part, especially the angular masses, because it would be considered an opus operaturn by them, nor could they have any other sense with it. For if it were not considered a meritorious work by the sacristan, which would be a merit for him, he would not be allowed to celebrate such private masses, because the sacrament would be served to him in both forms, as he enjoyed it in the private mass, if he desired it, which would also be safer for him according to the constitution 1); Therefore, if a priest wanted to say Mass for himself, he would have to consider something more, namely, that he did not say such Mass solely for the sake of remembrance, as instituted by God, but that he wanted to perform a meritorious work to wash away his sins, but that would be contrary to the institution of Christ, also blasphemous and annoying, and therefore not to be permitted in the lands and territories of this part, as a public blasphemy. If he then also wanted to allow such his special private and angular measure to be a sacrifice for others, living and dead, that would be even more burdensome and unmistakable, after the sacrament is instituted, that the living recipients do it in remembrance of the Lord, and not that it should come to the non-receiving living or dead for merit or remission of sins. And such admission of the same private-angle fairs would work evil and sin, if they were to be established in this part of the land and territory, so that the people might be deprived of the highest treasure of divine gifts and Christian liberty, namely, that men through faith in Christ, and his suffering, death, and resurrection, might be made free from the evil of the Lord.

  1. "Institution" put by us instead of "Instruction" in the old edition.

1440 Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1066. W. xvi, 1740-1742. 1441

  1. his merit, even without works of the law; and secondly, that he would again be withdrawn from receiving the sacrament in both forms after the institution of Christ. And not only would those sin before God and His Holy Spirit who kept the private masses against the known truth, but also those who suffered them as a public blasphemy, unabated and unpunished. And do nothing that the dispute should be postponed for the sake of application until further decision of a concilii, for that such private masses are not dedicated in God's word, but contrary to it, could not be put into doubt by this part. Therefore, if they were admitted, and if the disputation were suspended for the sake of application, it would still have the weight on it, as indicated above. For it would be a matter, as the jurists said: A protestation, or condition, which is contrary to the work and the fact, helps the Protestant nothing, works also nothing. Therefore, if the same angular masses were allowed on this part, and if it were protested that the application was not granted, but that it should be suspended until a concilium, then the act would be contrary to the protestation, and would not safeguard this part's conscience, since the same masses would have no effect or meaning on the popes themselves outside the application in question. And for this reason it is further added that since the private masses have fallen by the doctrine of the true divine institution of the sacrament in this part's lands, territories, and cities, that it should be left there until a concilium, and for this part's part such unnecessary, seductive, and careless private masses should be suspended until the said concilium; In addition, it would be known, and would not fail to be known, that the priests who were in this part of the lands and territories would hold such private masses more, for which reason it would also be a quite unnecessary disputation and delaying of affairs to argue about the admission of such private masses. And in the same way as the canon, great and small; for as much as the canon contains, on which the public and common masses have substance, would be used in the public common masses, which would be held with some Christian and good ceremonies in this part, namely the words of institution, the other would not be de substantia, as the gloss itself testifies in decrees. Therefore, let us
  2. In the old edition, "an" - without. - The immediately following "his" is of the people's merit.

The other part also does not make necessary that which is not established by God's command, and therefore would not be necessary. And the more one insists on the acceptance of the Canon, the less one could do it on this part, as St. Paul did not want to have Timothy circumcised, because it was a necessary thing and wanted to insist on it, even though he had Titum circumcised out of love and for the sake of weakness. And even if it was said that it should be done for the sake of peace and more unity, it would still be quite annoying to the Christian doctrine and institution of the sacrament, as far as the application and the Canonem mysticum are concerned, and, for the sake of conscience, it would be painful and burdensome to establish, therefore it would be considered that the other part would be more obligated to be patient with this part until a concilium, rather than to accept the Canon with difficulty and uncertain conscience, as it was proposed. In addition, the Christian congregations in this part's principalities, lands, and territories would have no lack of private masses because they would fall and public masses would be held in contrast; therefore, the three deputies of this part could not consider what it would take for these masses, together with the omission of the canons, to be thoroughly performed until a concilium.

III. from the priest marriage.

As far as the marriage of priests is concerned, there is no denying that some priests, before they were ordained as priests, might have accepted the laws of the popes and bishops to keep chastity, which happened to them before the time, when they did not yet recognize the truth and freedom against such and such human statutes, whether the popes, bishops and prelates have done right and well or not in entangling the priests with laws and vows of the celibacy and to remain without marriage, since they themselves keep chastity least of all, of which in this part of the Confession, under the titles of Priestly Marriage, item, of the Bishops' Authority, there would have been a sufficient indication; and not only would we know that the popes and bishops did not have the power nor the right, according to divine Scripture, to deprive the priests of marriage, but also that a man, by vows, since he does not receive from God the grace of chastity, cannot commit himself to chastity.

  1. "before" set by us instead of: "by" in the old edition.

1442 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1742-1745. 1443

would like to bind. If in the case of the pagans, and in their rights, the vows and obligations had the dimensions, since there was not such danger to consciences and souls, as in this case, that the pacts and vows, so disgraceful, and therefore much more sin or impossibility, were not respected, why should not rather in this case such disgrace, sin and impossibility be considered, and, disregarding such vows, the priests be allowed to marry? Thus it would also be a bad thing for priests to accept the priesthood on such vows as their prelates demanded of them, for, as indicated before, even if the priests acted imprudently in that, against their conscience, they took such vows at the time they were ordained priests, the time they were ordained priests, the popes and bishops had done much more wrong and evil, that they had charged the poor priests with the same impossible and shameful vows, against the words of Christ, that chastity was not given to all, item St. Paul, that it would be better to marry. Paul, that it is better to marry than to burn, and that everyone should have a wife for the sake of fornication, to avoid the same, and especially because they themselves found in the large parts of the priesthood how evil such vows and entangled chastity would have been in the whole world, even now in broad daylight: and yet the popes, bishops and prelates did not want to escape their constitutions, to praise God, and the poor burdened consciences of the priests for comfort, but God's order would have to give way to their human impossible law. And for this reason, little responsibility would be required for the report that the priests of this part should strive little for chastity, for there would be little to say about their dancing or good life in this part, nor would it have been heard; and if their preachers and priests were dancing in some meetings, and were happy in goodness and honor with other people without trouble, there would be nothing to reproach them for, nor would it be against God. But how the priests of the other part, since they would have had to remain without marriage, practiced all this to fornication and noticeable annoyance, as unfortunately also still happens, and get away from the studio, that they knew nothing, nor could in the Scriptures or taught, that would be in broad daylight. Nor is it desired of them in this part that they should be angels, for they and these would be men; but that one would want to excuse their fornication, which not only takes place, but for the most part is open to the public, that would be terrible. For who would deny it?

that the greater part would not lie in public fornication, adultery, and such fornication; and whether there might still be some who could keep the saying, si non caste, tamen caute, it would nevertheless be burdensome that cause for such secret fornication would be given them by the pope, bishops, and prelates, by forbidding marriage and entangling the vows of chastity, without need and without all Christian motive. And although the church may not judge such secret sins publicly, one would still know what trouble and fear even secret fornication would cause the priests if they had to say their masses. And if they had confessed the same sins and been absolved of them, not only the openly fornicating priests, but also many who had practiced such sins secretly, would not have been found to have a right and true penitence and real remission of the same sins, but as often as they confessed, such vice would have been found again in confession, and public and secret fornicators would have remained one way after another, and would have condemned not only themselves, but also the confessors with it. For since confession is a Christian search for counsel with the priest and confessor, on account of the sins that are incumbent upon men, what Christian counsel might such confessors have given to the confessing priests? For it was enough that the sin was shown to them with the mouth, without the heart, and that absolution was also spoken in the same way with the mouth. The blind man led the blind man, and both would have fallen into the pit and damnation, as was to be feared. The popes, bishops and prelates, because of secret and public fornication, would have felt, known and seen this with themselves and also with other poor common priests, nevertheless, the priests would have been put into such danger of eternal damnation with a much-touched vow, and they would still want to keep them in it, since it could be circumvented according to God's order without any danger and sin. And whether this would be the duty of a kind mother and of the church, of which they wanted to be the heads, could be easily heard by everyone. Yes, if one were to say that the priests of this part, even if they were married, would not all keep their marriages, but by their wifing and adultery would fall into more serious sin than the unmarried priests: this would be contrary to the fact that St. Paul commands without distinction according to God's order that everyone should have his wife in order to avoid fornication. If, then, a married person should be shunned for committing the sin of fornication with another, this would be contrary to God's order.

[1444]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1066 f. W. xvi, 1745-1747. 1445

If fornication had been worse, God's order would have had to be imposed, that it had not been wisely considered, but that it had been better that fornication had been permitted, so that no one could fall into adultery, as into a more serious sin. Thus, by the grace of God, such fornication would still have been little known by priests who were in this part adulterous; If this were the case, it would also be averted, if there were any suspicion or talk that it would not be suffered, and it would nevertheless be safer and more certain today that, according to God's order, the priests would have wives in order to avoid fornication, although one and perhaps another would fall into adultery, because they would fall and lie in fornication and adultery with great multitudes, as would be the case in the other part, and would persist in it. For if the adulterer fell once, twice or more, he would have the remedy of his wife, and could rise again from the snare; but the others would remain and persist in it for ever, which would ever be to be pitied, that for the sake of a useless human law so many men and fine people should be given into damnation. For if God had wanted to establish the priesthood without marriage, as the Scriptures indicate the contradiction, it would certainly have been assumed that He would also have given the grace of chastity to those whom He called to it. But since such a state has not been established by God, the prelates should consider that the priests do not have the power to bind themselves to chastity with vows, as if God were giving them the grace of chastity through such free vows, so that they would be entangled in what God had reserved for them through His special gracious gift against the innate carnal desires. If, however, the abominable vices of fornication and other immorality were not seen among the priesthood in this part, and that God had appointed the priests to be without marriage, one would not want to have unmarried priests gifted with true chastity by God any less than in the other part. But because it would be different, the prince, princes and cities of this part would not want to entangle the priests' consciences.

IV. From monasteries.

As far as the undischarged and discharged monasteries were concerned, it could be concealed that in the above-mentioned counter-proposals of the Committee of Fourteen so much had been indicated, and so much had been offered, that it was not possible to offer anything further; the three members of this committee also wanted to provide themselves with this part of the committee in desperation, if these same proposals

and hereditary offer, according to the taken parting, to His Imperial Majesty. Her Majesty would not be displeased with this article, except for a concilium to be based on it. And if the disposed monasteries are in the hands of Imperial Majesty. Majesty hands 1), the necessity requires to hear how it should be held with the administration of the same disposed monasteries, and whether the ceremonies, as fallen in the same monasteries, should also remain unestablished until a concilio or not.

V. Of the bishops' authority and church ceremonies.

And it was noted that, with respect to the other articles, concerning the obedience to the bishops and ceremonies, basically nothing new or better had been proposed by them, as deputies of the other part, than what had been done before in the Committee of Fourteen. For although the stated ways were spoken with different words, it would still be one thing in substance with the previous offer, and not other, better nor new proposals.

And if they could not be heard by other and more convenient means, they considered it a futile delay of their own and other affairs, and thought it best that the six, who had been appointed by princes, theologians and canonists to the previous committee, for the sake of the churl, princes and estates, should report their churl and prince to the committee. They have reported to the committee of this part, by virtue of the parting they have taken with each other, that the matters have also been submitted to the Emperor's Majesty for a common free vote. Majesty to a common free Christian conciliation, by virtue of previous imperial agreements, in the German nation; and if the Elector, Princes and Estates were inclined to talk about how a peaceful arrangement could be made between them and the reported conciliation, the Elector, Princes and the cities of this part would also be found quite inclined to do so.

1067. the papal otherwise crafty

Lecture.

In Brück's Geschichte, p. 118 and in Müller, p. 819. Compare Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 301; there it is reported that "Doctor Eck drove out" with this lecture.

  1. Added by us after the previous number.

[1446]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1747-1749. 1447**.**

Because they could not compare with each other, they had orders from the Electors, Princes and Estates to tell them, the Lutherans, that they understood that Imperial Majesty was quite inclined to make a concilium. Majesty would be quite inclined to make a concilium, but in such a way that all innovations, such as those in doctrine, church customs, and also other, outside admission of the common church, would be permitted and made in the lands and territories of the princes, princes, and cities of this part, would above all have to be brought back to the previous state, and thus the common church would have to be restituted. For it was considered proper in world affairs to restitute and restore the appalled to its former state, much more would such restitution be due to the common church 2c.

1068 The Protestant's preliminary oral response to this.

In Müller I. o. p. 806.

That the Elector, 1) Princes and cities of this part knew well by the grace of the Almighty that for the sake of unity and peace it was not due to them to break Christian and good orders of the church without the common consent of the same, but since false and seductive doctrines, customs and ceremonies had been introduced into the church by the evil watch and guard of the prelates, as has been clearly indicated and proven in this part of the Articles of Confession, they would know that it is not only due to them, but that they would also be guilty before God and their conscience, at God's word, to permit Christian change therein, without any further unwarranted conclusion, 2) as the holy divine Scriptures, including the rights of the Pope himself, would have it for this part. Thus, as far as the supplementation and restitution in secular and temporal matters of defense 3) were concerned, there would be a separate difference with the matters of religion, as the aforementioned papal rights also showed; thus, it would also be unheard of that such a thing had ever been sought in former times, that a trade or possessory in matters of religion would be allowed.

  1. "Der Churfürst" put by us instead of: "die Churfürsten". Edens0 again later. - "Elector, princes and cities" are the Protestants. "Churfürst, Fürsten und Stände" are the Papists. Both are mixed up in the old edition.
  2. The opinion will be: without waiting for a decision on this first.
  3. "Deprivation cases"-cases that have been deprived.

of faith should be made. Thus, the Elector and Princes, together with the related cities, would not provide at all for this report of theirs, as having been made by order of the Electors, Princes and Estates, 4) about the parting which the Seven of Princes and others of this part had taken with the Seven of their part, and how they had offered at their request to promote the actions of the same committee with the Electors, Princes and Estates for the best. But they wanted to report the answer to their Electoral and Royal Highnesses and their kinsmen, who would order what their graces and their needs wanted to be reported.

1069 The Lutheran part of the final declaration in the Committee of Six, delivered on Sunday after Bartholomew, August 28, 1530.

This document is found in Brück's Geschichte, p.120; in Chyträus, Bl. 273 k; in Müller, p. 821 and from the Margravial Brandenburg Acts in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Bd.II, p. 306. According to the latter we have improved our original. Latin at 0o6t68tinu8, tom. Ill, toi. 50 k and at 0k^tra.6U8, p. 281. Also in the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 452; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 109 b; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 237 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 225.

(1) As you gentlemen have allowed, we have presented the action to our most gracious and gracious lords of Saxony, Brandenburg, and the rest of their kinsmen in this matter; thereupon we have been ordered to report the opinion of their kinsmen and their kinsmen in this form.

  1. that their graces and they would remember how often they offered themselves, for the sake of peace and unity, to compare themselves in everything that might happen with God and conscience at this Imperial Diet. And because a committee of princes and other scholars of the Holy Scriptures and spiritual laws, fourteen persons, was assembled with the consent of both sides, the princes and other representatives of their part to the reported committee reported to them what means were proposed on both sides of the seven articles and their pending points, and what the representatives of this part gave in reply, and for the sake of peace and unity, until further notice.
  1. "happened" put by us instead of: "not provided"; otherwise the "not provided at all" at the end of this sentence would be too much.

1448 Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1069. W. xvi, 1749-1752. 1449

The two men offered to promote the unity of the church in a concilio, with the others of their kinsmen, with such an often told opinion that their graces and their associates had moved the matters to the utmost, and thus their graces might have judged with them, that on this part with God and conscience on the indicated means further to yield, and with their graces to raise the matter, they would have wanted to have indicated this as soon as possible to their kinsmen. They would have liked to have indicated this as soon as possible.

  1. for this reason they finally admonish and request the princes and the members of the other estates to carry their reported communication and answer to the reported electors, princes and estates, and to promote the same on the basis of their given answer, together with a common Christian concilio.

After many disputations and speeches and rebuttals, the reported princes and their associates of the other estates kindly and willingly offered to submit the matter in such a way, and to apply and reapply all possible and faithful diligence with a statement of their intentions.

5 Nevertheless, and before the princes and their associates of the committee met again on both sides, the estates, which this part did not understand otherwise than that it was meant in a friendly and gracious manner, sent some of their councillors in vigilia Bartholomaei to our most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony 2c., with the request that the estates receive a report of the said committee's action. Now their Electoral and Princely Grace, together with the other estates, would be inclined to engage in further amicable action, and, as it is noted, by a narrower committee than the previous one would have been 2c., with friendly and official request that the Elector of Saxony would move and not depart; as one knows to remember on both sides.

  1. And although the Elector of Saxony wanted to get such an opinion to 1) his fellow relatives, to decide with them on it, and to let the Elector of Mainz know the answer, he offered, on the evening of the aforementioned Vigil of St. Bartholomew, Some of them, with a reason, in which the previous protection was separated from each other, and that one, according to the same parting, wanted to be sure of a reply, the said narrowed committee was dismissed: it is nevertheless, on all kinds of introduced objections and for the sake of goodwill, thus submitted to the Elector of Saxony, and the other
  1. "an" is missing in Förstemann.

The following was conceded, however, without prejudice to the previous farewell, that there should never be any shortage felt by related princes and cities.

(7) Since no other means have been prescribed by you than those prescribed for such extended committee, especially for the sake of the most important articles, than those proposed in the previous committee, there would have been no need at all for this extended committee of their chur- and F. G. and their fellow-kin. and their co-relatives, in particular because it was sufficiently understood that these means had previously been considered to the utmost, 2) and it could not be found that they should be heard 3) further than was done in the previous committee.

8 And this is what we have been commanded to report to you by their sovereign and princely kinsmen and their kinsmen, that they are not to be increased, as if the lack of their sovereign and princely kinsmen and their kinsmen were. If, however, you know of other means that would be more suitable for this purpose, we have to hear them from you again, and again have to hear them from their Lord and Prince and their kinsmen. If you know of other means that would be more different for this transaction, we will hear them from you again, and then have them heard from their electors and princes and from their relatives, or, as you have also heard from us, we will talk to you about a decency that, in the meantime, would serve a common, free Christian council for peace and unity.

(9) If you do not have an order for this, or if you do not want to receive another order from princes, rulers and estates in response to this report from us, as our most gracious and gracious lords do not want to do so, we have immediately reported to their sovereign and imperial authorities what you have reported to us by order of the estates of the Council in the event that further proceedings arise, namely that their sovereign and imperial authorities do not know how to promote the same with Imperial Majesty in any other way than that all innovations should first be restored to their previous status. Maj. know no other way to promote it than that all innovations and things should first be restored to their previous state.

(10) Then we show you from the order of our lords that the estates bear knowledge, from which the doctrine embodied in the confession handed over, together with the change of some abuses of the church, is caused. If the beginning and the reason of the same are to be discussed, this can be shown with many of the written books, as well as indications and living documents, on which, however, no proper appointment is made by those whose office this was; in addition, this is shown by Pabst's Hadrian's Book.

  1. Förstemann meaningless: "so before ... move".
  2. Förstemann: "dorff", probably a misspelling or misprint instead of: doruff.

[1450]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. n-w-nsi. 1451

nus advertisement, which was presented by a legate at the Imperial Diet in Nuremberg. 1)

11 At previous imperial congresses, princes, princes and estates, especially because of the conflicting doctrines and customs, a common, free, Christian concilium, to the extent now indicated, was considered necessary, granted, and the Imperial Majesty our most gracious Lord requested it several times and finally granted it a year ago at Speier. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has been asked for it several times, and finally, a year ago at Speier, it was graciously granted, and also a farewell was made as to the time in which it should be announced and begun.

Therefore, our most gracious and gracious Lords and their relatives will kindly and diligently provide, the Estates, as those who have taken action in this matter, will promote the same general, free, Christian Concilium to Imperial Majesty, submissively and diligently as it was previously considered good without any such measure or distinction and as it has been approved by Imperial Majesty. Maj. humbly and diligently, as it was previously considered good, granted and requested from Imperial Majesty without any such measure or difference. Majesty, and that a resolution on this matter was passed at the first Imperial Diet at Speier, as every authority is to observe in these matters until a general council is announced.

13 For this purpose, their Major and Major General and the same co-relatives have, for the sake of some change, in accordance with this part of the Confession, and what is directly or consecutively pending, appealed a year ago at Speier to the Roman K. Majesty and to the General Council. Majesty and the General Council in a legal manner; therefore, this was intended to be an official attestation against their appeal to the Church and the Federation and their fellow relatives, which was also unjustified.

14 Thus it would also be a novelty, which has not been heard before in such cases, where the matters have required a concilium due to necessity, that a concilium has been refused until the cause, for which a concilii is needed, has been removed.

(15) Even if the same could have happened here in the past, such important matters would seldom have come to a concilio.

16 For this reason, it is the gracious and obliging intention of their sovereign and imperial sovereigns and their kinsmen to you lords, who want to work diligently with the estates, where their sovereign and imperial sovereigns and the others have the right of inheritance, as their kinsmen sovereigns and their kinsmen.

  1. Förstemann remarks: "in the margin is the year: 1524" - This year is wrong; it was in 1522. See Document No. 718 in the 15th volume. Hadrian died on Sept. 24, 1523.

The members of the committee, who have acted on the indicated means in the previous committee, did not want to be acceptable, that they nevertheless wanted to leave it at the previous half of the concilii and, contrary to the interposed appeal, not introduce any change by their chur- and F. G. action, which the Electors, Princes and their kinsmen of this part also want to provide kindly and humbly, and deserve such kindly, also completely humbly.

(17) If often touched estates are inclined to order you or others to speak of the above-mentioned peaceful parting in the middle of a council, so that peace and unity may be maintained and other necessary matters of the realm may be settled, of which there shall be no lack for the sake of their church and F.G. also for the sake of their kinsmen:

18 Our most gracious and gracious Lords have also offered to do so and, with the help of the Almighty, to keep to their confession without further ado, as their Lordships and their relatives hope to answer to God the Almighty and Imperial Majesty. Maj. in all submissiveness.

1070 Melanchthon's Report to Luther on What Happened in the Select Committee. August 25, 1530.

The following three numbers are found in Melanchthon's epistolak, lib. I, p. 10 8^cj.; in Ooklkbtinus, torn. Ill, lol. 56 and 63; in Oorp. Rkt., vol. II, 311,314 and 327; the first and third letters in Chyträus according to the German edition, pp. 424 and 436; according to the Latin, pp. 289 and 291.

Through Cyriacus, who will leave tomorrow, we want to write more. Some questions are sent to you, of which we quarrel with the adversaries. Such arguments put them on the right track, which are not useful for doctrine and true godliness, but only to provoke others against us. And our leniency in such matters only makes the hopeful dullards more defiant. There is no telling how they triumph. If I were present at these things for my own person, not in the prince's name, I would by no means want to suffer this defiance. Now I must tolerate everything because of the common danger to princes and subjects. Our people's minds are either quite weak or courageous at inopportune times. But I hope we do not want to do anything against the Gospel; D. Brück has truly shown himself to be a constant

[1452]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1070 ff. W. xvi. ns^-nse. 1453

and pious hero. Bucer writes to you about the Lord's Supper and wants to accept our opinion. He holds that the body of Christ is present in the bread. This is the summa. I had given him propositions, but he sent you his own propositions out of concern. I have not been able to write more. I ask you to answer as soon as possible. Farewell. Date August 25. 1)

1071 Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. August 26, 1530.

From the original in Scheurl's library, this letter is found in Jlgen's journal 1842, II, 186. The variants of the same are given in Burkhardt, p. 184. For the locations, see at the previous number.

Translated from Latin.

To D. Martin Luther, his extremely dear father.

I cannot report the slightest thing about either public or private matters, because we have been working on a union for many days in succession, and yet have achieved nothing. They insist on the private mass, and bring up proposals about other matters, which it is not at all advisable to accept. I think you have already seen these from my previous letter; meanwhile, they are also throwing around terrible threats. Although I do not care about the danger I am in, I am sometimes concerned about the great weakness of our princes. But perhaps everything will be over before this letter reaches you. For the messenger is slow. Why I cannot discuss anything now is this: today a meeting was held, since neither I nor Pontanus knew what would be done and presented and what the summa of the princes' opinion would be. Truly, this fumbling and doubtfulness seems to have no less importance than the signs that the rabble perceives. May the Lord Christ deliver us from these great dangers. Farewell, August 26. Philip (φίλιππος).

I am sending you the picture of Emperor Charles.

  1. In the 6orp. Rki. the list of the persons elected to the Select Committee of Fourteen is attached to this letter, which has already been communicated in No. 1041; thereafter the names of the six in the Select Committee, namely:

Bridge. Corner.

Heller. The Chancellor of Cologne.

Philip. The Chancellor of Baden.

1072 Melanchthon's letter to Luther before his reply to the previous letters had arrived. August 29, 1530.

See No. 1070 in 6orp. Rec. vol. II, 327.

  1. we have not yet received your concern about the counterpart's requirements, since we are most concerned about it.

The whole matter still stands on these points. They ask us to confess that neither those who administer the sacrament nor those who receive it do wrong. We have excused those who receive it, but of those who administer it we do not agree. The Concilium of Basel allowed the whole Sacrament to the Bohemians on this condition, if they confessed that one form could also be rightly given and taken. They also want to wrest this confession from us. Eck says that he insists on this because otherwise one cannot keep the common man in obedience/if we do not also free the consciences as far as one form of the sacrament is concerned. We would like to hear your concern.

  1. As for the application of the masses to others, postpone them to the Concilium, so that they may show that they do not burden us with the ungodly application of the mass.

4 And yet they want us to accept the Canon, but with a convenient and Christian interpretation. I see that they deal deceitfully with us, and could easily consider what I would have to do if I were to confess for my private person alone. But since this is a common thing that affects everyone, I respect that also the voices and discretion of others are not to be rejected.

(5) We are very severely challenged by some of our people for restoring jurisdiction to the bishops. For the people, who are now used to freedom and have once thrown off the yoke of the bishops, do not like to have the old yoke put on them again. And especially the imperial cities are very angry with the episcopal government. They do not ask much about doctrine and religion, but they are concerned about government and freedom. I am sending you a copy of the last demands of the countermand, so that you can answer more easily. Date Uostriäis 29 Aug. 1530. 2)

  1. Burkhardt, p. 184 and the 6orp. Rek. dates this letter from August 29. Walch offers: ckis

[1454]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1756-1759 1455

1073 Luther's Letter to Melanchthon. July 27, 1530.

This letter is here with Walch without time determination and extremely deficient. Walch has brought a piece belonging to it 8ud No. 999 of this volume, which we have omitted there, because we give the letter here completely. Only the piece found here with Walch is found in German (without date) in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 434d; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 147; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 277; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 192; the Brie divided into two pieces, as with Walch, with Chyträus p. 95 and 171b. Latin without the conclusion at Lu668U8, p. 159 and at Co6l68tiQU8, tom. II, toi. 230. complete in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 102 with the date: "July 20, 1530." Burkhardt, p. 181, reports that the copy in the 606th of the Hamburg library >Voit. O. 14 (114) has as its date toria IV. po8t 4uoobi, that is, July 27, which is no doubt the correct date. Also Köstlin, Martin Luther (3), vol. II, p. 658 ud p. 233, has assumed this date. We translate after De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

I am very sorry that I cannot be with you in body for this exceedingly beautiful confession of Christ. Our Staupitz said: "Whom God wants to blind, he first closes his eyes; too sharp is gladly chipped. Indeed, I do not give anything to this pretext that one could set up the mass for the sake of thanksgiving or gratitude. 1) Hezekiah broke the bronze serpent, not caring that it had been preserved in memory and praise of the work of the Lord. The godly king looked more at the certain abuse and evil occasion than at the doubtful and uncertain fruit of the praise. And since our adversaries have hitherto misused their masses for exceedingly wicked examples, and have not yet repented, they vainly demand that they be permitted to keep them. For their pretense is evident, and without all repentance, therefore also a plain lie, although, as I have written before, they seek nothing right, but seek a complete tyranny of their abomination. First they may restore the doctrine of faith and works, afterwards we can watch in regard to the ceremonies. First, let them restore the church and the ecclesiastics with their proper ministries, and let the statutes

  1. Compare Document No. I005I>, which also confirms our assumed time determination.

will arise of their own accord; mau kaun the thanksgiving in other ways and

without danger and trouble in the church.

That the contradictors collect contradictions from my books, 2) they also do that to show the glory of their wisdom. How should these asses be able to judge the contradictions of our teaching, who do not understand any part of the contradictory things? For what else can our doctrine be in the eyes of the ungodly but all contradictions, since it demands and rejects works at the same time, abolishes and restores customs at the same time, honors and punishes the authorities at the same time, asserts and denies sin at the same time? But for what do I carry water into the sea?

Beyond measure, yes, beyond measure, your godliness and innocence is made glorious and certain by this manifest insolence of Satan, that he demands that everything be restored of you, that is, that you deny God, but worship the pope, and confirm all the abominations that he has created through them by such great murder, lies and blasphemies. Here, by each one of us, a thousand bodies should be given for Christ.

Your Martin Luther.

1074 Luther's letter to Melanchthon.

See Appendix, No. 12 - Here Walch brings (with the wrong date: August 26, 1530) an excerpt from the letter that is there completely communicated. Since Walch has given incorrect locations in the table of contents, De Wette, Vol. IV, p. 145, Aum., unnecessarily racks his brains over this letter. It is dated September 15 and can be found in its entirety in De Wette, Vol. IV, p. 164.

1075 Another letter from Luther to Me lanchthon, dated August 28, 1530.

This letter is handwritten in Oo6.36n. d., toi. 114 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 79. Printed in LuUÜ6U8, p. 201; in Schütze, vol. II, p. 164 from the Bvrnersche Sammlung in Leipzig, and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 156. In Walch with the wrong date: Sept. 2. According to De Wette we have translated.

Newly translated from the Latin.

  1. In a separate supplement to the Confutation, Joh. Faber compiled the passages from Luther's writings in which he should have contradicted himself (De Wette). See Document No. 997.

[1456]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1075 f. W. xvi, 1759-1761. 1457

Grace and peace in Christ! My dear Philip, I answered these questions the day before yesterday. And what is this, that they presume to demand such obviously ungodly things, since they themselves did not teach so before? And this they invent now for the sake of it, so that we should not see their past ungodly things, but that by this pretence they again establish and fortify the same. In my opinion, you could do nothing more correct than to free yourselves from these coarse tendrils by saying that you want to give to God what is God's and to Caesar what is Caesar's. If, therefore, they can show that it is God's and the emperor's, let it be; if they cannot show it, say: besides God and the emperor there is no one whom you can obey, unless it be the devil, whom even they will not command to obey. What need is there that the matter should be thus divided and divided into questions? They themselves may make it clear what they are submitting, that is, they may show that it is God's or the emperor's. Why do you suffer that they play their game with you with this inconsistent shrewdness, whether you want this or that? They may say themselves whether it is God's word, and immediately they will have obtained that you want to obey the word of God. But you had better consider this, for I am perhaps all too sure of such crude intrigues, knowing that you can commit nothing there but perhaps an offense against our persons, that we are accused of being faithless and fickle people, 1) which, however, would be easily rectified by the steadfastness and truth of the matter?) But I do not want this to happen. Nevertheless, I speak thus, so that, if it should happen, one would not have to despair. For if we have escaped violence, after peace is obtained we shall escape intrigues and lies, 3) and we shall be

  1. Namely, in the case of excessive compliance. Compare Document No. 1058 toward the end.
  2. Here we have adopted the reading of Sagittarius and Aurifaber.
  3. A comma is to be placed after <Zoto8. This is a much disputed place. Already the old translator has rendered the sense correctly, likewise Förstemann, Urknndenbnch, vol. II, p. 77. What Seidemann in De

will easily make up for our shortcomings, for his mercy reigns over us. Act manly, and let your heart be confident, all you who hope in the Lord. But you hope because you lead his cause; how could this be done without hope? Greet all our people, and you will be well with them. From the desert on the day of St. Augustine Aug. 28 1530. Yours, Martin Luther.

1076 Luther's letter to Spalatin. August 28, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in the 6oä. Isn. d., toi. 69 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 79. Printed in 6li^tra6U8, p. 295; in Lrulüsrm, p. 204 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 154. According to the latter we have translated.

Grace and peace in the Lord! I have written before about these articles, 4) my dear Spalatin, which you have already sent for the second time; and, as I said, if the devil cannot be a lion, will he be a dragon?) Now you see for yourselves that our cause has to do with deceit, therefore it is not necessary that I write much about these things. For who could not easily beware of known intrigues? They seek that they may rule over faith and conscience, and by this artifice want to draw you away from the word, which I see sufficiently; but I fear nothing, for if they continue with deceit, they will fall into our ambush. For if ye hold this owl, that ye will not or have not conceded anything against the gospel, what are their plots? Truly then I will treat them very nicely, by being with mei-

Wette, Vol. VI, p. 555 f., Note 5, is not correct. Read Document No. 1059 and No. 1076 and you will not doubt the correctness of our translation. Luther goes on and on about the papists attacking first by force, then by intrigue and trickery. Whoever now wants to refer the clolo8 to the evangelical side, as the papists do, betrays a considerable lack of judgment. Whether inencZacüa is original or an interpolation has no influence on the meaning.

  1. He may be referring to Concern No. 1061 (De Wette.) 5) That is, if he cannot carry out his intentions by force, he tries to do so by intrigue and deceit.

[1458]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1761-176.3. 1459

I would like to make it clear to you by the art of speech that these great defenders of the faith and the gospel have dared to demand something against the gospel from you. And nevertheless, if you also (which you will not do by Christ's grace) have evidently admitted something against the gospel, and if in such a way they had locked this eagle in a sack: 1) then, do not doubt it, Luther will come and gloriously free this eagle. As Christ lives, this will come true. Therefore, since you are already victors over violence, do not be afraid of these water bubbles of intrigue, whatever the outcome may be. Luther is free, Macedonia is perhaps also free, 2) which I would not like to see, so that in this way I can make a stand against the intrigues, and Ishmael 2) against the violence. Be strong and act manly. "There is no need for them to deal with the blind grips."

Furthermore, especially in the article in which it is requested that we should demand from the legate and the pope what they would like to allow us, I ask you to answer in some angle according to the manner of Amsdorf: "That the pope and legate would lick us in the ars. Farewell, my dear Spalatin, and excuse this frivolity, which is the extraordinary indignation I feel about these exceedingly wicked people. From the desert, on the day of St. Augustine s28. Aug.] 1530. Yours, Martin Luther.

D. Duke Henry of Brunswick's dealings with the Protestant estates over religion..

1077 Duke Henry of Brunswick's lecture to the Lutherans.

This and the following document is found in Müller, Ub. Ill, cmx. 31, p. 835 from the unnamed uutor. npoloZ. ILta.6.

  1. This refers to a dream of Melanchthon: an eagle had been transformed into a cat by sorcery and locked in a sack. About this Luther came along and commanded that it be let out; and so the cat is freed. (See Seidemann in De Wette, vol. VI, p. 449 f., note 8.)
  2. Philip of Hesse.

Dear sirs, it is true, and I am well aware of the matter, that I would not like to help with my person by action and war, so that your sirs, because of the use of the sacrament in both forms, or the one, and private masses, or priests' wives, and things like that, which affect the conscience, should be overdrawn, and blood should be shed; I would also not like to saddle a horse for this; but you know the manner in which your lords have subjected themselves to the monasteries and monastic estates, which they have not restored to the monks until now, on account of which the Imperial Majesty has ordered the monasteries and monastic estates to be restored to the monks. Majesty is daily approached by the monks and clergy, who have been deprived of theirs, for justice with cries and screams, so that Her Majesty has no peace from it. And since this is a just worldly matter, concerning the deprivation 3) of ecclesiastical goods, monasteries and benefices, no one would ever contradict it, since the imperial office of His Majesty would extend to helping those from whom theirs had been taken and withheld to regain it, and in this each one would be obligated out of obedience, and could not in conscience avoid helping His Imperial Majesty, since he would not be able to do so. Majesty in this, he would also have to help, and would be due to him if he were required. If, however, your lords could be guided a little in the proposed means, so that a settlement could be reached, they would undoubtedly find better ways and means with the Imperial Majesty in the matter in question, concerning the monasteries and ecclesiastical properties, through their diligence and that of others who would like to see peace in the Empire, so that, except for a concilium of monks, nuns and the like, no strife or war could be awakened in the Empire. Why, however, Imperial Majesty should be regarded as a laudable person. Majesty as a praiseworthy emperor, whose Majesty so faithfully meant things for peace and unity, did not want to be compliant in such proposals. With such a further appendix, it would not be dangerous to rely on the common crowd or people, as if one hoped to gain their support by rising up in the empire; however, if one wanted to consider it well, one could not take much comfort from the common people, because if it should lead to a revolt among the common people, it would not remain so, but this part of the danger would also have to be taken into account.

  1. Deprivation - deprivation.

[1460]{.underline} Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1078. W. xvi, 1763-1765. Hßl

1078 The Lutheran response to this.

See the previous number.

For this he should have it, if all things were compared Christianly, and the truth established, but the untruth together with the abuses were stopped and reformed, and it would then be about the monasteries or monastery estates, then the things should be helped with the help of God then soon; they would like to say that for the sake of their lords and superiors. But that the princes, rulers and cities of this part, where the monasticism and nunnery together with the angle-measuring attitude partly by the next peasant revolt, and then further by many self-willed turning out, also by Christian appointment, because the same against the divine holy word, after it had attacked and severely trodden their ungodly status and seductive doctrines and customs, to speak, to blaspheme, also to make all kinds of harmful and dangerous division in the said statuses, lands, territories, cities, towns and villages: They could not do this for the sake of conscience, because the comforting doctrine that had been led among them would be contrary to it, as little as their sovereign and princely sovereigns would be in harmony with God and God's will. They also hoped that they would not be able to do this because of their conscience, since the comforting doctrine that had been led among them would be contrary to it. So they also hoped that the Imperial Majesty would do so before the end. Majesty would not request this of the estates of this part before the final decision of a general free council. For since it had often been indicated in the committees beforehand that Her Majesty and the pope were completely determined to call for a council, which was to take place in six months, and after that, for the longest time, in one year, these matters could be left to rest for a short time, based on the requests and proposals that had been made especially in the committee of the fourteen by the seven of this part of such monasteries and monastics and clergy. Thus it should also be considered whether it would be consistent with Christian love, since the same matters had been pending for several years at a general, free, Christian council decision, that the Christian estates of this part should now, against their consciences, re-establish the essence, since in what concerns the monastic life, the monastery life and the clergy, the monastery life and the clergy are not to be considered, and ceremonies, the doctrine would be disputed and not settled, or in the case of refusal, they and theirs would be complained about, since it would still have to be done for a year or a year and a half, and in a concilio, by means of divine word, the division would be settled without such complication, blood, and so on.

or otherwise could be reached for Christian peace. For the reasons now indicated, it was hoped that His Imperial Majesty, as a most gracious Emperor, would not be induced to do so. Majesty, as a most gracious Emperor, would not be moved to do so, nor would he graciously consider it, even if the authorities wanted to pursue the matter against their conscience. It would be easy for everyone to hear what danger, further development, and burden this would cause between their subjects and the monks, nuns, and other clergy who wanted to show themselves against the recognized Christian doctrine with words, improper conduct, and ceremonies. Thus, even in this part, monks and nuns would not confess that the monasteries and estates were theirs, and thus would have been or would be deprived of theirs against God. For since their supposed worship, according to which they directed and wanted to direct all their being, teaching, ceremonies and deeds to meritorious works, was against God and His holy word, even without which this monastic system would not be a divine indication or planting, no one would want to doubt that the same goods, which were meant by founders and donors for the right Christian worship, were no longer divine enjoyment or custom. Let it be said that the property, according to their own rights, is not theirs, but Christ's, and that they should rather refrain from such a search, for the sake of their consciences, than to make use of it, especially for the reasons that St. Augustine gave in the same case, and especially until it is determined in a general, free concilio with the Scriptures, whether their doctrine and monastic system, together with their seductive ceremonies, corner masses, and the like, are divine or not.

And it would nevertheless be an unchristian act and intention on the part of monks and nuns, as well as other clergy, that they should, according to the form and occasion of the matter, and beforehand, because a concilium is to be held so conducive, subject themselves to move Imperial Majesty to arduous proceedings. Majesty to take onerous measures, since it would not be possible for them to persevere with their ungodly ceremonies and worship among the peoples who have been informed of the truth before the final act of the aforementioned council, without daily worry, risk, expense and other danger. For this the aforementioned negotiators should have it, if these matters did not concern God's word, honor and conscience, but were to do with a part of their property, one does not doubt that one would have to rely on this part of Imperial Decree. Majesty. Majesty's displeasure on that account; but in this

[1462]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, i7vs-nv8. 1463

To grant something against the conscience would concern the souls, which would have to take precedence over all other things of this world. That even for the sake of other carelessness, of which it has been said, this part should renounce the recognized truth, that would not be due to them either; for, as Christ himself said, trouble would not remain, but woe to the part that would give unjust cause for it; for this part firmly believes that their teaching is the pure gospel and God's word. Therefore, they would also know that they were commanded by God not to depart from it for the sake of any offense; and if they did so, that they were guilty before God, and that it was not otherwise due them in their consciences, and that they wanted to hold to that which was not due them, nor was it founded in Scripture, then they would have given cause to that which he had spoken of; For the pope's rights themselves said that it would be more useful to let trouble arise than that the truth should be omitted because of trouble. Thus, this part of the consolation would not be based on men, but on God, who, through His Word, has commanded His Christians to remain with the truth, regardless of all men's danger, in the face of eternal damnation. For what they were no less concerned about in the next arduous upheaval than someone from other estates would have been easy to find out, so their electors and princes, together with their relatives, would have had to take care of them. Therefore, their electors and princes, together with their relatives, should not deviate from the truth, and should entrust the remaining care to God Almighty.

E. Of the Council of Nuremberg's dissatisfaction with the previous netigion handlings, whereby he has not been able to speak well of Philipp Melanchthon in particular.

1079 The one from Nuremberg has misgivings about the Protestants' so-called unconditional and unassailable response, in which they complain that the Protestants have more than justifiably conceded to the opposite.

In the German edition of Chyträus, p. 442 and in the Latin, p. 297. In Ooklöstinus, tom. Ill, x. 81, in some pieces deviating from Chyträus.

  1. an honorable councilor of Nuremberg has the writing and means, 1) so from the Christian estates because of
  1. namely Document No. 1047.

The same is now most recently handed over to the papal committee at Augsburg, who have also consulted their theologians, and find that the same writing has been placed in three different ways or articles.

  1. first, on the articles that have been agreed upon in the committee, pnd have so far been disputed by the least part; these now rest on himself.

(3) Secondly, concerning the articles which have hitherto been in dispute, and which have not yet been united; it is good, Christian, and reasonable that, for the sake of the same articles, we should still maintain in our part that which has been publicly preached and held to be right and divine, and which is known in the confession handed down in the same form.

  1. Thirdly, the articles, for which one is partly doubtful, partly incompatible. As far as these incomparable articles are concerned, or, as the most recent list that has been handed over wants to call them, articles that are still doubtful, the same Scripture has this reputation with them, also with their knowledgeable theologians, and without doubt with other Christian persons as well, that a great deal has been left out, approved, and given into the hands of the papists, which is either harmful to the conscience, not to be preserved in Scripture, or in many ways burdensome and annoying to those who have known Christ and his Gospel up to now. And to indicate the same articles and their complications in one part in one summary:
  1. Thus it is not a little inconvenient for the Christian authorities to finally commit themselves and to hand over that they should let all monks and nuns and the same monasteries remain quiet with their old nature and their old ceremonies, as they would have used them up to now; For it will follow in many places that the same monasteries will freely reestablish their old patrocinia, sermons, ungodly masses, brotherhood, funeralia, and what is much of the like, draw the simple people to themselves, seduce them, and cause such inequality with all church customs that among the common man, before with good communes, nothing else but a whole uproar will be to be expected, to say nothing of other mischiefs arising from it.

(6) Secondly, it is not good, and does not serve to cause a little confusion, that the papists should have their hitherto used doctrine admitted and confirmed in the article, as if there were three parts of repentance. For this needs no doubt; the papists hold confessionem to be their auricular confession, and satisfactionem to be satisfaction by works. Now consider each one, if to them

1464 Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1079. W. xvi, 1768-1770. 1465

these two pieces should be admitted as necessary two parts of repentance, what they have gained with it, and whether the word of God and the Scriptures can always suffer this. And even if one wanted to gloss over the matter, to interpret it differently than the papists understand it, the common man will never be able to accept it, because the matter has become too clear and understandable.

Third, that no one should be given the sacrament without first hearing oral confession would not only give rise to great scruple and misunderstanding, but would also be dangerous to tie communion strictly to confession and to oblige people to do so. And what would it be otherwise than to force the consciences again to oral confession, to which no man should be compelled by force or necessity, and thus again to erect a papal prison, and to press people to the point that they must be confined to the day of communion, and thus at the pleasure of the parish priests, for a certain time.

Fourthly, the article is quite disgraceful, and also somewhat detrimental, with the fasting, eating meat, and forbidding meat. For in this way people would again be ensnared in keeping the gold fasts 1) and other days, out of compulsion and not out of their own good will, and Christian freedom, under the pretense of preserving peaceful unity and equality, would thus be hung on a nail, over which freedom one should hold no less than over another article of the faith, according to the word of Paul, before one should hold such freedom as a necessary statute, as the papists judge and desire the same in no other form.

(9) Fifthly, there is certainly no scripture from earth that can be found or from which it can be concluded that the deceased saints or the angels in heaven pray to God for us. Nor is there any mediator, intercessor, or high priest before God, as all Scripture indicates, except the one and only Christ; what use is it then, what fruit does it bear, for the Popes to thus yield to and confirm this article, which they have hitherto wanted to preserve as founded in Scripture, of which, however, Scripture gives no testimony? What abuses also with the time from

  1. Gold Fasting or Happy Fasting or Soft Fasting are the fasts on the four days of Quatember.

This article would be easily considered by anyone with an understanding.

(10) Sixthly, by this writing the bishops have their spiritual jurisdiction granted and yielded much more than they could ever have suspected, or even had before. And if this few article is to stand, it would be the subtlest, most correct way to suppress and extinguish the gospel in a short time that could ever be devised. For if the ordinaries should be allowed to rule over the priests as before; item, if a priest commits a criminal offense, that the ordinaries have the power to punish him unhindered by episcopal authority; that also all priests, parish priests and preachers should be presented to the ordinaries, as this article indicates in longer content and quite generaliter, also indefinite such episcopal authority: What else will follow from this, which could also assume otherwise, than that the bishops would never allow a Christian, righteous presented pastor; or if they did allow him, they would lie to him every day with this or that self-invented excrement, cite him, kill him among ways, or otherwise act with them in such a way that none could remain; Or, what preacher would allow himself to be put there, so as to preach at a certain danger, and if the authorities would not have to protect him against the bishop, and to wait for all disaster and death and destruction? How could the authorities answer for it against God, in conscience and otherwise against their congregations? If the preachers were tributed, picked, not suffered, or driven away, where would the gospel remain in a short time, and how long would the Christian religion remain?

11 And how could the Papists offer a more subtle check to the Christian estates, than to put all the other articles, which are incomparable, until a future concilio, and to accept this one article of episcopal jurisdiction? For in this way they would have obtained this way, and such a register, that they would soon master the Gospel, and the same preacher and pastor. That they would not then be able to defend themselves against Imperial Majesty, the Empire, or the Bishops. The people of the city are not to be held accountable by right, by grace or by reason to the imperial majesty, to the empire or to the confederate states.

  1. and in sum, these complaints and detrimental deficiencies would like to be drawn in more articles, and in more places, from the above-mentioned inventory: and where one can find the an-

1466 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1770-1773. 1467

If we were to take it, it would actually make us much more angry and anxious; it would confirm a large part of the papal abuses, blaspheme the gospel, accuse the Christian estates of being revocateurs, act too close to the Scriptures in many ways, and cause one mischief to another.

(13) And though for the sake of Christian, temporal peace one should yield, suffer, and tolerate much, yet one should not thereby cause strife of heart and conscience; for it is a harmful peace, and not a good peace, which is sought and maintained with detriment to souls, consciences, and injury to God's honor. So, as Paul says, one should not do evil with knowledge, so that good may come of it. And even if the matter should appear to be one of total discord, one should not act contrary to God, His word or conscience, but should proceed in a just and Christian manner, and command the care of peace or discord to God; otherwise it would be to put the gospel behind the door for the sake of temporal peace or escape from the cross. And should these articles be so accepted, and Luther, as well as other preachers, as can be seen, preach, teach and write against them, as every Christian preacher would not want to avoid such things for the sake of his conscience, and will not remain without doubt, then everyone should consider what unity and peace, which one would have thought to seek and maintain by yielding, would always result from this.

(14) And it actually gives many people great cause for thought that the foremost of the Christian estates have shown themselves to be so brave and courageous in the face of Imperial Majesty's and the imperial estates' serious opposition. Majesty and the imperial estates have shown themselves to be so Christian, brave, and prudent, and also quite steadfast, in the face of serious persuasion, and should now go so far in the amicable negotiation, which alone is the friendliest, and without all seriousness or fear of future danger.

(15) And although this list is presented in such a way that it can be applied to our part in many articles, then here, then there, it would certainly not be understood by the majority, even by most people, because even the Christian states themselves cannot draw such a clear understanding of the Gospel part from it.

  1. Moreover, that it is not good in such important high matters, concerning God's honor, order, institution, and the salvation of all men, to be so pusillanimous and unfaithful; but it is

It is necessary to act in such a way that public, disputatious, doubtful reason may not be drawn from it.

  1. Now, one or more of these means are used, they are also rejected by the opposite party, or not, but, as a reasonable person will never judge otherwise, they are so completely bare that not a little displeasure, suspicion and annoyance arise from it for the Christian states among friends and enemies, and would actually be a great cause for the Popes to take a noticeable strengthening of all their abuses from it, and first of all to boast of great overcoming; As Cochleus has already publicly written about himself in this city, and has become highly famous for many excellent indulgences on our part.
  1. But how to act in this matter now, since the list is out and handed over for the most part, that is doubtful; but according to the state of affairs, this way is considered to be the best: that E. E. Rath's envoy to our most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony 2c., and Margrave Georgen that they had sent the list by mail to their lords and friends, who wrote to them that not only they, but also their theologians, with whom they had secretly consulted, had all kinds of complaints about some of the means and articles contained therein. Where these had been sent to them before they were handed over to the committee, they wanted to express to their electoral and princely authorities their deficiencies. They would have reported their deficiencies and complaints to their electors and princes out of necessity.

(19) The council also considers the committee's negotiations, disputes, surrenders, and the like to be completely inalienable and unallied, in such a way that without the prior express consent of both parties, they cannot be considered strong, permanent, or compatible, otherwise it would be detrimental, burdensome, and dishonest in many ways for the Christian estates, according to the council's concerns, and also annoying for the opposing party.

20 Because this would be a superior, important, and such a case, in which not only the welfare and salvation of the Christian states but also of many people would be at stake, it would therefore be necessary to consider these matters with great diligence, so that nothing would be accepted, approved, or permitted that would be contrary to human conscience and souls, would also serve to confirm the old abuses, and would be more conducive to further deepening and discord than to Christian harmony:

[1468]{.underline} Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1079 s. W. xvi, 1773-1775. 1469

21 Thus, an honorable council would like to ask their electoral and princely representatives for a ruling. Gn. to graciously submit this transaction and what has occurred between the members of the committee to Doctor Martin Luther, as the one through whom God Almighty would have most recently preached and established His Gospel in the most pious manner, and to submit the matter to him as an understanding theologian, so that this transaction may also concern him most and above all others, as an understanding theologian, whom this trade also concerns to the highest and above others, so that on the part of the Christian estates the more securely would be walked and nothing would be approved and accepted, which would be detrimental and injurious to the word of God, as, without doubt, their churlish and princely sovereigns, as Christian sovereigns, would do. As Christian princes, their sovereigns would be inclined to do without it.

22 For if, behind Doctor Luther, and unknowingly to him, something final and conclusive were to be done and approved in this transaction, which is not strictly founded in Scripture, or at least doubtful, it would be to be feared that said Luther would not remain silent afterwards, but would write and preach against it; other preachers would probably do the same. To what extent this would lead to proliferation, disparity and inconsistency, they, the envoys, have to consider in their chur- and F. G.. And so then an honorable council, their friends, and other Christian estates, on their chur- and F. G., as the foremost and highest estates, have hitherto had their regard in this transaction, they provide themselves entirely that their chur- and F. G. will not take note of this request of a council out of disfavor, but out of mere necessity of conscience, and in the end of this trade, not less than in the beginning and so far, show themselves so Christian and gracious, that the widow would not like to take note of it in any other way than a constant mind of all Christian estates and co-relatives of this trade; that is what a council wanted to deserve.

  1. And although it may be burdensome to go back again in the most recent means listed, because they have been handed over to the Widertheil in writing, and may be considered approved by the same, the greatness of the trade, also the burden of conscience, is to be considered here, and by no means to reproach with God's word, and therefore not to advise a council, or other fellow relatives of this part, that they still approve such means at this time; but, if the counterpart from the submitted list ever wants to insist on finally granting it, and that for the sake of the Christian estates to consider it accepted and permitted, that then

On the other hand, the Papists would have their intention purified by the fact that this amicable negotiation of the committee by the deputies would be completely non-aligned and inaccessible to all parts, and would not be within the power of the same deputies; as then the Widertheil itself would be known for and for accepting anything in this without special prior approval of the Imperial Majesty and all other imperial states on both sides as principal approval; that also the proposed means would not be presented to any other opinion and would be presented as means, because as far as in the other articles of the constitution, the proposed means would not be in the power of the deputies. Maj. and all other imperial estates on both sides, as the principal consent; that also the proposed means would not be presented to any other opinion and would be presented as means, as far as in the other articles all, which one still disputes and does not agree on, a fair equality would be found beforehand, and the same would be admitted and accepted by the other part according to the confession handed over by the Christian estates. For without this, this most recent list, as reported, would be inapplicable and not to be considered approved in any part.

1080: Osiander's defense against the articles presented by the Roman Catholics.

This writing is found in Oo6l68tinu8, tom. Ill, toi. Osiander was the first Lutheran preacher in Nuremberg and attended the Diet. He was ordered by the council to write this apologia against the Papal Articles.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tittel.

First, because the popes also accept the orthodox and Christian articles, against which there is no objection, only in so far as they are confirmed and proved by the testimonies of Scripture or of the fathers and conciliar conclusions, and even often add that the church has accepted and confirmed them, it is easy to see that they are using them to deceive us, as if all the articles were neither valid nor to be accepted if they were not confirmed and accepted by the church's prestige. And of course they are forced to act in this way, since in the disputed articles they have no other recourse than the church's statutes and reputation. Therefore, this article must be refuted and overthrown with sound reasons, which may be done in the following manner:-

  1. the church has its origin and origin to thank to the word of God, as John I says: "He has given power to become children of God to those who believe in his name". 1 Cor. 4: "I have begotten you through the gospel in Christ JEsu." Jac. I: "He hath begotten us according to his will by the word of truth, that we should be the firstfruits of his creatures." Thus the church is placed under the Word,

1470 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1775-1778. 1471

and the word must judge the church, and not the church the word. Christ also compares the word to a net and the church to fish. Now it is not possible for the fish to have power over the net, to know about it or to do anything with it, since they are caught and kept by it.

3 So also Christ says John 5: "You sent to John, and he testified of the truth; but I receive no testimony from man. So our faith must not be based on the testimony of men, but on the word of God. And the church does not bear witness to the word of God, as if its truth and certainty were based on its testimony and thereby revealed, but when it bears witness to God and his word, it confesses and shows that it accepts it, and thus gives others cause to hold such divine testimonies in honor.

4 Christ says, "My sheep hear my voice." So the Christian church does not bind consciences to keep and observe anything in fact, but hears Christ alone, and keeps what he gives, but avoids and flees what he forbids; and what he leaves free, it imposes on no one, but lets it be free, according to the freedom that Christ has made it free. Gal. 5.

5 We also believe in a Catholic Church; therefore, we do not see or know it.

(6) If, therefore, the church were free to raise and choose articles which must necessarily be obeyed and believed, who could know what and where the church would be?

7 Paul also rejects and denies such teachings and commandments of the church Gal. 1: "If an angel from heaven preaches any other gospel to you than the one we preached to you, let him be accursed."

(8) So he says how he and other apostles are to be called and what they are to be regarded as. If then the apostles may not be heard preaching and preaching another gospel, much less may the church itself be heard; although the church does not realize and understand this, but the people who are falsely understood under the appearance and name of the church.

(9) From all this it can be shown that the church does not bind people's consciences to any articles or commandments, and that if it does so, no one is bound by such commandments.

From Original Sin.

  1. Secondly, one can clearly see their willfulness, since they also maliciously falsify other articles, and more their evil intentions and

They do not seek to amuse themselves with their own emotions, but to remedy disputes and quarrels, thereby acting contrary to the truth and their own doctrine. For when we say and teach that original sin awakens and causes evil lusts and inclinations, that we have no true fear and faith, they say, on the other hand, that these are real sins, if one does not trust and believe God and His word.

(11) Then they teach and assert that original sin is a defect and deficiency of original righteousness. Original righteousness is nothing else than what is called righteousness in our time, namely, the righteousness of faith, preceded by the fear of the Lord (for "the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom"), and followed by the slaying of evil affections or desires. Therefore, the lack of hereditary righteousness is rightly stated and described in these three pieces, namely, that one is without fear and trust of God, has no faith, lives in carnal security, and feels evil desire (or lust). Which they should know from Augustino, who in the 2nd book de peccato, meritis et remissione (of sin, merits and forgiveness) says: "Original righteousness is to obey God and to be without lust (or evil desires). But obeying God is nothing other than fearing God and trusting Him, because God's word either gives or gives away.

(12) It must also be remembered that there is no other difference between original and real sin than when original sin breaks out into action. For Paul calls both sin par excellence, and the difference has sprung only from the pointed questions and disputes of some enthusiasts and heretics. And as in unslaked lime there is a silent and hidden fire, which is revealed by the addition of water and falls into the senses, and yet is the very fire that was in it: so original sin is dead, and so long hidden, until it is revealed by the law, is kindled, and breaks out into action; so that original sin becomes real sin, which is nevertheless one and the same with the former.

(13) The error must also be punished, since they falsely teach that original sin is not only forgiven by baptism, but also completely taken away, since everyone feels the root and tinder (irritation) of it until death. (Rom. 6.)

14 So they do not know what original sin is. For what is left of the sin after baptism, they do not want to understand of original sin.

Thirdly, in the 4th article, their wrong opinion must be countered with the saying Rom. 11:6.

1472 Section 8: On the Select Committee. No. 1080. W. xvi, 1778-1781. 1473

If it is of grace, it is not of works, for then grace is no longer grace. But if it is of works, it is not of grace," for then works would no longer be works. And Eph. 2: "By grace you have been saved through faith, and the same not of yourselves. It is the gift of God, not of works, that no one should boast."

16 The saying 2 Tim. 4 ("Henceforth is to me" 2c.) does nothing to prove the merit of works, as everyone can easily see.

(17) In other sayings, where something is said about merit, it can be said that the words reward and recompense do not refer to any prior merit. For what God does or bestows out of pure grace, we can never earn by works; and if he promises something before the deeds are done, he is bound to keep and perform it, not out of merit, but out of necessity of the promise. Therefore, the Scriptures call it in a fancy way an obligation (or duty); and in this way one must understand all sayings about wages, which God also promises us in the Old Testament because of good works, namely because of the saying: "We are useless servants", which does not allow wages because of merit, but because of obligation and obligation.

18 Similarly, the Old Testament promises the reward of works, with the condition: "If you will keep my commandments, I will be your God, and give you all good things," that is, give the reward. The New Testament says (because the old one no one could keep, nor earn the reward, but all became unfit and lacked the glory): I will forgive sins by grace through Christ and be your God. Which is just as much as: if you believe, not only shall your sins be forgiven you because of the transgression of the law, but also the reward promised in the Old Testament shall be richly bestowed upon you; that is, in the Old Testament it could rightly have been called reward, if only we had rendered due obedience to the law. But in the New Testament it is called a reward because of the promised good. For the very goods are handed over, which were promised to us as wages, but are gifts (or gifts) for us. For we deserve nothing, as the similitude of the vineyard shows, where he who has labored all day in it is punished, or receives a rebuke. This saying has nothing at all to do with the New Testament, but goes to the Old Testament and belongs to it, like all others that deal with hired labor and wages.

019 It must also be remembered that there is a difference between some sayings. For this, "He will give to each according to his works," is distinct from that, if it were said, "He will give to each for or because of works;" for a cloth also is done according to the cubit, or according to the same, but not because of or for the cubit. And even if the reward were so much reward, there is no merit in it.

Fourth, enough has already been said about the 5th and 6th articles. It is only necessary to note this, in my opinion, that in explaining the saying: "We are useless servants," one does not look at the word "useless," but at the debt, or what we have owed; since no reward is due for what is done out of debt and necessity (or compulsion).

(21) But if a reward is still offered, it is a sign of freedom, namely, that if the work 1) is not equal to and in accordance with the reward, one is still free to reject and do away with both, namely, both the reward and the work (that is, not to reward the work as reprehensible).

22 For this is what Christ means when he says: "If you have kept all the commandments of God, you have not paid the debt, because he created you, sustains you, feeds you and protects you. He has already done you more good than you are worth. Your wickedness is so great, and your merits so bad and nothing, that all the good you have already enjoyed is already lost, let alone that he would still owe you more.

Fifthly, in answer to the seventh article, "church" is a common word, by which is signified every assembly and congregation that needs some special doctrine and commandments, and which is taken in Scripture in three ways. First, for the congregation of the wicked, as Ps. 26:5 says, "I hate the congregation of evildoers." Secondly, for the holy, catholic and orthodox church, of which the articles of our Christian faith give notice, which is united, which includes in itself the elect and the pious, both living and dead; for otherwise there would be more churches. It must also be holy, therefore all the ungodly, or those who do not want to repent, are excluded from it. It must also be believed, therefore it cannot be seen or pointed at with fingers. Third, it means an outward and visible cluster or assembly of some Christians and godly people.

  1. xi'LkWium meroedi rsspontZsrs is wrong, it must be instead of xraerninrn: oxns. (Walch.)

1474 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1781-1783. 1475

The first is that of the blessed people, among whom are often mixed many wicked ones; which visible heaps are as many assemblies as there are parish churches and public buildings. This kind of speech is very different from the previous one, and cannot or must not be mixed or confused with it, which is what the popes try to do in every way. For of the former it is said: "I believe a holy" 2c., that is, it must be only one. But of this one it says: many churches, 1 Cor. 14: "As it is fitting in all churches. 2 Cor. 11: "That I may take care of all the churches" (churches). The former must be believed according to the words of the Creed; the latter must be known and seen, as it is written, "If thy brother sin against thee, tell it the church" (congregation). In the latter, all are holy; but in the latter, not in the same way.

(24) The popes would gladly confound and confound the second and third meanings, seeing that the propositions and reasons of proof that the church, having the Holy Spirit, cannot err, 2c. and likewise that apart from her no one can be saved, 2c. are to be understood and interpreted by the other kind of church. But when they say, This is what the church teaches, this is what she has accepted and acknowledged to be true, they also know that this is to be understood from the third kind of church, which can err and be lacking. These same sayings are sometimes understood of the first kind, of which Paul says that they will adhere to the doctrine of devils.

(25) These parables clearly show how the angels gather and build up the other kind of church from the third, and that some wise virgins who are in the third belong to the other.

26 Sixth, that they have said in the 10th article, if it be otherwise, that the body of Christ cannot be without the blood, and the blood without the body, must be utterly rejected and destroyed, because their drivel and poems are wholly and manifestly at variance with the first article of our Christian faith, which teaches and confesses an Almighty God.

Because God is almighty, He can give us the body without blood and the blood without the body, so that Christ may still be alive and the essence of His body and blood may be unharmed.

For the other, they confirm Zwingli's and Carlstadt's error. For if the body and blood of Christ cannot be specially given to us in the Lord's Supper, much less can they be in different places at the same time and at once, for it is more contrary to nature to be in different places at the same time and at once than that his body and blood, each specially, should be given to us.

(29) And though there be no body without blood, yet it doth not follow that they are at liberty and permitted to institute any new thing in the church apart from and contrary to the commandment of Christ, as was said in the first article. For although Christ, when he instituted Holy Communion, well knew how it should be with his body and blood, yet he established and confirmed this sacrament which he instituted. Therefore, one can also say here that the disruption or destruction of this order instituted by God cannot come from faith, and therefore must be sin, Rom. 4, because no one can believe that this is not against God's command.

Seventhly, also in the 11th article, like all other statutes of men, so also the Canon of both sexes 2c. can be easily rejected and refuted, because they have neither proven so far, nor will they be able to prove and demonstrate in the future, that it is founded in Scripture.

Eighthly, enough has already been said and done about the 12th article, and so they must be asked: which part is making a futile effort and spoiling the time?

32 Similarly, in the thirteenth article, we hold of the same points, that we believe what we ought to believe, and that all is but a dispute of words. For they call a sacrament a visible sign of invisible grace. If by sacraments they understand only those signs that communicate and present to the one who uses them what is written in God's Word, then there will be only two sacraments, namely baptism and the Lord's Supper.

(33) But if they also understand other signs, which are only signs, and yet give or present nothing, then the sacraments will be more than a thousand, let alone seven; and even the ancient popes did not count more than six of them, so in this case one can easily answer.

  1. in the 14th article one can thus answer the adversaries: that the faithful ministers of the Word and of the Church are not called and chosen by the spiritual or ecclesiastical authorities, but by God Himself, in that Christ says: "Ask the Lord to send laborers into His harvest."

(35) Now if they are called by God, as Paul says, it is good; but if he will have it done by men, as mediators, the power of election is with the church, as it is written, "Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them. And do the church authorities not use the

1476 Sect. 8: Of the narrow committee. No. 1080. W. xvi, nW-nse. 1477

The church shall appoint or confirm pastors and church servants, as far as they have to deal with them because of one part, namely income.

(36) To the twenty-first article we may reply that the Scriptures speak not of dead saints but of living saints, and that the opinions of invoking the dead cannot be proved and demonstrated by any sayings of the Scriptures.

(37) What is objected to Cyprian may be refuted in the same way that Augustine refutes the grammarian Cresconium L. 2. c. 72; and even if it were certain that the saints pray to God for us, it would not follow that they must be invoked. For Paul says that there is only One Mediator; but they, according to their well-known impudence and boldness, teach the opposite, and thus bring many mediators into the way.

Of both shape.

(38) Of the two forms of the sacrament, it must not be conceded that the breaking of bread signifies the Holy Communion. For the story of Eli's sons, who lost the priesthood because of fornication and other shameful lives, means nothing more than this: It will happen that also our priests, because of their shameful life in the celibate state, will be expelled from the church and deposed from office, but others, who live piously and chastely, will be promoted in their place, who, according to Christ's word and institution, will distribute both forms of the sacrament to all pious and Christian souls; and that, on the other hand, the impure priests will be condemned to only one form, to perpetual remembrance of the unholy state outside of marriage. Apart from this, nothing else follows from this erroneous opinion and belief of theirs, if anything is to follow or be concluded from it.

  1. it is also not necessary to take up and keep the host (or wafer), since the priest has daily power to consecrate (or bless), as can be seen from decret. de consecratione, dist. 25. relatum.

From the priestly marriage.

40 That they condemn and forbid priestly marriage as unclean is clear, because they have no reasons to excuse and defend their deed; therefore one must oppose them with the chapter: "The Spirit says clearly" 2c., and: "Be fruitful and multiply" 2c. It is a creation, not a commandment, for which reason it penetrates more sharply.

From the fair.

41 The popes have nothing to defend the mass; but in this they are quite ridiculous and tasteless, that they interpret the words "to do" and "to sacrifice" to mean the same thing, and that in all three languages. The sacrifices that are slaughtered are hewn from one another and prepared in a different way before the sacrifice, so the word "to do" may well apply; but therefore to do and to sacrifice is not one as much as the other. But if this were so, it follows that the apostles did not keep the Lord's Supper properly, for it is evident that they did not sacrifice, since Christ says, "This do," and not, "I will do.

Likewise, if Christ distributed one figure at Emmaus, and it is a sacrifice, how can they be so insolent as to forbid in decrees to act only one figure?

From monastic vows.

43 They have not been able to present anything worthwhile about the monastic vows either. The king of Arragon serves as an example that it is not divine right to keep the monastic vows, because otherwise no one could remit or absolve anything from them.

44 Likewise (the word): "Not all grasp this" 2c. (And even if all their grimaces and poems were left in their place, it is more than too well known to all how the monks and nuns have lived and still live, and what vices of unchastity are going on among them.

(45) The spiritual power and jurisdiction consists in preaching, the right administration of the sacraments, binding and loosing, and in the punishment of obvious and reprehensible misdeeds by excommunication; for otherwise they cannot soften any other judicial power from the Scriptures; but such no one will want to take away and withdraw from them.

Finally, since Her Imperial Majesty not only considers this unfounded answer to be something certain and founded in holy scripture, but also refuses to hear others, the most advisable thing seems to be to bring to Her Imperial Majesty's mind most earnestly and diligently that it is not for them to order or command anything in this matter. For it is written: "Pray to Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is God's." To show clearly that the church has its own affairs and business, in which imperial majesty does not rule or speak and command at his own discretion.

[1478]{.underline} Erl. 54, IS3. Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**, W. XVI, 1786-1788.** 1479.

can. And no one will deny that this matter is of such a nature; just as the emperor himself has confessed the same in various letters. And even if he had some power in this matter, which was his by right, he would not have to compel by force, but would have to convict us with God's word; which Philip Melanchthon will be able to explain and elaborate more from the 14th chapter to the Romans, just as we have also, since we were together, often and extensively talked about it, and also at the recent Imperial Diet at Speier acted long and broadly on this matter.

1081 Luther's letter to the city clerk of Nuremberg, Lazarus Spengler. August 28, 1530.

This letter is found in German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 433; in the Jena (1566) vol. V, p. 139; in the Eisleben, vol. II, p. 18; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 268; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 183; in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 193; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 158; in Hausdorf, Leben Spenglers, p. 57 and in Chyträus, p. 172 b. Latin in Coolostiuus, tona. Ill, toi. 62 b and in Buddeus, x>. 199.

Grace and peace! Honorable, prudent sir and friend, I have heard from your writing how heartily you are moved that ours in Augsburg have gone a bit too far. But I have already written about it once, and now I am writing again, hoping that it will not be necessary. For even if Christ were to be a little weak, he is not therefore cast from the throne.

I have commanded the matter to God, and I also respect that I have kept it so finely in my hand that no man will forgive me anything in it, nor can I neglect it, as long as Christ and I remain one. For if anything should be left too much (as I do not fail), well, the cause is not lost, but a new war is begun, that our adversaries may be fully persuaded how honestly they have acted. For one will not be able to let up anything except and above the gospel, which part insidiae keep the field. For there are other insidiae in the reservation of the gospel, for the adversaries now and then can reproach us; Hum guiä 68t supientia bomiiiis eoatru Osiim?

[Therefore let your heart be satisfied; we will not yield anything against the gospel. But if ours yield a little against the gospel, the devil shall enter that part; this you shall see. The Augustini Aug. 28 Anno 1530.

Martinus Luther, D.

Luther's letter to Justus Jonas of Sept. 20, 1530, in which he writes that he is not at all satisfied with the means of composition.

This letter is found handwritten in 6od. den. b., toi. 126 and in Aurifaber, vol. ill, p. 98. According to the Jena manuscript in Buddeus, p. 206; in des Flacius lateinischer Briefsammlung; in Coelestiuus, toin. Ill, col. 88 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 169. German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 433b; in.the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 146; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 276 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 195. German in Chyträus, p. 453 and Latin, x. 311.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace! From your last letters I have understood, my dear Jonas, that you have not consented to what has been demanded by the adversaries, and have heard this with joy, and expect daily that you will return, whether as cursed by the papists or blessed. But behold, in the meantime thunder and lightning have come to me from some of our people, great and many, that you have betrayed things, and for the sake of peace would concede more. On the other hand I say: I know that it has been written by ours that the means (conditiones) proposed by the adversaries have been rejected, and that the matter has been brought anew before the emperor. On this I stand, I believe. But since they so constantly and persistently insisted and cried out that even Luther would be attracted to you, who would allow you all such things, and that more danger threatened the cause from you than from the adversaries, and it was a greater task to restrain you among yourselves than to act against the enemies: so they drove me to these words:

  1. Instead of Ollinia in De Wette we have assumed oausain with Flacius and Buddeus.

1480 Section 8: The Select Committee. No. 1082. W. xvi. 1788-1791. 1481

"If it is so, then the devil has made a pretty separation among ourselves." For I cannot suffer the conditions which you have titled with the very lovely word: "Inexhaustible, indestructible means", even if an angel from heaven urges and commands them. For how do the adversaries deal otherwise than that they do not want to yield to us even a hair's breadth, but that we should not only admit the canon, the masses, the one form, the celibate state, and the hitherto customary jurisdiction, but also confess that they have taught rightly, killed rightly, and done everything rightly, and have hitherto been falsely accused by us. That is, they have justified themselves by our own testimony, but want to condemn us, which is not merely a recantation, but curse ourselves twice and thrice, and bless them. But what shall I longer speak to you of these things? as if you yourselves did not see these exceedingly shameful outrages and the insolence of those people, which is so atrocious that it should not at any time be consigned to oblivion. And what would be the need of so many means if we wanted to do so? Let us give them only the Canon, let us give them only the Anglican Mass: either of these will be enough to deny our current doctrine, and to set up that of those people. Then, if the bishops are given the former jurisdiction, everything is still more fully conceded; of course, while they remain enemies of the Gospel, they will tolerate preachers of the Gospel! But that this should be written by me, I am compelled to do so, as I have said, by the impetuous and vehement letters of ours; it shall only serve as a testimony to me that I have written to you. For you know that I indicated beforehand how far, in my opinion, jurisdiction could be granted to the bishops, and reminded you sufficiently that you should not give more than you had 1) and to the prince himself I answered at that time extensively and in particular; but I tell fairy tales to the deaf. Therefore, my dear Jonas, tell me whether more has happened in the meantime, which I would not like to see.

  1. See documents No. 1058 and 1062.

For I do not see what harm can come from what has been done so far since the last letters, since the matter has again been referred back to the emperor. But see to it that you do not do anything that might cause division among ourselves. Peace may be as great in our eyes as it can be, but the author of peace and the arbiter of wars is greater than peace and more to be revered than peace. And it is not for us to suppose future wars; it is for us simply to believe and confess. I am not writing this because I suspect that you will concede something, but the almost frightening vehemence of the letters with which ours have castigated me compels me to fear even where everything is exceedingly certain. Henceforth, I too will not yield a hair's breadth to the adversaries, since I see how these extremely hopeful and evil people play their game with us and mock us, puffed up and secure by our weakness. And I truly know Eck's character, which is not created by art but by nature in such a way that he tends to lead those who act with him away from the point in dispute and the matter at hand until he lures them into some snare against the cause. But enough of this.

I am almost bursting with anger and indignation. But I ask that you stop the action and refrain from dealing with them and return. They have the confession, they have the gospel. If they want to, let them; if they do not want to, let them go to their place. "If there be war, let it be war; we have asked and done enough." The Lord has prepared them for sacrifice, that he may reward them according to their works. But he will save us, his people, even from the destruction of Babylon. Forgive me, I pray thee, my dear Jonas, that I have poured into thy bosom this burden of my heart. But what I write to you, I write to all. May the Lord Jesus bring you back healthy and strong, and may he make you happy, amen. From the desert, September 20, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

1482 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1791-1793. 1483

1083: Hieronymus Baumgärtner's letter to Lazarus Spengler. Sept. 13, 1530.

From the original printed in Joh. Friedr. Mayers älksertat. äs lenitats kick!.. LIelnnektkonis, p. 40, from it (without the conclusion) in Salig's Hist. der Augsb. Conf., lib. II, 6Up. 8, p. 321.

To the honorable, wise Lazarus Spengler, town clerk at Nuremberg.

My kind willing service before. Dear Mr. Clerk of the Council! I cannot refrain from telling you in good faith what I consider the action of this Diet to be, as much as it affects faith. God grant that I may not be found a true prophet in this. And first of all, from all the actions that have taken place before, it is not known to you what has happened so far to our part, now through this devil and then through another devil, who disguise themselves in a good form, even at times in the form of angels of light, and transform themselves. Although the devil has never obtained his will, nor has the means proposed by our part ever been publicly accepted, we still find so much that at present the opinion is to bring such means into the parting for granted; and although this does not happen, they have never done any action in vain, but have always wrung something from us, which we have granted to yield. They keep such concessions for themselves, and will use them one day when it is most inconvenient for us. God, however, has decreed by grace that the confession be issued and handed over once, otherwise our theologians would have long since confessed another, as they would gladly do if they were followed, even though they are unequal to each other. Philip has become more childish than a child. Brentius is not only clumsy, but also coarse and rough. Heller 1) is full of fear; and these three have made the pious margrave quite mad and fainthearted, persuading him what they want, although I realize that he would gladly do right. The pious Vogler 2) must have a lot of people talk about him in his absence, as: if he were still here, so many good and peaceful things would not have been done so far. The Elector has no one who understands this trade, except the one Doctor Bridges; however, he has been brought to the point that he now also acts with worries, since he has no support from anyone. For the other Saxon theologians are not allowed to speak publicly against Philip, since he is the one who has the

  1. "Heller" is the Margravial Brandenburg Chancellor. 2) Georg > Vogler, Chancellor at Onolzbach.

He stretched his head in such a way that he recently said to the chancellor of Lüneburg: "Whoever may say that the next means handed over are not Christian is lying as a villain. To which he was answered: Whoever says the contradiction 3) 2c. And besides, one does not cease to denigrate in many ways those who show themselves Christian and brave in this, as then the Hessians, who have kept themselves quite well and honorably in this, publicly complain before us; worry that it will be kept with us in the same way. In sum, if we do not soon receive a harsh, ungracious farewell from Kais. Majesty, we would not be let go until we were brought into the fish traps, so that we would forfeit God's grace and not attain the emperor's. For the being has so far steadily granted: as often the princes with each other, so one comes to the Churfürst ridden, tells him how he means the thing faithfully and well 2c. He has understood this or that from the emperor, and if one escaped alone in this or that piece 2c., the matter could still be helped. Soon Philip is there, puts articles, glosses the 2c., which is then carried by Heller and Brenzen also into the margrave; if one then requires us to it and we do not let ourselves taste the pre-cooked porridge well, then it is of an unwillingness, and the theologians run around, say, we would not like to suffer peace, as if peace were to be received certainly by our yielding. They only want to hit with the landgrave, whom they really disparage in this. What good must come out of this among ourselves in the end, you, as an experienced man, must assume. For this reason, I cannot think of anything useful again, because I will soon leave. If it now goes out the rough way, as the emperor intends, then it is to be feared that the gospel will be taken from us by force, as we well deserve; and although this is highly burdensome, it is nevertheless easier to answer to God than that we should freely grant arbitrary ways, by which it would be stolen from us with stratagems. Therefore, it is necessary to call upon God diligently to help the matter Himself, for it has truly come upon human reason. Periit lex a prophetis et sapientia a sapientibus. Some Schnepf still has a beak to sing Christianly and constantly, which is why he was often mocked scurrilously by others. Outside of him, we of all the theologians wanted to be one with the devil. I have told you all this

  1. To add: namely that they are Christian, he is a villain.

[1484]{.underline} Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1083 ff. W. xvi, 1793-1795. 1485

I do not want to leave it undisclosed in a confidential way, as one who would like to see things well, no less than I do. I would like to express my willingness to serve Mr. Hieronymus Ebner, otherwise you will know how to behave towards other persons named herein. God grant us all his peace. Date Augsburg, Tuesday the 13th of September, Anno 1530.

Please, if you have a spare copy of the booklet from the school, send it to me by mail for the money.

Hieronymus Baumgärtner.

1084 Philipp Melanchthon's letter to Luther. Sept. 1, 1530.

This letter is found in Oü^trueus, p. 30ö; in Ooelestinus, torn. Ill, col. 63 and in the 6orp. Rec. vol. II, 335.

Translated from Latin.

To D. Martin Luther, his very dear father,

Three days ago we concluded our discussion. For the means of comparison of the One Form of the Sacrament, of the Canon,

We do not want to accept the private mass or the marriageless state. Now the matter has been brought before the emperor once again, so that I cannot know what will happen. Let us only ask Christ to guide the Emperor's heart to maintain peace, of which we are now in great need, not only we, but all of Germany.

You cannot believe how hateful I am to the Nurembergers, and I do not know what other people are, because of the jurisdiction that has been restored to the bishops. In this way, our people fight only for their rule, not for the Gospel. Baumgärtner wrote to me: I may have been bribed by the Roman pope with so much money, but no better way could have been devised to restore the papal rule than the one we have caused. I have not fahxed or dropped any doctrinal articles at this time. They were only angry about the worldly things, which we do not have the right to take away from the episcopal power. I hope that we will soon know what conclusion the Emperor will come to. Farewell. On the day of Aegidii Sept. 4, 1530.

Philip.

Chapter thirteen, section nine.

Of the Emperor's action with the Protestant estates and further attempt at a settlement by various deputies sent to them.

A. How the Emperor personally summoned all princes, princes and estates on Sept. 7, 1530, and what happened.

1085. lecture, in the emperor's presence by Count Palatine Frederick to the Protestants.

Sept. 7, 1530.

The four following documents are from Müller's Historie, lib. Ill, 6ÄP. 33, p. 842. Also in Chyträus, Historie der Augsb. Conf., p. 457. Compare Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 391.

It would have been entirely hoped by Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty had entirely hoped that they would respond to Her Imperial Majesty's many friendly reminders. Majesty's manifold friendly admonition, according to the

The two princes have already made their request to Her Majesty to settle this matter in full. And although Her Majesty hoped for this in vain, Her Majesty nevertheless graciously granted, at the request of several princes, that a committee be appointed by both parties, and that a settlement be reached by the same, whereupon Her Majesty again raised new hopes for a good agreement. Now, however, Her Majesty hears with great displeasure and complaint that they are at odds with the others in the most important articles, of which Her Majesty is not aware. For Her Majesty could not have considered that they, who are such a small number, should introduce such an innovation against the ancient and holy usage of the whole Christian Church, and should have accepted a special doctrine, which was taught by the Pope, Her Majesty, King Ferdinand, all the princes and estates of the

[1486]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1487

The people of the kingdom, and indeed of the whole world of kings, and of all their forefathers' doctrine and faith, would be allowed to use and to persist in this. But because they now desire to establish a concilium and a peaceful parting, her Majesty, so inclined to peace, would be obliged to request the pope and other Christian potentates that a concilium be announced as soon as the place is settled; her Majesty also wanted to take this upon herself and promise them; but with this assurance that in the meantime they will also adhere to the religion to which her Majesty and other princes are attached. For that their Majesties should assemble a council, and no less leave the matters thus undiscussed, nor resist this innovation, nor abolish it, could anyone easily see how difficult such a thing would be for their Majesty and the others.

1086 Response to the Protesting Estates. Sept. 7, 1530.

See the previous number.

They should have been presented to Emper. Majesty. They had heard the Imperial Majesty's announcement with all due respect. And when Her Majesty had first reported how they, Her Grace and the others, had raised new sects and laws, and had undertaken to separate themselves from Her Majesty as well as from other Christian estates, which they should have reasonably refrained from doing: thereupon they give Imperial Majesty this "most humble" report: that they were in no doubt where Imperial Majesty had raised new sects and laws. Majesty this "most humble" report: that they are in no doubt where Imperial Majesty is concerned. Majesty of all actions as they occurred in the committee, they would not find, if God wills, that they have raised some new sect against the Holy Scriptures and the Gospel, even if their graces should be sorry that they should have gone to some new sect; Much less would it have been found in their hope that, according to God's word, they would not have wanted to compare themselves in the committees; for what the princes and others, who were appointed to the committees, would have indicated is clear from the Scriptures, which they submitted to the committee, which would undoubtedly have been submitted to His Imperial Majesty. Majesty would have been handed over. That the Imperial Majesty also offered to set up a council and to take possession of the pope in it 2c., Her Electoral and Princely Graces together with their co-convenors expressed their thanks. Graces, together with their co-relatives, in all submissiveness, to the effect that they were submissively hopeful that Imperial Majesty would establish and promote such a common, free, Christian concilium, and also with the measure of the

and in the Empire of the German Nation, as the decrees of the previous Imperial Diet and Her Majesty's approval of them also expressly and clearly state without distinction. For the aforementioned agreements, which speak without distinction and refer articles and disagreements on both sides to a general, free, Christian concilium as the proper way to act and decide such matters, do not impose on their electoral and princely graces, nor on the others. They do not ask their electoral and princely graces, nor the others, to restore the abuses that have fallen by God's word and order before the council, since they would not know how to do so with God and conscience, and it would be burdensome and quite impossible for their graces and them. Thus, the three, who had been granted by their electoral and princely graces The three, who had been appointed to the committee of the six by their electoral and princely graces, had further reasons why their electoral and princely graces, together with their relatives, would not be able to do so. They have indicated further reasons why their electoral and princely graces, together with their relatives, would not be obliged to do so, nor would they be able to do so in conscience. Majesty and a free Christian concilium of legal form a year ago, and against the decree, so that next there at Speier in some points against the abuses, which fell with their churl and princely sovereigns and their relatives. The court has protested against the abuses that have fallen on their sovereign and princely lords and their relatives, that have been innovated, and that they want to have them attested. Where Her Majesty wished to insist on such a request, as they did not want to provide for it, it would be contrary to the reported appeal and protest as an 'innovation and inappropriate to the rights. They have therefore most humbly requested that, after notification of the agreements and the subsequent approval by the Emperor, the court grant them the right to do so. M. to graciously promote and establish a general, free, Christian concilium in the Empire of the German Nation, outside of the requested settlement. And to graciously understand all this for their unavoidable necessity, the more their churlish and princely graces would be. Their Royal and Princely Graces would also be the other Caiphal Majesties. Majesty in all submissiveness with body and goods.

1087 Imperial replica to the Protestants by Georg von Truchsess. Sept. 7, 1530.

This document is found not only at the locations indicated in No. 1085, but also in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 395.

The Roman Imperial Majesty should have sent the Elector of Saxony, the other princes, and the absent embassies, as well as their electoral and princely representatives, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, and the Holy Roman Empress. Gn. The Roman Emperor has graciously heard the answer from the cities and has noted it on three points.

[1488]{.underline} Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1087 f. W. XVI, 1798-1800. 1489

First of all, that their electors and princes apologized for the new sect and doctrine. They apologized and pleaded with the attracted sects and new teachings that they would not like to do anything or allow others to do anything that would be contrary to God's Word and the Christian Church, and they should be heartily and faithfully sorry to separate themselves from the Christian Church.

On the other hand, that their electoral and princely graces are against the imperial government. Graces towards Imperial Majesty. Majesty of the most gracious grant and promise of a concilii to be undertaken in the most conducive manner.

And thirdly, as to the difficulty and impossibility of their Electoral and Princely Grace. Their Majesties have objected to the fact that in the meantime the old customs of the church should be restored to a concilii and all things brought back to their former state. Majesty had ordered him, Mr. Georg Truchsefsen, to report to her chur- and princely graces. Her Royal and Princely Grace.

And namely, as far as the first point is concerned, that Her Imperial Majesty has diligently considered all points and articles, and also all actions, as they were taken by the fourteen persons for the first time, and subsequently by the six in the committee; but that the matters were much differently arranged and reasoned, than Her Electoral and Princely Grace had allowed to be heard. and that their princely graces are still in many respects in doubt. They could not be sufficiently surprised that the deputies had let themselves in so far and so deeply, had also given up so much, and yet had not wanted to be considered or accepted by the other part.

As for the other point, when their Electoral and Princely Grace, together with their relatives, agreed on a concilium without distinction and therefore on imperial agreements. The other point is that their electors and princes, together with their relatives, have agreed on a concilium without distinction and therefore on the imperial agreements, and that their electors and princes, together with their relatives, cannot present or control the agreements made at the next imperial congresses at Speier. and their kinsmen could not present or control the agreements made at the next Imperial Diet at Speier, except in those in which their Electors and Princes and their co-associates had the right to vote. They do not want to seal or execute them, but protest against them and appeal to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty; which protestation and appeal Imperial Majesty considered null and void. Majesty considered null and void, and for this reason let it rest in its unworthiness, and for this reason her Electoral and Princely Grace did not bother with it. For this reason, their electors and princes should not have had recourse to them, since at that time the lesser should have pursued the greater part.

And thirdly, because their electoral and princely representatives, together with the same relatives, are not allowed to be present. and their relatives, against the

Imperial Majesty. Majesty and Papal Holiness, Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, and other Christian kings, authorities and potentates in such small numbers, their Imperial Majesty respected and held them responsible for the fact that the lesser number would follow the greater. Majesty that the lesser number would follow the greater. Therefore, it is once again the wish of Her Imperial Majesty. Maj.'s request that His Majesty's Electoral and Princely Grace His Majesty's electors and princes should discover their mind and give a clear understanding as to whether their electors and princes will suffer any further action. and Princely Grace intend to suffer further action or to rest on their answer; for if further action were to be permitted, Imperial Majesty would endeavor in his own person. Majesty would strive in his own person to think of ways and means that would be conducive and conducive to peace and unity in the meantime of a concilii, and so that one might sit and remain with one another in good peace. If, however, their Electoral and Princely Grace should oppose, refuse, and persist in their presumption, their Imperial Majesty would nevertheless have to consider themselves as one of the "good men" of a concilii. Maj. would then nevertheless have to show himself as a priest and patron of the church; and since it is now somewhat late, 1) Imperial Majesty wanted to give her electoral and princely authority to the church. Majesty wished to show her chur- and princely. Grace, together with their relatives, until tomorrow at one o'clock, and at the same time they would appear again and give an answer.

1088: The Protestants' answer to the Emperor through Chancellor Brück. Sept. 9, 1580.

This document is found, in addition to the locations given in No. 1085, also in Govlsstinus, tom. Ill, tol. 75 and in Gtivtravus, x>. This account is according to Brück's Geschichte, p. 139; another relation according to the Margravial Braudenburg Acts at Nuremberg, No. 39, p. 256 is found in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 4l0. On September 8, this letter was to be handed over to the Emperor, but on the Emperor's orders, the reply was postponed until September 9, when it was presented orally by D. Brück.

Her Majesty had recently been told, among others, how all articles and actions of both committees had been reported sufficiently; but Her Majesty did not consider the matters to have been arranged in such a way that this part could have been heard. So this part would have known for certain, would also have been in the committee, where otherwise Her Majesty would have actually been reported of all the same actions as those that took place in the committees, and should also have been further reported by bestowal of divine power.

  1. By D. Heller's hand is written in the margin: "Eodem die umb 7 oder 8 Horn In der nacht."

1490 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, Ev-E. 1491

In addition, the Holy Roman Catholic Church, by the grace of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, in a common, free concilium, decided in broad daylight that the doctrine and, in particular, the articles created in this part were irrefutably founded in God's Word, command and order, and that their sovereign and princely graces did not separate themselves from God's Word and order in any way, nor did they enter into any new laws contrary to it, even if they were instructed to do so by God's Word. They should also be heartily and faithfully sorry, if they had been or would later be instructed to do so by God's word, that they should show themselves to be separated from the holy Christian Church for a moment. For this reason, Imperial Majesty did not wish to be ungracious. Majesty did not want to feel any ungracious surprise if the princes and others who had been appointed to the committees in this part could not have proceeded from God's clear word, order and command to some of the proposals mentioned above. And when the Imperial Majesty Majesty gave her Electoral and Princely Grace the right to the other point. and princely representatives for the other point, and among other things, this opinion that Her Imperial Majesty was not a little surprised. Majesty was also not a little surprised that the churons and princes, together with their kinsmen, wanted to go to the next Speier parting, if they had protested against it and appealed from it, which protestation and appeal their Imperial Majesty considered a nullity. Majesty considered null and void, and for this reason let it rest in its worthlessness, their Lord and Princely Grace and the latter's friends would like to have a look at it. and their fellow relatives should not have to resort to the same, as they should have pursued it at that time, as the lesser part to the greater part. Hereupon the princes and rulers, together with their co-relatives, have humbly notified Imperial Maj. Maj. that they will protest against the aforementioned next Speierian decree, and further appeal to their Imperial Maj. Maj. and a common, free, Christian concilium, for the unavoidable and urgent reasons for which the aforementioned protestation and appeal were made; and, as the Electors and Princes of this part may not otherwise remember, with this difference, as far and as long as the reported Speierian act, together with the parting, were contrary to the doctrine and customs used and observed by them by divine command, further or otherwise. In addition, it would be a great honor to know that the electors and princes nevertheless did not deviate so far and completely from all the actions that took place at Speier: the electors and princes of this part would have been the greater part of their imperial majesty as their allies. Majesty, as their most gracious lord and emperor, to submissiveness with the rendering of urgent assistance, to resistance of the hereditary enemy, Christianity.

The court of justice of this part of the country has shown no less than other princes, princes, and estates that it is subservient to them. Thus the Electors and Princes of this part know no other than that of their Imperial Majesty. Majesty's most gracious granting of the Concilii, which they had yesterday 1) obtained, would have been granted by Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Instruction at the beginning of the aforementioned Diet at Speier, by Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Royal Dignities of Hungary and Bohemia 2c., together with the orators ordered by their Imperial Majesty. Majesty's appointed orators and commissars, and before some action had been taken, which they had appealed for; and such had been submitted to their Imperial Majesty's most gracious permission. Majesty's most gracious permission has been extended primarily to the parting of the ways of the preceding ones proclaimed and held by Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty's Imperial Diet, in which it was unanimously acted and resolved to establish a general, free, Christian concilium in the German nation. Nevertheless, the Christian princes and rulers of this part are not bound by the foregoing agreements, together with the notification of their Imperial Majesty. Majesty's most gracious permission (where they nevertheless should not have to take comfort in the next Speier farewell), namely the farewells at Nuremberg in the fourth and twentieth, then at Augsburg in the 25th, and at Speier in the 26th year. For this reason, the princes and lords, together with their kinsmen, hoped and did not doubt that their imperial majesty would have the opportunity to report the events. Majesty would graciously consider the occasion of their necessary protest and appeal as a right-loving Emperor; especially that such appeal to Her Imperial Majesty and to a common Christian authority would not be possible. Majesty and a common Christian council: for this reason Her Imperial Majesty would allow such an appeal to be made. Majesty would therefore graciously respect such an appeal, until due justification and vindication in the reported council, which the Elector and Prince, together with their kinsmen, have graciously offered to do there in case of necessity. Thus also the Elector, Princes and cities, without necessity, respect Imperial Majesty. Majesty with a dispute as to whether they, as the lesser part, would have been obliged to follow the greater part in these matters at the next Imperial Diet at Speier, since this is one of the most important complaints and causes, for which they should appeal to Imperial Majesty and a concilium. Majesty and a concilium, of which they offered to do due justification in the said concilio.

  1. on September 7. However, because the communication of this answer by the Emperor was postponed to September 9, it no longer fits.

[1492]{.underline} Sec. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1088 s.

W. XVI, 1802-1804. 1493

Therefore, it is in the most humble hope, and especially since the above-mentioned imperial agreements are unconditional and outside the scope of what their Imperial Majesties had announced to them yesterday, that such a general, free, Christian concilium will be approved by their Majesties. Majesty had them announced yesterday, conclude on a common, free, Christian concilium, that Her Majesty would graciously promote and establish such a decided and approved general, free, Christian concilium outside of such measure to the same agreements, therefore they also ask Her Majesty, as their most gracious Lord, in all subservience. But when Her Imperial Majesty When Her Imperial Majesty finally requested the Elector, the Princes and their kinsmen to discover their minds and to make it clear whether they, the cities, intended to take further action in the Articles or to rely on the previous decision, Her Majesty wished to make an effort in her own person and to think of ways and means that would be conducive to peace and unity in the middle of a concilii 2c. Thus the Princes, Princes and their kinsmen thanked Her Majesty, Her most gracious Emperor, most humbly, with further notice: Her Imperial Majesty has undoubtedly heard from the report of the action of both committees that those Princes and others who have been appointed to the said committees have allowed themselves to be heard in the same committees to the utmost, and as much as they might consider that could be proposed by them for consideration; so they have also heard from Her K. Majesty's Majesty. Majesty. They would also have understood from Her Majesty's remonstrance that Her Majesty was surprised by the matter. They would also have understood from their Majesty's reproach that their Majesty was surprised that the others of the committee had gone so far and so deep against this part. Therefore, the Elector, Princes and related cities may well take care that nothing else happens with the further action to be taken on this matter, except that their Imperial Majesty endeavors, and others, to take care of the matter. Maj. would be troubled, and other imperial affairs would be delayed in vain. But to act on a peaceful arrangement in the middle of the Concilii, so that external peace may be preserved, this is what the Lords and Princes with their kinsmen have hitherto humbly offered to do, as they have then once again completely humbled themselves against their Imperial Majesty. Majesty, to take action on this matter with the Princes, Princes and Estates of the other part, to arrange and settle it together; and that they also wish to keep it in the meantime, as they had hoped and dared to do in the much-touched Concilio, in the most subservient hope and consent of God and of their Imperial Majesty.

The German people, who are in the midst of the German Empire, have claimed that their Majesty would graciously show his support for a general, free, Christian council in the German nation by means of the above-mentioned treaties. Thus, they would also command their submission to Her Majesty, as their most gracious Emperor and Lord, with the offering of their owing and willing obedience, and their most submissive services, with the extension of body and goods 2c.

B. Of Melanchthon's correspondence with a certain friend of the Chancellor of the Bishop of Liège.

1089. Two letters from a certain friend of the Liège Chancellor to Melanchthon.

Sept. 4 and 5, 1530.

At Oo6l68tiuu8, tom. Ill, lol. 66, and in 6orp. kek., vol. II, 341 and 343. - The bishop of Liège was Count Eberhard von der Mark; his chancellor ^.6Aickiu8 aThe chancellor's unknown friend is

According to Förstemann's assumption (Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 380) Otto Beckmann, formerly professor in Wittenberg, and envoy of the bishop of Osnabrück at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530.

Translated into German.

I.

I. My dear Mr. Philip! I have spoken carefully several times, both jokingly and seriously, with the Chancellor of Liège on our behalf, who said that he had passed on to his master your concern about the articles that should be left until a future concilium, and that he was very anxious to keep the peace. But he does not see how these articles can be accepted without offense by learned, honest, unsuspicious men, or, as you write, dissimulated, especially from the marriage of priests, from the Mass customary in our country. If these were to be abandoned, as you wish, the perpetual sacrifice and also the whole priesthood would be abolished, using your own words. He therefore demands of you that you make a true and pure confession in certain articles of yours and yours, and that you say briefly and sincerely what you believe. He worries, as I suspect, that there is something evil behind it and that you pretend something different with your mouth than you believe in your heart. There is also no lack of those who do not believe the sincere.

1494 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, i8v4-i807. 1495

The church was not to be accused of a reckless disposition by the emperor, much less to do anything that would not contribute to the general peace and the church. Maj., much less do anything that would not contribute to the general peace and unity of the church.

I understand that he loves both princes dearly, and therefore does not want them and their principalities to come into danger, but rather that they should compare themselves with the emperor at this imperial diet, if only yours would also consider a means so that this may be done without annoyance to the world and without contempt for the emperor, of whom you yourselves are convinced how highly he holds religion and church customs. This much is certain, according to my insight, he will not be able to be dissuaded from the old use of the mass in any way or manner, nor will he change his mind by persuasion, least of all abolish the private mass altogether, not even among your people.

3 Therefore, my dear Philip, since you are considered the most distinguished of your part here, the bishop of Liège demands of you that you only indicate with a few words what you have recently widely done, how your public masses should and could be accepted with the approval of the imperial majesty and the papal legate (with whom you have also spoken about your matter these days). Majesty and the papal legate (with whom the bishop of Liège has also spoken on your behalf these days) should and could be accepted, while the private masses remain abolished, but in such a way that the mob does not take advantage of the clergy who want to say mass. Consider, my dear Philip, that the general welfare, unity in the church, and calming of the minds is not only useful to you and yours, but also to the princes. I do not know whether I may say that the emperor already has the sword in his hand, because every day he is more and more embittered by these and those, who otherwise cannot easily be harnessed; but then, once he is enraged, it is difficult to appease him.

  1. I have also tried everything with the highest and most distinguished to make peace and to preserve your honor. In some things you might see through your fingers if one circumstance or another were not in the way. Some say that some of you promise great things, but we believe that, when it comes to war, they will not dare to do a thing, but will soon put forward this or that, abandon you in the midst of danger, and even become your enemies, whereas before they had made a point of fighting under your banner. And despite the given assurance, they will plunder everything here and there and lead to an all the greater

and inhuman defeat of yours, since the oath sworn to the emperor must serve as an excuse for them and their procedure is considered by many to be right and praiseworthy out of a semblance of the greatest need. However, if you were left like this, you would have a lot to do, and many innocent people would be killed, as we have experienced more than once in our time. But I hope that your cause can be settled without bloodshed if you act wisely. For I think that your public mass, at least the Latin mass, could be tolerated until a concilium, if only in the meantime the private masses were also read, and the clergy, especially those who attend the service, were restored to their priesthood.

5 Beware, my dear Philip, lest there be cause to say: This has happened through Philip's bragging. Be well, and greet your friends, especially Spalatin, who has sent me greetings in writing these days, in my name again in a friendly manner. September 4.

II.

To his dearest friend Philippus Melanchthon . to his own hands.

My dearest Philip! Yesterday, as I promised, I was waiting for you in St. George's Church together with the Chancellor of Liège. George's Church, together with the Chancellor of Liège, a man who, if I am not mistaken, is as learned as he is pious and honest, awaited you with great eagerness, to whom I also recommended you in the best possible way as I was leaving, and explained to him how you were the one through whom peace could be established in the seemingly great danger, and the unity or at least the tranquility of the Church could be restored, if some articles were accepted or left undecided until a future Concilium. Today this man came to me and said that he had related our conversation to his Cardinal, and that he had answered very graciously and indicated his desire for peace, if only the demands were not made too great. Be assured, my dear Philip, that I have tried the utmost out of an honest and righteous heart, so that only poor Germany, under the pretense of saving the evangelical truth, may not be afflicted with new disturbances and experience a far greater defeat than formerly in the miserable peasant uprising. And even if I were the very worst man, you would still not have to rely on me for any fraud or falsehood, if only because we in Wittenberg have such a

[1496]{.underline} Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1089 f. W. xvi, 1807-1809. 1497

I do not hope that you have ever been able to accuse me of any falsehood. I only display my joy all too openly and gossip about some things in jest at societies, not both out of malicious intent, but rather out of carelessness, of which it would perhaps be much more advisable to remain silent. No one has yet caught me in a lie or deception. I am not so far from the Wittenbergers, from whom I have enjoyed many a benefit, that I should not wish their cause to proceed happily, since I have always liked to see that everything was done by them in a modest manner, not under the leadership of godless people in an inflammatory way, and have not missed the simple evangelical sense in them, which does not deal with putting the world into turmoil. Therefore, no one can and should suspect anything evil from me. If I am not able to do many things with good progress, I would rather be regarded as a spectator in the meantime. I am not such a man by whom Philip should or could be deceived; nor will your sincerity toward me permit me, as much as is in me, to bring you to ruin or danger. The outcome will make it clear that I had no evil in mind, as some might suppose. The chancellor, where he can be trusted otherwise, also seeks nothing other than the common peace of the church, should it also, that I use his own words, be preserved by unjust means. He adds that his Cardinal desires nothing else than to see the minds of the great united, especially in matters of faith, and peace established in the Church, indeed in the whole world, without bloodshed. I asked him that, if the Cardinal, as a gentleman who is said to be unkind, would not be well disposed toward the sings to the Emperor, he would, according to his wisdom, for the sake of general tranquility, appease him, perceive the present course of events, and think that things that have happened cannot be changed. And because I see that you alone are so concerned about peace, draw up, if you like, some articles in which, in your opinion, something can be given way, and send them to me so that I can send them to the chancellor and ask him to take care of everything diligently and to inform me immediately what the Cardinal's attitude is at Liège. Farewell. September 5.

  1. This confirms Förstemann's assumption that Otto Beckmann was the writer of these letters.

1090th Article, which Melanchthon sent to the above friend of the Chancellor of the Bishop of Liège on Sept. 5, 1530.

From Spalatin's transcript in the Weimar Community Archives RoZ- R, toi. 37,I7o. 2, p. 147. With several errors in Ooolostinus, torn. Ill, toi. 67. Latin also in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 381 and in Oorp. Rot. II, 345. German in Spalatin's Annals, p. 224. The time determination is according to Förstemann. We have corrected the text according to the Latin.

All that one admitted in these articles appears clear from the writings so one handed over.

Of both shape.

We have excused those who take the One Form alone. Because they do not have the administration of the sacraments, they must take the sacrament as it is given to them.

Therefore they take the one form alone without sin, and this excuse we are free to teach and preach. For until now we have also excused the others in this way, so that they might have comfort for their consciences. But if we were to teach in general that one form should be required, it might be thought that we would consider the denial of the other form to be right. This we cannot do. We have also explained sufficiently that we do not want to give the one form to everyone without distinction, but only to those in whom we have noted that their consciences would be troubled to take both forms.

From Marriage.

That is in the day, that the prohibition of marriage has grown up completely from human rights, as also the attracted rights testify. It is also the case today that the prohibition of marriage has not always been the same.

For there is a canon that says the deacons remain in their church service if they have taken wives, and testifies that they would not be able to keep chastity. But the priests resigned their office; those who had taken wives were not banished for it.

In two concilia decrees and agreements were made that priests should not be forbidden to take their wives before their priestly office.

But this notwithstanding, after that Pope Siricius forbade the priests the wives, notwithstanding both previous conciliar separations and deportations.

[1498]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 1809-1812. 1499

crete. So many strange changes have taken place in this matter in Christendom. And such decrees have often been changed, not only in other nations, but also in German lands, as the histories testify. Therefore, if at this time, in view of the present occasion, such a prohibition of priestly marriage were to be alleviated, because it grows entirely out of human rights, the innovation would have a safer and better excuse, since the old decrees in this matter, which were in accordance with divine rights, have been abrogated.

For in this case, our people have not acted contrary to divine right.

Thus, the necessity had to be taken into account. For many churches would have no pastors if married priests were to be deprived of their priestly office.

One would also have to think that the Christian religion would perish at the same ends if the pastors were deposed. Now it would be quick and unkind that one would rather let the whole religion, God's word and faith perish, before one wanted to alleviate a few statutes, or at least see through the fingers with it, when the same statutes, which are also otherwise burdensome, have been kept by the fewest priests in Christendom.

And it is probably a miracle that one keeps this statute so swiftly and bitterly, so that other innumerable statutes, for the sake of even minor causes, are alleviated and abated.

But this matter needs no disputation. For the matter speaks for itself, how hard this statute is, and how few there are of those who keep it right. Therefore, it would have been right for this statute to give way to the divine law, which allows priests as well as other people to marry.

From the fair.

The fair half one has already given answer.

For example, ours keep the substantials and the most important parts of the Mass, as far as the Consecration is concerned.

But as far as the other words are concerned, the repugnants and opponents themselves indicate that they are in some mischief. For they put an interpretation on it, which would not be necessary at all, if the words of the canon of the silent mass were clear and loud enough.

But because ours teach that the application of the masses, and that the masses are to be used for piety and good, comfort and salvation also to the

and not only to the living, but also to the dead, is contrary to the righteousness of the faith, as we have shown in our confession;

Therefore, the words of the Canon are not read, from which the application of the masses is taken.

Wherever we accept the words of the application again, it would be considered that we condemn our confession and doctrine ourselves.

Now we can by no means consent to this, contrary to our confession and the same reason.

Moreover, it is also public and in the day that one canon is not held everywhere in the church, but in one this one, in another another one. Therefore, the disparity of the canon does not harm the faith at all.

Finally, because we do not teach against the faith, and we have offered such means as we believe are just, we have provided that ours should not be further burdened against their consciences.

But since it is not possible to make unity and peace by the means to which we have offered ourselves, we ask that these matters be postponed until a future concilium, of which this German nation has been put off so often and so much, and that we now discuss how a peaceful arrangement can be decided and established until a future concilium.

1091. thirteen other articles, about which one cannot compare with the Gegengentheil.

Latin atx . 323 and at 6o6l68tinu8,

torn. Ill, col. 68. Compare no. 1055. Also in Oorp. Lkk, vol. II, 377.

Translated into German by Johann Frick.

The first, of justification, that we are justified before God by faith in Christ, not for the sake of our previous or subsequent works or merits, but by grace.

The other, that though good works are necessary, they do not merit grace and righteousness, but faith takes hold of grace.

The third, that in confession the recounting of all sins is not necessary.

The fourth, that though repentance is a necessary thing, yet for its sake sins are not remitted, but by faith are forgiven.

[1500]{.underline} Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1091 ff. W. xvi, 1812-1814. 1501

By this we believe the reckoning of sins or the gospel. Therefore, repentance must be accompanied by faith, which gives comfort in repentance and makes us certain that our sins are forgiven.

The fifth, that the canonical penitential exercises are not necessary for the remission of the punishment.

  1. The sixth, that for the true unity of the church not the equality of the human statutes, but rather the agreement in the evangelical doctrine and in the use of the sacraments is necessary.

The seventh, that self-chosen worship, ordered without divine express command to merit grace, conflicts with the gospel and obscures the glory of Christ's merit.

The eighth, that the monastic vows and the services of the monks, introduced to the end that they should be a useful service to earn grace, are contrary to the Gospel.

The ninth, that although the church statutes, which can be kept without sin and are made for the sake of good order, are to be kept in the church out of love to prevent trouble, it would not be so to assume that they are a service necessary to salvation. And the bishops do not have the right to burden the consciences with such service. Therefore, whoever refrains from such traditions without causing offense does not sin.

The tenth, that because the invocation of the saints has no testimony in Scripture, it is an unwholesome, dangerous, and very diminishing thing to the glory of Christ, whom Scripture presents to us as the only Mediator and Reconciler.

The eleventh, that those who do not want to admit both forms act against the institution of the sacrament, without Scripture.

The twelfth, that the forbidden marriage of the clergy is contrary to the divine command, according to which, for the sake of fornication, every man shall have his own wife.

The thirteenth, that the Mass is not a work which, when applied to others, earns them grace ex opere operato, but that, according to the confession of the whole Church, the Lord's Supper is that sacrament by which grace is offered to him who receives it; which grace he really obtains, not by the mere outward work, but by faith, when he believes that grace and forgiveness of sins are offered to him there.

  1. The sixth article of No. 1055 is omitted here, therefore only thirteen articles are counted here.

C. Duke Henry of Brunswick's conversation with the Elector Prince of Saxony, John Frederick, and the Chancellor Drück concerning the monastery estates.

1092: Duke Henry of Brunswick's application to the Elector Prince of Saxony and Chancellor Brück concerning the monastery properties.

The following three documents are found in Müller's Historie, lib. Ill, eap. 34, p. 858 ff.

He does not find anything else than that the Lutheran part must be allowed to stay with their articles until a concilium, as he therefore did not want to advise or help otherwise; however, while Imperial Majesty is being approached daily about monasteries, the Lutherans would like to consider whether it would not be expedient to keep the monasteries in the hands of the Emperor until a concilium. Majesty about the monasteries, the Lutherans would like to consider whether it would not be expedient to place the monasteries in the hands of Imperial Majesty until a concilium. Majesty until a concilium.

1093. hereditary petition of the Electorate of Saxony against Duke Henry of Brunswick for the

led monasteries. Sept. 11, 1530.

This offer of inheritance is printed from Brück's apology in Förstemann's "Archiv", p. 150. A copy is found in the Markgräfiich Brandenburgischen Acten zu Nürnberg, Bl. 189. The time determination is according to Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 419.

Although for the sake of the monastery properties the committee of fourteen persons, His Electoral Grace, also the others, have been notified and offered their part. The Elector of Saxony has had the committee set up to deal with the supplications, in writing; moreover, for the sake of the monasteries, this part alone is not held to that standard, but also by those who do not presume to follow this doctrine: nevertheless, so that God's word might not be denigrated, as if one sought on this part more one's own benefit than God's honor, His Electoral Grace would like to see such things prevented. Nevertheless, so that God's word should not be insulted, it was sought on this part, more for one's own benefit than for God's honor, that His Electoral Grace, for the prevention of such a condition, suffer a harmless sequestration, so that these monasteries would be administered by secular honorable people of nobility and other of the princes' dominions, among which the monasteries are located, and who would be patrons and advocates of such monasteries, so that these monasteries would not be alienated in goods, interest, pensions, fees, and also in competent woods; to whom, for their effort, a due remuneration would be paid.

[1502]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, i8i4-i8i6. 1503

together with the costs, also decreed to Imperial Majesty for the sake of the sale. Majesty for two years, in the hope that the General Council will be preceded in the meantime. They should also (in order to find out how such estates would be managed) give account and information to some of the patrons' deputies and those who understand their administration, but the advocate's right of attorney and other rights, which he has brought to such monasteries with services, consequences, prohibitions and the like, are reserved in all respects. And that such sequestration, together with the administrator's duty, on account of His Imperial Majesty, shall begin. Majesty, for the duration of the two years in question, where between them the general, free, Christian council has not preceded, without any further relaxation, shall be dead, unbundled, and cease, after the end of the two years, to turn the same into other Christian mild ways, so also Imperial Majesty, together with others, who have been in power for the last two years, would be able to do so. Majesty would know how to procure the same with others who, as indicated above, presumed to be outside this part of the monasteries, so that equality would be maintained.

1094. Duke Henry of Brunswick's counter-announcement, which was made after the Prince Chur of Saxony

Departure 1) happened to the Chancellor Brück.

See No. 1092.

He did not want to hide his confidential opinion, which he also wanted to report to his lord, the Elector of Saxony, but that he remained unreported: "After he had a talk with his electoral son, Duke Johann Friederichen, he was informed that he would not be able to report to his lord, the Elector of Saxony. After he had spoken with his son, Duke Johann Friederich, he noted Imperial Majesty's opinion on it. Majesty's opinion thereon: if innovations were to be stopped on this part, and everything were to be restored to the state in which things had been before this discord, then Imperial Majesty wanted to make a concilium. Majesty would make a concilium and not impose any punishment against this part of the estates, since they would also be found to have acted unjustly. If, however, they did not want to make such restitution, Her Majesty wanted to apply the same, and nevertheless also make a concilium, but if it was then found in a concilio that this part had acted unjustly, Her Majesty then wanted to apply serious punishment. The aforementioned council should indicate this to the Elector of Saxony in a confidential opinion, so that he would consider what His Electoral Grace wanted to be done. His Grace wanted to be done.

  1. The Prince Chur had left Augsburg on September 12. (Förstemanns Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 450.)

D. From the Chancellor of Baden, Hieronymus Uhus, conversation with D. Drück and Philipp Melanchthon. Sept. 10, 1330

1095. lecture by the chancellor of Baden, against D. Brück and Melanchthon.

In Müller's History, Ii1>. Ill, eup. 35, p. 866 are the four following documents from the unnamed uutor. upol. mtu.

Georg Truchsess, as a man of understanding, who would like peace and to see things well with all parties, and who might also sometimes tell the king, as well as some princes, more than others, had sent for him the previous Friday 2) at nine o'clock in the evening, and reported to him that things were not well with regard to the faith; for Imperial Majesty had offered to take further action in his own person against the Elector of Saxony and other of his electoral relatives. The Imperial Majesty had offered against the Elector of Saxony and other of his electoral relatives to take further action in his own person on the actions taken in the committees, and to leave nothing to be desired in all gracious diligence, so that these matters might be brought to Christian unity and peace; but the Elector of Saxony and his electoral relatives had not done so. His Grace's kinsmen would have refused Imperial Majesty such offered actions. Majesty had refused such offered actions, which would have greatly burdened Her Majesty, and it might happen that people would come to them who might have little opinion of peace for the sake of these matters, and that strife and all kinds of trouble might ensue for the Empire of the German Nation. For although His Imperial Majesty is a peaceful man Majesty would be a peaceful, benevolent emperor, but nevertheless, since it would appear to her Majesty as if something were happening to her Majesty's disdain, as benevolent as her Majesty would otherwise be, she would also move violently in such a case. Now, Mr. Georg Truchsess, as a good and born German, would not like it, if it were possible, to bring the matter to other ways later: for the two, as D. Brück and N. Philipp Melanchthon, could consider for themselves how it would be with Imperial Majesty, who would have given the Germans something to despise. Majesty, who would have little in their council of the Germans, so understanding, the great bunch would be Spaniards and people of foreign nations, who would care little about how the Germans were doing. Because the Germans also do not want to give the pope, France, and other foreign nations their

  1. This "Friday" seems to us to have been Sept. 9, on which Brück had given the Protestants answer, No. 1088, to the Emperor's bidding.

[1504]{.underline} Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1095 f. W. xvi, isw-iE 1505

they might not see anything dearer, and they might also advise faithfully, so that the Germans themselves would grow into each other and corrupt themselves. For this reason, Mr. Georg would have sent for him, the chancellor of Baden, as if he were known to him more than others, whom he also knew, and knew that he meant things no less well, and would have asked him to advise how things could be brought about in other ways and to peace; for today he had talked so much with the king that he would have put up with him, as he would have sometimes put up with his foolishness in front of another. And whether the chancellor of Baden knew someone from this part of the population who would be more inclined to peace and unity than to discord, with whom one would like to come to further negotiations or discussions. From this, the same chancellor would have answered Mr. Georgen that he truly knew no one from this part of the people, and who would perhaps like to see these things to the best, because they, the aforementioned, Doctor Brücken and N. Philippen, had asked him for this, because he had always been a good Saxon, and had always had a gracious master in Duke Frederick, Elector, just as he had no less gracious will towards the present Elector, that he wanted to talk and hear about this with the aforementioned two, as they thought that the matters could be settled in a convenient way, but that he would like to remain unannounced by the two; because what he would do, he would do for himself, and out of faithful good opinion. For this reason, the said chancellor of Baden had both D. Brücken and M. Philipp Melanchthon ask him to inform them of this; now that the latter thought that the Elector of Saxony would be relieved if Mr. Georg were to support a mediation that would serve peace and unity, he would gladly make every possible effort, and also immediately began to specify means, and especially for the sake of both canons.

1096 Response of D. Brück and Philipp Melanchthon.

See No. 1095.

Although they did not know what he would have wanted to talk to them about, they nevertheless wanted to report to the Elector of Saxony, their most gracious lord; they did not doubt that his

churfürstl. Grace would graciously note those of Mr. George and also the Chancellor. But after they had noted from the Chancellor's account, among other things, as if Imperial Majesty should have taken it for granted that the Elector of Saxony and the Elector's Grace would be graciously pleased. After they had noted from the Chancellor's account, among other things, as if Imperial Majesty should have decided that the Elector of Saxony and the others should have refused Her Majesty's further action, which they had offered to do in their own person, then D. Brück would have been present, and by order of the Elector and the other princes, as well as the envoys of the cities, would have given Imperial Majesty the answer. Majesty, but it would not have been on it, as it would have been necessary to indicate that the Imperial Majesty had so repudiated the action, as if this part would not suffer it at all, but it would have been followed by her Majesty's most gracious thanksgiving, and it would have been appended to it, Her Majesty would undoubtedly have heard from the actions that took place in the Committee of Fourteen that the Princes and others who were appointed from this part would have allowed themselves to be heard several times, as they would have allowed themselves to be heard to the utmost, as far as they would have paid attention to them, so that it could have been done with God and conscience; But then Her Imperial Majesty would have allowed herself to be heard. Her Majesty would have been astonished that the means proposed by princes, princes and estates had not been accepted, and that therefore Her Royal and Princely Grace could well respect the envoys of the cities, if, however, Her Majesty were to bother with further action in such a way that, for the sake of Her Majesty, it would be a futile effort, and an unprofitable delay for other legal authorities who would be drawn upon it, Her Electoral and Princely Graces, as well as the other Her Majesties, could not be expected to respect the envoys of the cities. Their Electoral and Princely Graces, as well as the others on their part, would not like to give or be the cause for this. For this reason, the Elector of Saxony and his Electoral Grace do not wish to give cause for this. Therefore, the Elector of Saxony and his electoral relatives should not be charged, as perhaps the unfavorable would like to interpret it, as if this part of the Imperial Majesty's negotiation were to be dismissed. It would also undoubtedly, since it is meant for the sake of Her Majesty, for the reasons indicated, to be entirely subservient, that Imperial Majesty should have no complaints against this matter. Majesty would have no objections against this part. But as to whether it would be convenient for the Elector of Saxony to have further mediation, which would serve peace and unity between them and the Concilio, which the Emperor would be inclined to promote in all respects, acted without danger: the Chancellor would now have heard in what manner Imperial Majesty had been informed by the Elector, Princes and

[1506]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, i8is-i82i. 1507

The envoys of the cities have therefore themselves given a submissive answer, because their sovereign and princely graces, as well as the envoys, considered it to be the utmost request of their sovereign and princely graces. The envoys, too, considered it to be that the utmost request had been made by their electoral and princely graces. They also feared that it would be a mistake to do so. They also feared that, if a peaceful parting or a rite were to take place without the confiscation of the articles of faith, further negotiation would be in vain. Or, if one ever wanted to proceed in such a way, that convenient and reasonable means would be proposed and given to this party in consideration (which the two alone indicated for themselves), so that the councils and also the envoys of the cities, which lords would not be at the place, The other princes and sovereigns who were present would then discuss the matter in a proper manner, and the other estates and cities that did not directly belong to the empire, but had nevertheless accepted the gospel, would compare themselves with their sovereign and princely graces. and princely graces. The aforementioned two therefore consider it useful and good, since the Gospel has been accepted in several Saxon and maritime cities, and therefore most things have been laid down from the beginning, so that things may be settled by the grace of the Almighty, so that nothing untoward is done, if the cities are reported to have taken such leave by the Electors and Princes of this part, and that now on this day, approximately after Christmas, a day and time be appointed, then and on such a day Imperial Majesty, ecclesiastical and secular, may appoint the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, and the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty's ecclesiastical and secular princes, or other representatives, and the Elector and princes, or some of them, would also come there, and would similarly decree the pending cities, so that this part, after the consideration that had been given, and the proposals that had been made, would finally be able to hear what they had in mind, which they could or could not do with God and conscience. At the same time, the Imperial Majesty could also decide on the matter. Majesty, so that it might not be taken for a delay or prevention of Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's decision, which Her Majesty might intend to make with other estates at this Imperial Diet in Augsburg, conclude what Imperial Majesty has decided. Majesty. In the event that Her Majesty would not be satisfied with the answer that this part would give on such a day, let Her Majesty's resolution and farewell be publicized according to Her Majesty's concerns and pleasure. Her Majesty's concerns and favors. It would also be known by and by who among the estates would be those who would gladly take these matters to court.

Some people, especially the Elector's cousin, Duke George of Saxony, have taken it into their heads as if they had sworn that they had to and wanted to govern the Elector's lands; but the Almighty, God willing, would not grant them this; the Imperial Majesty, as a most benevolent and wise Emperor, would also not follow their will. Majesty, as the most benevolent and wise emperor, would not follow their will. As for the monasteries that have been disposed of, nothing has been done so far with the Elector of Saxony, nor with the other princes or cities, nor has any notice been given as to what special complaint the Imperial Majesty would have on account of this, that her electors and princes and the cities would have had to report it. and the cities could have reported it and again indicated their need. For the previous evening, a prince 1) had talked about it with Duke John Frederick of Saxony, the Elector's son, and had also raised the issue of the disposed monasteries and their restitution somewhat. The Duke Johann Friedrich also gave the same answer, with the request that his Princely Grace be informed. Gn. Father would be free to offer and do such monasteries, so that it should not be considered as if some own benefit would be sought in it, if one would also act on the article that only things of faith would not be confiscated, no burden would bear on him in this part, the Two Eighths, as would often have been indicated.

1097: Replica of the Chancellor of Baden.

See No. 1095.

Since 2) the Elector of Saxony and his electorate, the Gn. kinsmen, would be inclined to act from peace and peaceful parting, he did not want to save us: After before Imperial Majesty of the previous day 3) such peaceful decency as now against him would be indicated by the said two. Majesty the previous day 3) such peaceful decency as might now have been indicated against him by the said two, it was said that Imperial Majesty would also do the same to the unjust. Majesty would also have taken the same to displeasure; for he wanted to speak it there, Imperial Majesty would perhaps consider it that Her Imperial Majesty wanted to stand for peace. Majesty to act and not to act in peaceful decency,

  1. Duke Henry of Brunswick. Sieve No. 1092.
  2. "Da" put by us instead of: "Daß" m the old edition.
  3. "The previous day" will have been Sept. 9. Accordingly, the documents No. 1095 to 1098 would have to be set to Sept. 10.

[1508]{.underline} Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1097 ff. W. xvi, iMi-iM. 1509

Her Majesty, as a wealthy emperor, wanted to know how to handle this himself. For this reason, he asked the two aforementioned once again to inquire, as they had heard from him, of the Elector of Saxony, as the most proceeding, whether his Electoral Grace, together with the others, would allow Mr. Georgen Truchsess to work with the same two as a doctor. Gn. together with the others would allow Herr Georgen Truchsess to talk to the same two, as Doctor Brücken and Magister Philippsen, about further means, if God would grant his grace. And although he would have been concerned that the objection, as we stated, would, even if it were to be acted upon, be difficult to raise with Imperial Majesty, after it was said that Imperial Majesty would be completely satisfied with the matter. Majesty would be quite inflammirt in the matter, so that her Majesty wanted to receive science conducive to the end. Nevertheless, he did not want to refrain from talking to Mr. Georgen about it, whether he knew something to be done by the Royal Majesty in Hungary and Bohemia, so that he, the Chancellor, would like to say that as much as he had been present at these actions, or had heard talk about them, he could not feel otherwise, because the fact that the King would like to see things well, would also often bring our brother, the Emperor, back to other ways, if the others would have moved Her Majesty a little at times. And if the Elector of Saxony would like that, then the two of them should come together with Mr. George himself and the sooner the better, because the delay would be detrimental, otherwise one would sit down over the parting.

1098. D. Brück's and Melanchthon's distant conception.

See No. 1095.

As far as the peaceful parting is concerned, and the Elector of Saxony, together with his Electorate, is concerned. Gn. The matter which the Elector of Saxony, together with his electoral relatives, would have reported to the Imperial Majesty, would have been done entirely in the submissive opinion of his elector and the others. and the others, and not in such a way as if they wanted to offer peace to Imperial Majesty. Majesty wanted to offer peace, but so that princes, princes and estates on all sides might sit and dwell together in peace until a general, free concilio. However, they wanted to do all this without orders, even without the foreknowledge of their most gracious lord, the Elector, but for themselves, and without danger, even without obligation, to have talked with the Chancellor. And although he himself would have to consider what the Elector of Saxony might agree to for the sake of such a conversation alone, since the matter would also affect the other princes and estates:

Nevertheless, they wanted to report it to his Electorate. and if it pleased his prince's grace that they should dispose of Mr. Georgen. If it pleased his prince's grace that they should dispose of Mr. George, then they would show themselves to be unrepentant on their part.

E. Of the new means of contract put forward by Baron von Truchsess and Vehus.

1099. of the Lord George of Truchsess and the Chancellor of Baden, D. Hieronymus Vehus, proposed new means of settlement.

Sept. 10, 1530.

This writing is found in Latin beip . 318

and in Ooelestinus, torn. Ill, lol. 78. German in Müller's Historie, lib. Ill, oup. 30, p. 875; in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 416 in another redaction according to the Margravial Brandenburg Acts at Nuremberg, no. 40, p. 263. The meeting took place on September 10 in the Moritz Church at Augsburg. In his history p. 161, Brück speaks of a double copy of these articles, one of which was handed over to Chancellor Brück on Sept. II, the other to Margrave George of Brandenburg on Sept. 13.

These essays could be completed by 14 learned men, who therefore have to be put together.

First, the compared articles could be brought into a special formal essay.

On the other hand, the remaining articles, for which there was either no agreement at all or only some agreement, were also to be described and included in the agreement, but the decisión was to be left to the future concilio.

Thirdly, that the monasteries still in existence be allowed to keep the ceremonies and rules that have been in use until now, and that nothing of the ecclesiastical goods be sold or used for other worldly benefits until the concilium. As far as the empty monasteries and their revenues are concerned, however, they could be administered with all fidelity and diligence by certain Sequesters ordered by Imperial Majesty until the Concilium, but with reservation of the juris patronatus to which the Electors and other Collators are entitled. In addition, those persons who leave their order and profession are to be placed in their previous status, and they are to be provided with emergency maintenance until a concilium. Since an abbot or prelate who has been expelled from the monastery with his brothers and has been driven into misery also demands restitution to the monastery, this is to be effected.

[1510]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, iM-ins. 1511

The monastery income, however, was not to be granted to them, but to others who had been appointed for this purpose, who were to manage the administration in such a way that the monks and nuns could obtain necessary sustenance from it.

Fourthly, as far as the masses are concerned, they could be held in the future with the clothing, singing and other ceremonies that have been customary up to now, especially with the reading of the two canons, but that about which a dispute might arise could be reserved for the decision of a concilii.

Fifth, concerning the communion under both forms and the marriage of the priests, the Electors and other faith-related estates should show themselves in such a way, so that they may keep a good conscience and give an account to Imperial Majesty as well as to the Concilio, but especially to God. Majesty, as well as to the Concilio, but especially to God. If, however, it should be found at a future Council that some have not remained within such bounds, and thus have done or permitted something contrary to conscience, they would also, as is incumbent upon obedient princes, not refrain from seeking Imperial Majesty's judgment in this matter. Majesty's judgment in this matter.

Sixth, in order to preserve common peace, tranquility and unity, the Elector of Saxony and other princes and estates related to his faith should not change anything in matters of faith and religion until a general and Christian council has deliberated on it and defined something certain.

Seventh, the Elector and his religious relatives should not take anyone under their protection and umbrella as their own subjects.

Finally, several reported princes, princes and estates, like other imperial estates, should owe obedience to Imperial Majesty in these Imperial Diet matters, which are to be clearly named along with the others.

1100 Luther's comments on the means of comparison put forward by Truchsess and Vehus. Mid-September 1530.

From 6o6l68tiuu8, toin. Ill, toi. De Wette, Vol. IV, p. 166 does not raise this concern, but refers to Walch.

Germanized.

To the other means.

To consider the first two articles properly, and to say in what unfaithful way the pieces on which we agree have been recorded, would, as you can easily think, be disputed endlessly and probably not be settled in two years. Therefore, one must never get involved in such quarrels. Our confession is clear, and the emperor was surprised that the popes gave in so much. Therefore, nothing more can be hoped for.

To the third.

The Concilium must be allowed as a human means.

This is what we must do, and if we do not do it, we commit sin and injustice. It is written: "While men slept, the enemy came and sowed tares. We must therefore beware lest we sleep and let tares be sown, which are cunningly sought.

To the fifth.

That is bacon on the trap. That would mean tacitly confessing that one has acted wrongly and wantonly taking the punishment on one's neck. We do not want to reach for the cross ourselves (or make it for ourselves); but if God sends it and lays it out, we want to bear it patiently.

To the sixth.

This means to kill Christ and to deny the word, so that it does not have its continuation, since it is written: the word of God shall not be bound.

To the seventh.

Why should a poor subject, who is persecuted by his tyrannical rulers, not be received and lodged, if he goes from the same place to another, secure, and where the gospel is taught? That would be to deny the word and the works of love, since it is written, "Save the widows and settle the affairs of the fatherless" Isa. 1:17.

[1512]{.underline} Sec. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1101 s. W. xvi, 1826-1828. 1513

1101 The Margravial Brandenburg councilors and theologians, D. Sebastian Heller, Joh. Brenz, Joh. Rurer and Martin Möglin (pastor at Kitzingen), six articles to obtain a peaceful farewell against the borrower Georg Truchsess von Waldburg. Approximately Sept. 14, 1530.

Without indication of their authors, these articles are found in Latin in (losltzstinns, tom. Ill, col. 79 and by Ol^lrnsus, p. 312. Afterwards German by Walch. From the Margravial Brandenburg Acts, p. 270, in Förstemaniis Urkundenbuch, vol. Il, p. 432, with the superscription set by us in a slightly different relation. The content is the same.

Germanized.

I. That the articles of faith according to the Apostolic and Nicene Creeds, and the others on which there is agreement, be recorded by delegates of both parts and brought into the record or settlement.

II. That the articles about which there is no agreement at all, or at least not complete agreement, shall also be drawn up and brought into the record, with the general condition (or reservation) attached: that these articles, on which there is no agreement, together with other articles and customs not specifically mentioned, which anyone does not intend to keep with a clear conscience, be referred to the decision and pronouncement of a general, free council, and that, however, each local authority should decree among its own that nothing be taught contrary to the common peace and tranquility there.

III. that the monasteries and colleges (foundations), which have not yet been changed or abolished, be left free to keep their rules and ceremonies according to their conscience, with all their property and income, until the council; but that the monasteries and income of the foundations, which have been abolished, be administered honestly until the council by sequestri (or jnterimsverweser) appointed by Imperial Majesty. The monasteries and incomes of the monasteries, which have been abolished, shall be administered honestly until the Council, to which they shall also be accountable, but without prejudice to the right of the sovereigns, the patronage, the bailiwick (or bailiwick, praefecturae), fiefs, and other customs (Herkommen), which each prince, prince or estate had before such change. Likewise, that the parishes, which are incorporated into the monasteries or foundations, and the schools do not lose anything; also such expelled persons have their maintenance until the concilio.

IV. The masses are to be held in the usual dress, chants, lections and other Christian ceremonies, and everything that essentially belongs to them. But what is in dispute

and which is said to be burdensome to the conscience, shall remain at the discretion of the Council.

V. With regard to communion under both forms and priestly marriage, the princes and those who hold it with them in this matter shall do so as they intend to answer first to God and then to the Imperial Majesty in the said Concilio. Majesty in the said Concilio. And if it is learned in the Concilio that one of the two parties has transgressed, he will submit to Imperial Majesty's judgment and order. Majesty's judgment and order.

VI In order to maintain Christian peace and unity, the Elector of Saxony and the Estates of his part shall not introduce any further innovations in the Christian religion until the Concilio.

1102 Melanchthon's letter to Luther. Sept. 8, 1530.

This letter is found in OosIksUnus, torn. Ill, kok. 75 and in Oorp. Usk. Vol. ll, 355.

Translated from Latin.

Philipp Melanchthon (deprives) M. Luthern of his greeting.

Yesterday evening the princes were in the imperial court (palace) until half past eight. They received this answer: the Emperor wants to hold a concilium, but according to the old custom of the Roman Church, and perhaps outside Germany, because of the Emperor's business; in the meantime, everything should be returned to the popes. But this has not yet been decided. If our people still have something to advance in the articles that are being disputed, the Emperor wants to sit and hear it for another eight days. Today our princes will thank the emperor for this and say that they cannot give way in anything. In Ferdinand's jousting (tournaments) (since he received the fief from the emperor in the open field, according to Austrian usage and law) six people died in one day. Two died because the rifle burst, and almost all the bystanders were hit. One of the soldiers, since the rifle was not properly aimed and it went off, was hit so that the bullet flew through his mouth and right through his brain, that he immediately fell down and was buried under the grass. Another was stabbed by a fierce Spaniard whom he did not want to avoid. The sixth was pushed down and drowned under the crowd as it crossed the bridge. The Margrave of Baden was beaten by the horse, so that he could not escape from such a show.

[1514]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, isW-igM. 1515

game was taken away. The king himself was thrown from his horse three times in the tournament, as the story goes, and the third time he is said to have been very injured on one side. Farewell. Given the 8th of September.

1103 Luther's Response to Melanchthon's Letter. Sept. 11, 1530.

This letter is found in Latin in Lndäsus, p. 202; in Oo6l68tinn8, tona. Ill, col. 80 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 162. In Walch twice, namely here and in the appendix, no. 16; in the latter place we have omitted it.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in the Lord! It seems to me an age since you wrote me in your last letter that the conversation was over, 1) so much am I weighed down by the delay of this uncertainty, in which I await the last, either favorable or unfavorable, decision of the Emperor. There has long been a certain rumor here that the Prince has left Augsburg. Some say that he has arrived at Nuremberg, others that you will suddenly be with us. In the meantime, I am prophesying various things to myself here. Finally, I am led by my thoughts to think that there are some who would like to put their strength into the means to see if I could perhaps attain peace. These thoughts are followed by my prayer and sighing of the heart; if this heart is not heard, it would be surprising if the head of the bishops is not ruled by a great doom, and not a good one at that. 2) I am beginning to yearn for your

  1. Melanchthon had made this announcement in the letter of September 1, No. 1084 in this volume. After that, he wrote again on September 4 (6orp. kek., vol. II, 340), but in this letter he only reports that the decision is still with the emperor. The previous letter (if it could otherwise already be in Luther's hands) also brought nothing new.
  2. This passage is very puzzling. If one accepts Aurifaber's readings, pc>88int instead of po88irn, and rniki instead of nisi, the translation of the preceding would be something like this: "who would like to put their strength into the means, whether they could perhaps attain peace. These thoughts are followed by my prayer and sighing of the heart; if this heart is not heard, it would be strange to me. The head of the bishops is governed by a great doom, and not a good one at that." The translation we have given above should be understood according to the almost parallel passage towards the end of No. 1107.

God wanted you to return, even if you were cursed by the pope and the emperor. For there is another greater than the pope and the emperor and their God, who says: "With the Lord you will find help, and your blessing upon your people. The Lord will avenge the perfidy and wickedness of the Sophists and Papists.

  1. I do not answer your Martin Bucer. 3) You know that I hate their game of dice and their craftiness; they do not please me. So far they have not taught, but still they do not want to acknowledge it nor repent, rather they continue to claim that there was no disagreement among us, namely, so that we should confess that they had taught rightly, but we had falsely argued against them, or rather, we had been nonsensical. Thus the devil pursues our confession from all sides, since he cannot do anything by force and is overcome by the truth.

3 You will learn other things through the deputies of the Lübeckers, namely through your relative. I do not like that Pomeranus is absent, and yet I do not see how it could have been denied them, at least for a while. For both our church and our school are in great need of him, especially since I suspect, out of displeasure at my age and health, and more correctly out of weariness of life, that I will not have to see and bear this cursed world much longer. You will do here what the spirit will tell you to do. But, what I almost forgot, I beg you, my dear Philip, do not torture yourself with the insinuations of those who either say or write that you have given in too much to the papists). There must be weak ones also among ours, whose ways and weaknesses you must bear, if you do not want to despise Paul Rom. 15,1. They do not sufficiently understand the jurisdiction given back to the bishops and do not pay attention to the circumstances connected with it. And yet God would have the bishops accept them under these conditions; but they have not accepted their

  1. The Strasbourgers tried to get closer to the Lutherans at the Imperial Diet.
  2. Compare No. 1084.

[1516]{.underline} Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1103 f. W. XVI. 1830-1832. 1517

Noses turned to their cause. Greetings to all of us, and be well in Christ. From the desert, September 11, 1530, Martin Luther.

1104. Spalatin's concern that the Elector of Saxony would interfere in further religious proceedings

shall not be admitted. Sept. 14, 1530.

This concern is first printed from Spalatin's own manuscript in the common archive at Weimar in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Historie der Augsb. Confession, p. 206, and subsequently also in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 428.

Although my poor consideration is not required, I will nevertheless gladly indicate my subservient good opinion in accordance with my duty, and it is just this: Whereas Roman Imperial Majesty Majesty will be very dreadful with the restitution of the ungodly ceremonies, war and other burdens, that nevertheless my most gracious and gracious Elector of Saxony, princes and their relatives, where they otherwise consider the things to be godly and righteous, will be due, not to get involved in any further or other actions and treaties with anyone, but to stand by their previous confession and appeal to a future free Christian concilium, and not to be urged or persuaded to do so, for many necessary reasons.

First of all, that there is nothing fruitful with the

The hope is to raise the opposite.

On the other hand, that the opposing party intends to misuse God's word and this part of it by engaging in further action solely for their own disgraceful cover, for their own benefit, and for this part for the greatest misfortune, disgrace and harm, to raise up again all their ungodly nature, life, teachings and abominations and to make people believe them to be right and godly.

Thirdly, that the other party's pretense is certainly full of deceit, fraud, and deceitfulness, and hopes to reestablish the abominable articles of the papacy, of purgatory, of indulgences, and other many other things, as if we approved them all tacitly, and to preach and practice them as right, good, and salvific. Should it now come to further action, and the parting be established, then our part would have to contest the same articles with expressed words. They would not suffer this, and would come to great expansiveness, and yet nothing good would be to be gained from them.

Fourthly, what is the point of even thinking of the five

What would have happened if all the disputed articles, which is impossible, were to be dealt with now?

Fifthly, one should give way to the opposite and allow something contrary to God's word, which would cause eternal annoyance and eternal unbelief to the preachers of this part, as if one acted differently now than one had taught and preached up to now, it would also cause great diminishment to the princes and lords that they now so easily stepped out of their articles of confession out of human fear.

Sixth, first the tyrants would embellish all their murders with us, and if they attacked anyone, they would pretend that the Lutherans themselves had approved and consented to it at this Diet.

Therefore, there is nothing better than that no further action be taken, but that we otherwise offer ourselves most humbly to Imperial Maj. Maj. and ask for a peaceful decency, with notice that one, caused by many high moving urgent Christian causes, is not to get involved in any further way. However, in order that Her Imperial Maj. Maj. and only to note that they do not seek anything unreasonable.

So they first of all offered to live peacefully with everyone, so that only such victories would be done to them again.

Secondly, to obey Imperial Maj. Maj. to obey him in all other matters.

Thirdly, to faithfully manage, until the Concilio, not to allow any continuation of erroneous doctrine and sects against the holy sacraments 2c. in their lands and territories.

Fourthly, to give an account of the disposed monastery properties to Imperial Majesty. Maj. in the future concilio, which, God willing, they shall be well satisfied with.

Fifth, to keep both of them in the meantime with the "doctrine, ceremonies and everything else, as they hope to answer to God and the Emperor. Maj.

But if all this would not help, but the Imperial Majesty would threaten with restitution, war 2c. Maj. would threaten 1) with restitution, war 2c., it is true that it would be frightening if war, bloodshed and destruction of country and people should come about, since God is for ever before, which we are all reasonably obliged to prevent with our greatest diligence, nothing saved on earth; but it is also true that it would be a thousand times more frightening to hand over God and His holy word out of human fear. For how would one come to that, that one for the sake of the time-

  1. "dräuen" is missing in Förstemann.

[1518]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1832-e5. 1519

For 1) the almighty God still lives and reigns with an unabbreviated hand, who bears this high title, that he is called the LORD God of hosts, who is mighty of all army powers. The same mighty Lord can keep the angry nobles at home and call them to keep their swords in the scabbard even against their will, if they were still so angry, raging and furious. The mighty king Sanherib of Assyria was in ancient times as wicked and stiff in his mind as our present tyrants are, and knew no other way, for he wanted to devour both the king Ezechias of Judah together with Jerusalem and the whole kingdom of Judah. But God turned it around, as we read in Isaiah 37, that he told King Ezekiel, "Sanherib shall not reach Jerusalem nor attack it, but turn back and leave him alone. Yes, that the angel of God slew the same tyrant in one night 185,000 men. That also shortly after that Sanherib was stabbed in the temple by his own sons, Adramelech and Sarassar. The same God can also do strange things to our great nobles and cause them so much trouble that they may forget us.

If not, we must nevertheless not surrender God and His precious, sacred Word to the devil and the Antichrist, but hold fast to it and, with God's help, persevere in it, considering the manifold rich promises of God in the Old and New Testaments, and the eternal God granting His divine grace, spirit and strength to our pious princes, lords and their relatives, and to all of us, in praise of Him and in furtherance of His divine Word, Amen. Datum Augsburg, Wednesday Exaltationis Crucis Sept. 14 Anno Domini 1530. G. Spalatinus.

1105: The consultation of all Protestant theologians on the means "proposed" by Truchsess and Behus, Sept. 17, 1530.

Latin at Oo6t68tinu8, tom. Ill, col. 80 and imperfect at 0üvtr-n6U8, p. 320. Complete in Oorp. Uek, vol. II, 373.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tittel.

  1. first, we must confess that it is dangerous to indicate by name the articles that are thought of, and at the same time (or together) to publish them.
  1. In the original: "When".

draw. For the opponents would like to draw up the other articles, which are not mentioned by name in the confession and yet are disputed, at the same time and consider them known and revoked.

2 After this, there also seems to be an annoyance and offense. For the list of all the articles would lead many to think or say that we have agreed with the opponents and have fallen in with them and gone over completely into their camp, and that because we have made a standstill with them they are also called brothers, and that even if we were not yet in agreement on all the articles, we nevertheless regarded this as nothing, so that their errors would be padded and they would be strengthened.

For these reasons, many consider it better not to adopt a splch list of articles. However, we think that, in order to maintain peace and harmony, one can finally accept such a proposal, with the dimensions:

If there is to be no danger, then the articles in dispute, which are not mentioned by name in our confession, must also be expressly mentioned, such as the Pope's supremacy, purgatory, indulgences, 2c., with an appended general reservation, which is in the same document, since we were asked whether we wanted to enter and defend more articles.

(5) Concerning the aggravation, it is our opinion that, since this treaty is made only between princes, and concerns only the common and secular peace and external tranquility, it is a work without aggravation, and that no just and sufficient cause can be adduced why this settlement of common strife and other grievances should not be effected.

(6) For we do not thereby include them (the adversaries) in the company and number of the brethren, but only testify thereby as to which articles we are agreed upon and as to which we are still in dispute.

7 For that one part should not publicly punish and condemn the other in sermons is not hereby decreed or forbidden; but the princes may only, for the sake of common peace, make covenants and settlements among themselves to preserve public tranquility, which one may well approve with a good conscience. It has therefore seemed advisable to us to report and recount by name the disputed articles, of which there is no small number; as, of justification, of merits, of human doctrines, of confession, of pardons, of vows, of the power of bishops, of both forms, of the Mass, of marriage, of

1520 Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1105. w. xvi, iWs-E. 1521

Invocation of the saints, of unity of the church, with the added reservation that some of our teachers consider such articles necessary and Christian.

(8) For in this way all will see that we do not agree or agree with their errors and opinions, and this reckoning will be, as it were, a clear confession of which we must give account to friends and enemies. For if the papal teachers want to know in which articles they agree with us, and in which they teach differently from us, then we must of course indicate and explain it, as we have also drawn up the disputed articles at Marburg; but for this reason we have not included them in the number of the brethren, although the opponents have desired and earnestly requested it. If, however, they do not want the disputed articles to be remembered and counted by name, or if they want to add any other burdensome reservations or conditions, such as that nothing of such things should be brought up in the churches, then all such negotiations should be left undone. We also think that the opponents will not take up the matter so eagerly, but will soon abandon the effort of recording it, so that their ignorance and simplicity will not come to light before everyone.

(9) And although there are many things to consider in this first article, of which it would be too extensive and tedious to discuss individually, we all admit that the common peace can be concluded in this way and on this condition.

(10) But to the question, whether the bishops should be allowed to abate and grant jurisdiction and certain other things, in so far as they do not dispute the doctrine in use in our churches, when they have already persecuted adherents of the same doctrine in other places? we answer that this is a dangerous thing, for many would certainly say that we strengthen the other part by indulging in such things, that we are unstable, and that we could not in good conscience defend or protect the doctrine which we had once accepted, and that we were trying to restore the old customs and reintroduce the papal doctrine into the church, which would turn many away from our doctrine.

(11) Likewise, we must consider the bishops as people under the ban and not greet them; therefore we would do wrong to offer ourselves to their obedience. To this we reply that it is unnecessary to act on what concerns the presentation and consecration (or ordination of ecclesiastical persons).

meets. For since the bishops do not accept our doctrine, but only tolerate it as a weed, as they call it, by silence, they will certainly weigh down all those whom they appoint (ordain) with unbearable burdens and unjust oaths.

(12) Our preachers and church servants will also not be able to seek confirmation from them because of danger to life and limb, since they not only persecute but also kill and murder those who are of our teaching. Therefore, it is unnecessary to deal much with this, unless the bishops themselves declare and let out how they are minded, and promise that they want to confirm the preachers of our doctrine. But if the bishops do not confirm our preachers and church servants, they deprive themselves of their jurisdiction.

(13) But if they wish to have jurisdiction in matrimonial matters, we do not think that they have much objection to judging and passing sentence on them, if only they do not act manifestly contrary to God's word and commandment. For the jurisdiction and obedience of the priests are not merely worldly things, which are due to the bishops from the custom and order of men, therefore such is to be reasonably held in honor and recognized as valid.

(14) I also do not see why the imperial majesty cannot entrust a secular prince with the recognition and judgment in matrimonial matters. First of all, the ban is something secular, although it actually belongs to the church and must be administered by a priest (or pastor). Everyone will know that the punishment of common and manifest sins belongs to the clergy and ministers of the churches. And such authority and jurisdiction of the bishops is not burdensome or detrimental to anyone except those who sin, for whom it is, however, expedient that they be punished and restored.

(15) But that some pretend that the tyranny of the bishops is thereby strengthened and elevated, it is to be known that by such forbearance (or granting) we escape the censure of those who always impose upon us I know not what kind of divisions and schisms, which is very vexatious and repugnant to us.

16 If we were to sit down with the bishops in this way, we could easily curb such talk. For it is written, "As much as is in you, keep peace with all men." Is Zacharias also under the power of one Caipha, and many others under the power of another?

[1522]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, i837-i84o. 1523

rannet. And though we restore them to the jurisdiction of the churches, yet we do not approve of their doctrine, nor do we call them happy in it.

1106 The Protestants Sept. 21, 1530 submitted fourteen articles, thereby they want to leave it alone.

These articles agree in all respects with those reported in Nos. 1055 and 1091, which is why they are omitted here.

1107 Luther's letter to Nicolaus Hausmann about the above but fruitless actions at Augsburg, and that the Elector had taken leave from there with the Emperor. Sept. 23, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in the Oock. oüart. 6otü., col. 451 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 101. Printed in Luckäsus, p. 210 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 171.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in the Lord! Although I believe, my dear Nicolaus, that everything is known among you that is going on at Augsburg, after the younger prince has returned home and has undoubtedly brought everything with him in abundance, I will nevertheless, since you ask me to do so, briefly communicate as much as I have. I believe you have heard that arbiters were elected to discuss doctrinal unity and peace, among whom was Philip. But since they could not agree, the matter was again referred to the emperor, whose judgment is awaited, although in the meantime they wrote in their last letters that they were once again discussing the means of peace with each other, which, however, they did not indicate. In the previous settlement, the opponents demanded that we allow the private masses, likewise that we maintain both the major and minor canons with a suitable gloss, namely that the word "sacrifice" should be understood as a memorial sacrifice (sacrificium memoriale reprae-sentativum), likewise that we should say that it is free to take both or one form.

They also said that the monks and priests bound by marriage were free to leave their spouses and return to the monasteries, and that they should not be taken for spouses. If we were to accept this, then they would allow us both forms, and tolerate those married couples for the sake of the children born until the Concilium, just as one tolerates whore houses. You see, my dear Nicolaus, the exceedingly safe hope of Satan, who presumes to propose such hideous, shameful and ignominious conditions as a tyrant does to his prisoners. Our people have not allowed any of this, but they have offered to restore jurisdiction to the bishops, with the restriction that the bishops should see to it that the Gospel is taught, and abolish all abuses, as well as some festivals. 2c. But nothing has been done; the adversaries are determined to perish; an inevitable doom presses upon them.

As I write this line, a letter from the Prince arrives from Augsburg, in which the dear Prince indicates that he has been permitted by the Emperor to leave Augsburg today, Friday. Therefore, we now expect ours to return. The Emperor Carl is a very good man; he hopes that he can establish harmony and peace, I do not know if he will be able to do so, since he is surrounded by so many monsters of the devils. Farewell. From Coburg, September 23, 1530.

Martin Luther.

F. How the Nurembergers once again tried to make Melanchthon suspicious and hated because of the new means of comparison.

1108: Hieronymus Baumgärtner's other letter to Lazarus Spengler, town clerk at Nuremberg, dated September 15, 1530, in which he accuses Melanchthon.

This letter is found in Joh. Friedr. Mayer's ckis86rt. äs ismtats ?üil. NsiaueiiOiouis, p. 48 and from it in Salig's Hist. der Augsb. Conf., Ub. II, oap. 8, p. 334. also in the Oorp. Lsk. II, 372.

[1524]{.underline} Sect. 9 Kais. Handlg. with the Evang. no. 1108 f. W. xvi, i84v-i842. 1525

My kind willing services before. Dear Mr. Rathschreiber! I have written to you in the next mail how some theologians in our part are holding up in the matter of our holy faith. I hope that you will receive it. Now there is no end to such theologians' circulations and unchristian practices, but since the next time we wrote, they have discussed other means with them, and yet so far neither we, nor the Hessians and others from the cities, have never been required to do so, and are thus more suspiciously regarded by them than by the opposing party. We are also often blatantly accused that we always draw on our theologians and scholars, and yet it is found that our theologians are quite different 1), but we do not want to follow them. Then they show Philippi's manuscripts, which he secretly sends to them without being asked, and make suggestions that are not only unchristian, but also quite impossible to raise before the prince himself; then they say, "If only we were gone," as if they still wanted to do what they wanted. But it is for the sake of the poor afflicted consciences, which would not only be annoyed by this, but would also give the tyrants cause to rage against those who desired to receive the pure word of God, much more sharply than ever before. I cannot sufficiently consider, let alone express in words, the complaints that result from this cookie baking 2). Therefore, for the sake of God and His word, I ask you to do your part and to write to Doctor Martin Luther that he, as the one through whom God first reopens His word to the world, should forcefully confront Philip, and yet warn the pious princes, and especially his own lord, against him, and admonish them to persevere. For at this Diet no man has done more harm to the Gospel to this day than Philip. He has also fallen into such presumption that he not only does not want to hear anyone else speak and advise about it, but also goes out with clumsy cursing and scolding, so that he frightens everyone and dampens them with his authority. I do not like to write such things about him, because up to now he has been so highly regarded by men, and I have left it at that, and have nevertheless often admitted much to him against my conscience. But now the test has come that, God willing, neither Luther nor Philip should be so dear to me,

  1. 6orp. Rsk.: "guilty".
  2. 6orp. lisk.: "Platzlein-Bachen".

that I will fall to them against God's word. Let us comfort and strengthen Mr. Hieronymum Ebner and all good-hearted people in this, for the tales we are writing herewith about Mr. Georg Truchsess will not be so severe. For some of us believe only what Mr. Georg Truchsess and D. Eck say to us, do not consider that they are far too clever and courtly 3) for us, and at times paint a devil; you understand well what I mean. My brother and I know that Herr Georg Truchsess said in another place that he should pledge to one's hand that the opinion of their part is not to start a war. May God grant that we ourselves do not flee, he may hunt us down. I have not let all this go unreported to you in good Christian faith, and hereby offer myself for your friendly service. Date Augsburg in haste, Thursday the 15th of September, Anno 1530.

Hieronymus Baumgärtner.

1109 Luther's letter to Wenceslaus Link, in which he acquits Melanchthon of the accusations that he had given in too much. September 20, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 200. Printed in Oosisstiri., torn. Ill, col. 881); in Luckäsus, x. 208 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 167.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! Be angry and do not sin. I have read, my dear Link, your very grave complaints about Philip, and if I had not learned from the letters that I received from our people at Augsburg last Saturday Sept. 17 that our cause is at the Emperor's decision, I would have been very worried. I hope, however, that in the meantime you have also noticed that our cause is now different from what you are now writing. If this is not the case, then I am now writing sharp letters to those who are to be sent to them by Spangenberg, but I have also indicated sufficiently beforehand that my opinion is not to approve of such conditions and articles; whether they have been moved by such letters to reject the means, I do not know. I believe that they also have the full

  1. Ooi-P. Lek.: "sent "nd hofgeschied".

[1526]{.underline} Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. XVI, 1842-1844, 1527.

We have to understand how shameful, disgraceful and sacrilegious the means are, with which the adversaries surely and hopefully have and mock our small and weak group clearly and obviously for the best. But Christ, who blinds them and hardens them so that they believe nothing of the gospel, prepares them for the Red Sea and drives them to their inevitable fate. Therefore let them go and perish, if they will; the Lord will be with us. Therefore I beg you to let go of your indignation. Although Philip may have negotiated some means, none has yet been agreed upon, even with his approval. But I hope that Christ has used this mask to "mock" our scoffers, so that he can make them feel guilty by false

hope and imaginary joy that they should dream that we would give way, but they 1) should be victorious, but afterwards realize nothing less than that, and find that they themselves were the mocked ones. Thus I interpret the matter, and am sure that without my consent their consent is void. But even if I (God forbid) were to give my consent to these god-robbing, man-murdering and faithless monsters, the whole Church and the teaching of the Gospel would not consent. But pray for me and be well in the Lord. Greetings to your Eva and your children. From the desert, September 20, 1530, Martin Luther.

  1. Instead of vers we have assumed vsro.

The tenth section of the thirteenth chapter.

From the first parting of the Reichstag at Augsburg and the actions that took place there.

A. The intention of the Elector of Saxony to leave Augsburg.

111V. Presentation, why the Elector of Saxony could not stay longer in Augsburg.

This and the following document can be found in Müller's Historie, üb. Ill, eap. 37, S. 881.

After Imperial. Majesty had requested his Electoral Grace by letter that his Electoral Grace would certainly arrive in Augsburg at the end of April. After His Imperial Majesty had demanded of His Electoral Grace by their other letter that His Electoral Grace should certainly arrive at Augsburg at the end of April, His Electoral Grace, as an obedient Elector, had wished to be held and ruled against His Majesty on the same demand; accordingly, His Imperial Majesty had raised himself to obedience and servitude. Majesty has thus raised himself to obedience and subservience, that His Electoral Grace may at the time of His Majesty's request be granted. Grace would have arrived at Augsburg at the time requested by Her Majesty. Grace arrive six weeks before Her Majesty, and now in total twenty weeks, with burdensome costs, also for the sake of His Electoral Grace's physical comfort. Grace's bodily condition, until therefore he had moved and was burdensomely situated; therefore

his Elector's. His Electoral Grace had their noticeable objections and complaints reported by some of his Electoral Councillors three weeks ago. His Elector's Grace's advisors three weeks ago, with a description of his Electoral Grace's marital affairs, namely the burdensome expenses. Grace's marital affairs, namely the burdensome cost, item, His Electoral Grace's physical inconvenience. His Grace's physical inconvenience, after His Electoral Grace's Grace did not know how to save his Majesty's necessities, at this time commonly fell into burdensome diseases due to the stone, therefore especially dangerous for his Electoral Grace. His Majesty's Grace would find it particularly dangerous and burdensome to remain there any longer. Gn. lands were burdensome and forced, and especially the ends, where His Electoral Grace's young dominions and children were in danger of dying. The young lordship and children were still at the time, for which his electoral graces were nevertheless, as his electoral graces. Nevertheless, as the lord and father, his electoral graces would also be obliged to strive before God, so that they would not be left in danger, but would be ordered to other, safe places. In addition, all kinds of misbehavior of his absences in his lands began to occur, in which it was necessary to have a proper understanding. And although his electoral. Grace, at the request of the latter, had two days, and then several days, to

[1528]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1110 s. W. xvi, 1844-1847. 1529

so that his Elector's Grace would have been moved by his answer many times. Graciousnesses of much touched answer many times, and especially the different week and almost all days let suggest, so that Palgrave Friederich, his Electoral. Hansen von Minkwitz, Knight, on the Thursday before, to inform the Elector that Imperial Majesty is certain to issue an order on the following Friday. Majesty would certainly answer on the following Friday, or at the longest on Saturday, but he believed it would rather be on Friday than on Saturday. His Grace would not have been willing to leave without His Imperial Majesty's knowledge. Majesty's knowledge, for His Electoral Grace would have been anxious to leave. His Electoral Grace would have been anxious to have some of His Electoral Grace's councillors leave for that reason. His Electoral Grace would have been anxious to send some of His Electoral Grace's advisors to Her Majesty for this purpose, and to have the matters incumbent on His Electoral Grace taken care of by Her Majesty. Her Majesty would also know how it was customary with Her Majesty herself in the past, and how graciously Her Majesty had shown herself when a Prince or Elector had indicated his objection and asked for permission. And although the Elector did not wish to indicate this to Her Majesty, in the opinion that the Elector wished to give Her Majesty a measure or to determine how Her Majesty should promote or carry out the affairs for which Her Majesty had proclaimed the Imperial Diet, but that His Electoral Grace, the most submissive of His Majesty's graciousness, would have given His Majesty permission to do so. His Elector's Grace would be most confident, since it is with His Elector's Grace that the matrimonial primogeniture is to take place. Grace would have the matrimonial causes and opportunity, beforehand, for the sake of her body, that Imperial Majesty of His Electorate. Majesty of His Electoral Grace. Grace's gracious permission, and that His Electoral Grace's departure will not be delayed. Grace's departure, as well as His Electoral Grace, the Imperial Highness. Grace Imperial. Majesty hereby ask again in all submissiveness, and would humbly put off to their Majesty 1) For so that for the sake of his electoral graces there would be no lack, his electoral graces would, as previously indicated, be allowed to leave. As previously indicated, his electoral graces would be obliged to act on behalf of the same councillors there and behind them, with full authority, as if his electoral graces were present in person. His Elector's Grace himself was present in person, and that in other matters, for which the Imperial Diet was announced, His Majesty and the Empire would be considered for their benefit, honor and welfare.

1111: The Elector of Saxony repeats his presentation of the departure and requests that he stay three more days.

See No. 1110.

  1. "thäten" put by us instead of: "hätten".

Imperial. Majesty would have graciously heard why his electoral. His Imperial Majesty would have graciously heard why it would be most burdensome and impossible for His Electoral Grace to remain there any longer, especially for the sake of His Electoral Grace. His Electoral Grace's Imperial Majesty would have graciously heard why it would be extremely burdensome and impossible for His Electoral Grace to remain there any longer. Grace Imperial. Majesty would have come here to this Imperial Diet appointed by Her Majesty for obedience and the most subservient will and good opinion, at Her Majesty's description and request, and where it would have been possible for His Electoral Grace, the Holy Roman Emperor, to have acted in accordance with His Majesty's will and good opinion. Grace of His Majesty the Emperor. If it had not been intended by His Electorate to be submissive and willingly obedient, His Electoral Grace would probably have been faced with matters. His Elector's Grace would have had matters before him, and especially His Elector's Grace, as a prince. In particular, his electoral graces, as a prince of many years, would have had the marital responsibilities for the sake of his body, that his electoral graces would also have been due. Grace would also have had the right to apologize to His Imperial Majesty. Majesty, thereby bringing His Electoral Grace into equality. Graciousnesses in the same way as others, and to forgive His Electoral Grace. His Grace's Counselors in His Electoral Grace's stead. and to dismiss them with emergency force; but his electoral graces would have refused to do so. Graces would have subdued His Imperial Majesty. Majesty's submissive obedience and favor, would not have allowed all this to err or to be prevented, but would have allowed His Imperial Majesty, out of submissive obedience and favor, to send and to use emergency force. Majesty out of the most humble heart and will. Thus also the Imperial Majesty would know. Majesty would know that it was otherwise customary with their Majesty and their ancestors, Roman kings and emperors, as also reported in the previous speech, when princes and rulers attended an Imperial Diet for their Majesties' favor and obedience, and had required an opportunity to depart again, he would have been graciously permitted by their Majesty and the same ancestors, and not so distrained as to have wanted to leave his councilors behind him with due force, as his Electoral Grace had been obliged to do. His Elector's Grace would have humbly offered and been inclined to do so. Thus also the Imperial Majesty of both Majesty of both the Elector of Saxony and the Duke of Lüneburg would graciously take heed of this, so that Her Majesty would be more helped than helped in the Empire. Since the Elector of Saxony, as touched upon, is obedient to His Imperial Majesty's request. Majesty's request obediently and in such a timely manner, and has requested permission until the third week, and has also waited for Imperial Majesty's answer until the last ten days. Majesty's answer; but, as indicated by Count Palatine Friederich to Hansen von Minkwitz, it did not fall on last Friday and Saturday, and for the sake of His Electoral Grace such marital bonds are to be granted. The court is not obliged to delay any longer, but it is not necessary. Gn. to move longer would be quite burdensome and almost impossible.

[1530]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1847-1849. 1531

moreover, that his Elector. Gn. H and all the cooks and waiters had been dispatched behind, and the councilors were inclined to leave with sufficient force: so his Electors would not let him be ordered to do so, as if his Electors had not been so kind. His Electors would not have it imposed on him, as if his Electors had been so pleased by his departure. His Electoral Grace would not order him to leave, as if his departure would be the cause of some disruption, whether or not it should occur. His Electorate. His Electoral Grace also wished Imperial Majesty Majesty most humbly, her Majesty wanted his Electoral Grace to be informed. Gn. His Elector's Grace has also asked His Imperial Majesty most humbly, and His Majesty has graciously allowed His Elector's Grace to take the matter into consideration. His Elector's Grace, or to bear his Elector's Grace no displeasure. The court will not be displeased with the departure of his elector, after such marriages have been granted to his elector's grace. His Elector's Grace in all fairness and justice. Wherever, however, Imperial Majesty Majesty would ever have misgivings about this, then His Electoral Grace, together with the same, shall be pardoned. If, however, His Imperial Majesty should ever have any misgivings about this, and if His Electors and their cousins, Duke Ernest of Brunswick and Lüneburg, should depart and not forgive the requested days, the Elector would know that he, together with His Electors, would be without glory. Gn. brother, then Duke Frederick, on account of their Imperial Majesty and the same. Majesty and the same ancestors and forefathers, he would be obligated to do so. As much as possible, his C. F. Grace would be inclined to do so once again, right down to his grave. And although his Elector. Gn. would have to forgive the desired days with great inconvenience, he nevertheless wanted, together with his Electoral Grace, to be able to do so. Gn. cousins, Imperial Majesty Majesty's most humble favor, not to be lacking in three days, but in such a way that the Imperial Majesty of his Electorate would not be deprived of the desired days. Majesty of His Elector. and Duke Ernsten now graciously permit him to depart thereafter on the following Thursday without further delay or delay, with the request that this be done to the great need of both their sovereign and princely graces. and prince's high necessity, and to be understood in mercy 2c.

B. The publication of the first Neichstag treaty and what happened between the emperor and the Protestant estates.

  1. note issued secretly to the protesting princes on how they could behave after the publication of the parting.

From Müller's History, p. 893.

Thus the farewell given to the Elector of Saxony and his co-relatives, in which they have been given until the fifteenth day of April

  1. In the old edition: "cellar".

and the Elector of Saxony, together with Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg and the Duke of Lüneburg, shall appear before the Emperor's Majesty tomorrow. Majesty before the Elector's farewell, and to present Her Imperial Majesty most humbly. Majesty most humbly request and entreat that the matter, in which they have been granted consideration, is excellent, highly important and great in itself, so that Her Imperial Majesty will be so gracious to them. Majesty will be so gracious to them that after the end of the appointed time they may petition Her Imperial Majesty for further consideration. Majesty that Her Imperial Majesty will grant them the right to their subjugated property. Majesty will graciously grant them further consideration at their submissive request; thereupon the Imperial Majesty is to grant the Electors and the Princes the right to the same. The Imperial Majesty shall answer the Electors and the Princes, insofar as they obediently live up to and comply with this farewell, which has now been given to them, so that then Her Majesty, at their most humble request of the Electors, Princes and cities, will graciously grant them further consideration and allow them to do so, but that in such consideration peace and unity will also be preserved, as then reported in the present treaty.

1113 The first decree of the Roman Emperor's Majesty, concerning the article of religion, given to the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen, Thursday, Mauritius, Sept. 22, 1530.

This document is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 450k; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 108b; in the Altenburg vol. V, p. 235 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 224. German also in Chyträus, p. 296; in Müller, bd. Ill, aap. 39, p.895 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 474 according to the Margravial Brandenburg Acts, p. 290. Latin in 6b^tna6U8, p. 329; in Ooslkstinus, tona. Ill, lob 137 and in Goldast's aonstitut. Irnperial., p. 509 (so in Walch; in Förstemann: p. 599).

After the imperial majesty has announced and proclaimed a general imperial diet and assembly on the eighth day of the month of April, next to Verschienen, in the city of Augsburg, to act on all matters concerning the holy empire, common Christianity, and the German nation; and especially, among other things, how, as not the slightest difficulty, the confusion and discord in the holy faith and Christian religion should and should be acted upon and decided upon.

  1. and so that such things may work the better and more salutary.
  1. In the old edition wrong: "Thursday after Mauritii", because Mauritius was Thursday, September 22.

1532 Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1113. W. xvi, E-iM. 1533

To lay aside the disputes, to let go of unwillingness, to surrender past errors to Christ our Savior, and to turn diligently to hear, understand, and consider all every man's good will, opinion, and opinion between himself in love and kindness, to bring them to one Christian truth and to compare them, to do away with everything that would not be rightly interpreted or acted for both parts, and, as we all are and contend under one Christ, so to live all in one fellowship, church and unity, and finally to resolve, make, establish and maintain good unity, peace and welfare of the holy realm, in these and other matters incumbent upon the same; as then Imperial Majesty. The Imperial Diet's charter contains and is capable of containing all this and more, depending on the length of time.

  1. at which Imperial Diet of Her Imperial Majesty the Princes and other Estates of the Holy Empire appeared in person. Maj.'s Princes, Princes and other Estates of the Holy Roman Empire appeared in person, and by force of their embassy, obediently before Her Majesty, and thereupon also Her Imperial Majesty, together with the said Princes, Princes, Prelates, Counts, Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, and the same embassies. Maj. together with the said Princes, Princes, Prelates, Counts, and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, and their messages, the points and articles which have been set forth in Her Imperial Majesty's Charter. Maj. and especially the article concerning the error and division in our holy Christian faith, and, in accordance with the aforementioned letter of Her Majesty, next to anyone who wishes to present something on account of such error of faith, and namely the Elector of Saxony, Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg, the brothers Ernst and Franciscus, Dukes of Lüneburg, Philippsen, Landgraves of Hesse, and Wolfgang, Princes of Anhalt, also the envoys of the cities of Nuremberg, Reutlingen, Kempten, Heilbronn, Winsheim and Weißenburg, their opinion and confession in the presence of the other Electors, Princes and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, graciously listened to them, advised them with timely and courageous counsel, and refuted and rejected them with good reason through the Holy Gospels and Scriptures, and thus manifold action by their Majesty, also the aforementioned electors, princes and commoners in their own persons, as well as their committees of electors, princes and others, first fourteen, and then six persons, have had, practiced and cultivated with them most diligently, that they have come to an agreement with her Majesty and the other electors. and the other princes, princes and commonwealths of the Holy Roman Empire on several articles.

4 However, due to several other articles, they did not compare themselves with the Imperial Majesty and the common estates of that time. Majesty and the common estates of this time, Her Imperial Majesty has granted the Holy Roman Empire, the praiseworthy German nation, good and welfare. Majesty has granted the Holy Empire, the praiseworthy German nation, for good and welfare, so that peace and unity may be preserved therein, for the sake of Her Majesty's benevolence and out of but for the grace of the Holy Roman Empire. The same Elector of Saxony, the five princes, and the six cities are permitted to confer with each other between here and the fifteenth day of the next month of April, and to consider whether, for the sake of the other articles, they agree with the Christian Church, Papal Holiness, Her Majesty, and the other electors of Saxony. and the other Princes, Princes and common Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, as well as other Christian leaders and members of common Christendom, in the meantime of the discussion of a future Concilii, or not. Majesty will also consider for the same time what Her Majesty will do therein, and that the Elector of Saxony, the five princes, and six cities, before the end of the fifteenth day of April, will ascribe and open their minds under their seals to Her Majesty, then she will report Her Majesty against it and thereupon her opinion in writing.

5 That the Elector of Saxony, the five princes and six cities also decree in the meantime on this 15th day of April that nothing new shall be printed or sold in their principalities, lands and territories. 5. That the Elector of Saxony, the five princes and the six cities, and their subjects, will decree that nothing new in matters of faith will be printed, sold, or traded in their principalities, lands, and territories, and that thereupon it is the earnest will and command of their Majesty that all princes, princes, and estates of the Holy Roman Empire keep good peace and unity in the meantime, and that neither the Elector of Saxony, the five princes, and the six cities, nor their subjects, their Majesty, and the Holy Roman Empire, nor the other princes, princes, and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, will keep good peace and unity in the meantime. and of the Holy Roman Empire, nor of the other Electors, Princes and commoners' subjects, as has been done hitherto, to themselves and their sect; Also, whether some of the Elector of Saxony's, the five princes' and six cities' subjects, of whatever rank they may be, who still adhere or wish to adhere to the old Christian faith and nature, do not err in their worship and ceremonies in their churches and places of worship, nor oppress them, nor initiate any further innovation therein; Similarly, the women and men religious must not in any way prevent them from attending mass and hearing confession, and from serving and receiving the holy sacrament.

  1. and to the fact that the reported Chur-

[1534]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, is5i-1854. 1535

The five princes and six cities of Saxony, against those who do not keep the holy sacrament and against the Anabaptists, are to compare themselves with their imperial majesty, the other princes and states. They are not to separate themselves from their Majesty and their loved ones, but are to advise, encourage and help them as to what and how to act against them; as all the aforementioned princes, princes and states have granted and consented to their Imperial Majesty to do, as far as each of them is concerned, all these things. Majesty and have promised to do so.

7 And because in the Christian church no common council has been held for many years, and yet in common Christendom among all heads and estates, ecclesiastical and secular, many abuses and complaints may have occurred for a long time, that after all this and for a Christian reformation, their Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty. has, in addition to papal holiness, also resolved with all princes, princes and estates, now assembled here at Augsburg, to decree with the aforementioned papal holiness and all Christian kings and potentates that a common Christian concilium be held within six months, The next after the end of this Imperial Diet, and that it should be held in the most beneficial way and as long as possible within a year after such a call, in the good hope and confidence that this will bring the common Christianity into lasting good unity and peace for the sake of their spiritual and temporal matters.

1114 Answer given to the Protestants by Chancellor Brück. September 22, 1530.

This document and its continuation, No. 1116, is reproduced after Brück in Müller, lib. Ill, enp. 39, p. 899; German also in Chyträus, p. 298; according to the Margravial Brandenburg acts in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 481. Latin in Coelestinn8, tom. Ill, col. 188 and torn. IV, col. 85, and in Cü^trnens, p. 322 and 369.

The Elector and his co-relatives should have informed the Imperial Majesty in question. Majesty. Majesty, and although, among other things, this part's confession and creed are reported therein, as if the same were to be confirmed by a confutation, drawn up by Imperial Majesty and the imperial estates for this purpose. Maj. and the estates of the empire, had been sufficiently rejected and refuted by the holy gospel, this part nevertheless held without doubt that the confession in question was based on the holy word of God.

  1. considered it to be the divine truth in such a way that they hoped to be able to stand before the last judgment of God. This part also wanted to have the aforementioned confutation writing, where they might have been copied, answered for and tricked out in such a way that the Imperial Majesty and the men would have felt it. Majesty and all men should have felt that they could not do anything against the reported confession. So that such a confutation would not remain unanswered by this part, they would have undertaken and allowed themselves to be heard to answer for the same, as much as they could note in a hurry from the reading; as they had intended to do long ago, but had nevertheless been prevented from doing so by much negotiation since then, until such responsibility was now also made. And even though it would have been impossible to provide the same for all points of the Confutation, this part nevertheless hoped, where the Imperial Majesty had seen and mentioned it, to be able to provide the same for all points of the Confutation. Majesty had seen it and considered it, she would find that the confession handed over still existed unharmed, with humble request that Her Imperial Majesty would want the same document and apostles to be published. Majesty would graciously accept the same document and apology.

1115. Apology of the Augsburg Confession, which was presented by the Protestants at the same time but not accepted.

See above the 1030th document. - Spalatin in his Annals, p. 197, reports that when Brück presented the Apology, the Emperor reached for it, but King Ferdinand made him "flinch back again" and did not accept it.

1116 Continued response of the Augsburg Consession relatives by D. Brück.

This continuation can also be found in Förstemann, "Archiv", p. 185, in addition to the locations given in No. 1114.

Concerning the peace, the same is accepted by their Electoral and Princely Grace together with their co-relatives with submissive thanksgiving. The same is accepted by their electors and princes together with their relatives with humble thanksgiving, with the obedient and willing offer to live up to the same. And as further indicated, that nothing new is to be done, not even to be printed, feil have.

  1. The following to the end of the sentence is missing in Förstemann.

[1536]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1116 s. W. xvi, i8si-i856. 1537

2c., in which the Elector of Saxony, and his relatives, at the most recent Imperial Diet at Speier, had quite duly offered to do so, and also intended to keep themselves unprovoked in this. Thus this part would also not be related to any sect, but what they believe and hold, that would be in the Word of God constantly with reason and so dedicated, that it would be the right true Christian faith, and no sect, in and with which they also could not err. And even though this is the case, they have not yet forced anyone to their faith, do not intend to do so, and know how to keep themselves Christian and proper in this respect by the grace of God. As for the sects of the Anabaptists and those who did not believe in the Sacrament, they had not tolerated them in their lands and territories, but had acted against them with Christian teachings and sermons, had severely punished the Anabaptists, and had thus ensured that the same sects were not heard or found in them by God's grace, much less rooted, and still wanted to prevent it with all the diligence in their power. Since this would be an excellent and most important matter, in which the welfare and misfortune of souls would be at stake, which would require good care and caution, and since there are also some from this part who are not here, nor yet to be met, and since the need of the councils and embassies also requires that this parting be diligently considered and contemplated, the Elector of Saxony, together with other princes and fellow relatives, asks Imperial Majesty the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor. Majesty most humbly that they graciously deign to send them the reported farewell copies, and that they graciously allow them to consider them in general until the appointed time on the 15th day of April, so that they may consider the matter in the meantime, deliberate and consult, and then inform their Imperial Majesty, if they so desire. Majesty that they have made up their minds.

1117: Luther's verdict on the above-mentioned imperial

farewells.

From Ooelestinus, tom. Walch explicitly notes that this document "had not previously been included in the collections of Luther's writings. In the only edition published after Walch, the Erlanger, it has not yet been included.

Translated from the Latin by Ll. A. Tittel.

(1) As often as we speak of things that are to the glory of God, the holy gospel, and our Christian

faith, either to obtain peace or for other things, one must always have the teaching of Christ before one's eyes with fear and faith, and follow it, since he says to his disciples: "Be simple as doves and wise as serpents. For if we are justified before God by true and pure doctrine, we can discern and judge doctrine from doctrine, and works that proceed from a true heart from false and hypocritical works.

  1. It is therefore necessary that we believe the gospel with our hearts and confess it with our mouths. And not only is this required, but our confession must also be directed to be made before the unbelieving world, that they may be severely punished and their works and deeds not approved. The Holy Spirit must punish the world because of sin, but we must sing the verses Psalm 26:5, 16:4: "I will not approve the assemblies of the bloodthirsty, nor take their name upon my lips."

(3) Therefore, for the sake of the confession of the gospel, we must do, suffer, forbear, and accept everything, whereby nothing escapes faith and confession, and such things are not approved which the contrary will teach and do contrary to the gospel.

4 Because Imperial Majesty has ordered to act how to restore and maintain the common peace in the Holy Roman Empire and also to advise the religion. Since His Majesty has commanded us to act to restore and maintain peace in the Holy Roman Empire, and also to advise religion, we must diligently see to it and strive to ensure that our part does not approve or indulge in anything that is contrary to the faith, the Gospel, and divine honor for the sake of anyone or any cause. Namely in this way:

  1. I. The first article, in which peace is promised to those who signed the Confession and Apology presented at Augsburg (or their defense) and freedom from all danger, if only they would not start anything new from now on, and those who, enlightened by divine grace, wanted to accept the true teaching of the Gospel, would not be taken in or harbored, is by no means to be taken as a whole.
  1. "is" put by us instead of: like.

1538 Cap. 13: The Diet of Augsburg in 1530, W. XVI, 1856-1859, 1539.

ligen. For it concerns faith and confession.

6 And if one wanted to object that the Emperor is now dealing with the Elector of Saxony and his religious relatives, but not with those who would like to join them in the future, and that the Elector of Saxony does not have to care for others, and that he or his kinsmen have nothing to say about subjects of other dominions, but only about his own.

(7) Likewise, that enough has already been conceded in this, that if those who teach wrongly of the sacrament still (at the present time) sign the confession and leave the error, they should also be included in the conclusion (scil. of the Diet), then the answer is, and it must be considered, that the opposite would want to hinder the course and propagation of the gospel, and thus make it impossible for the word of God to go forth. But if we were to say yes to this, it would be just as much as if we were to say: Christ should not live, but be crucified again. In addition, we must confess that the doctrine preached and handed down at Augsburg is the true and lawful word of God, and that all who believe and keep it will become children of God and be saved, whether they believe now or are enlightened later; this confession is to last until the end of the world and the last day. For it is written, "He that believeth and calleth on God shall be saved.

(8) And it must be observed, not only of those who are yet to come, but also of the Christian church which preaches the word, and of ours which are its members. For it is written in Gal. 6:16, "As many as walk according to this rule," 2c. by which saying no one is excluded. Are therefore all who believe and live according to the doctrine of the confession and apology our brethren, according to such faith and doctrine, and is their danger as much our concern as ours. We cannot abandon them, even as members of the true church; they may join us when they wish, they may do it in silence or publicly, they may live among us or in a foreign country. This is what we say and confess.

Third, if Christ prayed John 17 for all who would believe in the apostles' doctrine, why should we leave and not take care of those for whom Christ prayed?

(10) Fourth, since the Lord says, "The gates of hell shall not prevail against the church," and yet such gates do not rest, it necessarily follows that the doctrine is not bound to any particular time, place, or person, but will always endure and remain for all those who either already believe or will believe in the future.

Fifth, it cannot be denied that this doctrine, which has been preached and presented at so many imperial days and assemblies, has always converted a multitude of people to God, who, since the Holy Spirit enlightens them, and yet they are to be rejected and separated from the doctrine, would have to fear that they would 1) resist the Holy Spirit Himself, who so obviously testifies and makes it known that such works and actions please Him.

  1. II. The other article belongs to the third part of the Gospel, namely, that one must not approve or accept it. For by naming only the Zwinglier and Wiederbäufer, they want to go out freely and be exempt, as if they never taught anything against the gospel and the holy sacraments. This cannot happen without violating the conscience and the honor of God.

(13) Therefore, as has been done, we must generally understand all who hold and preach doctrine and sacraments other than those contained in our Confession and Apology, so that we do not approve or justify anything that wounds and offends God's honor and conscience. Say what you will about peace, but you do not have to buy it by neglecting the honor of God and sacrificing religion.

14, III The article of Concilio is necessary to believe, confess and keep only in so far as it admits that our doctrine, which we confess, is true, and that no angel from heaven can judge or change it.

  1. Here we have erased "not".

1540 Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1117. W. xvi, isss-i86i. 1541

but an angel who wants to do such a thing must be cursed and banished; much less may emperors, popes and bishops judge and change them. Thus, in a concilio, nothing can be approved or spoken rightly except what agrees with the word of God and is in accordance with it. St. Paul did not deviate in the least from those who also considered themselves pillars of the Church; Paul's example also belongs here. Otherwise one must confess before councils, kings, princes and all the world that no part acts contrary to faith and confession if it desires that the word of God and sermons be measured, since the word of the Lord cannot nor should be bound. The disciples are commanded in the Acts of the Apostles to remember nothing but the name of Christ; but we hold to their answer, saying, "Judge ye yourselves whether ye ought to obey God more than men," or Caesar? "for man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth by the mouth of GOD."

IV. Nor can it be admitted and approved that the sacraments should be administered, but the ministry of the word should be separated from them, since both must be with each other. For the Lord says, "Go, preach," and only then, "baptize. And St. Paul to the Corinthians says: "When you come together (to preach), let the sacraments be administered.

(16) Nor can it be approved or accepted in good conscience, and without injury to divine honor, to desire that the mere text be recited to the people without much explanation and interpretation; for in this way the edification of the church, and the gift of prophecy, so necessary and useful, would be abolished, since Paul writes to the Corinthians that without the gift of prophecy and explanation of the Scriptures the Christian church cannot exist. Moreover, without prophecy, hearts and consciences are neither awakened nor revealed. For if this gift is gone from the Church, no one can worship and call upon God, or give Him due honor, nor say that God is with His Church. The same is true of all the articles that are equally separated from the Word and Sacrament.

ments, and not to approve them.

(17) In other regions and countries, therefore, it is not necessary to usurp dominion, but yet to show love and friendship to all men, as Paul says, "If it be possible, as much as is in you, keep peace with all men." Therefore, let us give no occasion for discord and unrest. Pliny writes of the Christians in the time of the emperor Trajani that their modesty and discipline were admired by other peoples, which, of course, is a glory to the Gospel.

  1. v. The article concerning the preachers and ministers of the word is to be directed that they teach according to the words, "Let your wisdom be known to all men, and teach the word of God with all gladness and gentleness." Likewise, "A servant of the Lord must not quarrel." 2 Tim. 2, 23. Even though we are given outward peace, disputes over doctrine will always remain and not be settled. For the gospel will remain an offense to the Jews and foolishness to the Greeks, capturing (or overpowering) all power that opposes God. For this reason we can make (and keep) peace over physical and earthly things and goods, but because of the doctrine we have to suffer persecution all the time.

(19) As for spiritual jurisdiction (or church government), the matter seems to have an inequality, and the equality of ceremonies to serve the betterment of the church; but against such delusion is this, that the church rulers compel us and our priests in many grave matters, and still like to compel us. To hold some things against the Gospel and conscience. For this reason, jurisdiction and church authority can by no means be restored to them, nor can it be approved; and it is better that there be some inequality in dress, ceremonies, and other church customs. For such things belong only to fine order and prosperity, but are in themselves nothing essential. Therefore, as if they were necessary to salvation, the consciences cannot be entangled and deceived by them.

  1. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. IX, 1034, § 65-.

1542 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. i86i-i864. 1543

The new system should be linked to the existing system, as has been done in the past and is still being done in some places.

VII If it is desired and demanded that the monks who still live in monasteries should not be expelled, lest the mass and other ceremonies, which bring dishonor to the divine name, be abolished before a general and Christian concilium takes place, we cannot consent to such a desire at all, for the following reasons:

(21) He who acts against conscience paves and prepares the way to hell. But it cannot be hidden from anyone that the adversaries consider monasticism and the observance of mass to be useful and necessary for salvation, since they have taught that through such works they would become righteous and blessed before God. This highly disparages and degrades Christ's merit and suffering, as if it were not sufficient for the attainment of salvation, nor could it reconcile us to the Father. Next, Hezekiah, king of Judah, is praised for smashing and breaking the bronze serpent, which was erected by command of God, because it gave rise to idolatry. Thus, much less can the mass, as the greatest abomination and abhorrence of all abominations that can be named, be approved and permitted.

If it is the duty of the temporal authorities and Imperial Majesty to punish seriously and severely all those who sin against the other table, they must be banished from human society. If it behooves the secular sovereignty and imperial majesty to punish severely and harshly all those who sin grossly against the other table, and to banish them from human society, then the dishonor of the divine name, and the sins that manifestly and truly dispute against the first table, must necessarily be punished and scolded. And although in some places, because they are ordered and instituted by emperors, the masses are to be tolerated, yet they can and should neither be approved nor justified.

23 VIII. Concerning the church goods, income, tithes and interest, because they are worldly things, the jurists will be able to pronounce on them, and it seems that it will serve very much for the restoration and preservation of peace if a forgetfulness (amnestia) of all that has passed is introduced. For we find in the Histories that much of the same is done among the pagans, and that it is very much for the confirmation of the

peace in Athens. Hopefully, everyone will admit that such a thing is also very necessary now; namely, that he who owns something may keep quiet possession, and that the dispute is not increased over things that must be lost and given back again. For if everything were to be restituted, it would create much disorder, which would serve peace badly.

(24) IX. If it should be desired to release, according to each one's conscience and discretion, to enjoy one or two forms, this can by no means be entered into or accepted. For in this way we would absolve from sins those who received only one figure against the institution and command of Christ. For many godly consciences would be offended by this, since countless holy and godly people have been imprisoned for this very reason, and have almost come into danger of life and limb, and have even been banished and actually killed. If, however, one were to emphasize at once what benefit and promotion the common peace and nature, all pious people, the German nation, the Holy Roman Empire and the Christian faith would derive from this, if one were to yield a little in a few pieces and articles, and, at the same time, what defeats, damages and hardships would occur if war and upheaval were to break out, because religion and evangelical doctrine would perish on both sides, and the most miserable confusion of all laws and orders would take place, and the Turk and other kings and princes would overwhelm the German people, who were divided and disunited among themselves, so that peace need not be broken and torn for the sake of minor disputes over a few articles:

(25) It is therefore a bad thing to answer such objections, saying, Let it be done as is right, even if all the world should fall to pieces over it. For I say that peace is to be relegated to the lowest hell, which is bought with damage to the gospel and faith, and hinders and injures them.

26Thereafter, although such pretense has a subtle appearance, we must not lose a hair of our heads in the reason for the doctrine that God wants us to have, and we know that it is true, and for which we will be preserved in all wars, hardships, and dangers.

[1544]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1117 s. W. xvi, 1864-1866. 1545

broadly, for the sake of temporal and common peace, because such a pretext can easily seduce and deceive us all.

  1. Third, since we are commanded and commanded to confess the word of God and not to depart so easily from such commandment, all danger that may befall us because of the confession of the gospel must be entrusted to him who, even without our counsel and instruction, already knows how to protect his church in the time of the fiercest tyrants, as he did before these times in a world that was full of tyrants and zealots (namely, in the time of Arii and other heretics). Now he who has helped and counseled hitherto, when there was no hope of salvation, and will continue to do so, govern and guide us so that we may confidently confess the pure and truthful doctrine of the gospel, to whom be glory and honor forever and ever. Amen.

28 If, however, since God is in favor, Imperial Maj. Maj. should, at the instigation and incitement of fanatical (restless) people, insist on the words and opinion of some articles, e.g. of the Concilio; of those who in the future still wish to sign and accede to our Confession and Apology (or Deed of Protection); likewise of both and one form, of monasteries and masses, and would have them not abolished, but remain and be tolerated until the time of the Concilii, and that by perfect power and the rule due to her Imperial Majesty. Majesty: then it must be considered that their power and authority by no means extend so far. For this would be the case if a matter were to be decided between lands and estates and the boundaries were to be set and the dominions were to be separated from one another, since Her Majesty would want to mitigate and rectify the settlement and its contents. Here, however, one acts before the doctrine and confession of what is to be recognized as right or wrong, to approve or to reject, as Jerome writes of the woman who was struck seven times, 1) and of whom the Savior says: "Be without falsehood, as the doves."

  1. Luther cites the history Oe mutiere septies per6U88A several times as an example of consistency; namely, an innocent condemned woman was beaten seven times by the executioner without him being able to decapitate her.

6) The harsh and threatening speeches that were made to the Protestants by the Elector Joachim of Prandenburg in the name of the Emperor, and how steadfastly they responded to them.

1118: The Elector Joachim of Brandenburg's sharp speech to the protesting estates. Sept. 23, 1530.

The following four documents are found in German in the supplement to Brück's Geschichte, p. 464; in Chyträus, p. 301 and in Müller, lib. Ill, onp. 39, p. 903. Latin in Oo6l68tinn8, tom. IV, tot. 8o and thereafter at 00^trg.6N8, 372. - We have used the bariants given at Förstemann, Urknndenbuch, vol. II, p. 607 f. from Brück's history.

The Imperial Maj. Maj. had heard from the Elector of Saxony and his electors. Her Majesty could not be sufficiently surprised that they might so presumptuously represent that this part of the doctrine and confession handed down was founded on holy divine Scripture and the Gospel, in accordance with God's order; for Her Imperial Majesty would have found these by the holy clear Gospel and the Fathers' Scripture, in accordance with the brave council of many. Maj. would have rejected the same by the holy clear Gospel and the Fathers' Scriptures, after brave counsel of many scholars of the Holy Scriptures, not of one nation alone; so also the same doctrine, and all that which the Elector of Saxony and his electoral relatives preach, would have been rejected. G.'s fellow preachers, had been previously recognized as heretical and unchristian many years ago in many Christian congregations, for which it would again be considered so; therefore, once again, the Imperial Majesty would have been astonished. Therefore, once again, the Imperial Majesty would have to be surprised that this part of her Majesty's opinion would be as if she and other princes, rulers and estates were mistaken and did not believe correctly. For if it were the opinion that her Maj.'s noble ancestors, emperors and kings, also other noble electors and princes, especially also the elector of Saxony and other princes' noble ancestors, in whom this holy, lawful and true, Christian, well-founded, long-established faith was planted, should also be considered heretical; therefore her Maj. cannot be persuaded nor led in this way, and it is by no means true that the Elector of Saxony and his Elector's Grace will not be persuaded. Gn. The confession handed over to the Elector of Saxony and his electoral relatives is so based on the gospel. However, since the Imperial Majesty, who ever liked peace Majesty, who ever liked peace in the Holy Roman Empire and allent-

[1546]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 186s. i869. 1547

The Prince Elector and his elector wanted to see this farewell. Gn. If the Elector and his electoral kinsmen, out of but grace, and more than she deserves, have this parting made, it would be her Majesty's gracious request that he, 1) the Elector, and the other relatives in this matter, accept this parting, which even Imperial Majesty and the other estates could in no way change. Maj. and the other estates could in no way change, as the other Electors, Princes, and estates are obliged to her Imperial Majesty. Maj. had accepted and approved the same, considering that, if this did not happen, what complaint, discord and disagreement they, the Elector and his merchant relatives would owe to God. Nor could one find in any Scripture or Gospel that one would take away someone's own by force, and then say that one could not return it with a clear conscience. As far as the list handed over to Imperial Majesty's Confutation is concerned, it would not have been possible in good conscience to reproduce it. Maj. Confutation, Her Majesty had previously let it be heard that she did not want to get involved in any disputation, as it was also not her Majesty's duty to do in matters of faith and was not her office; therefore Her Imperial Majesty did not want to accept it. Maj. was by no means willing to accept the same, for if this parting were not accepted by them, Imperial Maj. Maj. would, as her Majesty is well entitled to do, cause it to be kept 2c. In addition, the Electors, Princes and Estates would have ordered him to speak, if ever the Elector of Saxony, together with his electoral relatives, would have accepted this farewell. G. did not want to accept this farewell, that they should turn to Imperial Maj. Maj., as obedient princes of the empire, to offer their body and goods, land and people, and all their property, so that this matter may be helped, as also Imperial Maj. Maj. again gave them a consoling promise to surrender all their property and not to leave the Holy Empire until this trade was brought to an end. By order of all the other princes and estates, he would thus have wanted to inform them of this.

1119 Response given to the Protestants by Chancellor Brück. 23 Schi. 153".

See No. 1118.

Most Sublime Emperor 2c. The Elector of Saxony, together with my most gracious princes, as well as the other related persons in this matter, have, without any danger to Your Imperial Majesty, expressed their opinion and

  1. "he" put by us instead of: ehe.

Answer by my most gracious lord, the Elector of Brandenburg, skillfully, terribly and in such a way that I would not know how to extend it for my own sake, moreover also that it would give rise to futile prolongation, submissively heard. Thereupon my most gracious and gracious lords here present, together with the other relatives of these matters, your Imperial Majesty, give this most gracious report. Maj. this most humble report and answer, that their Supreme and Federal Governors and the others have submitted in writings their confession made at the beginning of this Imperial Diet, as yesterday their Supreme and Federal Governors and they also reported to Your Imperial Majesty. Maj., are so founded and dedicated in the divine holy Scriptures and in the holy Gospel, as the Scriptures and the reasons which have been introduced and given beside them sufficiently, loudly and irrefutably testify, that against them, as against the Word of God and the holy Gospel, the gates of hell cannot stand nor be held fast, as also their Major and Federal Governors and the others of their kinsmen, for the rejection of Your Imperial Maj. Maj., as much as may have been gathered and retained from a speedy reading and in a hurry, even in the air, since their Lordships and Fathers and they could not have obtained the same Confutation in any other way than by the measure requested by Your Imperial Majesty at that time. Majesty's request at that time, and yet their Electoral and Princely Grace and they, in such a manner, have not been able to obtain the same confutation. and to them, in such a manner as to be highly burdensome, have had them assembled, and Your Imperial Majesty has graciously, with the help of Your Majesty, made it possible. Maj. will graciously, as a praiseworthy emperor, have to note that their electoral and princely gents, as well as the co-associates, have not been able to do so. Your Imperial Majesty, and also your fellow relatives, hereby once again in all submissiveness. Maj. with all submissiveness and humility. As far as the farewell is concerned, however, which Your Imperial Maj. Maj. yesterday held against my most gracious and gracious Lords and their co-relatives, let Your Imperial Majesty take it without doubt as such. Maj. shall undoubtedly take it for granted and respect that their sovereign and princely lords are ever submissively inclined. Your Imperial Majesty shall consider it without doubt and take care that their sovereign and princely lords are ever humbly inclined, in everything that is possible with God and conscience, to respond to your Imperial Majesty's request. Maj.'s request; but for what most important and brave reasons their sovereign and princely lords are also willing to be submissive to their fellow kinsmen. Their consciences and the most touched before Your Imperial Majesty, the Christian confession they have made. Maj., it is burdensome for them, even impossible, to grant in such a read out parting, or to accept its contents, is this morning to my gracious lord, Mr. Georgen Truchsess, your Imperial Maj. Maj. Counsel and Servant, and the Chancellor of Baden, who have met with my gracious Lord, Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg.

1548 Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1119. W. xvi. i869-i87i. 1549

The following have been announced to the citizens of the city, to the other councillors appointed by my most gracious and gracious lords, and to the envoys of the cities, for the purpose of discussing this farewell, according to the length of time that their sovereign and princely hope of your Imperial Highness has been fulfilled. G. also of the fellow hope of Your Imperial Majesty and Royal Dignity. Maj. and Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, Princes, Princes and Estates, my most gracious, gracious and favorable Lords, such causes and complaints will undoubtedly be reported according to necessity. However, if this does not happen, my most gracious and kind lords and their relatives are requested to bring these complaints before Your Imperial Majesty and Royal Highness. Majesty and King, as well as Princes, Princes and Estates, and to have them reported themselves. And therefore my most gracious and gracious Lords' most humble request in this regard is once again, as it was yesterday, your Imperial Majesty's most humble request. Maj. in all submission, that they wish to grant such a request to their Lordships and Princes, and also to you. They have graciously requested your Imperial Majesty, as their most gracious Emperor and Lord, to send them copies and transcripts of this farewell, which has been read out, in the most gracious consideration of this most important transaction; as your Imperial Majesty, without this, for the sake of the articles, so unparalleled, by virtue of the same farewell, has graciously requested your Imperial and Princely Graces to take into consideration this farewell. Your Imperial Majesty has graciously granted that, without the articles so unsettled, by virtue of the same Departure, Your Imperial and Princely Graces will diligently and urgently consider, deliberate and consult the articles of the same Departure, together with all acts done, and the envoys will deliver and bring the same to their lords and friends by whom they have been appointed, and in all things may be found to be in good counsel, that Your Imperial and Princely Graces will also consider and deliberate the articles of the same Departure, together with all acts done, with diligence and necessity, and the envoys will deliver and bring the same to their lords and friends by whom they have been appointed, and in all things may be found to be in good counsel. Gn. also the other co-relatives, may, shall and may always do, or not do, unquestioningly and without reference to the divine word and conscience, for the sake of love and unity, and to show Your Imperial Majesty that they are not to be used in any other way. Maj. between the appointed time, as the 15th day of the month of April, in the future, what their minds and concerns would be upon it, by their sealed letters to your Imperial Majesty. Maj., and also wish to show all submissiveness to Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. in all submissiveness with body and goods, and everything that is inviolable for conscience' sake, and, no less than other Princes, Princes and Estates, to all owing, also entirely willing obedience. But when Your Imperial Maj. Maj. by the Elector of Brandenburg, my most gracious and gracious Lord, together with their kinsmen in this matter, have also indicated how your Imperial Majesty will pay their electoral and court tributes. Majesty has informed her Electoral and Princely Gn. Your Imperial Majesty's great presumption is greatly astonished that

their consciences are also attracted to the others by their sovereigns and princes, although it is not written in any place in God's Word or in the Gospel that one should take away one's own 2c. G. and their kinsmen, are also in agreement with Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. that such would be contrary to God and His holy word. But their graces and they know themselves to be completely free and certain of the same from the graces of God, and that they have not deprived anyone of what is his (who would like to put it on with reason and conscience). Where it might also be meant and intended for the dissolved monasteries, your Highnesses and F. G. also humbly remember the others, so that through those who have been appointed to the committee of the Fourteen, a written request has been made for the sake of such dissolved monasteries and properties, and against Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. also before, and today against Mr. Georgen Truchsess and the Chancellor of Baden, in this form and always, for the sake of their chur- and F. G. and the others, namely, that they want to keep and show themselves between here and a general, Christian Concilio, so that Your Imperial Majesty should also be able to decide masculinely on the matter. Maj. should have to decide that they neither seek nor desire their own benefit therein, so that then in the aforementioned general concilio such monasteries and estates may be transferred to your Imperial Maj. and a concilii christii. Maj. and a Concilii Christian concern to other Christian things and ways, as the Elector of Saxony has also done for this reason, free, unobjectionable report, also due submission, on some clergymen's unfounded handed over complaints, to those who deserve the Supplication on these Imperial Diets, with attached permanent causes of the administration and care of indicated disposed monasteries, all this his electoral authority before your Imperial Highness. G. before Your Imperial Maj. Maj. hereby repeats. As much, however, is touched upon concerning the Electors and Princes, my most gracious and gracious Lords, so in the negotiation, which some of your Electors and Fathers undertook on various days at this Imperial Diet, together with some absent embassies, almost the same notification has been made to their Electors and Fathers and to their relatives. and co-relatives; however, their Supreme and Imperial Governors, with a necessary reply, have in turn had the matter heard without reference, which Supreme and Imperial Governors and the embassies have at that time received in writings for more equal retention and hearing, and have publicly read out, which have undoubtedly been presented to Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. that there was no need for such a reminder from the Elector and Princes. And for this reason

[1550]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, um-i874. 1551

my most gracious and gracious lords, also their related cities, that Electors, Princes and Estates, would also allow themselves to be subjected to such burdensome obligations on their part, as spoken of by the Elector of Brandenburg; for their grace, and the other undoubted hopes have, 1) if their Electors and F. Gn. do not give the Estates cause to do so, as they would also be unwilling to do so again for the sake of inequity, with once again the most humble request to your Imperial Majesty. They want to show themselves merciful to the requested copy, also for the sake of a precarious time limit, towards their Lord and Liege and their relatives, and against them, over such manifold requests and entreaties, by no means let themselves be moved to disfavor, but be their most gracious Lord and Emperor. This they offer in all submission for the sake of Your Imperial Majesty. Maj.

1120: The emperor's more distant and even harsher notification by Churbrandenburg. Sept. 23, 1530.

See No. 1118.

Emperor! Her Majesty would again have listened to this part's rebuttal, and her Majesty would not have admitted, as we would slowly persuade her, that our part's faith and confession is so founded in the Gospel. For her Majesty would also have a conscience, and would be much less likely to deviate in her opinion from the holy Christian church, and from the long established holy Christian faith, than the Elector of Saxony and his electoral kin. Grace's co-relatives 2c. But as far as the parting is concerned, where the Elector and his kinsmen, who, as he has placed it, also Imperial Majesty has no change in it. Majesty does not tolerate any change, it would be there; if not, Imperial Majesty would leave it at the answer given before, with the appendix that Her Imperial Majesty, after the expiration of 2c. 2) after the end of this Imperial Diet, with princes, princes and estates, how to proceed with the matter, to finally decide on a Christian farewell; also wanted to seek advice from the pope and other Christian kings and potentates on what her Majesty, as a Christian emperor and protector, should do in this matter to preserve the old true Christian faith, and that this new error and sect should be completely eradicated and the German faith should be strengthened.

  1. The text is not in order here.
  2. In the old edition: "change" instead of termination --- termination.

nation to be brought back to Christian unity. But as far as the Elector, Princes and the other estates of the empire are concerned, the matter would not be so pure as presented by the Widertheil; For the princes and rulers would have been given sufficient cause by the fact that the preachers of this part, who aroused the peasant revolt, overthrew and strangled a hundred thousand people because of it, just as some princes and rulers have met with all sorts of disparagement and toleration in the cities of the clergy and seculars to diminish their honor; therefore it would not be so pure that they would not give cause. And the imperial majesty would be seriously ordered to restore and reinstate also the abbots, monks and others who have been spoliated and expelled, because 3) her majesty would be solicited manifold by supplication 2c.

1121 Renewed declaration of the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen.

Sept. 23, 1530.

See No. 1118.

The remonstrances made by Imperial Majesty to the Elector of Brandenburg and the other princes and estates of this part. Majesty by the Elector of Brandenburg 2c. the Elector of Saxony and the other princes and estates of this part, would have been heard by their electoral and princely graces and by them in submission. Their electoral and princely graces and they, the cities, would have listened in subservience. And it would be their necessity to let themselves be taken with responsibility again according to the length. However, the estates of this part would consider that it is a bit late in the day, and that Imperial Majesty has already been delayed a bit. Majesty has already been delayed a bit long, so they wanted to shorten things as much as possible. And first of all, as far as the read parting is concerned, and the offered replica, although the Electors and Princes together with their kinsmen stood in the most humble hope to the Imperial Majesty, that Her Imperial Majesty would grant this part of the agreement. Majesty would send to this part the requested copies of the aforesaid farewell, together with the questionable time limit, and also the offered replica, which is to be sent to the Imperial Highness. M. Order, and read Confutation, compiled by sovereigns and princes, together with cities related to this part, would not have refused, but nevertheless Imperial. Majesty has granted their most humble request in the

  1. Here the Margravial Brandenburg manuscript continues like this: "if this does not happen, Her Majesty would cause it to happen herself". In contrast, the words that follow here in the text are deleted.

1552 Sect. 10: The first Reichstag resolution. No. 1121. W. xvi, 1874-1876. 1553

If they were not inclined to give it, they would have to leave it at that. For the estates of this part would not give their Imperial Majesty, as their most gracious lord and emperor, any measure in this respect. Majesty, as their most gracious lord and emperor, no measure to be taken in this matter, but they have wished to comply with their previous request with the replica; but for what constant and important reasons the princes, princes and cities of this part do not know how to grant in the aforementioned parting, the Imperial Majesty has asked Mr. Georgen Truchseß and the Chancellor of Baden to give their consent. Majesty has received sufficient report from Mr. Georgen Truchsess and the Chancellor of Baden, as this part would understand. Nonetheless, the Elector of Saxony and his electoral co-relatives, the Prince of Saxony, wished to have a report on the matter. Nevertheless, the Elector of Saxony and his fellow electors, princes and cities wished to discuss and move this part of the treaty with them between now and April 15, and to show themselves in all that they can, should and may or may not do to serve this part with God and conscience, out of love for Christian unity, and to show themselves against the Imperial Majesty, under their electoral authority. Majesty, under their chur- and princely grace. The court is to have the matter heard within the time concerned, with a Christian, unquestioning answer. And thereupon it is once again humbly requested that Imperial Majesty will not bear any burden of this, but will graciously regard and consider this part of the Elector's, Princes' and related cities' need, together with the greatness of this trade, as a most gracious Emperor. After that, when the Electors, Princes and Estates, on account of the other part, by the Elector of Brandenburg, especially the Elector of Saxony before the Imperial Majesty, have imposed a new treaty. Majesty, as if his Electoral Grace had acted against the other Elector. His Elector's Grace has not shown himself to such an extent against the other Electors and Princes that there is no reason for them to turn to the Imperial Majesty as they have done before. Majesty, as mentioned above, that even the matters of His Electoral Grace are not quite pure. Grace's things were not so entirely pure 2c. Such unfriendly imposition and complaint before Imperial Maj. Maj. from the princes and princes of the other part, as his electoral graces, lords and friends. The princes and estates of this part would also know where Imperial Maj. Maj. would have good reason to postpone all of this, purely and constantly, as the Elector, together with his Electoral Graces, has decided to do. The Prince, together with his electoral relatives, would be innocent of any reprimand before God and men. For to the same, if someone were among the Electors and Princes of the other part, who had to accuse the Elector of Saxony or the other co-relatives, and thought that he did not know how to get justice for them in goodness.

The Elector might not have been aware of the right to ordinary courts, which his Electoral Grace and the others were also reluctant to refuse. The Elector should therefore have been spared such a suit in addition to the others of his Electoral Grace. His Grace's fellow relatives should have been spared. But besides this, the estates of this part ask to be heard by the Imperial Majesty as their lord and master. Majesty, as their Lord and Emperor and as the authorities decreed by God, now and herewith once again to an abundance, that they will bring before Imperial Majesty or the same the Prince Princes and anyone else who thinks to accuse the Christian estates of this part, or who thinks to have some matters in dispute. Majesty or the courts ordered by the same, or as is always due, be of the right, and have the right knowledge shown and divorced, and in everything that is legally recognized and proven, want to keep duly and obediently, in consoling and good hope, Electors, Princes and Estates of the other part, Princes and Estates of the other part will recognize on the one hand that the manner in which one shows and holds oneself against one's Electoral Grace, also against one's fellow relatives, lands and subjects, must be that which is sufficiently to be shown, where it would have time, of the unlawful, 1) which the Elector of Saxony also wants to condition and reserve for him before Imperial Majesty. Majesty has conditioned and reserved for him. That the Elector of Saxony is also to be blamed by the other part of the estates for the causes of the next peasant uprising, would have been much less likely. The Elector of Saxony and his Electoral Grace's relatives are also to be reprimanded by His Imperial Majesty. Majesty, because the Elector of Saxony has given neither advice nor action, or some cause for the same sedition, which would also have to be understood from this, because such sedition is not less burdensome to the Elector than to anyone else of the Electors, Princes and Estates. Thus the estates of this part, too, have, to their credit, not shown themselves with less earnestness and expense to quell the same rebellion than anyone else, and to all this the Elector does not know any other way (although his Electoral Grace will have it changed), than that four years ago, of the smaller number in the 26th, at the first Speier Imperial Diet, which the Imperial Majesty proclaimed there. Majesty proclaimed, an instruction was issued and discussed, also by the royal dignity of Hungary and Bohemia,

  1. In the preceding, the text is corrupted. Gin sense would be made, if one instead of: "the Elector of Saxony, to" read: "recognize that". We have placed the latter in the text, since it agrees with No. 1127.

[1554]{.underline} Erl. 54,194 f. Cap. 13. Of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. XVI, 1876-1878. 1555

as Imperial Majesty's governor and brother, together with other commissioners then appointed by Imperial Majesty. Majesty, as well as the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, had unanimously approved and resolved that a valiant embassy should be sent to Imperial Majesty in Hispania. In this instruction, the causes from which or from where such an uprising has arisen have been clearly expressed and included by the Electors, Princes and Estates of Saxony. His Electoral Grace and the princes and cities related to him should therefore have been spared and spared. And finally, the consolation and hope of the Elector of Saxony, as well as of the other princes and their kinsmen, in all this rests solely with God the Lord, and also with the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, as a laudable Emperor, in the most humble hope that Her Imperial Majesty will give these matters the opportunity. Majesty will graciously consider this matter, and will not be moved to disfavor the Christian estates of this part, but will be their most gracious Emperor and Lord, and offer themselves to the Imperial Majesty no less than to the Emperor. Majesty no less than anyone else, in all matters due or due, even above their due duty, their body, goods and property; is also Electors, Princes and Estates above the aforementioned of their Electoral and Princely Grace. The same is true for the other parts of the Constitution of the Holy Roman Catholic Church. Maj. to commit themselves to the measure that has been taken. And thereupon they have subserviently pledged their allegiance to Imperial Majesty.

1122 Imperial Majesty's final conclusion.

Sept. 23, 1530.

The two following documents are from the unnamed auat. upol. rutu6. reprinted in Müller's Historie, lib. Ill, 6Np. 39, p. 919.

Emperor! Majesty was based on her opinion, which she decided with princes and estates, and how it would have been indicated to the Elector of Saxony and the other princes and estates of this part; and she would not have considered changing the given agreement this time. What was also reported to this part, and especially to the Elector of Saxony, would have been done by all the Electors, Princes and Estates in general, together with what they had offered in writings also against the Imperial Majesty. Majesty shall henceforth remain and be based.

1123: The Augsburg Confession's repeated request and entreaty.

Sept. 23, 1530.

See No. 1122.

Their Electoral and Princely Grace, as well as their relatives, would like to have their most humbly given notice, request and request, so that the Imperial Majesty would not be delayed any longer. Majesty would not be delayed any longer, with the most humbled request that His Imperial Majesty would in his graciousness be granted a pardon. Majesty, in gracious consideration of them, would not be moved to disfavor them, but would be their most gracious emperor and lord, which they wanted to earn for their Majesty again with body and soul. Majesty, as the Elector of Saxony in particular had done before, manly, be he ecclesiastical or secular, before the Imperial Majesty. The court will also be informed of the matter in the presence of the imperial majesty, and as is due, so that no one will have to complain on their behalf.

D. Of the Elector of Saxony and some Protestant princes' departure from the Imperial Diet and what was done afterward with his envoys who were left behind because of the arduous departure.

1124 Luther's letter to Lazarus Spengler, in which he thanks God that the Elector has once been released from hell. September 28, 1530.

The original of this letter is at the Coburg fortress. From another, alleged original in the Leipzig Supplement, p. 64; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 174 and in the Erlangen Edition, vol. 54, p. 194. We have inserted the variants of the original according to Burkhardt, p. 185.

To the honorable, prudent Mr. Lazaro Spengler, the City of Nuremberg > Syndico, my favorable master and friend.

Grace and peace in Christ. Respectable, careful dear Lord and friend! I have received my letters, which I sent to you, again through M. Vitum. And that you are concerned that M. Philip might have been more distressed by them, you do so as a good friend, although I had not named anyone in them, and the like had been mentioned to me before by many others.

[1556]{.underline} Eri. 54,195-198. para. 10. the first Reichstag resolution. No. 1124 ff. W. XVI, 1878-1880. 1557

great gentlemen was indicated. And think, they would have credited us that I cared for this matter so much and write something serious, I am also willing to let them still read the same letters. But God has promised that our dear prince will be released from hell one day. God willing, he is author pacis et arbiter belli. We have done enough, whoever does not want to have peace, God can create discord enough for him. Even without that, if you wish, I will write to the pious Prince Margrave Georgen, admonishing and comforting both of them. May the merciful God also strengthen your dear Lord, together with you, your preachers and the entire congregation, amen. Hiemit GOtt befohlen, Amen. From Coburg 1530, on the evening of St. Michael's Day Sept. 28.

Martinus Luther.

1125 Luther's Letter to Lazarus Spengler. October 1, 1530.

This letter is in the Leipzig Supplement, p. 64; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 177 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 195.

Your honorable, prudent Mr. Lazaro Spengler, the city of Nuremberg > Syndico, my favorable master and friend.

Grace and peace in Christ! The farewell in Augsburg, my dear Lord and friend, which you R. Vito indicated in writings, has been revealed to me orally and in writing by my beloved Duke of Lüneburg. I mean yes, that is called "world wisdom. There one grasps that our Christ, condemned by them, is nevertheless so powerful that he can rule not only washers, but also fools. And how should or could it be otherwise, where one rages against God's public wisdom, than when they disgrace God and mock us, as the other psalm sings? But there is no end to it, they must also experience the following little verse: loquetur ad eos in ira sua. So they want to have it. Fiat, quod petitur. We are pardoned and have done enough. Sanguis eorum sit super caput ipsorum. I have also written to D. Wenceslao, for my good old confrere and monastic, Mr. Martin Glaser, that he may be with you and others.

wanted to promote his cause. For this reason, please also ask your fathers to have ordered him, because I do not know how he is doing without him writing to me that he must leave the preaching ministry because of Armuth, which I do not like to see. May the merciful God strengthen and guide you by His Spirit, and help us there happily together, Amen. From Coburg, on the first of October 1530, Martin Luther.

1126 Luther's congratulations to the Elector on his departure from Augsburg. October 3, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the joint archive at Weimar. Printed from it in Müller's Historie, lib. Ill, omzi. 4l, p.926; by Cyprian in his Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Conf, p. 299; in De Wette, vol. I V, p. l78 and in Förstemann, Urknndenbuch, vol. II, p. 667. Further, in the Eisleben 'Ausgabe, vol. II, p. 19; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 528; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 179; and in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 197. The postscript is missing in Müller, in the Eisleben, Altenburger, Leipziger "editions, and in Walch. The supplement in De Wette, Förstemann and in the Erlanger belongs to "No. 929 in this volume. Only the first half of the letter is also in Latin in Ooolostinus, tom. I V, toi. 92 and in Luüüon8, 212.

To the most illustrious, highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Johans, Duke > of Saxony and Elector, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, > my most gracious Lord,

zn S. C. F. G. own hands.

Grace and peace in Christ. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I am heartily pleased that C.F.G. has come from hell to Augsburg with God's grace. And even if people's disgrace can almost be regarded as sour, along with their God, the devil, we still hope that God's grace, which has already begun, will be all the stronger and more with us in the future. They are in God's hands as much as we are, that is not lacking, and they will neither do nor accomplish anything, let Him have it, nor will He harm a hair of our head or anyone else's, because God Himself will do it mightily. I have commanded the matter to my Lord God. I know that He started it; I believe that He will lead it out. It is not in the power of any man to teach or to give such doctrine. Because it is

[1558]{.underline} Erl. 54,198f. Cap. 13: Of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. XVI, 1880-1882. 1559

God is, and everything is not in our hand nor art, but only in His hand and art, then I will see who will be those who want to overtake and surpass God Himself. Let what is done be done in the name of God. It is written Ps. 55:24 that the bloodthirsty and the false shall not be brought to judgment. They must be allowed to start and threaten, but they must not finish and carry out. Christ, our Lord, strengthen E. C. F. G. in a steadfast and joyful spirit, Amen.

Also, most gracious sir, because I have kept house here in Coburg this half year, I must report several defects to E. C. F. G., please E. C. F. G. not to complain, because I recognize myself guilty of such reporting, and E. C. F. G. not to complain. C. F. G. no more trouble than to give a serious order to the officials and whoever is ordered to do so. I have seen this not only from lesser people, but also from myself. So E. C. F. G. can find out all this from Hansen von Sternberg 1) and the Kastner, both of whom have secretly complained to me about it themselves, and as pious, faithful people (when I experienced them) have great displeasure with it, and yet can do nothing. I wish to present such deficiencies here in the enclosed note 2) to E. C. F. G., and have humbly requested that E. C. F. G. should use some seriousness for once, and thus order that one should take it for an order. Date at Coburg, October 3, 1530.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

Postscript.

Also, the heads of the common caste have asked me to hand over and promote this application to E. C. F. G., which I do not know how to refuse, because I am a guest here. E. C. F. G. will know how to graciously show themselves.

  1. On August 27, 1530, Luther assigned him the interpretation of the 117th Psalm. See St. Louis edition, Vol. V, 1132.
  2. This note has been lost.

1127 Report of the envoys of the Electorate of Saxony to the Elector of the Excuse of the Elector of the Palatinate for the troublesome speech of the Elector Joachim of Brandenburg.

September 24, 1530.

This and the following document can be found in Müller's Historie, lib. Ill, 41, p. 927. - This document is found as an enclosure to a short letter from the councilors to the Elector in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. ll, p.0I4.

After the deputies of the Count Palatine, Elector, had heard the arduous speech, after the given farewell of Roman Imperial Maj. Maj. of yesterday, against our most gracious Lord, the Elector of Saxony, as well as the other princes and relatives of this matter, they would have been willing and willing, immediately in the presence of Imperial Majesty, Royal Duke of Hungary and Bohemia. Majesty, Royal Duke of Hungary and Bohemia 2c. and the other princes and rulers, to speak against it, that such a thing had been brought forward without their knowledge and consent; so they would not all have been together, and also those who were present among them, could not well have come together in the crush of the interrogation and talked about it. For their lord would not know how to attract our most gracious lord, nor the other princes and relatives, in such matters; therefore their lord would not have tolerated nor suffered it, nor would they have been commanded to do so. But immediately after the end of the interrogation, they had come together and discussed the matter with Duke Frederick, Count Palatine, and were first of all of the opinion that they should inform our most gracious lord as soon as possible, and before his Elector Palatine departs. They were of the opinion that they would have wanted to request their lord's apology as soon as possible, and before his electoral majesty departs. Majesty and King Ferdinand beforehand, which was done, and was sent to both the Emperor and the King on the day of yesterday, Friday Sept. 23, as a matter of necessity, with notice, as is evident, that this had been done without their knowledge and will 3) and that they did not know how to involve our most gracious Lord in this. Furthermore, today, Saturday, they would also have appeared before the other sovereigns and princes who were present at the town hall, and would have publicly denounced and apologized to each estate in particular, although one of the princes, whom they did not name, answered that they would present or denounce this to Imperial Majesty. Majesty or to report it. On the other hand the

  1. Förstemann: Knowledge.

[1560]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1127 f. W. xvi, iW2-1884. 1561

Palatine would in turn have let it be heard that they would let it happen and would not be afraid of it, because it would have been announced to the Emperor and the King by themselves without this. M. and the King without this having been announced and acknowledged by them. Besides that, they also did not want to save us from the fact that Kais. M. personally replied to their request in this matter: "It was wrong and it was too much. For this reason, 1) we finally asked that we would like to present her complaint and apology to our most gracious lord, since it would have happened without her knowledge, and would also have no order to grant it, since her lord would have known his Elector and the other princes. They also wanted to present such a complaint and apology to Margrave George of Brandenburg and the landgravial councilors as soon as possible that day. To this we replied, among other things, after due consideration, that we wanted to have such a request and application made to our most gracious Lord without delay, without any doubt that his C. F. Grace would graciously take note of it, and that his Electoral Grace would be pleased with what had happened. Gn. would not have had anything else to do with the Christian, lawful, and high inheritance that had occurred, except that it would not be their will and opinion to approve or give chance to such burdensome and seriously disadvantageous actions, considering all the opportunities and careful circumstances that might arise and occur from it; moreover, that we have noted our most gracious lord's mind of the friendly will towards their lord, where his churfl. We have also noted that our most gracious lord's mind of kind will towards his lord, where his electoral lordship would like to be charged with an unjust complaint about legal inheritance, that our most gracious lord would show himself to be a friend in this and prove himself to be a friend; as your graces on all sides would be well obliged to each other in sworn matters of their proper sincere inheritance, so that everything that would be to everyone's benefit and disadvantage would be well taken into consideration.

1128. electoral saxonian rescript on prei

report. September 28, 1530.

See No. 1127. With Förstemann I. c. p. 638 from the original in the Weimar Archives, Lkg. L, toi. 37, no. 3, pp. 92 and 94.

  1. The subject of this sentence is: "the Palatine Councillors".

To the well-born and faithful, Albrechten, Count and Lord of Mansfeld, > Hansen, Noble of Plaunitz, Christoffen von Taubenhaim, Knight, and > Hansen von Dolzigk 2c.

all and in particular.

By the Grace of God John, Duke of Saxony, and Elector 2c.

Dear Councillors and Faithful! We have received your letter, dated Augsburg, Saturday after Mauritius Sept. 24, yesterday, Tuesday thereafter, towards evening, here in Nuremberg; and that our friendly dear cousins, Count Palatine Ludwig, Elector 2c. We have understood this from them as a special gracious favor, and that our friendly dear cousins, Count Palatine Ludwig, Elector 2c. And although we had no doubt at all about our cousin, the Count Palatine, that his love's mind, opinion and disguise 2) had not been in such indications, as has nevertheless been publicly and grievously presented against us by our grandfather, the Elector of Brandenburg, on account of all electors, princes and estates in general: We are particularly pleased to have heard this on account of his love, and request that you inform the Palatine Councillors of the fact that you have let us know about their presentation and gesture, which they made on account of our dear cousin, and that we have reported our friendly good confidence, which we have towards our cousin, the Palgrave, their Lord, the Count Palatine, their lord, that we thank them graciously, with the offer, with which we know how to show honor, love and good to his love again, that we, as the cousin and friend, will gladly do so again with body and goods, even without that of our blood relationship, and do not want to forget this again in good. What else you will learn about this and other matters, you may send to us for our attention and make known to us; in this you do our pleasing opinion. Date at Nuremberg, Wednesday after Mauritius Sept. 28 Anno Domini 1530.

  1. "Verhellung" - consent set by us instead of: "Verheelung".

[1562]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, e f. 1563

E. How the Reichstag's resolution was also publicized to the cities, and what they did to explain it.

1129 Declaration of the cities that have accepted the parting, but only conditionally.

The following three documents can be found in the common archive at Weimar. Printed in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 640 ff., namely this document from the Margravial Ansbach Acts No. 55, the other two from the archive at Weimar, L, toi. 37. further in Chyträus, Bl. 305 b and in Müller, lib. Ill, onp. 49, p, 936. Förstemann places all three documents on September 29, and lets these declarations be the answer to No. 1131, while Walch has it the other way around.

When on account of Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, by the most illustrious Highborn Prince, our gracious Lord, Duke Frederick 2c., a further most gracious telling, request and demand was made yesterday, which the required free and imperial cities heard in all loyalty, and on approved consideration, further discussed, and considered that which your Imperial Majesty had done in all loyalty and faithful opinion. Majesty has done in all loyalty and faithfulness. And although it is difficult for them to appeal to Your Imperial Majesty's graciousness. Majesty's most gracious request, after the opportunity of the runs, but to be subservient to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty's most subservient favor, the cities listed below wish to respond to such a request and request common to their Imperial Majesty. Majesty's common request and desire. With the most humble confidence, Her Imperial Majesty, the Emperor. Maj. will, in addition, give the highest and most gracious consideration to such report and request as has been submitted to them, and will, at all times, undertake ways and means that will serve peace and rights, as well as administration, government, and the prevention of disunity, and will, in addition, have the most gracious understanding as to whether, at this and other Imperial Diets, such a thing would be undertaken that would be burdensome, unpleasant, and not deceptive to the cities mentioned; not that they would like the same thoroughly badly as has been submitted to their Imperial Majesty. Majesty, but that they should also be heard in their complaints and most humble presentations, and that the charge should be acted upon, as has been done before at the old imperial diets, and in particular what is subsequently done here in the resolution and the decree, that they should also hear the same, and that their necessity should be brought forward against it, then they will do everything that they can in all conscience do.

The new law provides for the most stringent obedience possible, and at the same time for compliance with the Speier Agreement in all submissiveness.

Your Imperial Maj. Maj.

most subservient > > Cologne. Regensburg. > > Hagenau. Esslingen. > > Colmar. Noerdlingen. > > Goslar. Offenburg. > > Ueberlingen. Rothweil. > > Kaufbeuern. Schweinfurt. > > Schwäbischwerd. Augsburg.

1130: Declaration by the cities of Frankfurt, Ulm and Schwäbisch-Hall that they cannot accept the farewell without orders from their own.

See the previous number.

Most Sublime Emperor, although we have no doubt that your Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, will have our lords and friends. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, our lords and friends, with all their property, body and goods, as obedient subjects, but since the matter, for which we are requested to give further answer, may reach further in itself and in the action already taken, than we can now think of, nor for this reason do we receive any order from ours, as they do not provide themselves with this case 1) according to their reputation, then Your Imperial Majesty can graciously accept that we, behind the aforementioned our friends, in such an important and great matter, may be allowed to remain as obedient subjects. Maj. graciously accept that we do not know how to respond to the aforementioned friends of ours in such an important and great matter without an order, most diligently requesting that Your Imperial Maj. Maj. may graciously grant us, as the envoys, no disfavor, but rather our necessity, and for the above-mentioned reason, and to let such reach our friends behind them, 2) most graciously. For the sake of Your Imperial Majesty, we are obliged and inclined to do so.

Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty's most humble envoys to the honorable imperial cities of Frankfurt, Ulm and Swabian Hall.

  1. Förstemann: "Raths".
  2. These cities would hardly have dared to express this request after the Emperor's decisive declaration in the following number that he "does not want to give any consideration". Therefore, this document will have to be set earlier.

[1564]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1131s. W. xvi, 1887-1889. 1565

1131 The Emperor's answer to the declaration of the cities on the question of whether or not they wanted to accept the treaty. Sept. 29, 1530. 1)

See No. 1129.

On Thursday Michaelmas kais. Maj. gave this answer to the cities:

First, that Emperor Majesty acted with the Elector of Saxony and his relatives. Majesty has acted with the Elector of Saxony and his relatives, not as an imperial state, but as a Roman Emperor, to find ways and means with his advisors to bring the matter to peace.

On the other hand, to preserve the peace of the land, Her Majesty is inclined to all peace, and has also made peace wherever he has been; but because error and discord have arisen in the holy faith, Her Majesty must expiate it as he may.

Thirdly, Her Majesty is inclined that a concilium be held, and is also desirous of helping to manage it.

On the fifth) that the cities request a consideration to bring such behind them to their superiors, the custom has not been so far to give them no consideration, not to bring anything behind them, but what common estates with the majority have been to council, that the cities shall accept and stay with it, and it is still her Majesty's gracious request that the cities want to indicate whether they want to stay with her Majesty or not, as they were also held out to them before.

1132 Imperial lecture to the city of Augsburg, in which it is strongly urged to accept the imperial decree on the grounds of religion and, in the case of

of the Catholic religion. The

November 13, 1530.

This document is found in the supplements to Brück's history, p. 483 and subsequently in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 825. Latin in Ooslsstinus, tom. IV, x. 99 and from it in German in Walch.

Translated from Latin by I. F.

  1. That this document cannot be the answer to the declarations of the cities given in the two previous numbers is obvious from the contents of these documents. In the Weimar archive, the declaration of the cities follows only after this answer of the emperor. In the Acts, our writing has the external inscription: "Was von wegen röm. kais. Majesty has been held up to the honorable free and imperial cities in response to their given answer on Thursday Michaelmas, and they have replied to it".
  2. The emperor had no objection to the fourth point of the cities. (Förstemann.)

The Emperor Carl, always greater, our most gracious lord, has listened to your opinion that you cannot accept the religious renunciation and is highly astonished that you want to reject the same from you, since you have not brought forward any sufficient moving causes for your action and resolution. For the Emperor. Majesty never believed that you would separate yourselves from His Majesty as Roman Emperor and your rightful head, and not rather follow in the footsteps of your forefathers, who were the Emperor and his predecessors. Majesty and his predecessors the due obedience and reverence at all times.

In addition, you cannot be unaware of how many and great acts of mercy the Emperor Maximilian, of blessed memory, and the entire House of Austria have done for you in previous times, which will undoubtedly still be fresh in your memory, because they are far too well known and important, and for that very reason should hover before your eyes every day.

Accordingly, it is the command and will of His Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Maj. our most gracious Lord's command and will that you, after mature deliberation of the matter, accept the religious agreement, as you also formerly accepted the Speirical one 3) and from many testimonies of holy Scripture it can be proven and made clear that this conclusion is entirely in accordance with the old religion and Christian doctrine, as your ancestors also approved and accepted it, especially since it refers to the pronouncement and the prestige of a future, free and general concilii.

(4) You are therefore again earnestly commanded by the most invincible emperor not to refuse to accept the farewell and not to separate yourselves from his Majesty, your rightful lord. For the most Christian emperor, our most gracious lord, is as concerned about the salvation of his own soul as others, and because he seeks to keep his conscience pure and unharmed, he would, as can easily be seen, be reluctant to deviate from the right path of truth, much less knowingly lead others into error.

If this cause should stand in your way, that you would gladly accept and approve the parting for yourselves, if citizens and subjects did not oppose it, then Imperial Maj. assures you by his loyalty not to arise with his protection and power, and to help to ensure that the rabble, if it

  1. In the old edition: "Spanish" instead of: "Speirish".
  2. "unwillingly" shredded by us instead of: against our will.

[1566]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, i869-i89i. 1567

The Emperor is the most gracious lord, and he is well aware that such a dangerous uprising will fall upon you in particular, as brave, just and handsome men. For Your Imperial Majesty, our most gracious lord, well understands that such a dangerous uprising would be regarded primarily by you, as brave, just, rich and respectable men, and would affect you the most.

6 Therefore, His Majesty is entirely of the opinion that, if you set an example and rid yourselves of the suspicion of the cause you seem to protect and defend, the citizens could easily be kept in obedience and in check, so that they would not separate from Imperial Majesty and their authorities, but would follow in the footsteps of their predecessors. Maj. and their authorities, but would follow in the footsteps of their predecessors. If, however, after this kind reminder from the most gracious Emperor, you nevertheless continue to act stubbornly and contrary to his wishes, and out of guilty obedience to his Majesty do not accept the farewell, then you alone will have to blame yourselves, since your office entails punishing and restraining the rebellious, disobedient, agitated subjects, as we still remember happening in the Peasants' Revolt.

7 Moreover, you can easily assume that Imperial Majesty's honor and reputation will be greatly diminished by such proceedings. Majesty's honor and reputation will be greatly diminished by such a procedure, as you are not afraid to do such things in their presence, and thus also cause others to disobey and be cold. Which, since it was ordered by God to His Imperial Maj. Maj.'s office and the prestige conferred upon him by God, is tremendously diminishing and detrimental, so Imperial Maj. wants and commands you to be disobedient and insubordinate. Maj. earnestly commands you to consult diligently on the whole matter, and to make known your opinion of it by a clear answer. Done on Saturday after Martinmas, as the 13th day of November, Anno 1530.

F. A new peace treaty between the papal and Protestant envoys, which again did not result in a settlement.

1133: Means of settlement proposed by Margrave Ernst of Baden. Oct. 3, 1530.

This writing is found in Müller, lib. Ill, enp. 43, p. 941 and from the common archive at Weimar, ltsA. L, col. 37, no. 3, p. 196, m Förstemanns Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 664. The date is derived from a letter of the Electoral Council of October 6, ibid. p. 680.

When the Imperial Maj. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, on the next Thursday after St. Matthew the Apostle's Day Sept. 22, has had read to the Elector of Saxony and other relatives of the matter a concept of a farewell in matters concerning the Christian religion. The said Elector and relatives, however, with notice that these matters are important and great and concern their consciences, asked for consideration until the fifteenth day of April, but this was refused to them by Imperial Majesty. Maj. refused them. However, since the aforementioned Elector and relatives have always been happy to submit to Imperial Maj. Maj. in all possible respects, they wish to accept the aforementioned agreement in all articles as it has been read to them, as they ask that the Imperial Majesty be informed of their request. Majesty may graciously hear it from them. Namely, as Her Imperial Majesty has stated in the first article. Majesty reports in the first article of the aforementioned farewell, how Her Imperial Majesty has responded to their letter of request. Maj. has taken note of the irregularity and division of our holy Christian faith, and in addition to anyone who has wished to present anything on account of such irregularity of faith, and named the above-mentioned Elector of Saxony and relatives 2c. their opinion and confession in the presence of the other Electors, Princes, and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, and advised them with timely and courageous counsel, and refuted and rejected them with good reason through the Holy Gospels and Scriptures 2c. Since the Elector of Saxony, the five princes and six cities consider that such understanding is in the hands of the Emperor. Maj. is in this article itself, that what would be against such article, that the said Elector and relatives respect is not rejected with the Gospel and Holy Scriptures, that should be put to the decision of the Concilii. As it is further reported in the above-mentioned agreement that the Elector of Saxony and relatives should consider between the 15th day of April whether they agree with the Christian Church and Papal Holiness, and with the Imperial Majesty, also Electors of Saxony, in the incomparable articles. Majesty, as well as princes and rulers between the Concilio or not 2c. Although the Elector and his relatives, of their own understanding, cannot consider or know that they hold something in their articles that is against the Christian church, for which reason they now want to have the permitted consideration written off, they do not want to insist on their opinion finally or self-willedly, but to have their articles and their content put to the subsequent conciliar decision.

[1568]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1133 f. W. xvi. isgi-isss. 1569

As they then also hope and believe that the Imperial Maj. Maj. gracious opinion and reserved consideration also have this understanding. And after further notice in the farewell given to Imperial Maj. Maj. that the Elector concerned and his relatives are not to print anything new in matters of faith, and that peace is to be kept by all the estates of the empire in the time of the above-mentioned intention, they humbly hope that Imperial Maj. Majesty's gracious opinion that in matters of faith, too, nothing new will be printed by their opponents or counterparts contrary to what the Elector of Saxony and his relatives' scholars have written so far in these matters, so that they may keep their scholars from printing anything further or more distant in matters of faith, and prevent their subjects from doing so. The same applies to the peace, since the above-mentioned provision has been rejected, so that peace may be kept between all the princes, princedoms and estates of the realm in the Concilio. Item, as further indicated in the aforementioned agreement, among other things, that neither the Elector of Saxony, the five princes or six cities, nor their subjects shall be held in peace against the Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty, the Holy Roman Empire, or the subjects of the Electors, Princes and Estates, as has been the case hitherto, are to draw or coerce them to their secte 2c. However, since the said Elector and relatives do not remember that anyone has appealed to them in matters of faith, they have not yet established a special sect, but rather consider that their detractors have brought this to the attention of the Imperial Majesty. Maj., for which reason they hereby apologize hitherto, and do not wish to cause anyone's subjects or relatives to take the same attitude, according to Imperial Majesty. Majesty. However, they also want others to do the same against their subjects. And in addition, the reported Elector of Saxony, the five princes and six cities, shall oppose those who do not keep the holy sacrament, and the Anabaptists with their Imperial Majesty, the other electors, and the other electors. They should by no means separate themselves from their Majesty and their beloved ones, but should advise, encourage and help them as to what and how to act against them; as all the aforementioned Princes, Princes and Estates have agreed and promised their Imperial Majesty to do, as far as each of them is concerned. Maj. and have promised to do so. And because in the Christian church no common council has been held for many years, and yet in common Christendom, among all heads and estates, spiritual and spiritual authority has been given.

The church, both secular and civil, may have been subject to many abuses and complaints for a long time, but after all this, and in order to bring about a Christian reformation, Her Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, has decided to take the matter up again. Maj. has, in addition to Papal Holiness, also resolved with all Princes, Princes and Estates, now assembled here at Augsburg, to decree with the aforementioned Papal Holiness and all Christian kings and potentates that a common Christian concilium be held within six months, The next after the end of this Imperial Diet, and that it should be held in the most beneficial way and for the longest time in a year after such a call, in the good hope and confidence that this will bring the common Christianity into lasting good unity and peace for the sake of their spiritual and temporal matters.

1134 The Protestants' response to the request for an even or, in the absence of such, a peaceful farewell.

This is a passage from the previously mentioned letter of the Electoral Councils to the Elector of October 6, in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 681 f., which arrived in Torgau on October 12 and was answered by the Elector on October 15. Also in Müller's Historie, lib. Ill, eup. 44, p. 946. The following two numbers are excerpts from the answer of the Elector.

Because their speech and presentation were noted in two ways, namely, to act for the sake of an even farewell and, in the absence of it, for a peaceful farewell. As for the peaceful parting, we know that our princes and relatives on all sides would like nothing better than to have peace, to which they are highly inclined, and which they have sought and asked for several times in action, as is evident. Therefore, we would be willing to enter into action with them in that case; for our, the Saxons', authority would be to act and advise them, among others, in all articles and matters not concluded by the empire, which might be conducive to the peace and welfare of the empire, in addition to other princes, princes and states. However, as far as the other article is concerned, on account of the equal parting, in which we noted that religion might want to be included and meant, 2c., we did not want to reassure them that we really had no command to act therein, and presumably from

[1570]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, E-iM. 1571

The reason for this was that there was no reason to assume that such a request for an ungracious and swift farewell would be made, so they the imperial deputies would have to judge for themselves and assume that it would not be proper for us to act outside of the order.

1135 Excerpt from a letter of the Elector to the councilors left behind at the Imperial Diet, concerning the religious and peace treaties. October 15, 1530.

From Müller's History, lib. Ill, eap. 44, p. 948. The full text of this letter can be found in the Community Archives at Weimar, li,6A. L, lol. 37, No. 3, p. 143 printed by Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 741. This excerpt idick. I. 6. p. 744 ff.

Concerning the fact that Margrave Ernst of Baden has spoken to you through 1) Count Georgen of Würtenberg, on account of the farewell, we have read together with the delivered declaration or measurement, on which Imperial Majesty should act at his request. And that you have averted the same action, to the extent that you indicate against our grandfather, Margrave Ernsten, although we do not understand such indication of his love in any other way than friendly, is also a favor to us from you. For, in addition to the fact that we have not considered that we and the other of our kinsmen would be granted leave upon such a proposed declaration and opinion, we have sent the list to Doctor Martin Luther and several other of our scholars there, with the request that they consider it and inform us of their concerns. Among other complaints, they point out to us why such means could not be accepted: For first of all, it would not be understood from this whether such a declaration should be expressly stated in the agreement, or should be carried out only by a supplementary act, for if it were not to be expressly stated in the agreement, it would be an inadmissible act; but nevertheless such a means or declaration would be burdensome, if it were to be expressed in the agreement for any article. For by such a declaration, which for the sake of the first and other burdensome articles of the read parting should be done for our and our fellow relatives' good,

  1. Förstemann wrong: "also", as the letter of the councilors in Förstemann l. c. indicates. p. 679 indicates.

the doctrine, which we profess to be Christian and certain, would again be put into doubt against our conscience, and the deviation of abuses would thereby be raised to certainty and tacitly admitted. Furthermore, as far as printing is concerned, with such an opinion we would agree not to print the doctrine that has been written and taught among us until now; which would be nothing else than to allify and bind God's word against the holy Scriptures. Thus, before our departure from Augsburg, we talked with Georg Truchsessen and the Chancellor of Baden about another declaration, namely that no new doctrine should be printed here than has been taught up to now. Thereupon they indicated to Imperial Majesty. They indicated that His Majesty's mind would not be otherwise; only that to put such a declaration in the decree would, in their opinion, be a burden on him; but that Margrave Ernst of Baden wanted to cancel such an act, so that even the righteous Christian doctrine would not be printed, which could by no means be approved without violating the conscience. Furthermore, this is always felt in such and similar negotiations, that that which concerns the truth on our part should be put to a concilii decision, and would be considered in such a way that Imperial Majesty would order a concilium. Majesty would be inclined to establish a concilium, that it should be made solely for the sake of abuses and reformation in the head and members, but not at all for the sake of doctrine 2) and to be thoroughly traced by the same, from which and the like it is to be assumed what is sought thereby). And this we did not want to leave undisclosed to you, whether one might get further with the same or similar suggestions to you, so that you, besides what concerns the lack of authority, have some knowledge of it, and our mind in it. And although we may not respect what the Palatine courtier and the chancellor of the three princes who spoke to you on behalf of the prince, princes and estates, may have meant by the words "equal parting", Since our minds and those of our kinsmen have heard sufficiently before that we are concerned to have the articles of faith placed in a farewell, your answer, which has been given to the aforementioned councilors everywhere, is pleasing to us. And since they have made such inquiries to you on account of princes, rulers and estates, we do not doubt that they will be informed of it by

  1. Förstemann: "Doctorin".
  2. In the original: "became".

1572 Sect. 10: The first Reichstag resolution. No. 1135. W. xvi, 1896-1898. 1573

The people who have commanded their loved ones and others will undoubtedly continue to act with you or will act in the future. And although we know nothing else than that before our departure you were left with a short, harmless opinion as to whether, by decree of the Almighty, things would be suitable or occur in such a way of a peaceful farewell or decency, on which the substance of such a farewell is to be safely directed, we nevertheless send you herewith once again a harmless opinion or copy of our previous consideration. For how such a parting might be made, so that it would be useful for the preservation of external peace, and inviolable to conscience and faith, should have no shortage of ours, as no doubt our kinsmen in agreement to grant, will also well, as much as is convenient to the actions, and that it cannot be interpreted as if it were done out of special fear, know how to use all 1) convenient diligence for the sake of whether the Almighty God will grant a common peace to the empire for the sake of these things; for there are nevertheless enough troublesome affairs ahead, due to the Turks and otherwise. And we consider it acceptable, if a peaceful decree were to be made and established against us and our distant kinsmen, that Imperial Majesty, upon the arrest of the others, should grant us peace. Majesty, at the behest of the other princes, princes and estates, would nevertheless make an arduous and serious farewell, as your letter reports, as a deterrent so that the gospel does not break in further or be accepted. Now it does not behoove us to set Imperial Majesty's standards in this matter. Majesty to set a standard in this, so everyone will have to keep to it, so that he does what he is obligated to do first against God, and then against the authorities. And if you receive a copy of this arduous parting, which you have partly seen, then, according to your request, send it to us without delay. And even if the decency for peace, of which the above-mentioned councils have spoken to you as a way, should on the other hand decline again, as we nevertheless want to provide ourselves to some of our friends, that they will promote the things, to the benefit of the realm, with diligence, but that the aforementioned grievous parting should be publicized and publicly read, we nevertheless consider, for several reasons, that without this, for the sake of the matter of faith, you have no authority from us, as well as from our fellow councillors and envoys, for which reason also

  1. "all" put by us instead of: "main".

your silence in this may be to no disadvantage. So you should also have a mandate for such a protestation, without which you would be asked for it; to the effect that the protestation in the absence of such a mandate is invalid, it is more convenient 2) that the protestation remains from you, rather than that it should be turned over. For we, and our fellow relatives, nevertheless have the time that we may protest against it after having received the report, and within ten days a tempore notitiae 3) also appeal, but we would shorten ourselves, if we should have you protest on a mandate, and yet it would not be possible, within ten days, the next thereafter, to appeal in full power through you.

And if further proposals come to you, or if requests for further action are made to you, we are not opposed to your listening to such proposals as you have done up to now (that you have no power to act on account of your faith, and that you cannot be heard behind the other of our fellow envoys), or to what you want to be acted upon. For if you find that there are ways that would be conducive to peace, and yet inviolable to the conscience, you, as well as the other councillors and skilled men, would work on them, so that it would also be permitted to return the things and wait for orders 2c. Although we do not doubt that as soon as you find that some points of faith are to be confiscated, you will judge for yourselves whether the things are worthy to be returned or not. All this we did not want to do on your report to you gracious opinion again. Date at Torgau, on Saturday after Dionysii, the 15th day of October, Anno Domini 1530.

Whether some of our fellow councillors and commanders, on account of the peaceful decency indicated to you, the Almighty granting his grace to this, would perhaps want to make complaints on account of their masters, which would not affect the consciences, or since in such a parting, or since in such a separation, if it were to go ahead, we and our kinsmen would not be subjected to any discredit other than to say that it would be a burden on him to grant such a request, unless the opposing party also admits the gospel or does not want to pursue it: Do not let yourselves be challenged on this, but talk it over with the other relatives of this matter, and agree with the same.

  1. In the original: "to be".
  2. Förstemann: "motiue" instead of: notirias.

[1574]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, i898-i9oo. 1575

We will compare the two, so that the external peace may be established by a comfortable farewell or special action with us and the other kinsmen. Where the peaceful parting is to take place and such a parting is to be published, of which your letter reports something, you will also know how to take note so that it 1) is included in this Reichstag's parting for our sake, as you would have agreed to an article with the other for our sake. For we want to know how to keep ourselves in other matters, that it should not be reproachable to us, as will also happen to the next Speier farewell from us, if we do not want to behave towards you. Date ut supra.

1136 Another excerpt from the same letter of the Elector to the Councillors of Augsburg, concerning the aid of the Tyrol.

See No. 1135. Förstemann l. c. p. 742 f.

For since (as Margrave Joachim next spoke against us and our kinsmen) the King Ferdinand together with his followers, for the preservation and re-establishment of the old faith and the suppression of the eternal indestructible word of God, have offered to present body and goods to Imperial Maj. Maj. offered, we will take care that the royal dignity will be much more willing to offer the body and all the property of their royal dignity, without any withdrawal or objection, especially since it is more obliged to use force against the Turks and the Mahomet's faith for the salvation of its poor subjects before God than against us, together with all its appendages. You have also done us a good turn in that you, together with the other princes and the six princes, as well as the associated councils, have considered it good that such help against the Turk should not be considered good, if the king intended to persist with the pope's pardon, that he should have to deal with the spiritual goods and jewels in the German nation. For if such goods are to be attacked and used to resist the Turk, it is more reasonable that we, and other princes and rulers, use and sell the same goods ourselves, since all of us and the entire empire, for the sake of the king's wars and irritations, have overcome all counsels and friendly objections that the king has had before the Turkish invasion.

  1. Förstemann: "ir".

The monasteries in our principality, which have been denounced in the Hungarian war, must not be less afraid of the burden of the Turk than he himself, because such a thing should be granted to him, and finally wasted on duties without benefit. Therefore, we want you to diligently keep up with the other estates on our account; for although the disposed monasteries in our principality can be used more cheaply for other and godly charitable things, which we also offered to do many times at this Imperial Diet, but rather than we could suffer that the king should have to sell such monasteries and associated properties, we would rather and much more prefer to sell them ourselves to knightly people or otherwise hand them out to serve and act against the Turk on our behalf; But this we point out to you alone, so that you may know how to dispute such opinions for yourselves, since it is convenient to do so, since they want to seek much glory against us in restituting the abbeys.

  1. article of the peace, which was read to the Augsburg confessionals. October 22, 1530.

This document is found in Chyträus, p. 307d; in Müller, lib. Ill, eax. 46, p. 960 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 753.

We, also the princes, princes, prelates and estates, who have accepted and approved this treaty, have agreed that no estate, ecclesiastical or secular, shall overreach, force or require the other, nor shall any authority have its interest, rent, tithes 2c. stolen or held against it, nor shall any one take the other's subjects, either for faith's sake or for any other reason, into his protection and umbrella, with penalty of our imperial peace. We have fully observed and enforced the land peace in this matter.

Furthermore, we have agreed and united with princes, princes and estates, and in turn they have agreed and united with us, as far as our old Christian faith and religion is concerned, to present all our kingdoms, lands, people, body and goods. If one state wants to overreach or violate the other, the violator shall 2) report this to our Imperial Chamber Court. The court shall order and command the violator to stand still with the proposed armor, subject to the penalty of eight.

  1. Förstemaun: "so" instead of: shall.

[1576]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1137 f. W. xvi. 1900-1902. 1577

If, however, the perpetrator appears to be disobedient to such a mandate, then our Imperial Fiscal shall proceed and proceed against him to the declaration in penalty of eight. 1) the next-sitting princes, princes and others shall also be required to act in accordance with the same eight, and the damaged party shall be assisted in the most beneficial way.

(4) We, as the head, also want to do the same with our kingdoms and hereditary lands, and the perpetrator or rapist shall be obliged to pay the helper his costs and damages and to restore them, and it shall also be at the helper's discretion whether he wants to bring the damaging party to such payment by deed or by our Imperial Chamber Court. Chamber Court.

  1. In addition, for the sake of the rebellious subjects, we leave it at the Speier agreement, namely, where some subjects of some authority, ecclesiastical or secular, further converge, again arouse rebellion and indignation, then the next-joining electors, princes, counts and other authorities shall approach, save and help the same authority in which the rebellion has arisen, from hour and in view, also at the earliest, on horseback and on foot; and if the same help, thus requested, would be too weak for the riot that has arisen, then the other next-sitting princes, lords and estates shall, upon request, as is stated above, likewise, to the greatest extent possible, also move to quell the disobedient rioters again, and to punish them for the offence, and in this we shall all show ourselves and hold ourselves no differently to one another than if such rebellion and outrage had occurred and happened in each of our own principalities, dominions and territories, and to such an extent that each would have liked to have done and to take from the other.
  2. In order that no error or misunderstanding may arise between the helper and the one who is helped, the help of the princes, counts and estates, which are required for the rescue and help of the other, shall be given to the authorities, in whose principality, dominion or territory the rebellion has arisen, at horse and foot, and, if necessary, at their own expense and damage, for one month against the disobedient subjects, but that in such month the arrival and departure shall be counted. If, however, such assistance would extend and be delayed for more than one month, then the one to whom the
  1. Förstemann: "vorfan".
  2. Förstemann: "nymer" instead of: one.

If the help has been given, the helper shall unite and compare with the helper for the help done and shown over the month, in which the helper, against whom he has helped, shall keep and show himself thus tolerably, friendly and neighborly for such help, as he would like to have had and done by others in the same case.

  1. On all this, we are commanded by the Roman Imperial Majesty. Majesty. We hereby earnestly command all and any Electors, Princes, ecclesiastics and seculars, prelates, counts, barons, knights, servants, captains, bailiffs, governors, stewards, administrators, bailiffs, mayors, judges, councillors, citizens, municipalities, and otherwise all other of our and the Empire's subjects and faithful, regardless of their dignity, status or nature, and we wish to do so, that none of them may violate, attack or damage the other by force and deed, contrary to the law and our and the Holy Roman Empire's established truce, but keep peace with each other, as the said truce is able, in the content of its articles, to avoid our and the Empire's severe disgrace, as well as the penalty, 4) included in the above-mentioned truce of our and the Holy Roman Empire's land. This is our serious opinion 2c. Actum Augsburg, Saturday after Simonis and Judä Oct. 29 Anno Domini 1530.

1138 Response of the Surgeons of Saxony, together with their kinsmen, to the article of the peace that was read. Oct. 22, 1530.

The documents No. 1138 to No. 1142 follow immediately at the locations indicated in the previous number. In Förstemann l. c. S. 755.

That they, instead of and on account of their most gracious and gracious lords, and also of the others, are on all accounts committed to a common peace, and in case of the same 5) to the help of the Turks, and otherwise in other matters not less than another state of their

  1. The following does not actually belong to the preceding, as Müller and after him Walch have connected it, but it bears the date October 29, 1530. It is found in Förstemann 1. a. p. 773 under the title: "Decision, how the emperor wants to handle the article of the peace of October 22." This section should have been placed before No. 1143. It was read to the Protestants on October 30. See No. 1154.
  2. "Pön" is missing in Förstemann.
  3. Förstemann: "dasselbige", for which "desselbigen" is to be read, as results from the conclusion of No. 1140.

[1578]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1902-1905, 1579.

The same would have offered to do so, and in that case would not have separated from them, the estates, nor would they have wanted to separate themselves yet. Now the same would have been undertaken without their presence, against traditional usage, and the estates would thus have separated them from them. But since the same article of the peace is based on the parting without means, and the content of the same parting would be hidden from them, the necessity and opportunity requires to have an explanation and report. For this reason, I request that a copy of the above-mentioned farewell, as well as the read article concerning the peace, be sent to them in writing, so that they can see the need for it, and so that they can be heard all the more respectably with an answer to it.

1139 Response of the Estates, presented by the Elector of Brandenburg. October 22, 1530.

See No. 1137. Förstemann l. c. S. 756.

Electors, princes and other estates, also His Electoral Grace, with them. They would have heard the answer to the previous announcement, which was certainly not made and carried out in any other way than in a friendly, gracious and good opinion, and the appointed councillors and embassies, as well as their lords and masters, would undoubtedly know from the actions taken that their minds and opinions, those of the Electors, Princes and Estates, at this Imperial Diet were never other than to act for peace and unity, and that they had had much diligence, effort and work, and that a long time had passed in establishing peace; They hoped and were sure that it would be found that they did not separate themselves from Saxony and its relatives. However, they would not have liked to hear that they were separate from them, nor would they have liked to change that over manifold reports and reminders, and thus they would have had to put that in their will and favor. In addition to the fact that they would have let themselves be heard as the councillors, as they had no command to act further in religion, therefore they did not require nor draw them to the position of peace. But that the Saxons and the others did not know what the agreement was based on, and asked for a copy of it and of the article of peace 2c., it is indicated that such agreement was based on their religion, therefore they would not give them a copy without the knowledge of Imperial Majesty. Majesty, to give them a copy, since they have no order to act on account of religion, as they have heard.

had let them. But they wanted to make sure that, because some of them had willingly offered to help the Turks, they would not separate themselves from the common estates for such a praiseworthy Christian work, and would show obedience to their sovereignty. For, as reported, it would be such a custom in the empire beforehand, what the several part would decide, that the others would have to follow it.

1140: The Saxon and its relatives' rebuttal according to existing considerations.

Oct. 22, 1530.

See No. 1137. In Förstemann I. c. S. 757.

They would have understood the reproach again to good measure, and would not know how to remember it, would also never have heard it from their most gracious and gracious lords and the other of their electoral and princely relatives. They would not have remembered it from their most gracious and gracious lords and the rest of their electoral and princely relatives that they had ever been, nor should ever be, willing to separate themselves from the commonwealths. For what is conducive and conducive to the common and lasting peace, welfare of the Empire and the German nation, that their graces and the others therein have offered and acknowledged themselves subserviently and good-willingly among others. But that their lords might not have compared themselves to the other estates as far as religion was concerned, their electoral and princely graces, together with their co-religionists, would not have been able to do so. Graces together with their co-relatives in Imperial Maj. Maj. and their presence have shown sufficient and well-founded reasons for leaving it at that. And when it was indicated by them later that the parting concerned religion, and the article of peace, which had been read out, also extended to this, they, the Saxons, together with the others, had received clear information from it, because it was stated in the article of peace that no one was entitled to it and had the right to receive it, except those who had accepted and consented to the same parting, so that our lords did not understand it, which they had not understood before. Therefore, His Electoral Grace and the other estates would not have understood it. Therefore, his Electors and the other estates must judge that their search and request was not unnecessary, and they must report this to their lords, so that they may also take care of their needs. For the sake of the Turks, they would not have offered any other opinion beforehand, or allowed themselves to be heard, except in the event that a common and lasting peace were effected and provided, as its sufficient cause had been indicated to them, on which they again relied.

[1580]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1141 ff. W. xvi, ioos-E. 1581

1141: The Estates' rebuttal, after the council had been held, was again presented by the Elector of Brandenburg. Oct. 22, 1530.

See No. 1137. Förstemann l. c. S. 758.

After a stirring rebuttal and repetition, His Electoral Grace said: "If the Saxons and the others had taken the letter of the peace article correctly, they might have understood from it that their lords had not concluded the peace. His Grace said: if the Saxons and the others had taken the letter of the article of peace correctly, they would have understood from it, and also that their lords had not concluded the peace, but that their lords had not compared themselves with the common estates for the sake of religion, that would have been the same as the right, therefore it would also have remained that they were not drawn to the action. But that they let themselves be heard as if they had concluded the peace, they did not consider it so, as said before, if they considered the letter right; so there would also have been a common land peace beforehand, which was now included in the article of the peace, and their lords would have also certified and sealed the same 1) together with other estates. For this reason, it should be ensured that the Saxons and their relatives do not have cause to speak out on account of the peace, and that they do not provide help against the Turks from such a common field, as is partly noted in their offer of inheritance. For if they refuse to do so, they, the common estates, would have to refer the matter to Imperial Majesty. Maj.

1142: The Saxon and its kin's more distant rebuttal. Oct. 22, 1530.

See No. 1137, Förstemann I. o. p. 759.

On the other hand, the Saxons, together with their relatives, after repeating what was said by the Elector of Brandenburg, through Mr. Hansen, nobleman of Planitz, knight, have said this: that their lords and their own were not concluded from the peace, according to their report, they could not judge this from them, because their own declaration and report, their understanding, indicated otherwise; because the receipt of the article of the peace of property and sound, that only those who consented to and accepted the parting, should have been drawn into it and meant to be in possession of it and to receive it. If they, the princes, princes and estates themselves, were to admit that religion was included in such a parting, on which it was then based, and that their lords were to be satisfied with it, they would have to accept it.

  1. "the same" is missing in Förstemann.

They could not have compared it to them, therefore they could not have agreed to part with God and their consciences: how could such peace be understood or meant by our lords, when they would have been able to judge it for themselves? But they would well remember that the common peace had been announced, that it had been established and had united all the estates, and that their lords had had enough of it; but since the solemn parting by the Roman Emperor's Majesty had taken place in their own lands, they would not have been able to understand it. Maj., in the presence of the estates, would be given to their most gracious and gracious lords and relatives in such a way that they would be able to see their body and goods, land and people with their Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and, in turn, her Imperial Majesty would have to be satisfied. Majesty also undertakes against the estates with their kingdoms to purge the present and to bring it back into the old use and essence of the traditional faith, and then their lords with God and conscience do not know how to refrain from their surrendered confession: then they, the estates, would have to consider what the same land peace would work and be beneficial to their lords and theirs, via such union, peace. If, however, it should be the opinion that their lords and their own should be included in the peace, it would be their submissive request that they, the Estates, express this clearly and loudly, and that also Imperial Majesty be named in such peace. Majesty would also be consulted in such peace, as has been done before at other imperial congresses and "agreements" concerning peace with Emperor Maximilian, of blessed high noble memory, and with this Imperial Majesty. Maj., and that the article concerning faith and religion, as well as the given parting, would be declared necessary and for lasting peace, so that their lords and their own would remain calm, unrestrained, and unviolated in their faith, religion, and ceremonies, until a general, free, Christian concilium. In that case, they would show and keep their lords all submissiveness for the benefit of common Christianity and for the help, protection and protection of those in need, as well as in all other things that would benefit the empire and its welfare, in addition to other imperial states.

1143: The Augsburg Confession's Reply to the Conclusion of the Article of Peace Transcribed to The Estates of the Reich

(No.1137). October 30, 1530.

The following ten documents are to be found in the order given here in the common archive at Weimar, Reg-L-, toi. 37, No. 3, Bl. 212, and thereafter in Müller's

[1582]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi, e-imo. 1583

History, lib. Ill, eax. 46, p. 970 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 774. Förstemann dates this document from October 29, but since the conclusion of the peace article (according to No. 1154) was not read to the Protestants until October 30, that date is inaccurate.

Most Reverend, Most Illustrious, Most Highborn Prince, Most Reverend, Most Illustrious, Most Highborn Prince, Most Noble, Most Strict, Most Learned, Most Gracious, Most Gracious, Most Favorable Lords and Good Friends! We, as our most gracious and gracious lords, the Elector of Saxony, Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg, Landgrave Philipsen of Hesse, also other princes and the cities of these matters, have ordered your electoral, princely, gracious and favorable lords and good friends. The treaty and the articles of peace, which were subsequently submitted in writing, are abundantly recorded hereafter, from word to word, inasmuch as the Roman Emperor, our most gracious Maj. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, settles the same with your electors and princes. The Roman Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious Lord, compares and resolves the same with your electoral and princely graces and favors.

  1. and have undoubtedly your electoral, princely. Our most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, and the other princes and estates, who have been involved in this matter, have always let themselves be heard and heard on the subject of a common and lasting peace in the Holy Roman Empire; as their electors and princes, and the others, are most eager that such a common and lasting peace should be re-established. Their nobles and the others, that such a common and lasting peace may be established and maintained, are highly inclined and eager, with the request that, as far as they may have such peace, nothing shall happen to the Turkish case and all the concerns and welfare of the Holy Roman Empire. Since, however, the article of peace which has been submitted is somewhat unfair and obscure for a number of reasons, we, the envoys, wish to submit the same complaints to your electors and princes. We, the envoys, wish to report these complaints to your noble and princely graces and in your best interest.
  1. And first of all, it is not explained in this article of peace, what it is based on, because neither before nor after nothing has been reported or indicated, and how the words in the entrance, namely "About all this we command", 1) are to be understood.
  1. for the other, that the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has not entered into such articles of peace.

5 Thirdly, our most gracious and gracious lords and the others must well remember what arduous parting of their chur-

  1. See the conclusion of No. 1137.

and Princely. The Holy Roman Emperor and the Holy Roman Empress have opened their own person. Majesty with the other estates, and the estates again with their Majesty, have had themselves heard; from which your electoral and princely graces and favors are to be considered. Your noble and princely graces and favors, which our most gracious and gracious lords and their relatives have to take care of.

  1. Fourthly, because (as we have reported) in the matters of our holy faith and religion, a burdensome decree is to be drawn up, which our most gracious and gracious lords and relatives cannot nor may not accept for the sake of their consciences, by which perhaps cause might be taken to give the court of appeals or fiscal orders to proceed and proceed against their electoral, princely and other legal (as one would like to call it) rulers. The court is to be instructed to proceed against their elector, prince and the other legal (as one would like to call it), which could lead to much disputation and complication. Since the Christian, honorable and lawful call, petition and request of our most gracious and gracious lords and kinsmen has always been and still is to provide, establish and maintain a common and lasting peace, on which they will then let themselves be heard every time in all submissive obedience, along with other princes, princes and estates of the realm, then by their churlish and princely graces and the others, our sovereigns, princes, princes and estates of the realm, are to be granted a common and lasting peace. Our most humble and diligent request is that Your Electoral and Princely Grace, Your Grace and Your Grace, Your Grace and Your Grace. Grace, Grace and Favor want to direct the matters once again so that for the sake of faith and religion no one has to wait for a Christian concilium and the outcome of the same, that also our lords and relatives of these matters of all fiscal and chamber court proceedings, because of the article of our faith and religion, are discharged in between. For one.

7 For the other, that the Imperial Majesty is involved in such peace. Majesty has joined in such peace, as then Her Imperial Majesty has done. Majesty. Emperor Maximilian, Most Sublime Memory, as well as Her Imperial Majesty himself, have agreed to the established farewell and land peace. Majesty himself, was also included and incorporated in the given established treaty and land peace at Worms. Our most gracious and gracious lords and relatives, nevertheless, do not wish to separate themselves as far as the peace treaty in general is concerned, but have agreed to keep it steadfastly, firmly and unbreakably. And therefore, for the sake of our lords and others (since this is a matter that concerns first and foremost God and His holy Word, as well as our conscience and the salvation of our souls), we humbly request and request that Your Imperial Majesty also grant Your Majesty the right to keep the peace. Majesty, also your electoral, princely, graces, favors and graces. graces, favors, and favors will be-

[1584]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1143 f. W. xvi, 1910-1912. 1585

We again, as reported above, have the gracious providence to ensure that such a common peace is permanently established and maintained, and that diligence is refused for this reason; for if, as we do not wish to reassure ourselves, such a thing should not be considered over such a manly reminder and suggestion, your electoral, princely graces, graces and favors have graciously and understandably to consider that we, in accordance with the order we have received, may not allow ourselves to be helped any further against the Turks. Graciously and understandably deem that we, according to the order we have received, may not allow ourselves to be granted any further help against the Turks, but would have to let this reach our most gracious and gracious lords and the others. Once again, we humbly ask your electoral, princely, gracious and most gracious Your electoral, princely and gracious graces and favors do not want to hear all this other than according to our great need; we want this for your electoral, princely and gracious graces, favors and favors. We want to earn this for your electoral, princely graces and favors in subservience and willingly.

Ew. chur- und prinstl. Grace.

understated

The Elector of Saxony, Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg, and Landgrave > Philipsen of Hesse 2c., also other princes and the cities of these > matters relatives, embassies, commanders and councils.

1144: Imperial reply to the Augsburg Confederates in response to the document submitted to the Imperial Assembly.

Oct. 30, 1530.

See the previous number.

(1) In response to the writ and articles that the Saxons and their supporters have handed over to common princes, princes and estates, they have sent the same articles to Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and thereupon His Imperial Majesty, together with the same Electors, has sent a letter to them. Majesty, together with the same princes, princes and estates, decided on the opinion as follows:

  1. namely on the first article, when the Saxons and their relatives indicate that the mandate and commandment is obscure and unfair, and not explained, on which it refers 2c.,
  2. Majesty has also answered the princes, princes and the estates: because they have not accepted, nor do they wish to accept, the separation on account of religion, Imperial Majesty, as Roman Emperor, who is inclined to maintain peace and unity in the Holy Empire, has offered a common peace to all estates, with no exceptions. Majesty, as Roman Emperor, who is inclined to maintain common peace and unity in the Holy Empire, has commanded a common peace to all estates, with no exception.

(4) And when they secondly state that the Imperial Majesty has not been consulted in such a mandate, their Majesties also answer. Majesty has not consented to such a mandate to keep the peace, Her Majesty and the Princes, Princes and Estates reply that it is not proper, nor has it ever been used, that Imperial Majesty should command peace for herself, but that His Majesty, on account of her sovereignty and authority, should and may command peace for his subjects. Majesty herself should command peace, but His Majesty on account of her sovereignty and authority should and may well command his subjects to keep the peace.

(5) Then, thirdly, when they complain of the parting which has taken place in the presence of the Holy Roman Emperor, Her Majesty and the Princes, Princes and Estates answer: Because they have refused the parting for the sake of religion, and have allowed themselves to be heard by the Imperial Majesty, the Princes, Princes and Estates, that they have put body and soul together for the entertainment of our holy Christian faith. Majesty, Princes, Princes and Estates that they will place their bodies and goods with one another for the sake of our holy Christian faith. For the same reasons, the Imperial Majesty and the Electors, Princes, and Estates have made a board of defense, from which they may well hear that His Majesty and the Electors, Princes, and Estates do not intend to wage war against them, but to keep and enjoin common peace.

6th Fourthly, when they request that the Fiscal should not proceed against them on account of religion 2c., the answer is: that Imperial Maj. Maj. also the Electors, Princes and Estates are not a little displeased by their unseemly and unreasonable request that his Maj.'s right be barred, since it is contrary to the common peace of the land and all the orders, laws and statutes of the empire, so it concerns her Maj. If her Majesty's right were barred, her Majesty would not be able to execute that which is due and obligatory for his Majesty as Roman Emperor, and not only would his Majesty's right be barred, but all Princes, Princes and Estates would also be deprived of the same right in their lands. Maj. would also justifiably never punish the Zwinglians and the Anabaptists, which would be contrary to their own opinion and opinion, which they had previously reported to Imperial Maj. Maj. have indicated to them.

7 Furthermore, as they request that Imperial Maj. Maj. should also have entered into the common truce, 2c. Maj. and the Electors, Princes and Estates answer: Since the truce, formerly established, is still in existence, and Her Majesty is involved in it, and the commandment that Her Majesty is now issuing is based solely on the truce, it is unnecessary that His Majesty should command it himself; as is also indicated in the other article above.

[1586]{.underline} Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, i9i2-nns. 1587

8 And since all their requests are innovations, Imperial Majesty also requests that the Electors, Princes and Estates refrain from such innovations. Maj. also request the Electors, Princes and Estates to refrain from such innovations and not to further trouble or attract Imperial Maj. Maj. and Princes, Princes and Estates with such an opinion, and not to allow themselves to be involved in the Turkish relief and other things done for the benefit of the Holy Empire and the common German nation, and not to differ from other Princes, Princes and Estates in such matters, but to keep to the custom and practice of old in the Empire. 2c.

1145 The Augsburg Confession's Response to the Imperial Resolution. October 30, 1530.

See No. 1143.

They would have received the letter sent by the Imperial Majesty. Majesty's reply to their sovereign reply, which they sent yesterday to their Lordships, F. G., favors and friends, on which their Imperial Majesty's mind rests. Maj.'s mind; noting therefrom that Her Imperial Maj. Maj. have an ungracious favor and surprise for their submissive reply, which they do not provide, because nothing else is required therein than what their most gracious and gracious Lords and their kinsmen have great need of, for cause, partly indicated in their reply, namely to establish a common peace in the Holy Roman Empire, for which purpose they have also asked their Imperial Maj. Majesty, as well as princes, princes and common estates, would be inclined to do for themselves. Therefore, their most humbly request, Imperial Maj. Majesty, the Electors, Princes and Estates do not wish to receive any ungracious favor from them, but rather to consider the needs of their masters with mercy. They also found that their Majesty was burdened by the fact that they had stated in their reply that their Majesty was not at peace, and had finally asked that their Majesty also be consulted, which had never been heard, that their Majesty should command her herself. Now it would not be the opinion, nor would it be found in their answer, that they sought or desired that her Majesty should command peace to her herself, knowing also well that it was not due to them to do so. But that they asked her Majesty to join them in the peace would have been due to the fact that in the Holy Empire before, Roman emperors and kings, and especially Emperor Maximilian II, had not made peace with her.

The Emperor Maximilian, of high noble memory, and by this present Imperial Majesty. The present Imperial Majesty, in the establishment of the land peace at Worms, thus held, in which it was clearly indicated that Emperor Maximilian had united, committed and bound himself with princes, princes and estates to establish a common peace in the Holy Empire, in which then the present Imperial Majesty also followed in the footsteps of her ancestor, as such a letter brought. In this case, therefore, for the purpose of strengthening a common peace, they also humbly requested it, and not of the opinion, as heard above, that Her Majesty should command peace for herself, but only unite, commit and bind herself with princes, princes and estates. In addition, they also noted from the document read out that Imperial. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, would be greatly displeased that she requested that in matters concerning faith and religion, the Fiscal not be allowed to proceed against her most gracious and gracious lords and their kinsmen, for her Majesty, as well as the Electors, Princes, and Estates, should be bound by the law. Princes and Estates, as unseemly and unreasonable, that Her Majesty's right should be barred, since it would be contrary to the common peace of the land and all orders, laws and statutes of the realm. Thereupon they indicated that their opinion would not be to block the right of their Imperial Majesty. Majesty's right, and that this should not be done, even if it were not the will and mind of their most gracious and gracious lords and relatives. For since Imperial Majesty Majesty has arrived in the Holy Roman Empire as the head, her sovereigns and relatives, along with other electors, princes and estates, have most humbly and most earnestly requested that her Majesty maintain peace and justice in the Empire, Their sovereigns, princes and kinsmen have also lent no disdainful assistance to the same with other princes, princes and estates, so that the same has been preserved in the empire and also up to here and still; how then can they be charged to block Imperial Majesty's right? Maj. to block the right? That they requested that the Fiscal not proceed against their most gracious and gracious lords and relatives on account of faith and religion, would have been done because they were concerned that the decree, as far as religion is concerned, because it is set in general, should be understood that their most gracious and gracious lords and relatives should be included in it (which their electors and relatives are not allowed to do), F. G. and relatives could not nor would they want to accept with God and conscience), that then, where their graces and the relatives did not follow nor pursue this,

[1588]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1145 ff. W. xvi, 1915-1917. 1589

the Fiscal or Court of Appeal would like to proceed with the penance determined in the parting, which would be almost burdensome for their Lordships, the F. G. and the relatives, and would also bring little peace and tranquility, as their Imperial Majesty, Princes and Estates would well judge from their own high intellect. Majesty, Electors, Princes and Estates would be well advised to judge for themselves. Therefore their most humbly request, Imperial Majesty, Electors, Princes and Estates. Majesty, the Electors, Princes and Estates want to move all this graciously and favorably, and to make known to them what is in their minds: whether their most gracious and gracious lords and relatives are to be meant and understood in the parting, concerning faith and religion, in such a way, if their graces and the fellow relatives do not keep or comply with the same, whether then the Fiscal and Chamber Court are to have power, against their Electorate, the Electors, the Princes and the Estates, F. G. and the others on the penalties imposed therein, or not. For, if it should have the same sense, they would be caused to let themselves be heard further according to their masters' necessity; but if it would not have the sense, then they want to report their concern again. Hereupon they ask for a gracious and favorable decision, also a copy of the read document, to report it to their masters, who would undoubtedly let themselves be heard Christianly and duly.

1146 Declaration opened to the Imperial Estates by the Elector of Brandenburg. October 30, 1530.

See No. 1143.

Common estates would have listened to her presentation, did not doubt, they would have finally noticed from the read out writing of Imperial Maj. Maj. and that her Majesty and also the estates were not intending to do anything against their most gracious and gracious lords, together with their kinsmen, but that they should keep their fists with them; therefore, for the sake of peace, they would not have cause to be opposed by the common estates in the help of the Turks, if their request were that they wanted to settle with them in this matter. But as far as the Fiscal is concerned, the Estates have nothing to do with it, as they know, but they would like to submit their request to the Imperial Majesty himself. Majesty himself, they would undoubtedly receive a decision from Her Majesty.

1147: The Augsburg Confession relatives' further request. October 30, 1530.

See No. 1143.

They did not want to speak of peace at this time, but only asked them to declare whether their most gracious and kind lords and relatives should be included in the farewell. They would now speak of peace, but only ask them to declare whether their most gracious lords and relatives should be included and meant in the agreement concerning religion, so that if their Lord and Lady and the relatives do not comply with the same agreement concerning religion or live in accordance with it, the Fiscal should then proceed ex officio against their Lord, Lady and the others, and their graces and relatives should be subject to the penalties and punishments contained therein.

For Imperial Maj. Maj. and the other estates would know that their masters could not or would not accept the decree on account of religion; if it were to be publicized and publicly issued, it would be considered a new constitution and law, and all those who understood it and acted against it would be considered to have fallen into the penalties and punishments imposed by it, which would be quite unpleasant to their masters. Therefore, in accordance with necessity, we ask for a declaration.

1148 Further Declaration of the Imperial Estates. October 30, 1530.

See No. 1143.

They could not remember that their masters were included in the farewell, as far as religion was concerned, nor did they think so. In order for them to clarify the matter, they should come to the house again at 2 o'clock after noon, and if they were read the document, they would note that it did not have the same opinion as they had carefully discussed. But it was not in their power to send them a copy of the document that had been read, but they wanted to send their request to the Emperor. Maj.

1149: Declaration of the Augsburg Confession on the read-out parting. October 30, 1530.

See No. 1143.

Their noble, royal and common estates would have listened in the morning, whereupon their submissive, official and amicable request would have stood, what

[1590]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1917-1919. 1591

Their nobles and commoners will also give them an answer to this, and especially that they have consecrated the farewell to be read out to them, their graces still bear it in good remembrance.

Now they would have read the same after the length, but could not note from it that their masters from the same, also in that, which concerned the religion, would be closed, but of their eight with pulled in, and would stand now their care greater than before, for following causes:

Firstly, it is stated in the same that Caif. Maj., Electors, and the obedient estates, which have accepted or would still accept the parting, have united with each other and pledged that no one should overreach the other for the sake of faith 2c. From which it would be clear that, because their lords have not accepted nor will they accept the parting, as far as religion is concerned, their churlish, royal and their relatives have concluded from the peace, because the others shall not overreach each other; but those who do not accept the parting of religion may well overreach them, as this is to be understood from the letter.

On the other hand, it is stated in the farewell that Imperial Majesty has promised to uphold it throughout the Roman Empire. Maj. has pledged to uphold it throughout the entire Roman Empire.

Thirdly, Her Majesty commands males of whatever status to keep the parting, and to live according to it until the concilium, under penalty of punishment of life, limb and property.

Fourthly, it is reported therein that Her Majesty wants to issue a mandate for this purpose; they cannot know on what the mandate is to be issued, because it would be made more severe than at present.

Fifthly, it is stated that this agreement shall be followed and lived in all articles, avoiding the punishment that Imperial Majesty and the Empire have reserved for them on occasion. Maj. and the Empire reserve for them to do as they see fit. From all of which they may neither accept nor note otherwise, except that the farewell includes their most gracious and gracious lords and relatives, because they have sat in the empire, and no one except in the farewell. Therefore they, as their most gracious and gracious lords and the other high necessity requires, asked to have 1) an explanation and actual report. For, where it would have the opinion that her most gracious and gracious lords and relatives do not include in the farewell, the religion of

  1. So put by us instead of: "Therefore instead of. . . Explanation".

If they were to be understood, as they have been noted by their Lordships, the Fathers, and the other estates, and their Lordships, the Fathers, and the other co-relatives would not comply with them, nor would they comply with the fact that the Fiscal would not proceed against them, nor would the Court of Appeals act against them, nor would some punishment be imposed against their graces, they would be satisfied with this for their lords' sake.

1150: The Imperial Estates' Response by the Elector of Brandenburg. October 30, 1530.

See No. 1143.

They had heard their concern that, if they were not satisfied with it, they should apply to the Emperor himself. Majesty himself, where they would certainly receive a decision, but for the sake of the copies they, the Estates, wanted to apply to Her Majesty.

1151 The Augsburg Confession's Counter-Reply. October 30, 1530.

See No. 1143.

In the past, it would have been the case in this action that if Imperial Majesty had intended to report something to them, Her Majesty would have sent it to them, the Estates. Maj. had intended to report something to them, Her Majesty would have sent it to them, the Estates, who would then have reported it to them, taken their answer to it, and reported it to Her Majesty again; which, as they see it, should not have been done unreasonably. For where the Emperor. Majesty acted with them in the beginning, and they with Her Majesty, they would well know that they should spare Her Majesty, His Holiness and the others. But because it is burdensome to their Majesty's Majesty and to their friendships, they must leave it at that, because they could not push it any further than they wanted to.

1152 Letter of the Augsburg Confession to the Emperor. November 2, 1530?)

See No. 1143.

Most Sublime, Great and Invincible Emperor, Most Gracious Lord! From

  1. This time determination is according to the message attached to this writing in the acts, that it was delivered to the emperor "Wednesday after All Saints' Day" both German and French. In the Weimar archives there is also a Latin copy, printed in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 797.

[1592]{.underline} Section 10: The First Imperial Diet. No. 1152 f. W. xvi, 1919-1921. 1593

In view of the document and reply read out to us, which Your Imperial Majesty, together with the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, had held up to us this day in response to our reply of yesterday concerning the article of the common permanent peace, we find that Your Imperial Majesty has received disfavor in two articles of that article. Majesty has received an ungracious favor in two articles of the same, which we are not unreasonably displeased to hear. Namely, it has not been the opinion, request or plea of our princes and relatives that Your Imperial Majesty should grant her peace. Majesty should command peace from them, which is also reasonable for us to abstain from, but that your Imperial Majesty's ancestor, the Emperor, should be allowed to do so. Majesty's ancestor, Emperor Maximilian, of blessed and most noble memory, and that your Majesty himself at Worms has committed himself in the common established land peace and treaties with the princes, princes and estates of the empire, that it be graciously directed to this end once again; as our submitted written answer and request cannot or does not explain otherwise, which we also ask you to graciously see and consider.

As to the other, that our request extends or is meant to extend much less than 1) should Your Imperial Majesty's right be barred. Majesty's right to be barred, whereupon Your Imperial Majesty would be displeased. Our most humble request is based on the fact that the present decree of your Imperial Majesty, in which the article of religion is included and included, is made as a new constitution, and thus a new law and commandment is established, and is commanded in the whole Roman Empire, that our lords, relatives and followers are not drawn into it, nor interpreted, nor meant, against whom judicial or other proceedings would be taken without this, so that our lords and their relatives of these burdened religious matters would not be dragged into it, and in such non-observance of the same fiscal justification would be excluded and put in the background, and otherwise their submissive, Christian lawful appeals, petitions and requests, ungracious taking and transfer would be graciously spared and considered. Since the Electors and their embassies, together with the other princes and estates, have let themselves be heard in their reply that they do not know how to remember that our lords and kinsmen are involved in this, we would like to appeal to Your Imperial Majesty, if we do not know how to do so. Majesty, if we have not been notified of this: therefore, and on account of our princes, lords and kinsmen, we are not obliged to request this from Your Majesty.

  1. In the original: "ßam" == as.

Our humble request, that Your Imperial Majesty will Your Majesty may graciously drop the ungracious will of your Majesty, for the above-mentioned reasons of our princes and lords, also of our innocence, and be and remain our most gracious Emperor. On the other hand, the declaration, at our most humble request, to be directed by grace to the effect that our lords and relatives of this matter in the parting of faith, religion and whatever else is pending, for the sake of their now belonging and facing grievance, because they cannot accept it, They are not to be drawn into it by grace, nor are they to be considered, until a common Christian concilium and the outcome of it, but they are to be included in the common and lasting peace, including the peace of the land, from which our princes, lords and kinsmen do not exclude themselves at all, and to which they will also live with true loyalty and obedience. With this, our princes, lords and kinsmen wish to pledge themselves to all submissive, willing, due and equitable obedience in the Turkish case and in all other matters of concern and welfare of Christendom, of Your Imperial Majesty, of the Empire and of Germany. Majesty, the Empire and the German Nation, besides other Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, as they have been faithfully recognized and found to be, and do not exclude themselves from the case at all.

Your Imperial. Majesty's most humbled > > The Elector of Saxony, Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg, Philip, > Landgrave of Hesse, and the other princes and their kinsmen's > embassies, commanders, and councilors.

1153: Last notice of the emperor to the Augsburg Confession. November 11, 1530.

This and the following document can be found in the common archive at Weimar, printed by Müller, lib. Ill, 6ux>. 46, p. 970 and in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, pp. 811 and 822. Also in Chyträus, p. 314.

To the first article, that they suppose that Imperial Maj. Maj. is supposed to be in a common peace and farewell, as Emperor Maximilian's laudable memory and the present Imperial Majesty at the Diet of Worms are also supposed to be. Majesty at the Diet of Worms are also to be included, Imperial. Majesty. Answer: that the established land peace at Worms is still in force and essence, in which Her Imperial Majesty is also understood. Majesty also understood, and that no new peace had now been made or contemplated.

defensive1594 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg 1530. w. xvi. 1921-1924. 1595°

The Holy Roman Emperor has commanded all the estates to keep the peace. Majesty, as Roman Emperor, has only commanded all the estates to keep the peace in question, to which this commandment alone refers, and not to act contrary to it. Therefore, there is no need for Her Majesty to command peace herself, or to mandate it.

In response to the other article, in which they request that they not be included in the agreement in matters concerning religion, and that they not be justified by the Fiscal on account of such non-compliance, the Imperial Majesty has issued a decree to that effect. Majesty. The answer is that they are not involved in this religion, nor will they be involved in it, for the reason that in one article it is expressed in no uncertain terms that they do not want to accept the abdication for the sake of religion. Therefore their Imperial Majesty has made an understanding with 1) other princes and rulers, outside of them, because they do not want to be drawn into it, where something would therefore be done by force or deed against those who have accepted this religion, how this is to be countered with due defense, that is solely defensive, and not of- fensive. For on account of the justification that the Fiscal should not proceed against her for this reason, His Majesty does not want to bar her right and hand, for to do and to let justice be done is Her Majesty's highest authority and sovereignty.

1154 The Augsburg Confession's final declaration to the princes, princes and estates of the empire, on account of religion, assistance to the Turks and the chamber court.

November 12, 1530.

See the previous number.

Most reverend, most illustrious Electors, most reverend, most illustrious, most high-born Princes, venerable, well-born, noble, strict, honorable, highly honored, honorable and wise, most gracious, gracious and favorable lords and friends! Your electoral, princely. graces, graces, graces and friendships, know to remember, in which way we have requested and asked many times in this time, on account of our most gracious and gracious lords, and the same relatives, to establish and maintain a common lasting peace in the holy realm, and

  1. "with" is missing in Förstemann.

that their churfürstl. Princely. Graces and relatives, in the meantime, of a common free Christian council, for the sake of religion and faith, and what is pending on the same, would like to sit and remain quiet, as their Electoral, Princely Grace and relatives do against God and the Emperor. and the relatives hoped to do so against God and Imperial Majesty. Majesty, whereupon a list was finally read out on the Sunday after St. Simon's and Jude's, most recently published, beginning: "About all this we command", 2). And we could not sufficiently understand from the same read scripture that thereby a common and secure peace in the holy realm would be worked, and our lords would remain calm in their faith and religion. We have applied to your Electoral, Princely and Royal Graces and friendships for a declaration of the same, but have not received any definite final decision from your Electoral, Princely and Royal Graces, since only that they have thereby directed us to the Imperial Majesty, all of whom have the right to be informed of the matter. Majesty, where we have also sought the same in the most submissive manner, and have received an answer and farewell from Her Majesty for this reason, so our great need requires that our lords report the same to everyone in the most beneficial manner.

On the other hand, because we note that religion is included in the agreement, and Imperial Majesty will command them to abide by the severe penalties and punishments imposed throughout the Roman Empire. Majesty wishes to enjoin them to abide by the severe penalties and punishments imposed throughout the entire Roman Empire, and our most gracious and gracious lords and relatives cannot or may not accept the aforementioned farewell with God and conscience, nor grant it, and especially to our most gracious Lord, the Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz, as Archchancellor of the Holy Roman Empire, our most humbly official and friendly request that you will spare our most gracious and gracious lords and their relatives the use of the farewell. Furthermore, your lords and ladies know that we have not yet entered into any other action concerning Turkish aid, except to establish and maintain a common and lasting peace in the empire, and to keep our lords and subjects quiet for the sake of faith and religion between here and a common free Christian community. But if we now consider

  1. The conclusion of No. 1137. Although that document is dated "Saturday after Simonis and Jude", it may have been read only on Sunday Oct. 30. In contrast, Förstemann I. c. p. 755 places the announcement, and also the response of the Protestants to it, on October 29.

[1596]{.underline} Section 11: The Other Reichstag Conclusion. No. 1154 f. W. xvi, 1924-1926. 159?

If we find that our most humble request and search does not want to take place, we hereby do not want to have anything granted by our lords as far as this Turkish aid is concerned; as we therefore do not know how to get involved, but bring the matters, as stated above, to our most gracious and gracious lords and relatives, who will undoubtedly know how to keep to it duly and without reprimand.

Thirdly, we note from the act concerning the Court of Appeal that it was stated therein, among other things, that no one is to be taken into the Court of Appeal as an assessor, he then vows to live by the leave of religion. Because the Elector of Saxony, our most gracious lord, as an Elector, has to order one to the Court of Appeal, also our dominions to the circles from which the persons are to be taken, and our lords with your Elector F. G. and the other lords of Saxony, F. G. and the other estates of faith and religion, it would be difficult for their Electoral, F. Graces and relatives to agree to the same article; as we, for the sake of their Electoral, F. Graces and relatives, do not wish to

can or may consent. For this reason, we, as the envoys, humbly and kindly request that such an article be changed; for if our most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, or from the circles in which our other lords are included, were to appoint someone to the Court of Appeal and, for reasons of faith and religion, to disown him, who is otherwise skilled in doctrine, life, character and virtue: We, instead of our lords, do not want to grant the entertainment of the Court of Appeal, but have hereby objected to it, of which we publicly testify and protest. All of which we, according to the necessity of our lords and relatives, do not want to leave undisclosed to your Electoral, F. G., G. and F.. Actum Saturday after Martini, the 12th of November, Anno 1530 at ten o'clock before noon.

Our most gracious and gracious lords, the Elector of Saxony, Margrave > Georgen of Brandenburg, Landgrave Philipsen of Hesse, also princes, > estates and cities, and relatives of these things, appointed > councillors, commanders and embassies.

Section eleven of Chapter thirteen.

From the other parting of the Augsburg Diet and Luther's writings published against it, as well as some historical news from this Diet.

1155 The Imperial Edict, or the Resolution of the Diet of Augsburg, Concerning Religion. November 19, 1530.

This farewell was published in folio in Mainz in 1531. In Chyträus, p. 503; in Müller, lib. Ill, eup. 48, p. 997; in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, purt. Mn. eont. I, p. 541. latin atx . 389

and in Goldast, eonstitat. iurper., tom. Ill, x. 508. excerpted in many other places.

We Carl the Fifth by the Grace of God, elected R. Emperor 2c. 2c. confess and declare to all men: Although at the first Imperial Diet held at Worms, before our departure from the Holy Roman Empire, for which we have caused a great deal from previous feuds and wars, for the preservation of our kingdoms and lands, as men know, with timely advice, knowledge and will of ours and of the Holy Empire

Princes and estates, for the preservation of our holy Christian faith, peace and justice in the holy empire, good order, German nation to honor, benefit, welfare, reception and prosperity, established: Nevertheless, we have heard for some time, with great sorrow in our hearts, how the discord of our holy Christian faith, as a result of our edict issued by the Emperor at Worms, has divided and taken root in our absence in many difficult sects, from which the common German nation has suffered no small harm and accident. Since, however, so far, no salutary counsel has been found for such incumbent burdens and burdens by many imperial congresses and other brave and diligent actions of our governor, orator and commissars, nor of the princes, princes and estates of the empire, except by our presence, we have, after the advent of the new church, taken the necessary measures to prevent the conflict.

1598 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1926-1929. 1599.

In order that the Hispanic kingdoms of the time of our departure may live in the more peace, tranquility and unity, out of the special love and gracious affection which we have and bear for the German nation and the Holy Roman Empire, we have exalted ourselves from our Hispanic hereditary kingdoms, left the latter, and at first settled in Italy, and have placed the latter our Italian lands (praise be to God!) also in good peace.) in good unity and peace; and so that we may come the more favorably into the German nation, and foresee such grave mischief in time, refrain from visiting our kingdom of Neapolis, as that would have greatly required our and our subjects' opportunity, welfare and need, and to receive our imperial coronation (which we could have obtained in Rome without any danger or difficulty, and from there we could have come to the affected kingdom of Neapolis) in Bononia, and thereupon to hold a common imperial diet in our and the Holy Roman Empire's city of Augsburg on the 8th day of April next year. The Council of the Holy Roman Empire and of the Holy Roman Empire, Augsburg, on the eighth day of April next, to consider and act on all matters concerning the Holy Roman Empire, common Christendom, and the German nation, and especially how the confusion and discord concerning our holy faith and Christian religion (as not the least of these) might be more fruitfully acted upon and resolved upon, how to put an end to this discord of faith, how to forestall unwillingness, and how to surrender to Christ our Savior the errors that have been committed, our Saviour, and to hear, understand and consider every man's opinion between himself in love and kindness, to bring them to one Christian truth and to compare them, to put away everything that would not be rightly interpreted or acted for both parts, to accept and hold one true religion by all of us, and as we are and contend all under one Christ, so to live all in one fellowship of the church and unity; and finally, to make, establish, resolve and maintain good unity, peace and welfare of the holy realm, in this and other matters incumbent upon it, as our writing of this Imperial Diet contains and is able to contain this and other things according to the length.

  1. At which Imperial Diet we, as well as the Electors, Princes, and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire, appeared before us obediently in a noticeable public number, in our own persons, and some through their embassies with full authority.
  1. accordingly, we, together with the same our

Princes, Prelates, Counts and Estates, and the absent embassies, the article of the disagreement of our holy Christian faith, in the above-mentioned letter of ours, as the noblest and most important point, first taken before the hand, and (by virtue of the same letter of ours) graciously offered to hear anyone who has wanted to bring up something on account of such disagreement of faith. Thereupon our and the Holy Roman Empire's princes, princes and cities, John, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave in Thuringia, Margrave of Meissen, Archmarshall and Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, George, Margrave of Brandenburg, Stettin, Pomerania, Duke of the Cassuben and Wenden, Burgrave of Nuremberg and Prince of Rügen, Ernst and Franciscus, brothers, dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Philip, landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt, also the envoys of the cities of Nuremberg, Reutlingen, Kempten, Heilbrunn, Winsheim, and Weißenburg in the northern part of Gau, have brought before us their confession and opinion, for the sake of faith, in writings; which we have graciously received from them, and have publicly read them in the presence of all the princes, princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire who have been assembled here. And although we, after having had the constant counsel of excellent theologians and scribes from many nations, had such a confession of theirs refuted and rejected with good reason in accordance with the holy Gospel and holy Scripture, yet such a thing did not catch on with them so much that they would have compared themselves with us, electors, princes and other common estates in all articles. Whereupon, for the good and welfare of the Holy Roman Empire and the German Nation, so that peace and unity may be preserved therein, we, out of imperial clemency and but by grace, grant them the right of appeal. We therefore, out of Imperial clemency and mercy, offer the above-mentioned Princes, Princes and six cities the following gracious agreement, and graciously request that they accept it: Namely, that between here and the fifteenth day of the month of April next, they should consider whether or not they wish to confess and unite with the Christian Church, Papal Holiness, us, and the other Princes, Princes, and commonwealths of the Holy Roman Empire, as well as other Christian leaders and members of common Christendom, in the meantime of the discussion of a future Concilii. And that they inform us of their minds under their seals before the end of the above-mentioned fifteenth day, in the meantime we also want to consider what is due to us, and then to give them

1600 Sect. II. The other Reichstag parting. No. 1155. W. xvi, 1929-1931. 1601

open our opinion likewise; with some almost quite attached articles, which they are to behave in the meantime of the same thinking.

  1. namely, that it be our earnest will, opinion, and command that the Elector of Saxony, together with his kinsmen, decree in the meantime of the aforementioned 15th day of April, that nothing new, for the sake of matters of faith, be printed, traded, or sold in their principalities, lands, and territories; and that all electors, princes, and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, in the meantime of this intention, shall keep good peace and unity.

And that neither the Elector of Saxony, the five princes and six cities, nor their subjects, ours and the Holy Roman Empire, nor the other electors, princes, and commoners' subjects, as has been done so far, shall not draw on themselves and their sect, or compel them to do so. Whether some of the Elector of Saxony's, the five princes' and six cities' subjects, regardless of their dignity or status, still adhere to the old Christian faith and nature, or want to adhere to it, all of them in their churches and places of worship shall not err or oppress in their services and ceremonies, nor shall they initiate any further innovation therein. Likewise, the male and female members of the order shall not prevent them from attending mass and hearing confessions, and from serving and receiving the holy sacrament.

  1. To this end, the aforementioned Elector, the five princes and six cities are to compare themselves with us, along with the other electors, princes and states, against those who do not keep the reverend sacrament and against the Anabaptists, and are not to separate themselves from us, their loved ones and them in any way, but are to advise, encourage and help as to what and how action is to be taken against them; As all our princes, princes and estates have granted and promised us all this, as stated above, as far as each of them is concerned.
  2. And because no common council has been held in the Christian church for many years, and yet many abuses and complaints have occurred in common Christendom for a long time, we have gathered here at Augsburg with all our and the Holy Roman Empire's princes, rulers and estates and their embassies, now assembled here at Augsburg, in common good will and counsel, and at the humble request and entreaty of all of them, in addition to papal sanctity, have finally resolved, also with all of the aforementioned princes, princes and estates and the same embassies, to petition the affected papal

Holiness, and all Christian kings and potentates, so much to decree that for Christian reformation a common Christian concilium, within six months, the next after the end of this Diet of ours, shall be advertised at the appropriate place, and that for the most beneficial and longest time within a year after such advertisement, shall be held, in the good hope and confidence that thereby the community of Christendom, for the sake of its spiritual and temporal things, shall be brought into lasting good unity and peace.

  1. Furthermore, since the commandments of God and man, as well as the Gospel, are able to dictate that no one should be deprived of his own by force, or that he should be deprived of it, and since this has been done by them and their country manifoldly, therefore we have been approached daily by the deprived abbots or abbesses, as well as by others, and have been called upon with pleading and lamenting requests to help them regain theirs. Accordingly, as a Christian emperor, who should not deny justice to anyone, it would not be otherwise due to us (since the laws stipulate and want that every spoliir and deposed person should first of all be restituted and reinstated), than to make due allowance for this; Therefore, it is our earnest command that the Elector of Saxony and his co-relatives let the same spoliated monasteries and other clergy in their principalities and territories, without any means and in the most beneficial way, return to their monasteries and estates, from which they have been deposed, expelled and driven out, restitute and reinstate them, so that we would not be caused, as a Christian Emperor, to do due execution ourselves.

9 However, the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen, as reported above, did not want to accept such our gracious farewell, but rejected it, and thereupon partly went away.

10 The envoys of our and the Holy Roman Empire's cities, Strasbourg, Constance, Memmingen and Lindau, have handed over to us their confession of their faith in writings; which we have had read and considered with the greatest diligence for ourselves, as well as by many learned, brave doctors of the Holy Scriptures of many nations. And after we have heard from the same their own delivered confession, also otherwise credibly reported, and for themselves publicly, that the said four our and the empire's cities not only separated themselves in faith from all other free and imperial cities, but also from the whole German nation, also from the common Christendom, and that the heavy insanity against the reverend Sacra-

1602 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, e-isst. 1603.

The same are also spread among the common man of the German nation, and are included in the booklet that is carried over from time to time, which neither they nor anyone else is entitled or entitled to. Thus, to praise God Almighty, to promote the salvation of souls, to preserve Christian love, and especially for the peace, welfare and unity of the German nation, we, through the scholars of the Holy Scriptures of many nations, and also with the valiant counsel of our and the Holy Roman Empire's princes, rulers and estates, all assembled here, have had a counter-report, founded in the Gospel and Holy Scriptures, drawn up, which we have publicly read to them before the princes, rulers and estates, and have graciously reminded, admonished and requested them, because they have clearly noted their error in the face of our confutation and understand that they have renounced this cruel error, and have compared themselves to us, as well as to the princes, rulers and estates of the empire and common Christendom, which we have agreed to provide for them.

At such our most gracious remembrance and request, the envoys of the aforementioned four cities have humbly asked to be given a copy of such a confutation, with the indication that they alone have orders from their council friends to request a copy of what is held before them and to send it behind them. We refused their request for movable reasons, and at the same time offered to have the same confutation read to them again two or three times, so that they would know how to act accordingly, and therefore again asked them to comply with our request. For if such Christian admonition and reminder would not take place with them (that we do not fail to do), then the same four cities could think that we are caused to show ourselves and behave in the matters as is due to us, as Roman Christian emperor, supreme sovereign and patron of the holy Christian church, ex officio, according to our conscience, as previously reported in the confutation. But upon such and such our most gracious remembrance and request, the envoys of the four cities concerned have insisted on their opinion.

(12) Since we, as Roman Emperor and Supreme Pontiff of Christendom, are due, by virtue of the imperial office imposed upon us, as we also acknowledge our duty, to uphold the holy Christian faith, as it is upheld by the holy common Christian Church, and to uphold it in the name of the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, and the Holy Roman Emperor.

and honorably kept and executed, to handle, protect and shield, also to execute our imperial edict, issued at our first Imperial Diet at Worms: We, together with other electors, princes and estates obedient to us and to the Holy Roman Empire, have finally resolved, and also granted, for ourselves and our subjects, and have promised and pledged to one another to remain and hold firmly to the old, true, long-established Christian faith and religion, as well as to the same honest, praiseworthy ceremonies and customs, practiced in the common church until now, and also not to allow any change to be made before the decision of the next General Council.

13 And because of the edict we issued at Worms, and also because of many subsequent decrees of our imperial congresses held at Nuremberg and Speier, all kinds of complaints and innovations contrary to the Christian faith and religion were torn down.

(14) Specifically, some have taught, written, and preached that in the reverend sacrament of the altar, the body and blood of Christ, under both the form of bread and wine, is not essential and present, but only figurative and significant, with other more unchristian circumstances, additions, and appendages.

(15) Some preach and teach that every man, by Christ's commandment, is obligated to receive the reverend sacrament of the altar under both forms, and that those who pass and receive it under one form do wrong.

16 Some have even abandoned the office of the holy mass and preached that the mass is the highest blasphemy.

Some have not completely abandoned the mass, but have imposed a special change in it, contrary to the long usage, order and statutes of the common Christian church, again to their liking. Likewise, the usual chants of the mass, times of day, other hymns of praise of the Mother of God, of the dear saints, and of the holy fathers, made for the glory of God and devotion of men, and commonly and uniformly ordered, set, and kept in the common Christian church, have been done away with as annoying and unchristian, and yet in their place other chants of their liking have been made.

18 Some have taught that infant baptism is nothing, but that every person who comes to understanding should be baptized again; they also consider baptism to be no sacrament. In this, some have rejected the praiseworthy Christian ordinances.

1604 Sect. 11: The other Reichstag farewell. No. 1155. W. xvi, 1934-1936. 1605

and prayers, which are held at the Taus, abgethan and made others.

  1. some do not use prayer, ceremonies, and do not have their children baptized by priests, but by any layman, male or female, outside of necessity, and in bad well water.

20 Some have not confirmed their children, nor given the dying person the sacrament or the blessing.

Some have smashed and burned the images of our Blessed Christ, as well as of His most blessed Mother Mary and the dear saints, which were kept for a long time for the remembrance and commemoration of all Christian people, and have raged inhumanly with them.

22 Some have held that there is no free will, but everything that happens must happen in this way, and not otherwise, out of unavoidable necessity, and that therefore God is a real cause of evil.

(23) Some have taught that there is no authority among Christians, nor should anyone use it.

(24) Some have taught that faith alone, without love and good works, saves, and have rejected good works altogether.

Some have even destroyed and devastated the monasteries, parish churches and Maria.

Some have abolished, or allowed to diminish, in monasteries, parishes, and other benefices, the laudable Christian ceremonies and customs, which until now have been practiced in the common church, for the remembrance and stimulation of all Christian people, for the devotion and contemplation of the life, suffering, death, and work of Christ, our Savior, and have imposed other un-Christian orders, of their own will, power, and pleasure.

Some have completely stopped preaching in the monasteries of the four mendicant orders, to whom such preaching is due according to their rule or religious profession, and has been in use from time immemorial, thereby depriving many pious old Christians of the right true feeding of God's Word, and against their conscience they have been forced to listen to the new seductive preachers, or else to refrain from all preaching.

Item 28: Some lords have forbidden their subjects, under severe penalty, to hear the preaching of the old, right, true faith, in or outside their villages, nor to go to the same preaching or churches, nor to follow the old faith.

to adhere to it. And if they enter into it, they have been punished unjustly.

Item 29: Some bind their servants in their duty not to listen to the above-mentioned preachers, but only to their seducing preachers, and to adhere to the same sect.

30 Some have turned monasteries, foundations, and vacated benefices into their own use, or into other ways of disorderly measure, of their liking, and have not lent them further, against their foundation, or allowed others to lend them.

Item 31: Some have removed the provosts, confessors, preachers, and other Christian leaders of the same monasteries in women's monasteries, and appointed the seductive preachers, confessors, and teachers in their place.

Some have completely and partially closed and barred the monasteries, and forbidden them to sing, read, hold mass, distribute, receive, and give sacramenta among them, the religious, according to traditional Christian usage.

Some of the monasteries of male and female religious, endowments and other benefices, and of the deceased endowments and foundations, established by many of our ancestors, of blessed and mild memory, Roman emperors, kings, princes, and other noble estates, have, contrary to their last will and decree, been completely or partially taken away, or have completely ceased to exist. The persons of the male and female orders were tolerated and allowed to leave the monasteries without the permission of their ordinary authorities and to enter into a supposed marital or other secular state. They also did not want to allow the prelates to abolish this or to be in favor of it. They have also urged some men's and women's religious to forever pardon themselves of the monasteries and their goods, and to give their renunciation briefs over themselves, in which they must also confess that their monastic life was unchristian and devilish.

34 Some have allowed the religious to remove their habit and to wear secular or other garments than they were allowed to wear after the expulsion of their rule and vows, and have nevertheless allowed them to live in the monasteries.

35 Some religious are forbidden to accept others who wish to join them in orders, and to receive profession or obedience from those who are already in their monasteries.

  1. "marital" put by us instead of: honest.

1606 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. xvi, 1936-1939. 1607

Some have forcibly taken their children and friends out of the monasteries against their will.

  1. Some have installed and deposed priests in parishes and other benefices, as and when they pleased, without presenting them to the ordinaries, so that they might have been examined and invested; in addition, they have prevented the ordinaries from using their jurisdiction over the priests, as well as from visiting the parish priests and priesthood; to allow and tolerate the parish priests and preachers to interpret the divine word and scripture according to their will and liking, to reject the office of the holy mass in general, including prayer for the deceased, and to destroy Christian ceremonies. Singing, reading, praying, fasting, celebrating, and otherwise generally introducing and practicing all kinds of idiosyncratic deeds; which were and still are not only in accordance with our edict issued at Worms and the imperial decrees established since then, but also with Christian order and devotion, over which such things are not proper and due to anyone, regardless of his status, nor have they had any authority or command.
  2. From all this, no good came, but rather that the other traditional practices of the common church were despised, all nobility and respectability in their preaching desecrated, blasphemed, the pious simple-minded people and laymen incited against each other, and all kinds of frivolity arose from it, The seductive and previously rejected and condemned doctrine has gained the upper hand, much seductive insanity has grown up among the common people, all true devotion has died out, and finally all Christian honor, discipline, virtue, commandment, fear of God, respectability, and good honest conduct and life, even the true love of one's neighbor, have completely fallen into disrepair.
  3. And all this is not only contrary to the holy Gospel and divine Scripture, but also contrary to the old laudable custom and practice of the Christian church and ceremonies, and has been done and done in an unjust manner: We have therefore united with our princes, princes and estates, and they in turn with us, and have resolved that the above, and all others, contrary to the common Christian church faith, order, religion, ceremonies, and all laudable statutes, shall be abolished, and all praiseworthy statutes, long established usage, as decreed by the same common Christian church, and Concilia held some hundred years ago, are done and passed, and we therefore shall and will be and decree, as I

It is due that those who have undertaken such an innovation unite and compare with us and the affected common princes and estates until a forthcoming concilio.

(40) Accordingly, we command and intend that it be firmly held, taught, and preached throughout the Roman Empire that under the species of bread and wine, and under each of them, the true body and blood of Christ, our Savior and Redeemer, is substantially and truly present. And all those who teach, write, preach or hold contrary thereto shall not be tolerated, accepted or permitted. From this also it follows that the Christian Church, by inspiration of the Holy Spirit and good causes, has salutary ordained and commanded that every Christian man, apart from the celebration of Mass, shall be administered the reverend Sacrament by the Consecrant under the form of bread alone, yet under one form no more or less than under two, be enjoyed and received. As we also want to hold herewith, and that in this until the decision of future Concilii, no innovation is to be made, have commanded 1).

In the same way, common and special masses, with singing, with the inculcation and observance of the major and minor canons, as well as other prayers, garments, ceremonies, statutes, orders, and all measures, shall be held as has been and still is done in the common Christian church, and in all of this no change or innovation shall be made.

For the sake of the Anabaptists, we leave it at our previous constitution and statutes, which we want to have renewed again here with the advice and consent of the princes, rulers, and estates; and we command that the children be baptized in a similar manner, with the bestowal of the Chrism, as well as with the praiseworthy salvific prayers and ceremonies, which have long been established and held by the Christian common church. For the more unchristian and frightening it is to close and deprive the poor young children of the way of salvation and the grace of the Holy Spirit.

  1. we also command and intend that the confirmation of children and other Christian people, as well as the confirmation of dying people, should not be omitted, but should be firmly maintained and used in the same way as it has been in the Christian church up to now.
  2. because the image of Christ, his dear mother Mary and the dear saints is also the symbol of the
  1. "commanded" put by us instead of: asked.

1608 Sect. 11: The other Reichstag farewell. No. 1155. W. xvi, 1939-1941. 1609

We order that the images mentioned above shall not be removed, but shall be erected and maintained devoutly by all Christian people. Likewise, the altars and sacramental halls, where they have been removed, are to be restored and preserved for the glory of God.

45 Furthermore, as some hold that there is no free will, 2c. Because the same error with its appendages is not human, but rather animal, and a blasphemy, it should not be held, taught, or preached.

46 Likewise, since the supremacy is ordained by God and proven from the holy Gospels, St. Paul, and other divine writings, nothing shall be preached, taught, or given out in any way, either publicly or secretly, that may be opposed to it or may come to scorn, disdain, or disparagement.

Since it is evident from the Scriptures that faith alone, without love and good works, does not make one righteous, and since God requires good works from men in many places in the Scriptures, the above article (that faith alone makes one righteous, and that good works should be rejected) should not be preached or taught, but rather modesty and distinction should be maintained, as the common Christian church and the holy fathers have maintained and taught until now.

In particular, the seven holy sacraments and their ceremonies should be kept everywhere as they have been used in the Christian Church from time immemorial and before this division, and all innovation should be stopped.

Item 49: That all high and low monasteries, convents, parishes, foundations, and benefices, in particular, be kept in their statutes, orders, rules, endowments, foundations, chants, reading, preaching, mass, prayers, burial, and ordinary Christian ceremonies, as they have been practiced in the common church until now.

  1. That also the vacated benefices, according to proper measure, be bestowed on suitable, skilful persons, the deceased be given a foundation, and the clergy be given due visitation and punishment of the parish priests, priesthoods and clergy.

not be prevented. That also the religious and secular priests should completely abstain from marrying.

(51) And the priests who are supposed to have been married before this our departure shall from this time be deprived of their ecclesiastical benefices, administration and offices, and their benefices shall be filled by the patrons or ordinaries of any place, in time of right, to be approached next after the end of this Diet, and the pastors and other ecclesiastical benefices shall be filled by their ecclesiastical superiors or patrons with other, skillful, unmarried priests.

52 However, if some married priests want to leave their supposed wives and return to Christian order and practice, and also receive and accept absolution and penance worthy of their crime, papal holiness shall now be requested by the legate to give the ordinaries power to absolve the secular priests and rehabilitate them for their administration.

(53) But the priests who do not want to convert, or to live up to our leave, as and where they are found, or (ecclesiastical persons monks and nuns) 1) have intermarried with each other, or with other persons, they shall not be left in any principalities, dominions, and territories, but shall be expelled, or taken into due and lawful punishment.

54 In no jurisdiction shall clergymen be permitted to live dishonestly in public, and especially to live with dishonest, lewd wives, or to have them with them, nor shall they be permitted or allowed to live in dishonest, unpriestly dress and behavior; but the offenders shall be punished according to the requirements of the case, and this shall not be allowed to continue, as has been done hitherto, so that all annoyance may be avoided.

(55) Where the clergy in some places have entered into unjust eavesdropping easements, patronage or contracts, we want such easements, patronage or contracts to be dead and gone, irrespective of any oaths or obligations that may have been sworn or made in a way for that reason. Likewise, where monasteries or other ecclesiastical properties and other such things in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation have been sold, altered, or turned to improper use or custom, all such things shall also be unbundled, null and void, and shall be restored to their former status from that time on,

  1. inserted by us.

1610 Cap. 13. of the imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, is4i-iö44. 1611

and the goods sold shall be reimbursed and paid for at their due value.

56 And all pastors and preachers, whether they are religious or secular priests, are to observe the above and subsequent imperial ordinances. The same applies to the preaching of the sermons.

57 We have thereupon compared and united with princes, sovereigns, and estates, and have decreed and ordained that no preacher shall now be admitted to preach in any place, or be installed, unless he has first been examined by the archbishop or bishop under whom he has sat, and has been found experienced and skilled in life, doctrine, and skill, and has also been sufficiently recognized for the office of preaching. These licensed and accredited preachers, be they religious or other priests, none excepted, also regardless of some liberty, shall keep their preaching in accordance with this our decree. And especially that in their preaching they shall avoid and refrain from anything that might lead the common man to move against authority, or lead the Christian people into error, or incite them against one another, or give them cause to do so. And in particular, they should not be ashamed to speak in such a way that some have not been ashamed to do until now, that they want to suppress and destroy the gospel and the holy word of God, which has never been ours or the common people's opinion, but rather has been the concern and affection of the Christian mind, and also of the Christian mind, that the holy word of God, for the increase of Christian love, fear of God, devotion and good works, be planted and preserved in Christian nature, and not, as is now the use of the new teachers, be preached according to the will, benefit, envy, hope, or for the seduction of the unintelligent common laity; But it is our will, mind and opinion that the preachers preach and teach the Gospel, according to the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures and teachers, approved and accepted by the common holy Christian Church, and what is disputable, to refrain from preaching and teaching the same, in addition to insulting, 1) reviling and blaspheming, and expect the said Christian Concilii decision about it.

  1. the same preachers should especially avoid turning away the common Christian people from the offices of holy masses, prayers, and other good works, as has been done in many places until now, which is to be pityed, but should properly
  1. "Schimpfirens" put by us instead of: "stumpfirens".

instruct, instruct and incite them to hear the office of the holy mass with great devotion, to do their prayers devoutly to God, to devoutly command themselves much to the virgins of Mary and the dear worshippers, to forbid them against God; celebrate, also keep the commanded fast days, and avoid forbidden food, as is customary in the Christian Church; also, do not refuse religious and others from their vows, but teach them that they are obliged to keep them, also give alms, and practice other Christian, mild and good works.

  1. Such men, regardless of their status, shall keep themselves in accordance with and obedient to our order, statutes, and well-established Christian customs, ceremonies, and all other things that have hitherto been decently ordered, established, and used in the Christian church, as far as our holy Christian faith and worship are concerned, and shall not innovate against any of these things, all under penalty of death, injury, or property, which each authority shall and may impose on the transgressor, according to the form of the transgression. Nor shall any authority prevent the other in this, but one shall assist the other at its request; all this we, in order to avoid the above-mentioned punishment and penalties, wish to have kept completely between here and the next General Council decision.
  2. And since much evil has arisen from disorderly printing up to now, we decree and order that every prince, sovereign and state of the realm, ecclesiastical and secular, in the meantime of the future Council, take care with serious diligence in all printing houses, also with all bookkeepers, that nothing new is printed or offered for sale, and especially invective, paintings and the like, are neither publicly nor secretly printed or sold, unless previously inspected by the same ecclesiastical or secular authorities, and the name and surname of the printer, as well as the city in which it is printed, are written in the same words. And where there is a deficiency, the same shall not be allowed to be printed or to have it, nor shall such defamatory or similar books as have been printed before be offered for sale or sold. And where the poets, printers or sellers transgress such order and commandments, he shall be punished by the authority under which he sat or entered, according to occasion, in body or goods; and where some authority, whoever it may be, is found remiss in this, then our Imperial Fiscal shall and may order that the same be punished. Fiscal may proceed and proceed against the same authority for the punishment, which punishment, according to the occasion, shall be imposed.

1612 Sect. 11: The other Reichstag farewell. No. 1155. W. xvi, 1944-1946. 1613

The Imperial Court of Appeal shall have the power to set and lax any superiority and the same negligence.

  1. After many bishoprics, high and other monasteries, also monasteries, have since our imperial outgoing edict been unreasonably destroyed, devastated and desolated, the bishops, prelates, parish priests, religious and ecclesiastical persons have been expelled from theirs without lawful knowledge or cause, The bishops, prelates, parish priests, religious and ecclesiastical persons have been expelled, driven out of their territories without lawful knowledge or cause, their bishoprics, monasteries, convents, castles, possessions, interest, favors, ornaments or treasures have been taken, or they have been sold in whole or in part, arrested, detained and held up for trial; and in divine, ecclesiastical and imperial laws it is provided and forbidden that no one shall take, deprive and rob another of his own property, contrary to law, in an unseemly manner, and especially of property devoted to the Church and to God, much less deprive or extinguish an honest foundation made in praise of God, we decree and order that the bishoprics, monasteries and monasteries and their properties, which have been unfairly taken for themselves by clergy or seculars, or wrested in the peasant revolt, shall be restored to those to whom they are entitled and rightfully due; or, where the monasteries or parishes have been devastated, demolished or desolated, be rebuilt and erected. Likewise, in bishoprics, monasteries, foundations, and parishes, singing, reading, mass, and the performance of other customary laudable Christian ceremonies, as well as their possessions and goods and the same administration, as they have been and are from time immemorial, shall remain peaceful, all with penalty of our imperial peace, attention, and disregard, as we will therefore issue and proclaim our special penalty mandate, with further content.

62 And since we have no doubt in our imperial minds that there are still many steadfast Christians who adhere to the old true Christian faith. We have no doubt that there are still many steadfast Christians who adhere to the old true Christian faith, and to whom the rebellious, seductive and previously condemned doctrine is highly repugnant. So that they may be kept in their honorable, steadfast minds, as is only right, and not be turned away from it by some oppression of others, we, also the princes, princes and estates, want that those who sat in the authorities, cities, towns and villages, who have not accepted this our farewell (as far as they persist and insist on their Christian opinion, and keep and live by this our farewell), with their possessions, wives and children, in our and the Holy Roman Empire's but protection and defense.

and should enjoy and use them as other relatives of ours and of the Holy Roman Empire. For this purpose we want to grant by imperial power For this purpose, we, by imperial power, will allow and grant to the same citizens and inhabitants, who are still of the old Christian faith and persist in it, according to their opportunity, with their body, possessions and goods, a free departure from and immigration to the above-mentioned authorities, cities, towns and villages, without complaint of any additional tax or deduction of their goods, and unhindered male, and do so herewith knowingly. They also want that such shall not bring them any harm or injury to their civic duties, city or civil rights, in any way or manner. And if some of the above-mentioned authorities, towns or villages have freedoms or privileges contrary to or against this, we want to have them derogated and all this hereby annulled in this case.

63 And because in many years no common council has been held in the holy Christian church, and it is of the highest necessity that it be held, so that the above-mentioned errors, abuses and complaints in our holy faith, and what has been torn down in the meantime, may be reformed and corrected: Likewise, because many kingdoms and other things have been taken away by the enemy of the holy Christian faith, the Turks, and still more may be taken away, if this is not done in time, so that against it, according to the greatest need, salutary and fruitful action may be taken; and since all our and the Holy Roman Empire's princes, princes and estates, and their embassies, have gathered with us here in Augsburg, without distinction, as well as those who have compared themselves with us and our old true Christian faith, as it has been held laudably by the Holy Christian Church, as those who have made the above-mentioned and other innovations, in order to promote such a council, have humbly appealed and asked us: We have therefore, for a Christian reformation and handling of Christian faith, undertaken, as we have now, with our and the Holy Empire's princes, princedoms and estates, finally resolved, by papal holiness, to promote and decree so much, that by their holiness a common Christian concilium is to be advertised within six months after the end of the Imperial Diet, and that it is to be started and held in the most beneficial way and for the longest time within a year after such advertisement, in comforting and definitive manner.

1614 Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet at Augsburg 1530. w. xvi. uns-isis. 1615

Confidence that other Christian kings, princes and potentates will also allow them to appear at such a council and help to bring the common Christianity, for the sake of its spiritual and temporal matters, into constant good unity and peace.

(64) Item, as we have here before in many established imperial decrees clearly expressed and provided that the ecclesiastics and seculars should have their interest, rent, validity and tithe paid and paid without objection and hindrance, also that due right tithe should be given, and that it should not be prevented to lend and to enter, so we nevertheless find that in some places this has been little enforced, and that we, as Roman Emperor, have to see that no one reserves his own by force against the law: so we order that each of the ecclesiastics and seculars shall have their interest, rent, validity and tithe paid and paid without objection and hindrance. We therefore decree that each person, whether of ecclesiastical or secular status, shall remain with their pensions, dues, interest, tithes, rights, and justices, and that no one shall deprive the other of all of these, prevent them, or deprive them of all of these, but that each person shall pay, pay, and follow his inheritance, perpetual and other interest, dues, tithes, and other rights and justices. In this also each authority shall assist the other; all with avoidance of punishment, comprehended in our land peace. In addition, if some authority acts contrary to our order, our Fiscal shall, by virtue of our proclaimed Land Peace, have the power and command to proceed against the same authority.

  1. Since in some places the sovereigns have made special orders, statutes and ordinances, and have also obtained liberties, or still wish to make and obtain them, that they should have the power to redeem hereditary and perpetual interest, ecclesiastical and secular, but which the princes, sovereigns and estates complain of, for reasons that this is contrary to law, equity, ancient custom and usage, and is detrimental not only to the sovereigns, but also to the justice of the people: Accordingly, we decree, order, will and mean, out of right knowledge and imperial power and perfection, that all and every order, statute, charter and liberties, which have been made, obtained and issued for this reason, or which may be made, obtained and issued in the future, shall be abolished, dead, powerless and void; As we also hereby recognize, by Roman imperial authority, right knowledge, and our own motive, void, null, and unbundled, and wish that it shall remain and be firmly held for the sake of such perpetual and hereditary interest as per the above article.
  2. and mean, set and want that this

We hereby declare that we have fully lived up to and complied with our agreement, and that it is to be carried out in all its contents, opinions and concepts, irrespective of all other agreements made at our previous imperial congresses, insofar as these may be contrary to or in conflict with our agreement and regulations for the sake of the faith. Likewise, without regard to all objections, oppositions and appeals, which are against them, and which have happened or may happen to us or anyone else without a common concilium; All of which are null and void in themselves, and we want to have them annulled and rescinded as null and void by our imperial authority, and with the common counsel and will of our obedient princes, princes and estates of the empire, all of which we reserve the right to do according to the circumstances and as is proper.

  1. We, the princes, princes, prelates, counts and estates, who have accepted and approved this agreement, have unanimously agreed and promised each other in good faith that no one, whether of spiritual or secular rank, will violate or overtake the other on account of his faith, nor deprive his sovereign of rent, interest, tithe and goods, nor shall any of the other's subjects and relatives, on account of their faith or other causes, take them into his protection and shield against their sovereign, nor do they wish to do so; All this under penalty and punishment of our imperial peace established at Worms, which all its contents shall remain in dignity, be firmly held, and be enforced.

68 And so that there may be no lack of all this in handling or execution, we have promised and pledged to our and the Holy Roman Empire's princes, rulers and estates, and in turn to princes, rulers and estates, in matters concerning the old Christian faith and religion, to faithfully place our kingdom, land and people, also body and goods, in each other's hands. And thereupon further compared and agreed, if it should come to pass that one estate, contrary to all that has been reported above, wanted to overrun the other with army force or otherwise violently, that then our imperial chamber court, upon request of that or those who were concerned about the overrun, and duly asked for justice, should have complete command, power and authority, to forbid those who were in trade and armor, under penalty and punishment of the eight, from such his violent and vicious action.

[1616]{.underline} Sect. 11: The other Reichstag agreement. Nd. 1155 s. W. xvi, lE-issi. 1617

and to be duly satisfied with what is rightfully theirs.

If, however, the person or persons thus commanded should disobey, our Imperial Fiscal shall immediately proceed and execute the declaration against the disobedient person or persons, on the above-mentioned mandates, without delay and in the most favorable manner, and the same disobedient persons shall be judged and declared by our Court of Appeals to be liable to the eight and other penalties of the peace of the land, as is due. And in addition to this, our Court of Appeal shall nevertheless issue a common demand, with penalty of the eight, against all and any helpers, who, as mentioned above, are in armor and are in charge of the mighty armor, also for the most beneficial. Similarly, the other neighboring imperial states must also immediately, with the penalty of eight, require and exhort everything to be done, as mentioned above, to help the person or persons who want to be overdrawn and raped in this way, and to rescue them.

70 We, as Roman Emperor and Head, together with our hereditary lands, also want to draw and save the damaged party against this farewell.

71 The rapist shall also be obliged to pay and reimburse those who would be required and conscripted as a matter of course for the war expenses they have incurred, and shall be at the will of the helpers to be able to bring the rapist to an end with the deed as soon as possible, to refuse the charge, or to bring him to the moderation of our Court of Appeal with a penalty of eight, for which he shall also be helped by our Court of Appeal in a conducive and unrefused manner.

1156 "D. Martin Luther's Warning to His Dear Germans," to which the above-mentioned imperial treaty gave rise. In the first months of the year 1531.

This writing was first published under the title: "Warnunge D. Martini Luther, An seine lieben Deudschen. Wittemberg. 1531." At the end: "Gedruckt zu Wittemberg Durch Hans Lufft M.D.XXXI." and again in the same year without indication of the place and printer. Likewise, an edition in Low German printed at Magdeburg by Hans Walther. In 1546, this writing was republished under the title: "Warnung D. Martini Luther an seine lieben Deudschen. vor etlichen Jaren geschrieben auff diesen fall, so die Feinde Christlicher Warheit diese Kirchen und Land, darinne pur Lere des Evangelii geprediget wird, mit Krieg vberziehen vnd zerstören wollen. With a preface by Philippi Melanthon. Witteberg. Printed by Hans Lufft. 1546." On

Conclusion: "Printed at Witteberg by Hans Lufft. In the same and the following year, other editions were published by the same author and elsewhere. An excerpt from this writing was published in 1620 (at the beginning of the Thirty Years' War) together with passages from other writings of Luther, mostly from the book "wider den Meuchler zu Dresden". In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1554), vol. VII, p. 4616; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 273; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 259; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 298; in the Erlanger (1st), vol. 25, p. 1; second edition, vol. 25, p. 3 and in Chyträus German, p. 532. In Latin translation in 6o6l68tinu8, nist. Oowitioruin, anno 1530. xnAULtag oolodratorurn, torn. IV, toi. 100. With Melanchthon's preface only in the Wittenberg and Leipzig editions and in Walch. We give the text after the second edition of the Erlanger.

Philipp Melanchthon's Preface. The

July 10, 1546.

Since our Savior Jesus Christ, the Son of God, sacrificed Himself on the cross to His eternal Father for our sins, and Mary and John were next to Him, He commanded His mother Mary shortly before His death, indicating that He wanted to command all men, and especially the rulers, His poor Church, which suffers contempt and persecution in the world.

  1. Now all people on earth, and especially the members of the Church, from the beginning of the world to the end, should consider themselves standing under the cross, seeing and contemplating this wonderful work, that the Son of God has borne such terrible wrath of His eternal Father for us; and to accept the great grace that we have thereby obtained, to be grateful for it, and to know that all our life and death should be directed primarily to praising God, and especially to receiving right doctrine of this great work, and to giving thanks for this wonderful counsel of God; and therefore to help hold together His Church, which preaches, learns, and loves this right doctrine, and calls upon the true God in the knowledge of Christ. As Christ also said to Petro Luc. 22, 32., "And if thou be converted, thou shalt strengthen thy brethren."
  2. all this is known to all people who are not crude godless people, but have a shred of Christian understanding and faith, namely, that a man should not live like a beast, seeking only his own gentle life, but serving for the knowledge of God and the preservation of the true church.

4 Let all God-fearing people in Germany now seriously consider this and remember what they have done to God in this terrible time.

1618 Cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1951-1954. 1619**.**

The pope owes us a debt of gratitude for the armament of the war. For since it is public that the pope is doing such great help for this war with money and men of war, there can be no doubt that the matter is primarily meant by him to eradicate the true doctrine preached in our churches, to reestablish and eternally strengthen his idolatry and error with bloodshed and murder, and eternal devastation of the German nation, and the tearing apart of the choral and princely houses.

(5) What every honest man is obliged to do in such a case can easily be remembered by all God-fearers, namely, that they owe God first of all this, that they do not help to strengthen idolatry, as it is written 1 Tim. 5:22: "Thou shalt not make thyself a partner in other men's sins. Item, 2 Cor. 6, 14-17: "You shall not help unbelievers," understand to strengthen idolatry. "For how can Christ and Belial be joined together? And how is it fair that idols are set in temples of God? But ye are the temple of the living God, as God saith, I will dwell in them, and walk in them, and will be their God, and they shall be my people. Therefore come out from among them, and separate yourselves, says the LORD."

  1. secondly, that each one, if he does not despise God, may be known of his opinion of God. For this is the purpose for which the human race was created in the first place, that we should recognize, praise and testify of God. And our Savior Christ says Matth. 10, 33: "Whoever shall deny me before men, him will I also deny before my heavenly Father."

7 And this confession shall be made according to each man's profession and ability. The preachers are to confess by teaching, the rulers by putting away idolatry and protecting right doctrine. And all who can help in such protection, with body or goods, should faithfully cooperate, as the saying 1 John 3:16 says: "By this we know love, that as Christ gave his life for us, so we also should give our lives for the brethren." Let each one continue to contemplate this reminder, and read the following book diligently and take it to heart.

Now the people on earth are unequal, one respects God's zeal, right invocation and right teaching for the highest and most necessary, the other does not. And the God-fearing are also unequal. One is firmer than the other. Because many others, who do not know the reason for the tragedy, are reported badly through the words of evil men, this warning is also to be given here.

  1. it is said that the enemies of our church give

They claim that they do not want to fight because of doctrine or religion, but that they want to punish some disobedient people who have interfered with the bishops' and monasteries' justice, item, who have expelled monks, item, who have imprisoned the Duke of Brunswick 2c. There is also no doubt that some people have been given this excuse: they should first have some hard heads cleared up, after which they will be able to come to a good and harmonious order.

(10) But that this is used only for a pretense, and that basically the destruction of right doctrine and the establishment of idolatry are sought, is found in these speeches themselves. For what do they want to use the monks for but to establish their idolatrous masses and all false doctrine and hypocrisy? Item, that they can again tease the preachers, blaspheme right doctrine, cause division in cities and countries. Whoever does not consider these things to be matters of religion, is not hard on religion. What concerns idolatry is great and not to be disregarded.

(11) But not only this installation of the monks is meant, but basically the extermination of the whole doctrine and the murder of many Christian priests and rulers is sought. For it is quite certain that the pope has practiced many things, until he has finally worked the matter to arouse this war, helping it with great money and people; which he truly does not do out of great love for the German nation, but, as every sensible person can see, that this doctrine be destroyed, and that this punishment be an example and strengthening of all his idolatry in all nations.

  1. weather the principalities are given to the Hispanics and Italians, what religion will be in Germany, honest people want to consider for themselves.

(13) And if it were serious that one did not want to exterminate right doctrine, but that this war concerned only external regiments, it should nevertheless be considered by the Germans whether they want to accustom the Hispanics and Italians to learn to divide the principalities in Germany among themselves, as they have divided up Neapolis and Sicily.

  1. But that some cry out: the emperor would like to make a good united order, but he cannot come to it, he must first clear up some hard heads, preachers, princes and rulers: this is first of all a laudable beginning to a Christian reformation; and how the reformation will be, is easily seen from the previous actions, from the burning, from the recent session of the Council of Trent, and from the articles, at Louvain, of the Council of Europe.

1620 Sect. 11: The other Reichstag farewell. No. 1156. W. xvi, 1954-1956. 1621

  1. to be respected. The old errors will color them a little and confirm the idolatry.

(15) If our doctrine is in the light of day, and all those of understanding who do not wish to speak against their conscience must confess that many high articles, necessary to the whole of Christendom, have been declared right and pure, of which great harmful errors were previously preached throughout the world. Because we do not want to deny this public divine truth, we must be called hard heads. But if our enemies adorn and color themselves as they please, there is no other reason why they thirst for our blood, except this alone, that we have done right, faithful work with a good conscience, to plant necessary, wholesome doctrine; and God, who knows all hearts, will be the judge.

But they say: we ourselves have a lot of disorder and disunity, unrest, trouble, and yet we do not want to suffer a judge, no reformation; and this doctrine cannot remain, because no church government, no unity, no consistory 2c. is preserved; therefore the high potentates must do it by force.

(17) To this I answer, "I will confess even more; alas, it is true that there is not only much disorder, but also much sin among us, both unknowingly and knowingly. And there are many weeds among us, as always grows up in the true church of God; as beside David, Nathan and other true saints in God's people were Absalom, Ahitophel 2c. Nevertheless, we must not, because of our own and other people's sins and grievances, throw away right doctrine and accept idolatry.

(18) Nor do the high potentates seek to bring disorder into correction, for which we have often shown them the way, that the bishops should accept right doctrine; and on the other hand they should have their authority, as bishops, over our churches, keep them together, so that a proper church government may be and remain. To this they have always given no other answer than: Crucifige eum, we should be murdered and exterminated. Nevertheless, with God's help, we have in the meantime preserved Christian doctrine and other laudable arts, studia, and in the studiis, consistoria, and quite church order and discipline, with great labor, because they, the bishops and canonici, eat their rich prebends and work nothing for it.

  1. it is not different in this miserable life in all government, they are and remain sins.
  1. These are the articles against which "Luther's writing against the 32 articles of the theologians at Louvain" is directed, St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 1808.

and sorrow for and for on earth until the resurrection. But if all the sins and grievances that have occurred among those who now learn and love right doctrine were gathered together in one heap, they are still much less than the idolatry of the persecutors, practiced in masses and holy services, and their fornication and murder; which sins and grievances they still want to protect and strengthen for justice and for worship.

  1. and this difference between both parts of sins is well to be noted: in the right church in this life there is and remains weakness, sin, and sorrow. As, the great saints, Aaron, David, have committed cruel sins and grievances; but they do not persist in them, and especially they do not protect idolatry, and are not knowingly persecutors of the truth and murderers of the saints.

(21) These abominable things, blasphemy and murder, are not in this company that learneth and loveth right doctrine, but are the devil's own works, which worketh his company, and so poureth out and sheweth his fury and hatred against God, as it is written John 8:44, Ye are of the devil, and he is a liar and a murderer."

(22) All people should flee these sins to the highest, and pray to God daily and earnestly that He will graciously keep us from falling into such rages.

(23) Therefore, if you look at both parts and consider where you want to be and stay, and you see a lot of sin and trouble on both parts, it is very important for you to consider this difference at the same time, that you should not be with this part, which practices and strengthens blasphemy and persecution of the right members of Christ.

024 And though thy life perish with Abel, yet thou hast this great consolation, that thou knowest that God will hear thee, and be gracious unto thee. For all other sins are forgiven, but blasphemy is not forgiven Matth. 12, 31, that is, knowingly strengthening idolatry and murder.

Now God knows that there are many of us in our churches who have no other reason why they have not followed the teachings of these churches, but that they have wanted to flee these two things for the sake of God and their salvation, namely blasphemy and murder. And it is public that they have not sought pleasure or money or violence, but have suffered much misery and shame. -Now if such die as Abel, they shall much rather want such death,

1622 Cap. 13 From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 1956-1959. 1623

because Cain's life and all the pleasure and violence of all the bishops and cardinals. After all, all people are put to death. But this is to be considered how we want to stand before God's and the whole church's judgment in eternity after this life. You see that Abel, Jeremiah, John Baptist, Christ, Paul were also eaten up by the tyrants; let them be witnesses to you that after this another eternal judgment will be held. And let it be a great honor to you that you should thus add your present life in confession of the right doctrine of God; as Christ says Matth. 10, 28]: "You should not fear those who can only kill the body, but they cannot kill the soul" 2c.

Since the most important cause of this war is that the pope, bishops and monks want to strengthen their idolatry and error, and have decided to wage war in the first place, we are sure that the resistance is right. Let everyone remember this consolation.

27 And that, on the other hand, some say that the resistance is unjust against the authorities. Although one would answer without sophistry that the pope, clergy and monks are primarily the instigators and leaders of this war, as one knows that the pope ordered the people and money in Germany, this is also certainly true, the regiments are a proper thing, in which the authorities as well as the subjects are set a goal; and natural resistance is a right work that God has planted in nature. And there is a very wide distinction between resistance and rebellion. If a murderer in the street or in your house wants to attack you or your wife or child, then protection and resistance is a work rightly pleasing to God, even if the murderer is stabbed to death because of it. For the gospel, which preaches eternal righteousness, naturally does not want to annihilate law and orderly rule in this bodily life, but just as it considers the married state, father and mother to be right godly states, so it also wants to consider orderly protection to be a work rightly pleasing to God. And how far this extends between the orderly degree of the high and the lower power, that can well be judged by scholars and those of understanding. Abdias was right in keeping the prophets secretly in caves, against his king's prohibition. The Armenians were right to protect their church and country against the Emperor Maximianum.

  1. victorinus was a great prince, who had the imperial government at cologne at the time of the gauls, and ruled commendably, but is from its

A scribe, who saw him with his wife, was stabbed to death. Marius acquitted a young soldier and put a wreath on him, who stabbed his captain, who was a friend of Mario; for the boy had to protect himself, and all the people of the war thanked Mario for this judgment. Such protection is right, and in Christians pleasing to God; indeed, they are special testimonies of divine judgment against unjust violence and excessive arrogance of the powerful.

(29) From all this, every man of understanding can well remember what is right, even in the present case. For war has been decided against this part, without all reasonable foreknowledge, and is public violentia, marriage-breaking, erection of public idolatry. And it must be taken into account that if the Hispanics and Italians, and perhaps also the Turks, were to come to the German cities (which God would mercifully prevent), since until then, by the grace of God, discipline and honest rule have been preserved, they would practice no small disgrace and cruelty in them.

(30) But against this, first of all, all God-fearing fathers of the household, with their wives and children, should cry out to God with heartfelt sighs, crying out that he will preserve true doctrine for his knowledge and for his glory, and will not let these churches and lands in which it is preached be destroyed. And that such prayer may be made the more earnestly and without hindrance, let us all amend our lives in godliness, faith, and other virtues, and consider the saying Zach. 1:3, "Turn ye unto me, and I will turn unto you also." Truly, this is a great thing, and come what may, an eternal change in worldly government and in religion will follow; that is certain.

(31) And I am very surprised that wise people have allowed themselves to be persuaded to start this war. But it is not only man's work; the devils are raging and would like to cause even greater destruction and misery in Christendom. In time, the present disputes will peacefully come to Christian unity, so it would have been better if the rulers had done so. But because the wrath of the devils and the idolatrous crowd is so great, they will give rise to a change that will be difficult for themselves. But I ask all God-fearing people to earnestly pray to God that he will graciously preserve his church, in which right doctrine is preached, and Christian rule.

  1. secondly, let all the godly also remember that each according to his state

[1624]{.underline} Erl. (s.) 35.3-5. Sect. 11. The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1156 W. XVI, I959-1WI. 1625

and ability to serve the preservation of correct Christian doctrine. This is the main reason why we live, and we cannot do anything better in this life. These things look very similar to the time of the Maccabees, and they try cunning and violence; therefore, every understanding person may remember much from the same histories.

Date the 10th of July 1546.

Warning D. Martini Luther to his dear Germans.

I have publicly sent out my diligent and faithful admonition to the clergy at this Imperial Diet in Augsburg, and have asked most earnestly that they should not let the Imperial Diet, for which all the world hopes and gazes with great longing, pass without end, but should act so that peace may be made, some of their abominations changed, and room given to the Gospel, which I have also sought and sighed for with my prayer before God with all my strength, together with all devout Christians.

But that neither our diligent prayer to God nor our faithful admonition to them helped anything, it is easy to reckon what it means, namely, that God, as the hardened and blinded ones, whom so much innocent blood, blasphemy and abominable unrepentant life oppresses, does not consider them worthy of a good thought or sigh, or of obeying some word of wholesome and peaceful admonition. And stand with them as it was with the Jews in Jeremiah's time, when God said to him, Jer. 15:1: "Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet have I no heart toward this people; only drive them away from me, and let them go." And Jer. 7:16: "And thou shalt not pray for this people, neither mourn nor plead for them, neither shall thou plead for them: for I will not hear thee."

  1. such 1) answer I and mine must now also let us apply and be told, and have so far asked in vain for the clergy, because God by the deed bears mighty witness that he will not hear us for them; but let them go, and sin, like Pharaoh, in the Holy Spirit until neither
  1. Original: "Solchs".

repentance nor improvement can be hoped for. For if something should have been obtained by praying before God, and something should have been obtained from the clergy by exhortation, supplication, humility, patience, offering, truth, justice, good things, 2c. it should certainly have been obtained now at the Diet, so earnestly (that I know) have the Christians prayed, and so high humility, patience and supplication have been proven there, and so good right things have they had before them.

Now that they have not only let the imperial diet pass without peace and without end, but have also strengthened discord and decided to be angry and defiant, I, together with my people, will also collect our prayers according to God's command, and as St. John 1 John 5:16 teaches, I will not pray for sin to lead to death, but will watch the hardened Pharaoh as God will drown him in the Red Sea. For our prayer and supplication for peace, even if it is lost among the hardened, will help us all the more, and has already done great wonders enough, even at Augsburg, and shall also penetrate to the end with God's grace. For we have been heard and must be heard. We have not lacked this up to now, nor shall we lack it yet, I truly know, amen. And let it be according to the saying of Christ, that if the apostle's greeting and peace should not be found in a house, nor peace quenched, then their peace should be turned to them again. So also here, because the clergy respect neither prayer nor peace, let both, prayer and peace, therefore be undestroyed, but return to us, and let the clergy, instead of prayer, have vile curses, and instead of peace, vile strife, and both the fullness, amen.

(5) Therefore, because their nobles stand badly and stiffly on authority, and set their cause in their fist against the public and known truth of God, let no one be afraid of them, and only let everyone be 2) confident and

  1. Walch: "quite joyful". - From here on, Walch has a large number of unnecessary additions, the source of which is unknown to us; they are also not found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions. In the first Erlangen edition, all of the additions are appended in notes; we do not note them; they number more than two hundred.

1626 Erl. (2.) 25.5-7. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, IMI-I964. 1627

unafraid against such angry enemies of God. For they do not call and pray to God, nor can they pray because of evil conscience and things; out of arrogance and defiance, they go after flesh and blood, and are not allowed to ask God about it, nor are they allowed to ask Him whether He wants what they think. There God takes great pleasure and love in it, and allows such defiance and contempt of His grace to please Him very well, and also gives great happiness and victory to such defiance and presumption, so that both horse and man lie in the Red Sea, and everything passes over and over, until not one remains.

6 But we are quite sure that their furious actions are not in their power, but in God's hand, and that they do not yet have what they want. He will also want to be a Lord over them, as has always been the case up to now; that they shall well know. So now I will make it as if there were no God, and as if I thought in vain in a dream that their thoughts and intentions will begin and continue by force.

(7) Now, when things get very bad, two things must happen, a war or a riot; perhaps both at the same time. For it is certain (we are now speaking in a dream, since there is no God) that, if they start a war, a small band will rise up and a mob will gather, even among their own people, that both they and we will perish with them. For in such a case they must not rely on our doctrine, as if they were now sure that no one will stand against them, because we have written hard against sedition and taught that one should also suffer the outrages of tyrants and not defend oneself. It is well taught, but I cannot create the perpetrators, since all other parts of our doctrine are held and respected by few.

If the people would not keep our doctrine against the rebellion taught by us, especially because that outrage and wanton war would give such an unpleasant cause for it, then the devil would throw them under the bus and expose them in a very pretty and ridiculous way. I always talk in dreams now, but they may see that the dream does not come true. The dream does not harm me; if it hits them, they have it.

(9) Well then, if, as I have said, it comes to war or to rebellion (although God's wrath must pass away as I must see to it), I will have testified here with this writing before God and all the world that we, who are scolded by the Lutherans, have given no counsel nor will, nor even any cause, but have always and without ceasing asked and called for peace. And the papists themselves know and must confess that we have hitherto taught peace, and also kept it, and now at the Diet most earnestly desire it. For this reason, where war or rebellion is imminent, one cannot say, nor can one: Behold, this is the fruit of Lutheran doctrine; but must say, Behold, this is the doctrine and fruit of the Papists, who have not wished to have peace, neither for themselves, nor to suffer others to have it. For we have hitherto taught and lived in silence, have not drawn a sword, have burned no one, murdered no one, robbed no one, as they have done and still do; but have borne their murdering and robbing, raving and raging with the utmost patience.

(10) Moreover, now, at the Diet, when the papists have been so angry, defiant, insistent, scornful and mocking, our people have always humbled themselves in the deepest way, let themselves be trampled underfoot, and yet have always asked for peace, confessed, and offered everything that God may suffer. And if our part had been vain beggars, it would have been more than too much. I will not say that such high, great princes, lords, pious and honest people are, that I certainly think that such confession, such humility and patience have not happened much, because Christianity has stood, and my hope is to be the greatest before the last day. It does not help yet.

The Münzer and the rebels did not do this, but they did as the papists do now, neither wanting to have peace nor to give it, intervening by force, not allowing any means or offer, badly with their heads. They would not even let their doctrine be interrogated, as ours are now doing at Augsburg; but badly condemned all doctrine and praised their own, to the same extent as the papists are now doing.

1628 Erl. (s.) 25.7-10. sec. II. The other Reichstag agreement. No. 1156. W. XVI, 1964-1968. 1629

do not want to reveal their writings to the light, and yet condemn our doctrine; of which more hereafter. That, in short, neither guilt nor cause, neither war nor rebellion, may be laid to our charge, neither before God nor before the world.

(12) Therefore, if our conscience is innocent, pure, and safe in this case, and the conscience of the papists must be guilty, impure, and sorrowful, then let us go happily forth, and let us be in the worst, whether it be war or rebellion, as God's wrath will inflict it. If there is a riot, then my God and Lord Jesus Christ can save me and mine, as he saved dear Lot from Sodom. Just as he saved me in the next turmoil, when I was in danger of losing my life and limb more than once, and yet I earned such gratitude from the desperate boys, I mean the papists. If he does not want to save me, let him be praised and thanked; I have lived long enough, have well deserved death, and have honestly begun to avenge my Lord Christ on the papacy; after my death, they shall first of all feel Luther right.

13 However, even now, when I am murdered in such a papal and pope uproar, I will take a bunch of bishops, priests and monks with me, so that they will say: Doctor Martinus is brought to the grave with a great procession. For he is a great doctor above all bishops, priests and monks, therefore they shall also go with him to the grave, on their backs, so that one shall sing and say about it. They, the papists, to the abyss of hell, to their god of lies and murder, whom they served with lies and murder; I to my Lord Jesus Christ, whom I served in truth and peace. For it is good to reckon: He who kills Doctor Luther in rebellion will not spare many of the priests; so we will go with each other: they, in the name of all devils, to hell, I, in the name of God, to heaven. No one can harm me, I know that, as little as I desire to harm anyone.

014 But they shall not do so wickedly; I will make it worse with them, and they shall not have such hard heads; I will make it worse with them.

have a hard head. If they had not only this Emperor Carol, but also the Turkish Emperor for themselves, they shall not make me despondent nor frightened, but I will make them despondent and frightened. They shall depart from me henceforth; I will not depart from them. I will remain, they shall perish, they have gone too far. For my life shall be their executioner, my death shall be their devil; that and no other. They shall know this, and only now let them laugh confidently.

(15) But if there is a war, I must suffer again, with my own, and wait to see what counsel and judgment our God will give us, who has hitherto stood by us faithfully and has never forsaken us. And in this we again have great advantage, first of all, if we die or perish, we will not suffer any harm, for it is written: "Blessed are those who suffer persecution for righteousness' sake" Matth. 5, 10. 1 Petr. 3, 14.. He who says this is not lying, of that we are certain. Thus the papists themselves know and confess, and the devil thanks them that they should say otherwise, that our doctrine is not contrary to any article of faith, nor to the holy Scriptures, but is contrary to their church custom and the laws of the popes. Therefore, they may not call us heretics, nor must they give the lie to their own hearts and mouths, because no one can be called a heretic who does not teach against the Holy Scriptures or the articles of faith; Much less can they punish us as heretics or wage war against us, and have so far, as liars against themselves, murderers and traitors, blasphemed, burned, murdered and persecuted the pious Lenhard Keser and the like for heretics, about which they still have no remorse or repentance, but remain hardened in such blood and lies; who then should be afraid of such warriors?

16 Secondly, we know that they may not initiate such warfare in God's name, nor may they pray or call upon God for help. And in spite of them all, both universally and especially, they are commanded to say to God from their hearts, "Help us, God, to war in this matter, for their consciences are too heavily burdened, not only with lies, blasphemies, blood, murder and all abominations, but also, above all of this, with obstinate, unbelieving, and unjust thoughts.

1630 Erl. (2.) 25,10-12. cap. 13. of the Diet of Augsburg 1530. w. XVI, 1968-1971. 1631

repentant heart and sins into the Holy Spirit. Therefore, because they have an evil conscience because of blasphemous things, they shall have neither happiness nor salvation.

(17) Let us then pronounce a blessing upon them, which shall read: As pious as you are in the sight of God, and as good a cause as you have, so great happiness and victory may God grant you, amen. And let it happen to you as it happened to us Germans, when we also began to break the peace against Saint John Hus and to fight the Bohemians, and the Pope also sacrificed us on the flesh bench, so that we had to atone for his lust with our blood and heads, and fought against truth and justice, as you are doing now; so that the Pope may once again have something to laugh about in his fist, when he has caused such a merry bloodbath among us, the most holy Father and the kindest shepherd of our souls. God may well raise up a Judah Maccabee (although I and mine sit still and suffer), who will crush Antiochum with his army, and teach us right war; as he taught us war and peace against the Bohemians.

(18) So will I not, with mine own, celebrate with prayers and supplications unto God, that he may give them a despondent, stupid, cowardly heart, when they lie in the field, that here and there his conscience may stir and bite him, saying, O woe! 0 woe! I am in yearly war! We have wicked things, and fight against God and his word! how will we fare? where are we going? And when they see a Maccabean coming against them, they will flee away and be destroyed like chaff in the wind. Do you not think that God can still do such art? As he says to his people Deut. 28:25: "I will give you a despondent heart, that when you flee one way against your enemies, you shall flee back through seven ways, and a rustling leaf shall terrify you" Deut. 26:36. Verily, so did he to the stubborn Egyptians in the Red Sea, who were as stiff and sure as the Papists are; yet when the hour came for their conscience to stir them, they said, "Alas! let us flee, God is fighting against us" Ex. 14:25. Whoever does not know what it is to fight with an evil conscience and a despondent heart, let him try it now; when the

If he gets the papists, he shall know it, just as our ancestors learned it from the Bohemians and the Ziska in the same case.

019 And let not our prayer hide us, but let us make it known publicly, even the seventh Psalm, which smote all Israel in the first battle, that twenty thousand men with Absalom were slain in the field of battle, slain by a small company 2 Sam. 18:7. I know that he has enough guns, powder and armor.

20 Thirdly, because it is not my duty to wage war, nor to advise or incite to war, as a preacher in the spiritual office, but rather to advise from war to peace; as I have also done most diligently up to now, to which all the world must bear witness; but our enemies do not want peace, but war. If it comes to that that a war starts, then I will truly hold my pen still and keep silent, and no longer lie down as I did in the next uprising, but will also let go what is going on, and no bishop, nor priest, nor monk should remain, and I myself also go down with them.

(21) For their defiance and boasting is too grievous to God, and their hardened hearts make it too hard and too much. They have pleaded and begged for peace beyond all measure, and they want to push it out by flesh and blood; so I will push it out with them by spirit and God, and from now on I will not have one or two papists, but the whole papacy on me, until the judge in heaven draws three. I will not and cannot fear such wretched enemies of God. Their defiance is my pride, their anger is my laughter. They cannot take from me more than a sack full of infirm flesh; but what I can take from them they shall know in a little while.

22 Further, when it comes to war, if God is for it, I will not rebelliously reproach or scold the part that takes up arms against the murderous and bloodthirsty papists, but will let it go and let it happen that they call it an emergency defense, and will thereby point them to the right and to the lawyers. For in such a case, if the murderers and bloodhounds ever get and murder

1632 Erl. (2.) 25,12-14. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1156 W. XVI, I97I-I974. 1633

In truth, it is not a rebellion to oppose and defend oneself against them. Not that I want to incite or arouse anyone to such opposition, nor justify it, for that is not my office, much less my judgment or sentence.

23 A Christian knows what he should do, that he should give to God what is God's, and also to Caesar what is Caesar's, but not to the bloodhounds what is not theirs; but that I give a distinction between sedition and other deeds, and will not leave the bloodhounds the cover of shame, that they should boast as if they had warred against seditious people, and had good reason according to temporal and divine right, as the little cat would like to groom and adorn itself. Likewise, I will not let the consciences of the people be burdened with the worry that their opposition is seditious. For such a name is too evil and too heavy in such a case; it shall have another name, which the righteous shall well find.

(24) One must not let everything be seditious that the bloodhounds call seditious. For with this they want to bind the mouth and fist of all the world, so that no one should punish them with preaching or defend themselves with the fist, and they keep an open mouth and a free hand; thus, by the name of sedition, they want to frighten and see all the world, but comfort themselves and make them safe. No, dear fellow, the definition and interpretation would have to be presented to you differently! Sedition is not when someone does something against the law; otherwise all transgressions of the law would have to be called sedition, but he is called a seditionist who does not want to suffer the authorities and the law, but attacks them and fights against them and wants to suppress them, and be master himself, and establish justice, as the coiner did (aliud est invasor, aliud transgressor): that is rightly called a seditionist. So that the opposition to the bloodhounds cannot be seditious; for the papists looked at and want to make war and not keep peace, nor leave it to the others, who would like to have peace; so that the papists are much closer to the name and virtue that is called sedition.

25 For they have no right at all, divine or temporal, for themselves, but act

out of malice, against all divine and worldly rights, as the murderers and evildoers. This is easy to prove: for they themselves know well that our teaching is right, and yet they want to exterminate it. As a great bishop of St. Nicolas 1) in Augsburg himself said: he would like to suffer that everywhere such a doctrine should be held as in Wittenberg; but that such a doctrine should begin and come out of the hole and the corner, that is not to be suffered. What do you think? Are these not fine episcopal words? Likewise, the papal legate, Cardinal Campegius, also confessed: he could allow such doctrine, but it would become a great example that other nations and kingdoms would have to allow it, too; but that would not be good. And another great bishop also said of their scholars, thus: Our scholars defend us finely; they themselves confess that our thing is not founded in Scripture. So that they almost know that our doctrine is not wrong, but is founded in Scripture; and yet they want to condemn us wilfully, and to eradicate the doctrine, against divine right and truth.

  1. That they also act contrary to imperial and natural law is obvious, for they have first of all hardly allowed our part to be interrogated. After that, when they made their slow, 2) lazy verbal rebuttal, they badly did not want to give a copy of it, nor did they let us be held responsible, as bats shun the light, until this day. Now it is both divine, imperial and natural law, which the pagan Portius also held against the Jews via St. Paul, that one should not condemn, but first hear the answer of the condemned. For God did not want to condemn Adam either, he asks him for an answer first. We, however, have now appeared at Augsburg willingly, and offered to answer with all humility and diligence, and yet we have been refused with all iniquity and courage, and their refutation, however much we asked for it, has not been granted to us.
  2. Niclasbischof == Children's play bishop. In the old edition: "Niclas, Bishop of Augsburg," 2c.
  3. "slow" because the confutation was not finished for six weeks. See s 29.

1634 **He. (L.) 25,**14-16. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, IS74-I977. 1635

Nevertheless condemned by the holy fathers in God, and by the Christian princes. O fine teachers! O beautiful judges! who force all the world to believe, and are not allowed to state what it is that one should believe. I am to believe, and yet I do not know what I am to believe; I must be called wrong, but they will not show why I am wrong.

(27) O wretched ones, all of you who were on the side of the Pabst at Augsburg! All your descendants will be ashamed of you forever, and will not be happy to hear that they had such wretched ancestors. If we had shied away from the light and had not wanted to answer, you would have been the ones who urged us to do so. Now we come, and not only want to answer gladly, but also ask, call, cry out, that we may answer; consume great goods over it, miss much more, and suffer all shame, mockery, scorn and driving, and you have shamefully and wickedly refused us all this. So also, if we had not desired nor wanted your bat or night owl, that is, your backtalk, you should have been the ones to hand it to us without our will and let it out. Now we ask, complain and demand with all perseverance, and you refuse your answer and deny us our answer.

28 O the shameful Imperial Diet, the like of which has never been held, never been heard, and shall never be held nor heard! because of such a shameful act, which must be an eternal stain on all princes and the entire empire, and makes all of us Germans ashamed before God and all the world. What will the Turk and his whole empire say to this, when they hear such an outrageous act from our empire? What will the Tartars and Moscowites say? Who will henceforth under all heaven be afraid of us Germans, or think anything honest of us, when they hear that we let the accursed pope with his larvae thus ape us, fool us, turn us into children, even into blocks and boulders, that for the sake of their blasphemous, sodomitic, shameful doctrines and life we act so shamefully, yes, over and over shamefully in public imperial days against law and truth? It should be fair for every German to

reue that he would have been born German, and be called a German!

29 But I will well believe that they will keep such their refutation and fine booklet from special great wisdom, because their conscience itself well feels that it is a rotten, loose, cold thing, of which they should be ashamed, where it would come out, and should let themselves be seen in the light or suffer answer. For I know the highly learned doctors well, who have probably spent six weeks boiling over it and trying to find out whether they can make a nose of it with chatter in front of the ignorant. But when it comes to paper, it has neither hands nor feet, but lies there in a desolate heap, as if a drunkard had spat it out; as one can see especially in D. Schmid and D. Ecken's writings. It will neither sound nor work when it is their turn to write; that is why they are more concerned with shouting and chatting.

(30) I have also learned that when the confession of ours was read, many of the opponents were astonished and confessed that it was the truth and could not be refuted by the Scriptures. Again, when their refutation was read, they hung their heads down and confessed with gestures that it was a rotten and loose thing against the confession of ours. But ours and many pious hearts are highly pleased and wonderfully strengthened, since they have heard that those, out of all their power and art, which they then had to prove to the highest degree, knew how to bring forth nothing else than such loose refutation, which now, praise God, a woman, a child, a layman, a peasant, is man enough to resist, on good grounds of Scripture and truth. And this is also the just cause, why they did not want to hand over such opposition. The fleeting evil consciences were afraid of themselves and did not want to wait for the truth to be answered.

31 And it is easy to see that they were so confident, and that they arranged this Diet, that they certainly thought that our part should never be so bold as to appear, but that if they brought the Emperor personally into Germany, everyone would be frightened and say to them, "My lords, what do you want? Since the

1636 Erl. (p.) 25,16-18. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1156. W. XVI, I977-IS7S. 1637

and the Elector of Saxony was the very first to appear: help God, how their pants began to stink! 1) How their confidence was lost! What a riding together and secretly discussing and murmuring arose there! And yet no one had to know, Christ himself, nor I, what the things were, as little as we had known before this year about the princes' rotteries. But that was the summa at last, how to find ways and paths, because ours appeared so joyful and happy the very first, so that they would not be interrogated. Since this could not be at all, they nevertheless finally did the honor that they were not allowed to hand over their loose rebuttal, nor to give room to answer.

For the impudent mouth and bloodthirsty sophist, Doctor Eck, their most distinguished counselor, has let himself be heard with public words before our people, that if the emperor had followed the council decided at Bononia, and had attacked the Lutherans with the sword swiftly and freshly, beheading one after the other, the matter would have been well advised. But since he would have let the Elector of Saxony speak and interrogate him through his chancellor, this would have been prevented. What do you think of such doctors and holy fathers? How full of love and truth they are! So the secret council had to break out, as papal holiness had acted with the emperor in Bononia. But what game should have become of it, where the emperor would have attacked the matter with murders according to such papal and diabolical advice? There should have been an imperial diet that neither bishops nor princes would have left a fingernail, especially in such a dangerous time, when everything was so lively and distant, and all the world was waiting for a gracious imperial diet; as the announcement also indicates and suggests, and yet unfortunately it is not held that way.

  1. But someone might say that the emperor wanted to hand over such a rebuttal of that part to ours, if ours wanted to commit themselves that it would not come to an end or that it would not come to an end.
  2. Original: "begonsten".

would be revealed. That is true, and so it is supposed for us. But here everyone grasps and gropes, even if he can neither see nor hear, what kind of people are these who neither want nor are allowed to let their things come to light? If it is such a delicious thing and so well founded in the Scriptures, as they cry out and praise, why does it shun the light? What is the use of hiding such public things from us and from everyone, since they must be taught and kept? But if it is unfounded and loose, why did they let the Elector of Brandenburg proclaim in the first farewell and state in writing that the confession of ours is based on Scripture and good reason? If this were true, and their own consciences did not themselves give the lie to this, they would not only have had such a delicious, well-founded confession read, but would also have given it in writing and said: "There you have it, despite who is responsible for it, as we have done with our confession, and still do.

But Christ must remain truthful, since he says: "He who does evil hates the light and does not come to the light, so that his works will not be punished. But he that doeth truth cometh to the light, that his works may be made manifest, as they were in God." According to this judgment of Christ, God has let ours come from this Kingdom Day with such eternal honors that even the adverse must confess how we have not shied away from the light, but have most freely and cheerfully sought and waited for it, but have left them with such and eternal disgrace, that they, like night owls and bats, yes, like their father of lies and murder, have fled and shunned the light in the most ruthless and obvious way, and do not wait for nor suffer their loose, lazy, dark talk of the answer.

(35) This is also a fine little Christian thing, that our people should commit themselves to be in favor of it, so that such delicious art and well-founded wisdom of their refutation would not go out nor be revealed. How much God has blinded and deceived the papists!

  1. "against" in the Jena. Original: "against".

1638 Erl. (2.) L5,18-20. cap. 13. of the Diet of Augsburg 1530. w. xvi. 1979-1982. 1639.

that they have neither reason nor shame any longer! How is it possible - I will remain silent, how reasonable - to commit oneself to keeping secret such a writing, which had to come under so many hands, and was read once before the empire? And if it were to come out of that part itself afterwards, it would have to be our fault.

But godless reason must seek such cleverness and pretty plots, because it does not like truth and light, and could not otherwise find a better remedy, so that it would remain in darkness and would not have to utter its contradictions. Well then, let it remain in darkness as it is, and let it also remain in eternal hellish darkness, and yet at the last judgment, if it does not happen sooner, it will come to light all too brightly.

(37) Yes, you say, even though they have not given their rebuttal or transfer, nor have they allowed it to be answered for, they have made a committee for it, ordered some princes and scholars on both sides to act amicably among themselves in the matter. Dress up, decorate yourself, kitten, we have guests coming! How silly and foolish is the poor man Christ, who cannot notice such perfidy at all! The committee is held, that is true; but what has been done inside? Nothing anywhere about their transfer or rebuttal, which remained in the dark, and the committee had to help the noses, so that their loose transfer, with about a glimpse, would remain in place and would not have to come out.

38 For in the committee they did not explain their transfer, but made our confession, and negotiated with ours on how much of it we wanted to let up and revoke, or (as they interpret it) compare ourselves with them. Everything was worked and directed so that they would cry out with great joy: Behold, dear people! Hear, all the world! How obdurate and stiff-necked are the Lutherans! First of all, their confession is established with Scripture and well-founded reasons, and then they are dealt with kindly. What more can be done? They do not want to give way, they are overcome or kindly taught.

(39) Well, we must let go of the cry of lies; it shall not help them, I know. So God has also prepared them in such a way.

This is a lie to our boast. For when the Elector of Brandenburg proclaimed and gave that our confession had been moved with Scripture and good reason, our people did not accept it, nor did they keep quiet about it, but freely contradicted it publicly before the emperor and the empire and testified that our confession had not been moved, but had been established and founded in such a way that even the gates of hell could do nothing against it. They had to eat up such a defeat again. For this much is said in German: What the Elector of Brandenburg proclaimed in his farewell is not true, but a lie. That is right. For the well-founded transfer is not yet in the light, but perhaps sleeps with the old Dannheuser Tannhäufer in the Venusberg.

  1. Since it is now clear that they have kept their refutation in darkness and have not revealed it to the light, it is not only an outrageous lie that they have pretended that our confession is based on Scripture and good grounds, but it is the devil's own lying mouth that they can boast about it and preen and shout to their delight that we have been overcome and will not give way; Even though their consciences are so convinced of such lies that one has to take hold of them everywhere, as they are hurried to glorify, as all those do who have evil things, and mend themselves so miserably, and seek all kinds of plots, so that their evil thing does not come to light, and summa, it becomes obvious that they have despaired of their cause, and have provided for nothing less, than that ours would come and appear. So they have put off on mere force, and have focused on neither truth nor light.

(41) How kindly they meant it with the committee, it is easy to notice in the one piece that they, among other articles, were allowed to suggest to us that we should teach about both forms of the sacrament: it is not wrong, but right, that one also gives and takes one form alone. If we did this, they would again admit us and let us teach that we may give and take both forms. Is not this a great friendship? Who would have thought of such love for such people?

1640 Eri. (2.) 25.20-32. sec. II. The other Reichstag farewell. No. 1156. w. xvi. 1982-1985. 1641

See? Until now, they have persecuted all those who enjoyed both forms as heretics, and they have inflicted all plagues on them. Now, however, they want to call it right and Christian and let it be so, while we in turn teach that they also act right and Christian with one form. That means in German, to blow cold and warm out of one mouth: it is unjust, and yet it is uffrecht, what and how they want; nor does it have to be called a lie.

(42) When the Romans had approved and accepted this, there should first have been a shouting and crying in all the world: "Behold, dear people, the Lutherans are revoking their doctrine; before they taught that it was wrong to use the same form; now they teach that it is right. Now you hear that we have taught right, and they have been found wrong in their own confession. So they have tried, the faithful, simple-minded people, to confirm with this one piece all their abominations and devilry, and to blame us as revocers of all our doctrine. Moreover, they have established their poisonous doctrine in our churches through our own mouths, and at the same time they have violently propagated our doctrine in their churches, so that their mouths have not taught our doctrine in their churches; thus they wanted to penetrate and plant themselves in our churches through our own mouths, and at the same time shut us out of their churches altogether. Are they not fine, friendly, equal means, which serve well for friendly action?

(43) But as the transfer is, so is the committee; the transfer is a dark night owl, and will not come into the light; the committee is vain guile and false deceit. And as true and praiseworthy is the glory that they have published our confession with Scripture and good reason, so true and honest is also the glory that they have pretended friendly action; both are vain lies and deceit! Of course, they did not want us to deal with them in this way. But I do not intend now to write about the trade of this Reichstag, nor to attack their transfer, but, God willing, I will do so; 1) but this time alone I want to have

  1. As we believe, Luther fulfilled this promise by the next writing: "Glosse auf das vermeinte kaiserliche Edict", which Luther will have written and published immediately after this one.

The papists want no peace, no truth, no tranquility, but will go through with their heads and either start a war or a riot, be it good or bad for us, nothing will help. But we must dare and wait. Because our pleas and cries for peace will not be heard, nor will our humility and patience count for anything, let what cannot remain be brought here.

But because I am the prophet of the Germans (for I must henceforth ascribe such a trustworthy name to myself, for the pleasure and favor of my papists and asses), it will nevertheless behoove me, as a faithful teacher, to warn my dear Germans of their harm and danger, and to give Christian instruction as to how they should conduct themselves where the emperor, incited by his devils, the papists, would offer to wage war against the princes and cities of our part. Not that I worry that the Emperor's Majesty will follow such poisonous blasphemies and initiate such an unjust war, but that I do not want to neglect my own, and that I want to keep my conscience pardoned and unburdened in all adventures. For it is much better for me to have given a remaining and unnecessary admonition and warning, and to have made a vain report, than to have neglected it, and, if it were otherwise than I had presumed, to have come too slowly after it, and to have no more to comfort me than the word: Non putassem, I had not meant it! It is (say the wise) also to be cared for, if it is certain; how much more is it now in such strange courses, when the papists' rage so horribly provokes God's anger, that neither wind nor weather is to be trusted, however friendly it may be, and Paul Rom. 12:8 also commands that those who preside over others should care.

45 Therefore, whichever German wants to follow my faithful advice, let him follow; whoever does not want to, let him leave it. I am not seeking my own salvation here, but that of you, the Germans. It could not happen to me personally that the papists eat me, tear me, bite me, or how else they help me out of the sinful, deadly maggot sack; yet I say when they are most angry: "Dear lords, if you are angry, get off the wall, put on your bathing gown, and hang it around your neck; and in short, I want to be left unpunched and unpunished by them.

1642 Erl. (S.) SS, S2-25. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 1985-1987. 1643

I will be defied. For I know where my cause stands and where I shall remain; praise be to God! If they do not accept my service for their own good, the wretched devil thanks them where they show me a drop of love or mercy; if they may not accept my teaching, I may accept much less of their mercy, and if they rage and rage in the name of the devil, I laugh in the name of God.

  1. But this is my faithful advice, that if the Emperor should rise up and want to war against our part for the sake of the Pope's things or our doctrine, as the papists are now horribly boasting and defying (but I do not yet promise myself to the Emperor), that in such a case no man will let himself be used, nor will he obey the emperor, but be sure that he is strictly forbidden by God to obey the emperor in such a case, and whoever obeys him, that he knows how he will disobey God, and his body and soul will perish eternally. For the emperor then acts not only against God and divine right, but also against his own imperial rights, oaths, duty, seals and letters. And lest you think that such a thing is my poem, or that I am giving you such advice from my own head, I will show you the causes and reasons so strongly and clearly that you will realize that it is not my advice, but God's serious and manifold strict commandment, before whose wrath you should be reasonably frightened, and finally must also be frightened.

First of all, I must excuse dear Emperor Carol on account of his person; for he has so far shown himself, even now at the Imperial Diet, that he has won the favor and love of all the world, and would be worthy of no harm, nor do our people know anything but imperial virtue and praise to say of him.

48 And that I show several examples of all this, it is a strange, strange gentleness that his imperial majesty did not want to condemn our doctrine, even though it was vehemently urged and provoked by ecclesiastical and secular princes, with incessant persistence, even before he came from Spain. But his majesty has stood like a rock, and has hurried to the imperial diet, and has issued a gracious proclamation, willing to deal with the matter amicably and amicably. Shall also

The people of the city have said that it does not have to be such an evil doctrine, because so many great, high, learned, and honest people accept it.

49 Which also turned out to be the case at Augsburg. When our confession was read before the imperial majesty, they themselves found out that this doctrine was not so evil as it had been presented by their poisonous preachers and ear-blowers and hateful princes. Yes, they had not even imagined that it should be such a good doctrine, and have themselves confessed much about it: it is the true holy scripture, one cannot refute it with the scripture; that they had been reported much differently before.

50 This was also the reason why it was hardly allowed to be read. For the envious princes and poisonous liars worried that, wherever it was read, their poisonous lies would be disgraced; they would have liked to see the imperial majesty condemn everything unread and unheard. But since his imperial majesty could not obtain that it be read publicly before everyone, she nevertheless did so much that it had to be read and heard before the imperial estates, however highly this was opposed by other princes and bishops and sophists, and bitterly annoyed them.

  1. And even though a great deal of money was consumed at the Diet, and it seems as if nothing was spent, I say for myself that if twice more had been consumed, everything would have been amply paid for with this piece alone, and enough would have been spent that Junker Neidhard and Master Lügenhard have been disgraced in their envy and lies, and have had to see and hear that our doctrine is not contrary to the Scriptures or articles of faith, which they have previously made so horrible with lies and envy everywhere, by writing, preaching and after-talk, as if no worse doctrine had ever come to light. Such envy, I say, has been disgraced at the Imperial Diet, and such lies have been revealed. Therefore, we should be grateful to our dear Emperor Carol, and give thanks for this virtue, that God has, through him, adorned and redeemed our doctrine from the lying, blasphemous titles of heresy, and other shameful names, and thus has destroyed the liars and

1644 Erl. (2.) S5, S5-S7. Sect. II. The other Reichstag partition. No. 1156. w. XVI, 1987-1990. 1645

Enviers are really honestly beaten on the mouth, even though they have an iron forehead and are not ashamed. But it doesn't matter, we're well fed up with the beginning and it should get better.

Item, the imperial majesty is also said to have said: If the priests were pious, they would not be allowed to listen to Luther. What else is this said, than as Solomon says Prov. 16, 10: "The king's lips prophesy"? For his majesty wants to indicate that Luther is the ruthlessness of the priests, and they have well deserved it, and are not right in their nature. This is also sufficiently confessed by them. For the bishop of Salzburg said to Magister Philipp: "Oh, what do you want to reform us priests; we priests have never been good. Look and listen to the pious people! They know and confess that they are evil and wrong, and they want to remain so, to be unreformed, and not to give way to public truth; and yet they cry out and call on the emperor and all princes to fight for them and to protect them. What else is this said but this: "Dear emperor, dear Germans, go to war, shed your blood, stake all your possessions, body, child and wife on it, so that you may protect us in our shameful, devilish life and nature, against the truth, which we know well, but still cannot stand, and also do not want to improve. What do you think? If you fight for such people and spill your blood, are you not a beautiful martyr, and almost well invested with your blood and goods?

  1. Item, when ours had wanted to hand over their answer to the imperial majesty against the Sophists' transfer, as much of it had been kept after the reading, and the imperial majesty now reached for it with his hand and wanted to accept it, King Ferdinand shrugged back the hand of the imperial majesty that such an answer did not have to be accepted. From this, once again, it seems clear who the people are who, under the name of imperial majesty, are carrying out their hatred and envy. From this it once again appears who the people are who carry on their hatred and envy under the name of the imperial majesty, even though the imperial majesty would be of a different mind and inclined otherwise.

54 Item, since the Elector of Brandenburg had decided in his farewell with excellent, splendid, defiant words, how imperial majesty, princes and estates of the realm

and people, life and property, and blood, at which words our people were supposed to be frightened. But because it was not said, "if God wills," the words remained and passed with the reverberations; since they were over, no one was afraid. But Imperial Maj. Maj. had let himself be noticed here again, and did not call such a speaker a liar, but said: it would be too much talk; and many other great princes and lords won here to create, how they would like to gloss over such words. Some pretended that the opinion should be: where our part wanted to attack someone of that part by force, they wanted to put together body and goods, blood, land and people; but our part never thought such, but always asked and cried for peace, as they themselves know in the best way. Some, however, publicly testified before the emperor that they would never have consented to such a speech by the margrave, even if their opinion were nothing everywhere.

55 Although land and people are soon named with the mouth, whether one is so powerful with the fist of the same, to put on blood, body and goods, without need, in addition against God and right, that should well learn the experience. I am sure that they will at least be asked about it beforehand, and that they will not leave such a plan undisclosed. It is also true that God does not always have to give and do what we may think and say. Their mouths may have lied miserably to great lords, and their plots may have deceived them shamefully. But the best thing is that they do not call upon God, or even think of Him, when they defy and insist in this way. But in this the emperor's heart is felt that he is not such a mad bloodhound, and that such defiant words and deeds do not please him.

But it must happen to the dear emperor like to all pious princes and lords. For where a prince is not half a devil, but wants to rule with a litter, it cannot be otherwise; the "greatest" scoundrels and villains come into the regiment and into the offices, and they do what they want under the prince's name. For they must not be afraid, because they know that the prince is pious and likes to be told. What should this

1646 Erl. (2.) 25,27-29. cap. 13. of the Diet of Augsburg 1530. w. XVI. 1990-1993. 1647

How can pious emperors cope with so many villains and evil-doers, especially against the arch-villain Pope Clement, who is full of mischievousness and has so far proven himself honestly against the emperor? I D. Luther am more learned in the Scriptures than the emperor, also more experienced in daily practice: still I worry, where I should be among so many scoundrels, and always hear their poisonous tongues, and against it no other instruction, I would truly also be too pious for them, and they would drown me out in some pieces; as has often happened to me through some spirits and clever ones.

Therefore let no one be surprised or dismayed if prohibitions or letters go out under the emperor's name, contrary to God and law; he cannot prevent it, but let him be sure that all this is a plot by the chief ruler of the world, the pope, who is doing this through his plate stallions and hypocrites, whether he could cause a bloodbath among us Germans, so that we would fall to the ground. And believe for me that if he does not end it through this emperor, he will go to the Turkish emperor and charge us with the same; there we will find the money that we have given the pope for his indulgence and haggling so many years ago for the treasure against the Turkish war.

That is enough said about the emperor's excuse this time. Let us now give warning and indicate the causes, so that everyone should be afraid to obey the emperor in such a case and to fight against our part. And say again, as above, that I will neither advise nor incite anyone to war. My heart's desire and request is that peace be kept and that no part start war or give cause for it. For I will keep my conscience clear, and will not bear the name before God or the world, that out of my counsel or will anyone should wage war or defend himself, except those who are commanded to do so and have the right to do so, Rom. 13:4. But where the devil has so completely possessed the papists that they neither want nor can have peace nor suffer, and want to wage war badly or give causes for it, that shall be on their conscience; I must let it happen, because my defense will neither apply nor help.

(59) The first reason that you should not be obedient to the emperor in such a case is this: that you (as well as the emperor himself) swore in baptism to keep the gospel of Christ and not to persecute or dispute it. Now you know that the emperor of this case is incited and deceived by the pope to dispute against the gospel of Christ, because our doctrine is publicly invented at Augsburg that it is the true gospel and the holy scripture. And thou shalt therefore say unto the commandment of the emperor or thy prince, Yea, dear emperor, dear prince, if thou shalt keep thy oath and duty, which thou didst in baptism, then thou shalt be my dear lord, and I will be obedient unto thee, if thou wilt. But if thou wilt not keep thy baptismal duty and Christian covenant, made with Christ, but wilt persecute it, then be obedient to thee in my stead; I will not for thy sake blaspheme my God and persecute his word, and so boldly run and leap with thee into the abyss of hell.

(60) This first cause includes many other great and terrible causes. For he who fights and contends against the gospel must at the same time fight against God, against Jesus Christ, against the Holy Spirit, against the holy blood of Christ, against his death, against the word of God, against all articles of faith, against all sacraments, against all doctrine given, confirmed, and preserved by the gospel, as of the authorities, and temporal peace, and estates, and summa, against all angels and saints, against heaven and earth, and all creatures. For he who contends against God must contend against everything that is God's or that holds with God. But what end this would have in the end, you would well realize. And, what is even worse, such arguing would happen knowingly. For it is known and confessed that this teaching is the gospel. The Turk and the Tattern do not know that it is God's word; therefore no Turk can be as evil as you, but you must be condemned ten times deeper than all Turks, Tatterns, Gentiles and Jews.

(61) Although it is a terrible thing that Christians have come to the point of needing such a warning, just when

1648 Erl. (p.) 25, 29-31. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1156 W. XVI, 19S3-I995. 1649

they themselves would not know what a horrible, terrible thing it is to knowingly fight against God and his word. This is a sign that among Christians there must be few right Christians and many worse Turks than in Turkey or in hell. But the true Christians, though they are few, know it well themselves, and must not be warned; but the Papists, who bear the name and appearance of Christians with all dishonor, and yet are ten times worse than the Turks, must be warned. If it helps, it is good; if it does not help, we are excused, and their punishment is all the greater. For the Turk is not so foolish as to fight or rage against his Mahomet or his Alkoran, as our devils do, the papists, and rage and rage against their own gospel, which they know to be right, and thus make the Turk a pure saint against them, and themselves true devils.

(62) The other cause is: Even if our doctrine is not right (as they all know otherwise), that alone should deter you too much, that by such disputing you burden yourself, make yourself partaker of and guilty before God of all the abominations that have been committed and continue to be committed throughout the entire papacy. This cause includes innumerable abominations and all wickedness, sin and harm. In short, it is the causeless hell itself, with all sins, of which you must be a part, if you are obedient to the emperor in this case. But we want to tell some of them and put them before the eyes, so that they will not be forgotten. For the papists would gladly cleanse themselves, and put such abominations under the bench, unpunished and unremedied, until the time when they could pull them out again and raise them up.

(63) Here you must first of all take upon yourself all the shameful lives they have led and are still leading. For they have no intention of reforming any of them, but you must shed your blood and risk your life to protect and preserve their cursed, wicked lives. Then on your neck and conscience come all the fornication, adultery and fornication that have been and are still practiced in the cathedrals and monasteries, and your heart must have such glory and honor that it has fought for the

The greatest and most whores and knaves that are on earth, to confirm their whore and knave life, and to make you partake of it all. Oh, that is a beautiful glory and fine cause for you to dare your life and serve God; for they do not improve such a life, nor can they improve it, since it is impossible that so many thousands of people should live chastely as they do.

  1. above this, you must also charge the papal and cardinal chastity, which is a special chastity, above the common spiritual chastity, and is called, in the welsh: puserons, namely, the Sodomitic and Gomorric chastity. For thus God had to blind and afflict His enemy and adversary, the pope and cardinals, before others, so that they would not remain worthy to sin with females of natural womanhood, but, according to their wages, defile their own bodies and persons by themselves (Rom. 1, 24. 26. 27.], and in addition got into such a perverse, hardened mind that they did not consider such a thing a sin, but joked about it as if it were a card game, at which they might laugh and be merry without a ride. O to the four is given right, therefore it greeds and foams out (as Jude says) all shame and vice Ep. Jude, v. 13. Proverbs 15:28. Now go and stake your life on it, and fight for such unrepentant, insolent puserons, who still laugh at such blasphemous sins and joke with them.

I am not lying to you here. Whoever has been to Rome knows well that unfortunately! is worse than anyone can say or believe. When the next Concilium Lateranense in Rome was to be decided under Pope Leo, one of the articles was that one should believe that the soul is immortal, from which one must conclude that they have a loud prayer and mockery from eternal life. They confess that they have a public belief that there is no eternal life, but now they want to teach it with a bull. But this was even more subtle: in the same bull they had stipulated that no cardinal should henceforth hold so much shame. But Pope Leo had hot to extinguish it; otherwise it would have resounded in all the world how freely and insolently the pope and the cardinals held Sodomam in Rome. I will

1650 Erl. (2.) 2S, 31-34. cap. 13. of the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 1995-1998. 1651.

But because the evil-doers do not want to atone, but rather condemn the gospel, blaspheme and desecrate God's word, and clean themselves, they should also smell their filth again in the most shameful way. Such vice is so common among them that even recently a pope himself sinned himself to death in such sin and vice, and in fact remained dead on the spot. There, there, you popes, cardinals, papists, spiritual lords, pursue more God's word, now defend your doctrine and church!

No pope, cardinal, bishop, doctor, priest, monk, or nun punishes such a shameful life, which is so obvious, but laughs at it, cleans it, and adorns it; kings, princes, country, and people incite them to defend such evil-doers with body and goods, with country and people, and to faithfully defend that such vices are not atoned for nor corrected, but strengthened, freed, and praised. For this you shall now risk your blood, life and limb, so that all this may come upon your neck and conscience. I would have told more examples of such an abomination," but it is all too shameful and would have to ensure that our German soil would tremble before it. But if an impudent Pabstel comes and screams against it, I will meet him and let him find me at home, so that sess should be called well hit. If punishments and warnings help to repentance, they have been sufficiently admonished before and herewith. But nothing will come of it; it has now become a praiseworthy common custom, almost like a great virtue, that suffers no penance, but the emperor and you should protect and handle it, so that such an example may also arise and take hold in other countries, as, alas, is already too much in evidence.

After that, you must take upon yourself all the avarice, robbery and theft of the entire papacy, the innumerable money that they have falsely and fraudulently obtained with indulgences. Is it not vile robbery and theft by the whole Christendom, the innumerable money, which they have brought to themselves through their falsified, lying Purgatory? Is it not vile robbery and theft by the whole world, the innumerable money, which they got with usury and sacrifice? Is it not vile robbery and theft through the whole world?

World, the innumerable money, which they won with butter letters, pilgrimages, saint service, and the ulcer without number? Is it not vain shameful robbery and theft by the whole world? From whence have the pope, cardinals, bishops principalities, kingdoms, and are worldly lords of all the world? Is it not vain immeasurable shameful robbery and theft? What are they but the greatest robbers and thieves the earth can bear? There is still no atonement or restitution here. Yes, there is not so much good blood in their veins that they would exercise their office a little, so that they might possess such goods with some small semblance of honor; but instead they condemn, blaspheme, persecute God's name, word and work; now come here, you shall defend such thieves and robbers with your blood, so that they not only remain unpunished, but are also strengthened to do all this the longer the more. See what a great and mighty thief and rogue, robber and traitor you become and are, when you strengthen and protect such robbers and thieves with your blood and life; for you must bring it all upon yourself, and be guilty of it yourself.

(68) Then you must take upon yourself all the blood that the pope has shed, all the murder and war that he has wrought, all the sorrow and heartache that he has caused throughout the world. But who will tell all the blood, murder and sorrow that the pope has inflicted on his own? Some have reckoned that for the pope's sake alone (since the papacy has exalted itself above the empire) eleven times a hundred thousand men have been slain; others reckon probably more. Where will you bear so much murder and blood on your neck, if some murder is certain? and Christ also condemns wrath in the heart to hellish fire, Matth. 5, 22. What do you do now, if you risk your life for such murderers? You make yourself guilty of all these things, and help to strengthen and free the priest, so that he may do these things eternally and safely. For there is no repentance, indeed, they reckon it to be pure virtue and honor that it is impossible to hope for improvement here, as they do not desire it, but you shall help protect them, so that they may murder without ceasing and without defense, without shyness, and bring down blood and fill the world with sorrow,

1652 Erl. (2.) 25.34-36. Sect. 11. The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1156 W. XVI ISS8-20M. 1653

as they have done until now, and still do. Behold, these are the most holy fathers, the holy cardinals, bishops, clergymen, who want to be judges of the gospel, and teach and govern the world.

(69) Here I will be silent about the other vices, how they act with poison, treachery, and everything that belongs to hatred and envy. Who can tell it all, the shameful life in the papacy? It can be taken from the above-mentioned pieces and daily examples. For he is said to be the antichrist, and to be against Christ with all things. Therefore it must follow that as beautiful, glorious, chaste, chaste, holy, heavenly, divine a life Christ led and taught, so a shameful, blasphemous, lewd, cursed, hellish, devilish life must his counter-Christ lead and teach: how else could he be Christ's adversary or counter-Christ? And everything would be to suffer, if they did not want to defend it and to be right by force. But this is still all, to be reckoned so, a shame and a joke. We now want to show you the right basic scales and main abominations, which you must all burden yourself with, whoever protects the pope or helps to maintain and strengthen him in his impenitent, obdurate, end-Christian state and nature.

One could let life be evil, but to condemn doctrine and God's word and to exalt oneself above God Himself, that one cannot and should not suffer, much less help to defend. Now they have brought so many abominations of doctrine among Christendom that they are not to be told, which they neither repent nor change, but want to defend all, free and right by force. All this should be on your neck and conscience, and you should be guilty of all such abominations if you help to fight for them. And that we denounce some of them: How will you bear on your conscience the shameful, lying deception of indulgences, so that they have so shamefully deceived and cheated so many thousands of souls, yes, the whole of Christendom and all the world, and have cheated them out of their money and goods; and yet they do not atone for anything, nor do they think to let go of it, although they well know how great a deception they have done with it. The people have taught them to put their consolation in indulgences and to die on them; which alone is so

is terrible and horrible, that if they were otherwise as holy and pure as St. John the Baptist, they should be condemned to the deepest abyss of hell for the sake of this piece, and not worthy that the earth should bear them, nor the sun shine on them, nor that one should fight for them and defend them.

For count thou thyself, what a great folly is indulgences. He who has relied on indulgences and died or lived in this way has let the Savior Jesus Christ go, denied and forgotten him, and can have no comfort in him at all. For he who puts his comfort in something else than in Jesus Christ can have no comfort in Christ. Now we all know, and their books prove it mightily, that they have taught us to rely on indulgences; who else would have respected or bought them? And besides this, as the messengers of the devil and evil-doers, they have shamefully kept silent about faith in Christ, even suppressing and exterminating it. For he who knows that his comfort and confidence is in Christ cannot suffer indulgence nor any other confidence. But when will they atone for and make restitution for such infinite harm? Yes, atonement! They, hardened in such wickedness, still want to force you to defend them with body and blood, and to burden everything on yourself. If they were not possessed and furious, they would be a little ashamed to desire such defense, in such impenitent, insolent, blasphemous wickedness. That may well mean to me: priests are not good.

Item 72: How will you bear on your conscience the blasphemous deceit of the purgatory, so that they have also treacherously deceived and falsely frightened all the world, and have lied and stolen almost all their goods and splendor with it? For in this way they have also purely extinguished the one consolation and confidence in Christ, and have taught the Christians to gape, wait, and rely on their subsequent pens. For whoever gazes and hopes for his subsequent gifts or works in death (as they have all taught and done), must put Christ out of his sight and forget him. So, where God would not have especially

1654 Erl. (2.) 25,36-38. cap13. From the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. W. XVI. 2001-2003. 1655

they would have died, like the Jews and the pagans, falling unawares into the abyss of hell, as when a man falls from a high mountain, thinking he is walking on a good path, and steps aside into the air and falls down into the valley or the sea. O what murderers of souls they are! Until the last day, no human heart will understand how great a murder they have committed against souls with their purgatory. Much less can it be comprehended what damage and horrible blasphemy they have done to faith and trust in Christ; nor is there any repentance or cessation, but demand that you protect and help defend them in it,

  1. Item, you must take upon yourself all the abominations and blasphemies that they commit and still commit daily throughout the entire papacy with the dear mass, with buying and selling, with many countless other dishonors of the holy sacrament, since they always offer God his son as if they were better and holier than God's son; since they do not let the Sacrament be a gift of God to be received with faith, but make it a sacrifice and a work to propitiate themselves and other people, and to acquire all kinds of grace and help. Since they have made a mass for every saint, and a mass for every cause or need. In all their books and teachings you will not find one letter of faith. Everything says and sings that the mass is a sacrifice and a work, but in no other way should faith be practiced and exercised so thoroughly and diligently as in the mass or sacrament, because Christ himself instituted it in his memory, that one should preach about him there, and remember and believe in him. But for this they preach their sacrifice and work, and sell them most mercilessly. There is still no atonement, but stubborn, desperate wickedness to defend themselves and 1) to protect themselves with their life and limb.

74 It would be all too gruesome enough the gross external abuse, since the clerics are based on the

  1. In the original: "yet"; in most codices and in the Wittenberg and Jena editions: "and". The sense here is the same as at the end of the previous paragraph.

The first is that the people of the church, at the festivals and church consecrations, or patron saints' feasts, treated the sacrament so frivolously, as if it were a jiggery-pokery, for the sake of eating, drinking, and making money, ran up to it crudely and insolently, and then became full, and dined and gambled, and fought; as all the villages were full of the shameful abuse, and still neither atoned for nor repaired, nor recognized for sin by the desperate Popes. But it is nothing compared to the vile 2) abuse, since they have perverted and changed the sacrament, and made of the common sacrament of the common faith an own work and sacrifice of some persons, as the priests. This is so frightening that I do not like to think about it; the thoughts might well kill you.

(75) Nor is this above this abomination, that they have hidden and concealed the words of the Sacrament and the faith, that (as said) not one letter, not one jot of it has remained in all the papacy, in all the masses and books. This vice surpasses all words and thoughts; no one can reproach or punish it enough in eternity. Every other vice has its own devil or group of devils who do it; but the sacrificial mass, I think, is a common work of all devils, since they have joined all hands, all counsel, all thoughts, all malice and all mischievousness, and have created and preserved this abomination. This appears from the fact that the poltergeists throughout the world, in all corners, as departed souls, have asked for the mass; no soul has ever desired or asked for Christ, all for the mass. This is also a strong sign that the devils live nowhere so powerfully as in their servants of the Mass, with all fornication, avarice, blasphemy and all vices in the most profane way, and will certainly be the greatest and last wrath of God on earth before the last day; for there can be no greater wrath. There you have the right virtue of Pabstism, for which you shall get, and shed your blood for the hardened blasphemers, murderers of souls and evil-doers.

If anyone should say here that I am too much of a knave, that I can do no more than knave and scold, let him be answered first.

  1. Thus Walch. In the other editions: "beautiful".

Et invocetur nomen meum super pueros istos1656 Erl. (2.) 25, 38-40. para. 11. the other imperial decree. No. 1156. W. XVI. 2003-2006. 1657

that such reproach is nothing against unspeakable wickedness. For what kind of rebuke is it if I call the devil a murderer, a villain, a traitor, a blasphemer, a liar? It is as if a breeze blows on him. But what are the devils, but devils in the flesh, who have no repentance, but vain hardened hearts, and knowingly defend such public blasphemy, and seek protection in it from the emperor and from you? Dear, chide and call a Pabst, as you will or can, it is as if a goose whistles at him. He has such superiority that he has become much, much, much too big for your scolding. Call him a papist, and you have said more than the world can understand; you cannot scold him any worse. The other is like poking a bear with a straw or striking a rock with a feather.

77 Secondly, this is my answer, that the two Cardinals, Campegius and Salzburg, have admonished and ordered me to do this, so that the one says: he wants to be torn apart before he wants to change or cancel the mass. So says the other: Priests are not good, they should be left unreformed. These two, however, are of the noblest, and as they speak and believe, so, of course, does the pope speak and believe with all papists. Since they themselves say that they are desperate evildoers, and want to remain evildoers, and let themselves be torn apart before they want to renounce blasphemies, I would do them injustice before God and before the world if I called them anything else but by their own name, which they give themselves. Should I now call them: Most venerable, holy fathers in Christ, no one would know them, and they themselves would not know of whom I spoke, because they do not know such names, but are and remain hardened evil-doers and blasphemers. Therefore my scolding is not scolding, but just as if I called a turnip a turnip, apples apples, pears pears.

  1. where will you bear the abominable idolatries, since they did not care enough to honor the saints and praise God in them, but made vain gods out of them, and put the noble child, the mother Mary, badly in Christ's place, and put Christ in their place?

and made up a tyrant for the wretched consciences, that all confidence and consolation is taken from Christ and turned to Mary, after which each one has turned to his saint from Christ. Can anyone deny this? Is it not true? Have we not all tried and experienced it? Alas! Are there not, especially of the shabby barefooted and preaching monks, books full of such idolatry as the Marialia, Stellaria, Rosaria, Coronaria, and quite vain Diabolaria and Satanaria? There is still no repentance nor correction, but with the head through and obdurate such everything defended, and your life and limb demanded for protection.

79 I have to show here a piece from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg, so that one can see how good reason they have for such idolatry of the saints. As the committee was dealing with this article on the invocation of the saints, D. Eck brought forth the saying, Gen. 48, 16, where Jacob speaks of Ephraim and Manasseh: Et invocetur nomen meum super pueros istos, and after many words Magister Philippi Er Johann Brenz spoke approximately: one finds nothing in the Scriptures about the invocation of the saints. Then D. Cochläus, as a deeply thoughtful man, came forward to help the matter, and said that the fact that the saints were not called in the Old Testament was the reason that the saints at that time were not yet in heaven, but in the outer castle of the hells. Then my gracious lord, Duke Johann Friederich, Duke of Saxony 2c., tightened the noose over them both, and said to D. Eck: There you have, D. Eck, answered for your sentence, which you have brought forth from the Old Testament! So sure are they of their things, so finely do they agree with each other, the delicious writers of the Antilogiarum. One says: In the Old Testament the saints were not called; the other says: yes. And they quote sayings from the Old Testament, as if they did not know that God, for the sake of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, did all the great miracles that were done in the Old Testament, as he himself often confesses, and for the sake of no saint in the New Testament did half, yes, the tenth part as much. Like fools, what falls into their mouths, they spit out quickly; nor must it be right and reason of the articles of faith.

1658 Erl. (2.) 25, 40-42. cap. 13. of the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2006-2009, 1659.

and all unpunished, and defended for it, and condemned and strangled the people over it, for that thou shalt get and fight 2c.

80 And so that we may also give an example in such a long sermon, I will tell you now, from so many thousands of examples, the one that stands in a Marial, how one should honor the Virgin Mary with sacrifices. There was a highwayman who did nothing good all his life without once coming to a church, to Our Lady's light mass, and saw how the people offered pennies and candles on the altar. There he also sacrificed. After that he was seized and hanged. Then the devils wanted to take his soul to hell, but a good angel resisted them and said, "Why do you devils take him away, if you have nothing in him? They answered: He has done much evil and never any good. Then they went with each other before God's court. The devils accused the torturer of doing no good, but the good angel brought forth the penny stamped with the cross, together with the candle offered on the altar. Then the judge gave the verdict that the striker should resist the devils, and the angel advised him to take the penny in his left hand for a shield, and the candle in his right hand for a sword or spear, and to fight against the devils and to strike the cross vainly; this he did, and drove out the devils. Then the soul returned to the body, was taken from the gallows, and lived out his life well. Haec ille.

Who could conceive it if it were not true? The monks and priests have clicked so many books full of such shameful fables of lies that they have overwhelmed Christendom as if with a flood of sin. No pope, bishop, doctor has ever paid attention to all this, nor has he ever been aware of it. But now they preach that Christ is our Savior, they become mad and senseless. But when they preached that a candle and a crucifer offered to Our Lady could save an impenitent prankster and murderer, without Christ, without faith, and drive out all devils, and blasphemed and suppressed Christ's suffering and life, then all the sermons were good and delicious, there were no heretics. But it all belongs to this: clergymen have never been good!

How will your conscience bear the great torment, torture and violence that they have inflicted on the whole world with their fearful confession, so that they have made so many souls desperate and robbed and increased all Christian consolation from their wretched consciences, since they have so treacherously and wickedly concealed and kept silent the power of absolution and faith, insisting only on the unbearable torture and impossible work of telling and repenting of sins. To such repentance and telling, as to our own work, we have promised grace and blessedness, so that Christ points us to ourselves and keeps us. Summa, everything they teach and do is directed to lead us from Christ to their work and ours. And no letter is so small in their teaching, and no work so small, it denies and blasphemes Christ, and defiles the faith in him, and leads the poor hearts to impossible things and to despair. And so should the true anti-Christian do, that he, according to his name, teaches and lives abundantly enough against Christ, and exalts himself above God and His word 2 Thess. 2:4. We see this fulfilled in the papacy more than one can comprehend. All of this is still unpunished; we still defend this confession today, and we also want you to help us fight against this torture, heartache, despair, and all the plagues of this confession, and to burden yourself with the sorrow of all souls.

Item, you must take upon yourself the grievous lamentation and cursed abuse of the ban and the keys, which abuse alone would have deserved enough to bring the papacy to ruin, not to mention that you should fight to confirm and strengthen it. How the pope has raved and raged against emperors, kings, and all the world, yes, against God himself and his holy word! What only the devil has put into his heart must be right and good. How much war and blood he has caused in all the world! And who can tell all the abominations? What he wanted to have for sin, that must be called sin and be. What he wanted to have holy, that had to be holy. Hereby he has been a terrible lord over the whole world, over body, soul, property, country and people, over purgatory, over hell,

1660 EE. (2.) 25,42-44. sect. 11. the other Reichstag farewell. No. 1156 W. XVI, 2W9-20U. 1661

about devils, about heaven, about angels, about God and everything. To whom he has willed, heaven has been opened and closed, hell has been closed and opened. Whose body, goods, honor, land, kingdom, wife, child, house, farm, money and everything was taken from him or remained for him. And what would the papacy be without the abuse of the key?

Now they have done all this out of sheer willfulness, since they had no right to do so, for the sake of their belly and dominion. And, what is even worse, they misused God's name in the most shameful way. For under God's name they have committed all such unspeakable abominations, rages and ravings, for which they would not have a single thought that they wanted to mend it; but like hard anvils, obdurate, they let themselves be struck, and remain firm on such a resolution, wanting to have everything defended and strengthened by your blood and protection. It would be no wonder that heaven and earth would tear and break over such desperate, defiant wickedness, and that God would suffer such unrelenting wickedness, such defiance and abuse 1) for so long.

I think that if the Turk knew that he was so wrong, as the papists know that they are such desperate evil-doers, he would not be so obdurate, and would not defy God with his wickedness so insolently. For I think that the Turk would not speak, namely: We Turks have never been good, as our papists speak: We priests have never been good. In short, only the devil does this; he also knows that he is evil and wants to defend his wickedness. The priesthood does the same; it recognizes such its atrocious wickedness, and wants to have it unamended, confirmed, and defended by your body and blood. If you now feel like arguing, here you will find an honest cause for the most holy and spiritual people. But only consider the hundred thousand parts of such wickedness that you would make yourself a part of, then the desire for such a dispute will well pass you by, and you will say: I would let such unrepentant arch-villains have the infernal fire in the abyss of hell before I would stir a thread around theirs.

  1. "Mißbieten" (Missebieten) - disrespectfulness.

For their sake, keep silent, that I should risk my life and limb for them.

Item: You must take upon yourself to help strengthen the devil's dangerous, lying, shameful fool's game, which they have played with the sanctuary and pilgrimages, and still have no intention of atoning for. Help God, how it has snowed and rained here, how it has fallen like clouds, with lies and cheating! How the devil has used dead bones, clothes and tools for the legs and tools of the saints! How surely one has believed all the liars! How people went on pilgrimages; all of which the pope, bishops, priests, monks confirmed, or at least kept silent, and let the people go astray, and took money and goods. What did the new cheating at Trier do to Christ's skirt? What has the devil held here a great fair in all the world, and sold so innumerable false miraculous signs! Oh, what is it that someone may talk about this? If all leaves and grass were tongues, they alone could not pronounce this knavery. We must still see that they do not confess it nor atone for it, but want to preserve, strengthen and improve it, through your body and blood.

And the worst of all is that they have deceived people with this, and have drawn them away from Christ to trust and build on such lies. For no one has run after the sanctuary or pilgrimage; he has placed his trust and comfort in it, and has had to despise his Christ at home, the gospel and faith, and his status, and consider it nothing. But the papists have not only not feasted on such seduction of souls, such denial and contempt of Christ and his faith, but have taken pleasure and delight in it, and have adorned and strengthened it with indulgences and graces, and have feasted on it, and have scourged and abused all the world; nor is there any improvement or atonement, but a vain defiant resolution to increase and strengthen all this, and to suffer no evil innovation.

Here belongs the golden year, which the arch liars, the popes, have invented, also commanded the angels to lead the pilgrims' souls to heaven. But everything and everything is too high

1662 Erl. (2.) 23, "4-47. cap. 13. of the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2011-2014. 1663

and too much, above all talk and remembrance. It is said: Abomiuatio in loco sancto, "abomination in the holy place" Dan. 9, 27., that is what Christ called Pabstism, with simple but incomprehensible words (Matth. 24, 15.). I mean that the ministry is an abomination, not only with such evil deeds, but also with impenitence, that it does not want to correct such deeds, but to defend them; and therefore not only sins with the deed itself, but confirms such sin with impenitence, that is, with sins in the Holy Spirit, so that it cannot get any higher, nor become any worse. For the devil himself cannot sin higher nor worse.

Behold, these are the fellows who wish to be judges of God's word, who may cause us to revoke and repent of our doctrine. Item, that we should worship all such abominations for God's word and work; they want to be unreformed, and in short, suffer no innovation. Does this not mean to arouse sedition, what does it mean to arouse sedition? Does it not mean pestilence, evil times, Turks, war, murder, and arousing all God's wrath and plague, what is so evil that may arouse? But I must stop here the abominations, as there are still many behind, to stir more than there are the brotherhoods, vows to saints, and the great fair, where the priests and monks of all the world sold their good works and caps, and in death dressed with it, and lead to heaven. Otherwise, all the senses would dwindle and pass away; unfortunately, there is too much in half a part of a piece.

The third reason that you should not obey the emperor in such an order is that you must not only bring such abominations upon yourself and help to strengthen them, but you must also help to overthrow and eradicate all the good that has been restored and brought about by the good gospel. For the evil-doers do not want to have enough of it, so that they can hear such devilry and abominations, and (as they command in the edict) do not tolerate any innovation, but eradicate and completely destroy everything that we have ever taught, lived and done, and still do and live.

This cause also comprehends much in itself. For our gospel, praise God, has much in it.

great good has been accomplished. No one knew before what the gospel, what Christ, what baptism, what confession, what sacrament, what faith, what spirit, what flesh, what good works, what the ten commandments, what Our Father, what praying, what suffering, what comfort, what worldly authority, what marriage, what parents, what children, what masters, what servants, what wives, what maidservants, what devils, what angels, what world, what life, what death, what sin, what justice, what forgiveness of sins, what God, what bishop, what priest, what church, what a Christian, what cross; Summa, we have not known anything that a Christian should know. Everything is obscured and suppressed by the Pabstles. They are asses, and great, coarse, unlearned asses in Christian matters. For I too have been one, and know that I speak the truth in this, and all pious hearts will testify to this, who, caught under the pope as I was, would have liked to know such things, and neither could nor should have known; we knew no other way, for clergymen and monks were all alone, and on their works we rested, and not on Christ.

But now, praise God, man and woman, young and old, have come to know the Catechism and how to believe, live, pray, suffer and die. And it is a beautiful instruction for the conscience, how one should be a Christian and recognize Christ; one preaches now of faith and good works. And all in all, the above-mentioned pieces have come to light again, and preaching stands, altar and baptismal font have been restored. The altar and baptismal font have been restored so that, praise God, a Christian church can once again be recognized. But you must help to eradicate and destroy all these things, if you are fighting for the papists. For they do not want to suffer any of the things we have taught and done, but (as they say) have the possessorium; sit again in the old guarantees, and tolerate no innovation at all; so you must help to burn all German books, New Testament, Psalter, prayer book, hymnal, and everything we have written of many good things, which they themselves confess. You must help so that no one knows the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, the faith (because that is how it was before). You must help so that no one knows about baptism,

[1664]{.underline} Erl. (2.) 25, 47-49. sect. 11. the other Reichstag agreement. No. 1156 s. W. XVI, 2V14-2V17. 1665

Sacrament, faith, authority, marital status, nor learn anything from the Gospel. You must help that no one knows Christian freedom. You must help so that no one puts his trust and comfort in Christ. For all these things did not exist before, and are mere innovations.

You must help that our priests' and preachers' children, poor abandoned orphans, are condemned and disgraced as children of whores. You must help them to rely again on the work of monks and priests in Christ's stead, and to buy their merit and caps in death. You must help that instead of marriage they again fill Christendom with fornication, adultery, and other unnatural shameful vices. You must help to set up again the abominable fair of sacrificial fairs. You must help defend all their avarice, robbery, theft, so that they get their goods. And what shall I tell much? You must help to destroy Christ's word and the whole kingdom, and build the devil's kingdom again. For that is where the evil-doers want to go, who press for the possessorium, or the old guarantees. They are of the end-Christ or anti-Christ, therefore they can do nothing else, but that is against Christ. Especially in the main article, that our heart should not put its comfort and confidence in our works, but in Christ alone, that is, to be freed from sins and justified by faith alone, as it is written in Romans 10:10: "With the heart one believes, and so is justified.

This article (I say) they do not want to suffer badly, so we can not be advised. For where the article is gone, the church is gone, and no error can be resisted, because apart from this article the Holy Spirit will not nor cannot be with us; for he is to transfigure Christ to us. Over this article the world has so often come to ruin, through flood, weather, waters, war and all plagues. Over this article Habet was strangled and all the saints, and all Christians must die over it. Nevertheless it remained, and must remain, and the world must perish over it forever. So shall it stand now also, and be overthrown above the article; and if it be mad and foolish, it shall leave the article standing, and it shall fall over it in the covert of the earth, amen.

  1. Now consider, and come to your senses, if you will fight against God and his word, and all that is God's; if you will bring upon yourself all the abominations of the priesthood, and all the innocent blood that has been shed from heaven; if you will help to destroy all the good that has come to us through the gospel, and finally, if you will destroy Christ's kingdom, and build the devil's kingdom: See what victory thou shalt obtain, and with what conscience thou shalt be obedient to the imperial command!

If you are to be advised, you have enough warning in this that you should not be obedient to Caesar and your ruler in such a case, as the apostles say (Acts 5:29): "You must be more obedient to God than to men. If thou wilt follow, it is well; if thou wilt not, let it be, and go always, and fight confidently. Christ will not be afraid of you, and will (whether God wills) also remain before you. But if he remain, let him give thee enough to fight with; meanwhile let us see which shall prevail against the other, and keep the field.

This I have said to my dear Germans as a warning; and as above, so I also testify here that I do not want to incite or provoke anyone to war, nor to rebellion (nor to counter-rebellion), but only to peace. But where our devils, the papists, do not want to keep peace, but with such obdurate abominations, unpunished, raging against the Holy Spirit, nevertheless get it, and would bring bloody heads from it, or even go down, I hereby publicly testify that I have not done such, nor given cause for it; but they want it so, their blood be on their head, I am excused, and have done my part most faithfully. Henceforth I will let him judge who will, should, and can judge, who will not fail, and will not fail. To him be praise and honor, thanksgiving and glory forever and ever, amen.

1157. D. Martin Luther's gloss on the supposed imperial edict. Jn the first months of the year 1531?)

According to a report by Seidemann in the "Studien und Kritiken", 1880, issue 2, p. 350, Luther's manuscript of this writing is still in the royal library.

  1. Because of this time determination see the preceding writing, 8 ^3. note.

1666 Erl. (2.) SS, 49-52. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2M7-20IS. 1667

in Dresden. The first edition appeared under the title: r,Auff das Vermeint Keiserlich Edict, Ausgangen jm 1531 jare, nach dem Reichs tage des 1530 jars. Glosa. D. Mart. Luther. Wittemberg. DMXXXI." At the end: "Printed at Wittemberg by Nickel Schirlentz." 7 quarto sheets. Thereafter by the same publisher twice more; also a reprint in 1531 without indication of place and printer. An edition in Low German was also published without indication of year and place (1531, Magdeburg by Mich. Lotther). In the "Gesammtausgabe": in the Wittenberg (1553), vol. VI, p. 158; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 289; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 545; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 321; in the Erlangen (1st), vol. 25, p. 51 and in the second edition, vol. 25, p. 49. After the latter we give the text.

Martin Luther's condition.

(1) I, Martin Luther, Doctor of the Holy Scriptures and preacher of the Christians at Wittenberg, hereby state with this public writing that everything I write against this supposed imperial edict or commandment in this booklet is not meant to be spoken or understood as being written against imperial majesty or some authority, spiritual or secular, but because the wise King Solomon says Eccles. 9, 18. that a few evil-doers at court can create great misfortune, and again, a few pious Naaman 2 Kings. 5, 1. can do much good at court, I do not mean the pious emperor, nor the pious lords, but the traitors and evil-doers (be they princes or bishops), who under the imperial name, or (as Solomon says) at court, undertake to carry out their desperate, malicious will of courage, and especially the fellow whom St. Paul calls God. Paul calls God's adversary, I should say God's governor, the chief shawl, Pope Clement, and his servant Campegium, and the like. This is my opinion, God grant happiness and grace to it, amen.

(2) First of all, before I gloss over this edict from piece to piece, I must first indicate the Holy Spirit, who has blown such wisdom into these evil-doers, so that the master may first be known; from this it will become clear what teaching such a master can and will give. They boast at the beginning of the edict how the confession of ours, which is delivered at Augsburg, is displaced and rejected by the holy Gospels. That is one thing; mark it well, my dear friend, who

Read or hear this; you hear (I say) that they boast that the confession of ours is displaced and rejected by the holy Gospels. Whether this is true or not, I will deal with later. Now you alone should notice that they claim that the confession of ours is mislaid. With what? With the holy gospels (they say). That is what they said. 1)

Then they themselves say in the edict that the Christian Church, by inspiration of the Holy Spirit and good causes, has ordained to use one form of the sacrament. And,' that wisdom has all the greater prestige, they add the reason that under one form there is as much as under both. These may be called excellent and cheap imperial poets and scribes! But where is the master here who may tune these pipes together? Namely, they say that our confession is arranged by the holy Gospels, and yet the One Form is arranged by the intercession of the Holy Spirit. This is as much as saying no and yes at the same time. For if both forms (which our confession presents) are displaced by the holy gospels, then the one form is also confirmed by the same gospels at the same time; where else could one displace both forms, if one should not confirm the one with it?

(4) Again, if the One Form is established by the intercession of the Holy Spirit, herewith they themselves confess that not by the holy Evangelia (as they lie), but by their Holy Spirit's intercession, both forms are established, and the One Form is confirmed; for Evangelia and intercession of the Holy Spirit make them two things, as is evident in the day. If then the intercession has done it, why do they lie so shamefully and insolently, the holy Evangelia have done it? If the holy evangelicals have done it, why do they boast so shamefully and falsely that it was done by the intercession? Isn't that a fine way of getting one's cheeks smashed, and of shitting oneself in wisdom? He who wants to lie should have a good memory (say the Greeks). But to lie against God and His word must be especially well done, as can be seen in the praiseworthy example in this edict.

  1. "sounded", that is, that has had a good sound.

1668 Erl. (L.) 25,52-54. sect. 11. the other Reichstag treaty. No. 1157 W. LVI, 2SIS-2021. 1669

5 Well, there we have the chief poet of this edict, the spirit of the pope, the father of all lies, who has to prove his wisdom by God's word, so that it stinks like his old dung. What good is supposed to have been done in the whole edict by such servants of the faithful and liars is good to be reckoned with. For against their own consciences, they have been obstinate and malicious in saying that our confession was based on the Gospels, when they knew full well that it was completely false, and that their defiance and fame were based solely on their own spiritual consensus, and not on the Gospels. Therefore they had to spit out their false heart and conscience in this edict without their thanks, as Christ says Matth. 12, 34.: "When the heart is full, the mouth overflows." And again v. 37 ., "From your own words you are condemned." So these shameful poets also had to betray and disgrace themselves through their own mouths, so that one might learn what it is to rage against God and His Word. We want to show more of such beautiful lies throughout the whole edict, so that the saying may stand Prov. 21, 30.: "No wisdom helps against God"; and the 33rd Psalm, v. 10: "God brings the plots of princes to nothing."

(6) First of all, that they boast that our confession is mislaid by the holy Gospels is such a blatant lie that they themselves know that it is a shameful lie, but they want to adorn themselves with such make-up and disparage us, because they well felt that their confession was full of holes, leprous and obscene, and yet they should come to honor under such a cloak. Their heart thought: "We know that our church is evil, but we want to say that the Lutheran church is wrong, so that is enough; who wants to force us to make such a lie true? For if they had not felt that such a boast was a vain lie, they would not only have gladly denied their transfer, as is highly desired, but would also have let it go out through all the printing presses and proclaimed it with all the trumpets and drums, and such defiance would have arisen that the sun could not well have shone before it. But now the same

If they so shamefully refuse to publish the confession, and even more shamefully hide and conceal it, their evil consciences bear witness to the fact that they are lying as evil-doers when they boast that our confession has been published, and that they are not seeking the truth with such lies, but rather our displeasure and their cover of shame.

7 On the other hand, it is also quite a knavery to disparage us and to adorn themselves with cunning, that they tell various articles, which more or less do not incriminate us, only that they want to make a stink about us to strangers and unknown people, whom they lead into the poisonous abode, as if we also taught such articles. Such boys should not be imperial scribes or poets, but the wretched devil's scribes in hell. For since they knew well that we do not teach such articles, but rather condemn them, it would have been expedient for imperial poets to speak differently of old articles, and to interpret to each part its own, especially because one speaks judgment about it, and condemns it. Now they mix everything among themselves, and make us guilty in all; that this some wickedness is greater than I can excuse, and cannot be looked at otherwise than as if they should be so-called: We want to knowingly and wantonly do violence and injustice to the pious people.

  1. dos are the fellows, since David says in the Psalter Ps. 36, 2. ff.: "I say indeed that the wicked are wicked men. For there is no fear of God with them. That they may further their evil cause, they adorn themselves, and revile others" 2c. The Hot painted them right. For in this shameful, lying edict, they have taken the greatest pains to adorn themselves by boasting that it is our confession; in turn, they denigrate us by mixing all kinds of articles together, and it is a pitiful patchwork, no different than a beggar's cloak. For I have heard that this edict has been changed five times, and many things have been done to it; yet it has nowhere wanted to gain a nose that would suit it, but they have not seen that a false tongue betrays a false heart, and that the disgrace, pressed on others with lies, must fall on their own heads.

1670 Erl. (L.) 25, 54-56. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2021-2024. 1671

Let this be said of the spirit and master of this edict. Now let us take it in pieces before us, and bring the devil's lies to light. The first lie is that they boast (as has been said) that our confession is displaced by the holy Gospels; but again they distinguish nothing, but condemn the whole confession, as if there were nothing good in it, but must call everything displaced by the holy Gospels, even the high articles of faith, which they themselves confessed at Augsburg: there is nothing contrary to faith in our confession, and they may not be displaced with Scripture. So they punish their own mouths with lies. So they must also be calling themselves liars, because (as I said) they boast that our confession is displaced by the holy Gospels, and yet by inspiration of the Holy Spirit it is ordained to receive the sacrament in one form; which is contrary to all the Gospels, and they displace both forms by the Gospels. Thus, because they cannot prove with the gospels that one form is to be received, they invent the intercession of the Spirit, which is to do it, and nevertheless boast that our confession is displaced by the holy gospels. Dear fellows, this is shamefully confessed with lies!

(10) Even if their own consciences did not believe that their testimony was nothing, they would not have refused to answer the testimony in writing when the copy was requested, but they would have gone out with great glory and triumph and would have wanted to hear the answer. For they are bold, thirsty heroes, who do not shun the light and heretics, especially when they are to murder and blaspheme; but here, when they are to give their transcripts and have them answered, they are like bats and night owls, who cannot stand the light; so that they testify that their own conscience teaches them how such transcripts are pure filth, and boast and lie with their mouths alone: that everything is mislaid, which their fleeting, despondent conscience knows otherwise, and with such a shunning of the light also confesses otherwise.

II. the other lie is that they have now begun to prove their objection and art, and say: the Christian church has, from objection

The Holy Spirit and good causes are salutary, and it is commanded that only one form be administered outside of the Mass 2c. Here you hear clearly that both forms of the sacrament (as our confession teaches from the Gospels) are displaced by the intercession of the Holy Spirit, and that one is commanded; and yet we have said above that our confession is displaced by the holy Gospels. This is one, and a very good and cowardly lie to grasp. But it is even better that they say that the Christian church has such power to do and command by inspiration of the Holy Spirit 2c. Where are the seals and letters? Where is the reason and cause to prove this? If it is enough that they invent it willfully, then we Christians are poor people who must believe everything that the devil's mouths are allowed to spew.

This lie blasphemes both the Holy Spirit and the Christian church; this is by no means to be suffered. For Christ says Joh. 16,14.: the Holy Spirit should come and transfigure him; does not say, he should change or darken him. Item Joh. 14, 26.: "The Holy Spirit shall remind you (saith he) all things whatsoever I have said unto you"; saith not, he shall abolish or change that which I have said. Since it is clear and evident that Christ teaches in both forms in the Gospel, the Holy Spirit must transfigure and remind the same doctrine; if he does not do this, but changes it or cancels it, then it cannot be the Holy Spirit, or Christ would have to lie, since he calls the Holy Spirit his transfigureer or praiser, and his words remembrancer. From this it follows that the speaking, which changes both forms and is obscured (although in the Gospel Christ has ordered it by his word), is not of the Holy Spirit, but of the wretched devil from hell. For the Holy Spirit is to remind us of all the words and doctrines of Christ, and to praise them, and to keep them in light and custom; if he did not do this, he would not remind us of all the doctrines and words of Christ, as he is supposed to do.

(13) Thus the lying blasphemy of our most beloved Mother, the Christian Church, is not to be tolerated, that she should be interpreted as changing and lifting up the words of her dear Bridegroom, and that she should be interpreted as changing and lifting up the words of her dear Bridegroom.

1672 Erl. (2.) SS, 56-59. sec. II. The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1157 W. XVI, 2024-2027. 1673

For she is subject to him (says St. Paul (Eph. 5:24 ff.)), even one body with him; how then should she disobey him here, and rise above her God and Lord, that she should not remain one with him, and change his word, and condemn it? which she well knows that he purchased with his precious blood, and commanded her most heartily, saying, "Do this in remembrance of me." Whoever then says that she changes such a command and does not keep it, denies and blasphemes her as an evil-doer and enemy of both Christ and his church. For whoever may say that the church changes Christ's word and order or does not keep it, does as much as to call the holy church a prostitute of the devil gone astray. Therefore, we Christians should condemn this edict with all our hearts as a blasphemy, and say: Cursed be both the edict and its poets, amen.

14 Against such blasphemies we place these thunderbolts, since Christ says: "Do these things in remembrance of me" Luc. 22, 19. 1 Cor. 11, 24. 25. Which words he speaks to his Christian church, and tells them to do, and not to change or cancel. Item, Matthäi at the last: "Go, and teach all the Gentiles to observe what I have commanded you" Matth. 28, 19. 20.. Do not say: teach them to change and abolish what I have commanded. Item, Matth. 5, 18. 19.: "Not one jot nor one tittle shall pass from the law; it shall all pass. And he that abolisheth one of the least commandments, and teacheth men so, shall be least in the kingdom of heaven." Item, the Father has said from heaven, Matth. 17, 5.: "This one you shall hear." And long before, Deut. 18:19: "I will raise up a prophet unto them, and I will put my words in his mouth, and he shall tell them all things that I shall call him. But whosoever will not hear his words, that will I avenge." Truly, these and similar sayings leave the church no power to change or cancel Christ's word, but throw them under Christ's word, and call them to be kept and done, as an earnest of God's commandment, which he will punish where it is not kept. How much more will he punish those who still annul and change it.

  1. and, since God is for, where the Christian church would have power to change God's word

and abolish it, we would no longer have any certain word of God. For it is clear that where it can change one word of God, it can also change all other words of God, even that one, so that it itself can establish and maintain a Christian church. For there remains no reason nor difference why it may change one and not the other, because it has power over it. Thus she would change and abolish the ten commandments, the Lord's Prayer, the faith, and herself, so that she would not have to be the devil's whore; as the church of the pope is, which has such power over God's word, and robs her of it with blasphemous sacrilege. Therefore, no Christian should suffer here, or allow that the holy church should be exposed to such an abominable sacrilege in this cursed edict.

(16) But whether they would say that this is speaking too near to Christianity, and that it would be condemned by us, as not keeping Christ's commandment; as they now cry out and say, The Lutherans condemn the whole of Christianity, which yet holds the one form, and dents both; therefore the one form must be right, or the Christian church would be condemned. Answer: If one is to answer such criers, I will say this: If it should come to the necessity (as it cannot) that either the church must err or Christ must lie, I would rather say that the church errs than that Christ is a liar. For although the church errs, it would not be condemned because it has the glorious article: Forgiveness of sins. Yes, if the Church did not err nor sin, why would it need the article "forgiveness of sins"? But if Christ became a liar, all would be lost, and there would be no hope or salvation.

(17) The shameful papists and blasphemers boast that the church is holy and may not err, wanting to preserve all their abominations; but they do not want to respect these other things, that Christ does not have to lie or be absent, and that it is more important that Christ be true and certain than that the church be holy and not err. Neither is it true that the church does not err or sin. For she prays daily, "Forgive us our sins" Matt. 6:12, and believes in forgiveness.

1674 Erl. (2.) SS, 5"-8i. Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. XVI, 2027-2029, 1675.

of sin, nor is ashamed of the prayer in Psalm Ps. 19:13, "Who notices all sin?" For she still lives in the sinful flesh, and says with St. Paul, Rom. 7:19, "I do evil"; and again, v. 18:25, "I serve with the flesh the law of sins, and dwell in my flesh no good thing." But of Christ alone, and of no one else, is written Isa. 53:9: "He hath done no sin, neither is any falsity found in his mouth."

(18) Therefore these are great blind guides, who want all the words and works of the church to be pure and good, so that everything is an article of faith and valid. For if she does not do and teach according to the certain word of Christ, but does and teaches something apart from the same word, who can make me sure that she does not err and sin therein? Yes, who can doubt that she then certainly errs and sins? Because she still lives in the sinful flesh, and acts without the sanctuary, "God's word," and cannot be without sin. The church is holy, that is true; but to be holy does not mean to be without sin and error here on earth, but it means (as St. Paul says Eph. 5:27) to be holy in spirit, through God's word, and yet to be in sins, through the flesh, which are forgiven for the sake of the Spirit of Christ, but nevertheless do not become articles or truth. For forgiven sin and error is still sin and error, and never becomes right or truth, even though it does not condemn. They are very coarse theologians and blind teachers who write in their hearts that the holy church is completely holy and has no sin or error. Such is their head's poetry, on which they build so many articles of faith. But the Scripture says otherwise, as has been heard; nor should anyone believe the church itself, where it does or speaks without and apart from Christ's word. In Christ's word she is holy and certain; apart from Christ's word she is certainly an erroneous, poor sinner, yet undamned for the sake of Christ in whom she believes.

19 This is what I want to say against the stiff-necked boasters who are always chattering: the church, the church, the church! do not know what the church is, nor what the sanctity of the church is; they go on about it, and make the church like this.

holy, that Christ must be their liar above it, and his word count for nothing at all. On the other hand, we must also boast again, church be it, church be it, however holy it may be, so Christ must not be a liar. The church itself confesses, both with teachings, prayers and faith, that it is a sinner before God, and often errs and sins; but Christ is the truth Himself, and can neither lie nor sin. Therefore, as far as the church lives and speaks in the word and faith of Christ, she is holy, and (as St. Paul says) righteous in spirit. But as far as she does and speaks without Christ's word and faith, she errs and sins. But whoever makes articles of faith out of such sinful deeds and words of the church, blasphemes both the church and Christ Himself as liars. But this is what the blind leader Pope does, with his blind sophists, who fall down and chatter that all the words and works of the church must be holy and the truth.

20 And that we come to the point: If then the holy church had taken up and changed both forms, it does not follow that it should be considered right, because Christ's words are clearly against it, but it should be considered an error and sin of the church, which should be corrected and atoned for after it is recognized, and not deny and defend sin with the false Saul, which Samuel calls idolatry 1 Sam. 15:20, 23. But now the church did not do it, and did not change both forms, but had to suffer it as a free violence of the spiritual tyrants, who, according to their will, stole such things from under the church's name, as murderers; and now, when the church cries out and demands such robbery again, they rage even more, and want to defend their tyrannical robbery against God and Christ's word. But they shall succeed in this, as Cain and Saul succeeded in their raging. The church, which until now has had to suffer such robbery and has been deceived by the false priests, has therefore remained undamned. For it did not do it, but suffered alone, and often acted contrary to it. Even though it had sinned ignorantly and deceived, all was forgiven for the sake of Christ in whom it believed.

(21) It is also evident that there is a great difference between doctrines and life, the same as between the two.

1676 Erl. (s.) 25,61-63. sect. 11. the other Reichstag treaty. No. 1157. w. xvi. 2029-2032. 1677

as there is a great difference between heaven and earth. The life may well be impure, sinful and infirm; but the doctrine must be pure, holy, clean and constant. The life may be lacking, which does not keep all that the doctrine wants; but the doctrine (says Christ Matth. 5, 18.) does not have to be lacking in a bag or letter, although the life may be lacking a whole word or a whole squad in the doctrine. The reason is that the teaching is God's word and God's truth itself, but the life is part of our doing. Therefore the doctrine must remain completely pure; and whoever is lacking in life and is infirm, God may well have patience and forgive; but the doctrine itself, according to which one should live, he cannot and will not suffer, nor should he suffer it. For this affects his high divine majesty itself, there is neither forgiveness nor patience, so let it be in peace and mastered.

(22) David had certainly sinned against God's commandment with his life, but since he confessed his sin and thereby confirmed God's commandment, and did not change it, but rather punished himself than God's commandment, such sin had to be forgiven him and did no harm. But Saul sinned in such a way that he justified and defended his sin, so that he blasphemed God's commandment and acted as if he were right and God were a liar and wrong; this could not be forgiven him. So here, if the church had not only been ignorant and deceived (as I said), but had also knowingly omitted both forms when it had not done so, it would not yet have been condemned. For in doing so, she would not have denied or abandoned the teachings of God, but only (like David) done against God's commandment; which must be forgiven her, because she recognized it. But to force her to condemn the doctrine of both forms and to defend herself against such a commandment of God, that is, to call God a liar, and to consider and boast of her own sin as truth and right, this cannot be forgiven, for it is sin against the Holy Spirit. The church has not done this, nor will it ever do so. She confesses, sings and confesses freely in public that she sins against God's word, both of them.

knowingly and unknowingly, and asks for forgiveness of sins; but it does not deny God's word, nor change it, nor cancel it.

For where the word of God has been given, there is no more sin, and no one can make a conscience, as Paul says in Rom. 7:7, 8: "Where there was no law, there was no sin. Where there is no sin, there is no forgiveness, nor care or request for forgiveness; just as the papists say here that both forms are not God's commandment. Because they hold this, they must continue to say that there is no sin, but that it is right to let both forms stand. But because they have no sin, they may not ask nor have forgiveness for such sin, so they go safely in their denied sins and blasphemy into the abyss of hell. This is enough to show that the church cannot make an article of faith out of it. For she is a sinner and sins daily, both unknowingly and knowingly, and our faith must be based on God's word alone in all articles, and without God's word no article of faith is to be tolerated.

(24) Above this, it is also a lie that the whole church is condemned by us if we condemn the doctrine of the One Form. For the papal church alone holds the One Form, yes, it suffers from the end of Christ, but all other churches in the whole world hold both forms, as they have held from the beginning. And here we must also consider that we do not condemn both forms, together with the churches that consider it right, as the papists cry out that their church, caught under the end Christ, should not be condemned. For the other churches hold both forms to be right, and one form to be wrong, and also shun them as wrong. If one form were to be considered right, we would first of all condemn the whole church. Therefore not we (as they cry), but they, the papists, condemn the whole Christianity, because they praise the One Form as right, against all other churches in the world from the beginning, also against knowledge and will of their church, which lies imprisoned under them.

  1. but this is the chief of all wickedness, and such shameful, impudent

1678 Erl. (S.) 25, 63-65. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, M32-2N35. 1679

Blasphemy, that is not to be said. They confess that both forms are right, and they also want to let us have the same form at Augsburg, if we also want to teach and confess that one form is also right. Then listen to the wretched devil's mouths; they confess that both forms are right, but if we do not consider the one form to be right, then ours should not be right either. Right you have (they say), but such right shall be wrong, such truth shall be lie, such commandment of God shall be forbidden, such obedience shall be sin, if you do not also give us right in the One Form.

(26) What is this but sawing, for God shall be the devil, heaven shall be hell, life shall be death, where you do not let us also be right? Dear God, where is this going? To confess that the word of God is right and true, and yet to condemn, forbid, heresy, rebuke, and to murder and torment people over it, where one does not want to make oneself partaker of their sin, and say that they are also righteous. Why do they not let us have such a right, which they themselves confess, and do they go with their one figure, without us, wherever they want to go? If it is right, they will find it well; why do they want to weigh us down with their deeds? Yes, why do they pursue the right in us, which they themselves confess? But such horrible, terrible, raging blasphemy will put an end to the game, and provoke Christ to come; for it is too hard and too much, it will surely tear the sack.

(27) I will now leave it alone, since in this edict they condemn those who make vain bread and wine of the sacrament. For now all the world knows well that we do not teach such things, but have opposed them to the highest degree; and it would have been fitting for such Edict's masters to show a little gratitude, and to praise us in such an article, and not to mock us with blind words, as we are not ashamed (praise God!) to praise and extol what we find good in the papal church. For we know, praise God, that if the Lutherans had not received the Sacrament, the papists would have failed. But let such ingratitude also pass; the pious heretics, the Lutherans (who are their protection and umbrella), do not like it; therefore, they should be treated with respect.

other heretics come, who will not deal with them, as the Lutherans do; they shall give them room, without their thanks, the same shall make us Lutherans pious; what is the point?

28 But that they indicate causes why one figure should be needed, namely: there is as much under one figure as under both; although I have otherwise written much against it, I must again indicate it to the blind guides. The question here is not whether there is as much or less under one form? Such evasive speeches indicate that one shuns the light, and the truth is shy; but this is the question, here lies the knot, here one should stand and answer, namely: whether one must keep God's word or not? But God has set His word that both forms are right, and not one form. If all the leaves and the grass, all the stars in the sky and the grains of sand on the sea cried out for eternity, saying, "There is as much under one form as under both," no heart will be satisfied, but the conscience overrules all this and says this very thing: Dear, you tell me many things, that there is as much under one form as under both; God's word nevertheless stands there, and orders me nevertheless to use both forms, and he knows without doubt better than all of you whether there is as much under one form as under both; nevertheless he orders to use both forms. What shall a poor conscience say against such God's word, command and order, because it does not help that under one form there is as much as under both?

29 For I reckon that under one form there is a thousand times more than under both; indeed, if under both forms there is nothing, and under one form there is everything, what good is that to me? Nevertheless, God's word remains of both forms, and does not ask how much or little I count under one or both forms? And a poor conscience must say: Dear, there is nowhere as much under one form as under both, namely, under one form is only half of the words of God or his command, but under both forms are the words of God both and completely. Dearly beloved, it is not true that the words of God are out of sight, and that with God

1680 Erl. (2.) 25,65-67. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1157. W. XVI,2035 -2037. 1681

How much is under one or both of them. It is said: "He who is of God hears the Word of God" John 8:47. The word, the word (I say) must be regarded more than the whole sacrament with all that it is and can do. For it is in the word that it lies, and where it is to be divorced and eaten, one should let the whole sacrament go before leaving a few letters or tittle of the words. But now they do not ask anything about the word of God, and in the meantime they seal a whole sacrament in a half sacrament, for they are despisers of God and blasphemers of His word!

(30) If the edict here almost says that no innovation should be made here, then even such smart alecks and blasphemers should take themselves by the nose, who reproach God's word for an innovation, even though they know that they are lying here, as the public evil-doers. For they know that God's word of both forms is not an innovation, but was established by Christ Himself, and has been obediently kept by the church for more than fifteen hundred years. They themselves, however, are the ones who have devised an innovation against the old and eternal Word of God and the practice brought to all of Christendom up to this point, with their one form; now go and baptize their new poems for an old thing, and the eternal Word of God together with the whole Christian Church obedience for an innovation, thereby not only disgracing the whole holy Christian Church, as an erroneous, damned whore, who did not keep the right old Word of God, but has adopted a heretical innovation, but also the eternal God Himself as a liar and fool, who has not previously ordered His holy word of both forms through Christ in the Lord's Supper, but has recently done so against their foolish poetry. Well, blaspheme confidently, dear Pabstesel, because you have time, it will soon be different! However, no one can keep such edicts, except the children of the devil. God protect all Christians for this!

The other piece is about the mass. This laudable edict states that both the common mass and the special mass (they want to speak politely of the corner mass, and call them special masses, as if the church had two different masses or sacraments) should be held, together with

the chant, prayer, ceremonies, dress and orders, also the inculcation and posture of the major and minor canons, is kept as before, and in which no change nor innovation is to be made 2c. There you have it all at once, what you should do and what you should not do, without the word of the holy Cardinal Campegii, when he answered the emperor and spoke of the angular masses: he wanted to be torn to pieces before he would let the mass go or change. For with this word, as with an inspiration of the Holy Spirit, the mass would be confirmed, and at the same time our confession would be established by the holy Gospels, as they boast above. For how can it be that such a holy man's word should not be the holy gospel and the inspiration of the Holy Spirit? It should truly be considered so, lest he be torn to pieces.

  1. Now then, you hear for the second time that the intercession of the Holy Spirit (which is the head and reason of this edict) is over the holy Gospels, and that our confession (which condemned such a mass through the Gospels) is nevertheless transferred through the Gospels, as they boast above in the beginning; Not that such poets are to be considered drunk, for they have soberly made such edict, but that they are mad and foolish (through God's wrath) and do not see how shamefully they lie against themselves, namely, that they praise the Evangelia, so that they want to have our confession mislaid, and nevertheless continue to act against the Evangelia, according to their pronouncement, and should always be their spirit's pronouncement Evangelia and over all Evangelia. But it must be that a liar must be a forgotten man, who cannot think how beginning and end rhyme together.

33 Since the Holy Spirit and the holy Gospels (so that our confession is transferred and their mass is confirmed) say that the mass should be kept as before and that no change should be made, you may well think that in the holy Gospels both canons, chalice and chalice, plates and caps, hearing and howling, must be found; item, a

1682 Erl. (2.) 25, 67-69. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2037-2010. 1683

Sell the mass for six pennies to the souls in purgatory, to the sailors on the sea, to the merchant on the land, to the sick in the house, and help everyone in all matters with it, to court the angels and saints in heaven with it, and all in all, to make a treasure market and trade out of the mass, to feed and honor the belly with it, and neither speak nor hear anything about the faith nor comfort of the souls, just as has been done so far. Such, I say, must all be in the holy Gospels. For they have laid our confession (which condemns such abominations) with the holy gospels, and confirmed such things. Yes, my brother, how do you think about these masters? It is often said that eagles and lynxes see sharply; but they are blind as a bat to these masters, who can see in the Gospels both canons, garments, and all kinds of masses. These may be called truly sharp doctors, who have sat higher than among the chickens.

34 Here you see that the desperate and evil-doers act with us out of pure evil and spite, and so publicly and shamefully blaspheme the reverend Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord; not only do they not want to atone for or do away with the unspeakable, countless, horrible abuses of the Mass, but they also want to confirm them, defend them, and increase them forever. Oh God from heaven! Is this not too high and too much superiority? Won't you look at it once in a while? Does this not cry out to you from heaven, when has any sin ever cried out to heaven? Shall not those go unpunished who blaspheme thy name, how then do these most heinous blasphemers go so freely? Shall not the Turk and all the plagues have luck against us? Should not those who hear and see such blasphemies like Lot in Sodoma 2 Pet 2:8 almost despair of sins?

  1. But it is sufficiently proved, and no pabst will overthrow it, that the mass is the Word and Sacrament of God, which he offers and gives to us; for there are the bright, dry words: "Jesus took bread, gave thanks, and broke it, and gave it to his disciples, saying, 'This is my body, which is given for you.

will. Likewise also the cup" 2c. Matth. 26,26.27. Marc. 14,22. Luc. 22,19. 1 Cor. 11, 23. ff. In these words we remain, in these words we stand, in these words we want to live and die (if God wills), in these words the mass is founded. Here you do not find that we should buy and sell the sacrament or the mass. Here you do not find that we offer or give anything to God with it. Here you do not find that we should honor the saints with it. Here you do not find that souls should be bought out of purgatory with it. Here you do not find that one may help the other from sins and all kinds of distress through the mass, as both of their blasphemous canons and their teachers do, and as they recently saw in the Gospels at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg, and learned by speaking. For before, they found it in no gospel; but when they should have mislaid our confession, the gospels fully, fully, fully and completely confirmed it all.

(36) But here we find Christ saying, "Given for you for the remission of sins. Forgiveness of sins is to be sought and found here for eternal life, and to remember the Lord Jesus Christ, preaching his suffering until he comes. Do not say: Sacrifice or give Me something in the mass, but say: Take you (not I) and eat you (not I), drink you (not I). We, we are to receive and take here; but he gives and gives. Now if not only the two canons, but as many canons were against these words as raindrops on earth, and if every pabstle and mule were more than a thousand Gabriels in heaven, and cried for ever sacrificial mass, sacrificial mass! what would all this be against such bright words of Christ? And as said above, if it were possible that the whole of Christianity would keep the mass as such Pabstels want, what would it be then? Christ's word must still stand, and be more valid than the church, for Christ's word is God's word; all creatures must yield to it and honor it, and not suffer it to be a false liar, as the wretched Pabstists blaspheme it here.

  1. and how they alone have this sacra-.

1684 Erl. (2.) SS, SS-72. sec. II. The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1157. W. XVI.2040-2043. 1685

ment thus made a sacrifice of purchase? Why did they not also make baptism and all its seven sacraments a sacrifice? If the other sacraments are all gifts of God, which we do not give, but receive and accept, how must this one sacrament, as a child of God, not be equal to the others, and also remain such a gift of God? Must this alone be concluded from the definition or nature of all sacraments? But what shall I argue against the wanton blasphemers and impenitent pabstles? It is as the bishop of Salzburg said: Oh, what do you want to reform us priests! We priests have never been good. So do not be good and do not remain good, in the name of your god, the devil! How dare you reform us, who confess that we are good and right? Is it not enough that you are evil-doers and traitors to God, as you impudently boast yourselves to be, but do you also want to force us righteous ones to be lost with you and never to be good? These are not words of human malice, but if the devil himself wants to speak in the most diabolical way, how could he make it more diabolical, because thus: We are not good, and also do not want to be good, but also do not want others to be good nor remain good.

(38) For the sake of brevity, I will leave aside what else the edict says about confirmations and anointings, for it is nothing else, neither their holy intercession nor the new holy evangels, so that they have mislaid our confession; which evangels they have now found in Augsburg in the smoke hole or secret chamber, that is, they have invented and lied out of their false, lying heart. For our evangelicals, so known in all the world, know nothing of their confirming and anointing, but they have to work and make sacraments where there are none, and where there are, they have to make sacrifices and our work out of it, so that they do not celebrate and go idle.

The third piece is about free will. There they mumble about as if they had hot porridge in their mouths, without having to spit out their poison, and so it reads: "Because of free will, because the same error with its appendages is not human, but animal.

and is blasphemy, it should not be held, taught, or preached" 2c. From this no one can know which error they condemn, whether it be those who hold no free will; or those who hold all free will; or those who hold half or a little of free will. For they themselves have never been one among themselves, nor will they ever be one as to what free will should be; they pick and bite at it themselves, like mad swine among themselves, and yet condemn the error of free will, and give no name to the error; therefore we must measure such their judgment by their heart and not by their mouth. But their heart is hostile to us; therefore, of course, their mouth will mean our teaching.

(40) This is another new art, which they have learned from the discourse and from the new gospels, namely, that they themselves do not know what free will is, nor can they ever know it or become one; nevertheless they boast about it and condemn the doctrine of free will out of hand. For if they were to teach me what free will is, they would certainly have to answer me thus: One teacher says this, the other that, and the high schools are still divided about it. If I then asked further, which is the best teacher, they do not know either, but each one follows and dares to follow his doctor. But in this they are nevertheless one, that they condemn our doctrine, just as Pilate and Herod, quite hostile to one another, became one about Christ. So this edict teaches us here that we should avoid our doctrine, and instead let them lead us on a monkey's tail; and the opinion is: You have unrighteous doctrine, but we do not yet have certain right doctrine. These are called, with leave, great, coarse asses' heads, who condemn a thing, since they themselves confess that they neither know nor understand it. For who can know what is error in free will who does not yet know for certain what free will is or is not?

(41) This, of course, is quite an animal error, and not a human error, to condemn and yet confess that they do not know what it is; and this much is said: What we know, we do not know.

1686 Erl. (2.) SS, 72-74. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 2043-2045. 1687.

The new holy Gospels have taught us this at Augsburg. It is as if the highly learned and noble, wise cattle, the swine, decided at their imperial diet: We sows command that no one should think that muscats are noble spices; but what they are, we do not know; but we hold, some, that they are marc, some, that they are bran, some, that they are cabbage leaves, some, that they are the delicious farmers' greaves under the fences. Our highly learned and enlightened sows at Augsburg act just as wisely here, and in the meantime scold God's truth as a beastly and blasphemous thing.

42 Since they do not intend to do more at the Diet than to show us their courage and say: What we want shall be right and wrong, regardless of whether God's word teaches otherwise, they would have left the pious emperor at home and unconcerned, since we had known before that they put the end-Christ's virtue against and above God, and everything that is called God and is honored for God 2 Thess. 2, 4. But it all goes according to the bishop's word in Salzburg: "The priests are not good, and according to Campegii's advice, who wants to be torn to pieces before he wants to be good and accept the recognized truth. Nor do I blame them for doing evil because they do not want to be good, just as little as I blame a thorn bush for pricking; I would blame a fig tree if it bore thorns, and I would blame the pope and his clergy if they once did something really good. Let the boys go.

43 Our doctrine that free will is dead and nothing is powerfully grounded in Scripture; I am speaking of free will against God and in the affairs of the soul. For what should I argue much about the free will that rules over cows and horses, over money and goods? I almost know that Gen. 1, 26.ff. God gave man dominion over cattle and over the earth. This does not belong here. If there were no other saying than the one of St. Paul 2 Tim. 2, 26: "They are captives of the devil according to his will", then we would have Scripture and reason enough.

To be captives of the devil is truly no freedom, and especially because they are so captive that they have to live according to his will; the devil's free will must certainly be his will, because they have to live according to it, as his captives. This is clearly the teaching of St. Paul, and Christ himself agrees with it, Luc. 11, 21. 22. where he says: "If the strong man keeps his court, his own remains in peace; but if a stronger man comes over him" 2c. Here Christ himself testifies that the devil possesses his own with peace, unless the stronger comes over him.

(44) We remain with this saying, for otherwise it is sufficiently and abundantly written that we also have the deed and the work itself for us, namely that Jesus Christ, the Son of God, had to redeem us from the devil, death and sins through His own blood Acts 20:28, Heb. 9:12. Now if there had been a free will in us, against or over the devil, death and sin, he would not have been allowed to die for us; and whoever can escape sin without Christ can also escape death, "For death is the punishment of sins", Rom, '6, 23. But no man has yet been found who has proven his free will over and against death, but death has proven its free will and power over all men, which it would not be able to do if sin (which is the right and power of death) had not first overpowered and captured man. We remain with this deed and article of faith in Christ, and let the papists' plea and the new gospel remain a secret. No one will convince us that Christ has redeemed us from the devil, death and sins. Where this remains, there remains no other free will than that which is captive to the devil, death, and sin. If this is a freedom, then let it be that of those who make their appeals to new evangeliis, against the right, old evangeliis.

The fourth part is about the main article of the Christian faith, namely, that only faith without works makes one righteous. They speak of this in the edict: "And since it is evident from the Scriptures that faith alone, without love and good works, does not make one righteous, and since God requires good works in many places in the Scriptures, the article

1688 Erl. (2.) 25,74-76. sect. 11. the other Reichstag farewell. No. 1157. W. XVI, 2015-2048. 1689

that faith alone makes righteous, and good works are rejected, are not preached nor taught" 2c. What they say here about not rejecting good works, they speak maliciously with blind words, to disparage us as if we reject good works, when they know otherwise that we do more good works than the whole papacy has ever done, which has never understood good works, as is otherwise sufficiently proven; nor can they cease their poisonous lies and blasphemies. And in Summa Summarum, there is not a word in this edict, it has the gloss in it: "Priests have never been good. The word transfigures all the letters of this edict.

  1. and what should such sowers understand in this high, holy article of good, if they cannot stand the lower articles, but that a man may have a woman, a woman may have a man in marriage; a man may eat and drink what God gives him and creates; a Christian may enjoy both forms of the sacrament, and the like much more. It would be a pity that such mad cattle and foul swine should smell these muscats, let alone eat and enjoy them. Let them teach and believe: Who leaves a forz in the choir shirt, that is a mortal sin, and who soaps over the altar, that is a damned one. Or that I also come to their high articles; whoever rinses his mouth with water and swallows a drop, may not say mass on that day, whoever forgets his mouth open so that a mosquito flies into his throat, may not receive the sacrament on that day, and such innumerable, glorious, excellent, high articles on which their secular church is founded. These are articles worth talking about; what should they esteem great faith and good works, such low, bad, silly things?

But because I see that the devil must always blaspheme this main article through the pillars, and cannot rest nor cease, I, Doctor Martin Luther, an evangelist unworthy of our Lord Jesus Christ, say that this article: "Faith alone, without all works, makes one righteous in the sight of God", should be left standing and remain the Roman emperor, the Turkish emperor, the doddering emperor, the Persian emperor, the pope, all cardinals, bishops, priests, monks,

Nuns, kings, princes, lords, all the world together with all devils, and shall have hellish fire on their heads, and no thanksgiving. Let this be my, Doctor Luther's, intercession of the Holy Spirit, and the right holy gospel.

48 For there is the article that the children pray: "I believe in Jesus Christ crucified and dead" 2c. There is no one who died for our sins, but JEsus Christ, the Son of God. JEsus the Son of God alone, I say again, JEsus the Son of God alone has redeemed us from sins, this is certainly true, and all the Scriptures; and if all the devils and the world should tear themselves apart and burst, it is true. But if it is he alone who takes away sin, we cannot do it by our works; for it is impossible for me to grasp and obtain such a one and only Savior from sins, Jesus, other than by faith; by works he is and remains beyond our grasp. But since faith alone, before and before works follow, grasps such a redeemer, it must be true that faith alone grasps such redemption before and without works; which can be nothing else than being justified. For to be redeemed from sins, or to have sins forgiven, must be no other than to be or become righteous 2c. But after such faith or received redemption, or forgiveness of sin, or righteousness, good works then follow, as such fruits of faith. This is our doctrine, and so teaches the Holy Spirit, and all holy Christendom, that we abide in God's name, amen.

49 After this there is an addition in the edict. There they set several articles, of benefices, of priestly marriages, of the same repentance and conversion, of their punishment, of lewd wives of the priests, of examinations of the preachers by the ordinaries. 1) It is offered to them by ours at Augsburg, and I in my exhortation to them have also des-

  1. In Luther's autograph, there is the following addition, which he himself, however, deleted: "who look at me as if it were Duke Georgen of Saxony's wisdom, for he always has such finns in his nose, to whom, if God grants me life and health, I will once answer from his preface to the New Testament and other vicious writings, and then also touch these crickets of his head".

1690 Erl. (2.) 25.76-78. cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. LVI, 2048-2050. 1691

I have also offered to gladly accept their ecclesiastical authority, or, as they call it, jurisdiction, 1) as long as they let the gospel go free and stop the abuses, which they themselves know to be abominable abuses, and they are obligated not only to let the gospel go free, but also to preach it themselves and to leave life and limb over it; Then the benefices could be well dealt with, and capable pastors appointed, and all things would have been well to help and advise. Yes, that they should yield to this, let alone do it themselves. They want to have their ecclesiastical authority to confirm their abuses, and to dampen the gospel, and to murder, burn, drown, execute and chase away devout Christians over it. This is called spiritual supremacy, relying on the power of men, which cannot fail, for men cannot die; so also God cannot hinder or control men; therefore they certainly have it, as it is written Ps. 33:16: "A king is not helped that he is mighty." Item: "A strong man cannot stand by his strength." Such sayings now give the lie to them, therefore they must surely succeed in everything.

50 Then follows an article that priests who live dishonestly or with dishonest wives should not be tolerated. Truly, here they attack things with seriousness. Fie devils, how will it be that they also attack themselves so severely; this will certainly be one of the right words and the main saying of the new gospels. But they are dark words, and may have three kinds of meaning. The first is that the priests should have no whores of their own with them, for these are dishonest women, but should go to the lords, citizens and peasants to wives and daughters, these are honest women; as that old bullfinch meant and said: We priests have become fools; when I was young, we slept with the townspeople at their wives and daughters, then the wives became dear to us, and the men also had to be dear to us, if they were to have thunder; but now every man wants to have his own whore, the wives are not dear to us.

  1. See Col.982, supra, § 77 et seq.

We have become an enemy; therefore, we are no longer counted as anything by men. This is the right and best mind of this article.

The other is that the priests should live badly without wives, that is a papal and cardinal mind, who live without wives, as Daniel proclaimed Cap. 11, 37, and the example is before the eyes in the highest holy chastity, learned from Sodoma and Gomorrah; the mind can well suffer the article, yes, I respect, their Holy Spirit's intercession means the same especially. The third is that the priests should live chastely in all things, like the angels in heaven. This mind is not their earnestness, but a mirror fencing; for they themselves know well that they cannot have so many sowers as to cut off all the priests. So it is in the day that there are few priests who can live chastely where they are not cut, although they would like to do so. It would also harm the bishops in the kitchen, where the poor priests should not give whore money and milk money. Summa, there are desperate boys in the skin that they put such an article, since they know well that it cannot be raised, and the bishops themselves and canons do not want to nor can they stop their shameful public whoring, and are the greatest whore hunters on earth, which may not be witnessed, they do it impudently before all the world, and want to force other people to chastity. Oh how fine it is when a bishop is an arch-whore hunter, and calls a poor priest to live chastely.

  1. But the most serious thing is that they herewith take God in the mouth and forbid marriage, which God created, as St. Paul says in 1 Tim. 4, 3, that such commandments are devilish doctrine, as they well know; nevertheless, they refrain from curbing God's work, creature, will and word; they pretend that the priests must keep their vow, which they made in the consecration. This vow must be the cover of shame, under which one blasphemes and desecrates God in His word and works, and also cancels and denies the first and highest vow, since we have vowed. Let him be our God, and let us honor and praise his word and work above all things. On the other hand, no vow may be valid that disgraces or dishonors his word and work, such as this vow without marriage (which is impossible to keep).

1692 Erl. (2.) L5,78-80. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1157 W. LVI, 2VS0-S0S3. 1693

Marriage blasphemes and defiles, both with blasphemous forbiddance and shameful whoring and bawdiness. But no one listens, they want to know.

They further command that one should not preach that one wants to suppress or destroy the holy gospel and God's word. That would be a piece of wisdom for once, a sober word has escaped from the drunkard. Truly, it is wisely decreed that they should not be called destroyers of the gospel. For they are not, they only act as if they wanted to destroy it. That they are not, however, is not due to a lack of good will, as the deed shows before our eyes, but to the power that God does not want them to have. Let us ask God to judge whether he will judge those who want to destroy and suppress his word with persecution, murder and burning with all their heart. I will not hold them (as they desire) to be destroyers or suppressors of God's word, nor will I reproach them, and the devil also knows to thank them for leaving it undestroyed and unsuppressed; they shall, like Caiphas, have prophesied about themselves herewith that they will not destroy nor suppress God's word, amen.

They say that the Gospel should be taught according to the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures and teachers approved by the common holy Christian Church. Here they come and bring him, the good journeyman! Dear, where can we find the Gospel interpreted according to the Scriptures? Are we drunk here, or do we dream such things? And who are the teachers approved by the common Christian church? It may be D. Eck, D. Schmid, and D. Rotzlöffel, otherwise I know of none who are approved by the common Christianity. For St. Ambrose, Augustine, and similar writings are unknown in other churches, except the Latin Church. Nor would I advise the pope himself that the Evangelia should be taught according to St. Augustine, Ambrose, Hierouymi, Gregory, Hilari, 2c. The devil should throw him, and he would not be pope for long! So the pope does not want to do it, but wants to be judge and master over all the teachers, and over the Gospels and the Holy Scriptures.

be heard alone. Moreover, this edict above has itself praised the inspiration of the Holy Spirit and the new gospels, so that they have transferred the confession of ours. What is the use of such jiggery-pokery and lies with such shameful lies? They smear our mouths as if they wanted to teach the Gospels according to the interpretation of the Scriptures; and yet their opinion is no different than to teach according to their inspiration and according to the Pope's conceit. This must be called holy scripture, as we have just heard about both forms and other things.

(55) Since the pope cannot nor will suffer this article, and also rejects this imperial edict himself and respects nothing, we would certainly be excused if we did not keep it either. But we would gladly keep it, if they would let us, which they do command; that is so much to say: They are grossly disgraceful Pabstists and liars, who themselves do not see what they say, and how their lies always disgrace themselves; and nevertheless command to keep such things for holy scripture and articles of faith. Let us stick to this rule, which St. Paul teaches us Rom. 12:7: "Let all prophecy be like faith." Those teachers who teach according to faith in Christ, we want to teach and keep. But whomsoever teacheth not according to faith, him will we neither hear nor see, whether he be pope, or emperor, or devil, or his mother. For we are baptized into Christ, that we may believe his word, and are not baptized into teachers or popes or churches. We cannot lack St. Paul's rule; but how the teachers meet in many things is sufficient for the day.

56 They then commanded that the preachers teach the observance of the commanded feast days, the avoidance of forbidden food, and the keeping of the religious to their vows, and not to reject them 2c. First of all, they said that the Gospel should be taught according to the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures. Hereupon they commanded. To keep feasts, fasts, plates and caps. Why? Because they found it in the Gospel, which should be taught according to the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures. They see so sharply that they also find feasts, fasts, plates and caps in the Gospel. But they soon have their glosses

1694 Erl. (L.) 25.80-82. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2053-20S6. 1695

They have found their own language, and what they think is right is called the gospel. Therefore they can easily see such things inside, even if they are dreaming or drunk. How shamefully such loose, careless liars listen! God blinds them in such a way that they cannot utter a word, lest they smite themselves in the cheeks and betray. Truly, I could never so shamefully reproach them nor disgrace them as they disgrace themselves with this wretched dictum of lies.

And the sum is: one should not accept any innovation in the way of the church, under penalty of life, limb and property. God protect us, they also want to take your life, if you do not use consecrated salt and water and the like 2c. But how finely the devil paints himself in this edict, and seals his art, so that one should notice that he has been there. He is a liar and a murderer, says Christ Joh. 8, 44. This edict, his controfait, image and similar fruit must also confirm this. For in the beginning they, as the true children of the devil, have put forward their lies (that is, the lies of the wicked devil) for new evangelia, and have driven them through the whole edict. Here at the end they want to murder and kill all those who do not want to keep their lies. Thus the beginning and end of this edict fit together so well that one must assume that the liar and murderer, the devil, has fed it out of his own mouth, or rather thrown it out of his butt. Fie on the shame in German lands, that one should kill a man for the sake of a small ceremony, which they themselves do not want to keep nor keep! How much God has been praised and defied. One should rather be a Turk than a disciple of such desperate boys and blasphemers. Well, well, become mature, dear liars and murderers, God will send one who shall shake the tree.

In the end, they command that the monks and monastery properties be restored and reinstated 2c. Spare, spare, spare, dear Squires, yourselves. If you were to take this commandment seriously, since the great holy God Mammon is in favor of it, where would the Cardinal of Mainz remain, who robbed two monasteries in Halle, and demolished two parish churches, and

plays with ecclesiastical persons and goods like a juggler? Where will King Ferdinand, the Dukes of Bavaria, Duke George, and other papal princes remain, who are treasuring ecclesiastical persons and goods, and are fighting so that their rinds crack; which is all against the holy ecclesiastical law, that they are patrons against the Lutherans? Yes, where will the holy father pope and cardinals remain, who in Rome have purged many monasteries, where about one and a half hundred persons lived inside, so purely that two lost monks, or a loose knave, sit inside for six ducats a year and sell mass? or do they think that one does not know what the monasteries are called, or from where the cardinals get their interest? It is said, Brother Hans, take yourself by the nose, and first tear the beam out of your eye. But the opposition and sdief new Evangelia have here soon guessed that such robbery and scuffling is the gospel taught, according to the holy scripture interpretation; there it lies!

  1. They know and feel themselves that the papal princes enjoy four times more of the spiritual goods, some also rob and steal much more of them than the Lutherans; nor are they so insolent that they think all the world has lost all five senses, that they can neither see nor feel; they want to be the guardians of the clergy, so that no one hurts the clergy as much as the very same guardians; they will also do it the longer the better, until the clergy learn what is said: "It is good to trust in the Lord and not in men" Ps. 118, 8. 9.. It serves them right, and I have to laugh in my fist when I see how they fall away from God and rely on men.

(60) I have often advised that the ecclesiastical goods should be used to maintain parishes and schools, and to support poor students; item, to provide for the visitation and other needs of parishes and churches; item, to counsel poor virgins and children; what would be left after that should be used for common benefit and for poor or needy people. But the greater part of such goods is so cursed and shamefully gained by all kinds of blasphemy and abuse that it is not worthy to come into good use. And because the pope together with all the foundations and

1696 Erl. (2.) 25, 82-85. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1157, W. XVI, 2056-20S8. 1697

If the monasteries (as the thieves and peelers) so horribly get hold of such goods that are not theirs, so shamefully fornicate, spend and squander them, and do no service for it, I do not respect it much, whether it is torn by others; it belongs to the devil, as St. Michaels Cap. 1, 7. says: "It is acquired with fornication; with fornication it must also be consumed."

This also serves this purpose, because the pabst's mouths cannot rest, they search, ponder and write, so that they say something bad about us, and even if they lie in the most impudent way; they look us over backwards and forwards, but always find too much good about us, which they cannot punish with truth. So I let them wash their mouths with this filth; they must wash their mouths with us, so let it be more this piece; it is better this than another. There is so much good in our country that such goods are nothing but dung compared to it; the pabst's mouths may blow it out as high as they can; although I hope that it will still get along well with our people, as much as it is worth that it gets along.

62 But I wonder why they did not put in the edict many other and great articles more than those of the brotherhoods, which are also not numerous, since every saint and every craft has a special brotherhood. Item, of indulgences and golden years, which are noticeably lacking. Item, of pilgrimages to Rome, Maria de Loreto, St. Jacob, Jerusalem, and many countless places more. Item, of purgatory; item, the special highest article of the papacy and supreme power of the church (I should say, of the pope). Item, that no monk shall walk, sit, or lie down without a chasuble. Item, that priests shall have plates and long skirts. Item, that they should read their horas canonicas to the least, where they do not want to pray. Item, of the false key and the key of meeting. That a bishop must buy his episcopal mantle from the pope for 3, 6, 8, 10, 20, 30 thousand florins, and yet it is not a simonei. Item, that the pope is emperor, and over the emperor, also in the secular regiment, as c. Solitae and c. Pastoralis 1) teach us.

  1. Decret. Orc^. lib. I, tit. 33. c. 6 and Idiü. lib. I, tit. 29. e. 28. (Erl. Ausg.)

Item, that with holy water and holy salt 2) sins are blotted out and the devil is cast out; I will remain silent about many other articles that are not so excellent and necessary. These, however, should be considered as the article of one form or of free will, for the Lutherans have caused great heresy in all of these.

63 But I think that they, as the wise men, have some articles, and not all of them, they want to tell as an example, in which they also want to include all others, and to understand them under that. That this is their opinion can be seen from the fact that they do everything by their own words and new gospels, and nothing according to God's word and the old true gospels. Since in the edict they call only the articles of the intercession, it is easy to assume that they mean all articles that come from the intercession. Now, they all come from the Word of God, where else could they come from, since no Word of God or Scripture teaches the same? On the other hand, one notices that they say that one should not innovate badly. In these words it is clearly expressed that one should leave everything as it was before and not change anything at all. Therefore, all other unnamed articles are certainly included, even those which they themselves confess to be blasphemous and shameful abuses and errors, the obvious lies and cheating with indulgences, sanctuary, pilgrimages and the like.

(64) Well, there you have the desperate, hardened enemies of God and blasphemers, who may command us not only to err, lie, and deceive, but also to consider such errors, lies, and cheating to be right and good, which is most grievously sinned against in the Holy Spirit. For what is it said, you shall not innovate, for this much: before you should change or innovate anything, how wrong and unjust it is (as we well know), you shall rather hold it to be right and good, and rather blaspheme God day and night into heaven, than that you should innovate? Such a decision should have been justified by such an edict, and there was no better one.

  1. In the original: "soft salt" wheat salt.

1698 Erl. (2.) 25.85-87. cap. 13. of the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 2058-2061. 1699.

so that it would shout its own shame before the world, so that even the stones and wood would feel and realize how God has blinded and defiled them, so that they would always be punished with blindness and sin above the others, as the 69th Psalm, v. 29, says: "Let them fall into one sin above another, and not come to your righteousness"; and Ps. 109, 6: "Set ungodly teachers over them, and let Satan stand at their right hand. That is right, that is how they want it. Corporal punishment is too little; but that they should be punished with sins and blindness, and gain pleasure in blaspheming the Holy Spirit, they are worthy of it; so shall God deal with such wicked men.

65 Whether some would like to pretend piety here, and pretend that the forbidden innovation does not refer to errors and deception, but to the acceptable and proper ceremonies and doctrine: Dear, this gloss does not exist, since the edict lies in the day, in which all Lutheran articles are condemned, and not one papal article. That some would be moved to the sign, since the monks have consoled the Christian souls, so acquired by Christ's blood, in death with their cap and holy order, that they should be saved by such dress and the order's merit. No, no, there is no error to be confessed, atoned for, or corrected, but only our articles, which they know to be not ours, but of the Holy Scriptures, and have nothing against them but their old custom. Therefore, because they do not name any papal article, and forbid all renewal on it, they thereby give room and authority to all preachers to keep all errors and lies, and do not allow one to be changed. Qui tacet, consentire videtur. Who wants to name an error, if the edict does not name one, and so strictly denies all innovation? They are vain arch-rogues, in all their words and works, into which they must fall through God's wrath.

66 Although I know of several fools among bishops and princes who confess that there is much error in the papacy, they argue that it is not Luther's duty to change, just as the Cardinal of Salzburg had said that he might well suffer our teaching, but that he would not be able to change it.

from the corner, that is not to be tolerated. Therefore, if they had condemned Luther before, they would then come and do what Luther does, so that they would have the honor and glory of having done such a great work of reformation. The great, coarse fools do not realize that they hereby clearly indicate how they do not seek God's praise and glory, but their own glory and honor in such actions. Awe yes, the Holy Spirit is gladly with them, and God gladly gives them great happiness! For where they sought God's glory and honor, they would not ask much from which corner or person good came, but would say thus: Is it right, why does one not do it: Fiat justitia, et pereat mundus. As also St. Paul 1 Cor. 14, 30. gives that, where it is revealed to another than the chief teacher, the chief teacher should be silent and follow. Yes, dear one, yes, God's Word will let itself be called God's Word, or not God's Word, according to the person, that where the person is great, it should be God's Word, where not, it should not be God's Word. But fools are fools, and can do nothing but fool Proverbs 27:22.

(67) If God does not require you to do a work, who are you, fool, to undertake it? In the Book of Maccabees Cap. 5, 56. ff. we read that Joseph and Asariah also wanted to do honor with wars against the Gentiles, but they were not commanded to do so, and were beaten thoroughly. On this the text v. 62. says: "They were not the people to help Israel." To a good work belongs a certain divine calling, and not one's own devotion, which is called: oak suggestions. 1) It becomes sour for those who have a certain calling from God to start and accomplish something good, even though God is with them and with them. What should the senseless fools do, who want to go up without a profession, seeking their own honor and glory? Just as it is not possible otherwise, whoever undertakes something without God's calling, must seek his own honor and glory, for he is God himself, teaches

  1. See St. Louis edition, vol. VIII, 61, note 3. The Erlangen edition reads here: "eigen".

[1700]{.underline} Erl.(s.) 25, 87f.iv9f. Sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1157s. W. XVI, 2061-2063. 1701

They do not need God and his word to do anything about it. That is why they are so blissful, and why their actions are like those of the crab, as can be seen and experienced daily.

But I, Doctor Martinus, was called and forced to become a doctor without my thanks, out of pure obedience; so I had to accept the office of doctor, and swear and vow to my most beloved holy scripture to preach and teach it faithfully and purely. Over such teaching, the papacy fell in my way and tried to prevent it; it also came upon me as if before my eyes, and it shall still come upon me worse and worse, and shall not be able to defend itself against me. I will walk in God's name and calling on the lion and viper, and trample the young lion and dragon underfoot, and this shall begin with my life and be directed after my death. St. John Hus prophesied about me when he wrote from prison in Bohemia: "They will roast a goose now (because Hus is called a goose); but for a hundred years they will hear a swan singing, and they shall suffer it, and it shall remain so, whether God wills it.

This is what I want to say about this edict as a gloss. If I am alive and someone is nursing me, then I can still itch and scratch very much. But let no one be afraid of this edict, which they so shamefully lie about and omit under the pious emperor's name. Should they not let out their lies under a pious emperor's name, if they have started and maintained their whole blasphemous, shameful nature, status, doctrine, life, and what they are and do, all under the name of God and the holy church, now over six hundred years ago? But the same our dear God wanted to put an end to such blasphemy one day, and to sanctify his name again, so that his kingdom would also come one day, and his will be done, amen, amen. And let the blasphemous papacy and all that is attached to it fall into the abyss of hell, as John proclaims in Apocalypsi Revelation 14:8, 18:2, 22:20, amen; say whoever wants to be a Christian, amen.

1158. D. Martin Luther's writing "against the assassin at Dresden", written to save the "Warning to his dear Germans".

Towards the end of April 1531. 1)

As an introduction to this paper, one should read what we have added to the 19th volume of our edition in the introduction, p. 22d f. We have spoken about the expression "Meuchler" in No. 25, Note 2, in the appendix of the 19th volume, Col. 1822 ff. The first printing appeared under the title: "Widder den Meuchler zu Dresen gedrückt. Wart. Luther. Wittemberg. 1531." At the end: "Gedruckt zu Wittemberg Durch Hans Lufft. M.D.XXX I." 4 quarto sheets. In the same year, there is another edition, in which the printing errors of the first one are corrected. Furthermore, an edition, although under Lufft's name, but still a reprint, with the year 1531, and finally a Low German, without indication of the place (at Magdeburg, Mich. Lotther). In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 4596; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 303; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 559; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 336; in the Erlangen (1st), vol. 25, p. 89 and in the second edition, vol. 25, p. 108. According to the latter, we give the text.

The papists have now let a book of shame go out against me at this Leipzig 2) market. And although they have hitherto cried out splendidly against the books of shame, so that before great respectability and virtue they have also called the books books of shame, since the names of the poets were printed on them, it is even vain virtue with such people. But this booklet has no name, and is printed in Dresden, where there is no boys' school, as in Wittenberg, and a village priest in Cöllen near Meissen must praise and extol it. What can I say? If the papists did anything else, they would not be papists; they should do all kinds of the highest knavery, and yet be called benevolent; what other people do in the best of ways should be called the worst. But all this serves me that my next two books may be confirmed and proved, that one must grasp how I have told the truth, and have not lied about what I have written about the papists.

  1. To this time determination the following is to be noticed: According to the first words of this writing and what is said K 50, the same is written during the Leipzig fair. In 1531 Easter was on April 9, the Easter fair therefore from April 24 to May 13. On May 8, she was already in Dresden, as Luther reports in No. 1163 of this volume to Brück.
  2. Original: "Leipzigen".

1702 Erl. (2.) 25,110-112, Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 2063-2065. 1703

2 Well, it is truly artificially concealed, that must not be said; no one should know where it comes from. I don't want to know it either, but want to have the snuff this time, and not smell the bachante; nevertheless, I will try my art, and hit the sack: If I hit the donkey with it, so that he feels it, I will not have hit him, but only the sack; and as I stated before, I will attack no papist alone, but all of them, be it one or many, who attack me; what one does, they shall all have done to me, and I will expose to their noses their papist virtue, committed in this booklet.

The first is (as said) that the poet of this booklet, the dear layman, 1) conceals his name, and yet brings it to the priest at Cöllen, who also does not name him.

4 The other, that he immediately, in the title and in the beginning, disgracefully blames and blasphemes me and my book, as if I had taught that one should not be obedient to the emperor, although the impudent villain knows otherwise, and my book convinces him tremendously differently. So now almost all the world knows that no one has written so gloriously about the emperor and obedience as I have; and what the papists know about it, they got from me, before they knew nothing about it; but (as I said) my books must be proved right with such perfidies; and they, the papists, if I could not scold them enough, they must scold and disgrace themselves with the deed, and call out their own name like the cuckoo.

The third, that he scolds me seditiously, and as the one who wants to make the Germans dislike the emperor and oppose all authority 2c. This he denies as an arch-villain, and as a true pope; and if he is worthy of honor, or has a good drop of blood in his body, let him stand up freely, and prove the same. There are my books in the day, marked with my name, which shall happily stand in front of the nose of this scribbler and assassin, and thus say: If emperor or supreme authority wants to get against God and right, then no one shall be obedient to them, especially who knows such.

  1. Duke George of Saxony, the author of the "Counterwarning of an Impartial Layman".

The villain wants to make me believe that I have completely disobeyed the emperor and the authorities. So I hear, St. Moritz and the holy ten thousand knights (as they are called) must also be rebellious, rebellious and eternally damned, that they threw away their weapons and did not want to obey the emperor to fight against the Christians; And every subject, if his mad fool (I want to say prince) wanted to fight against God and get justice, would also have to be disobedient, rebellious and rebellious, if he did not want to be obedient, and help to shed innocent blood.

(6) See, my dear reader, whether Luther lied in his two little books, since he scolded the papists as traitors, murderers, evil-doers, and, alas! not enough. This villain wants to teach us the virtue of the papists, namely, that the subjects should not be disobedient where the authorities want to shed innocent blood against God and justice. For Luther wrote of the same tyrants, and not of the authorities, who have right good things, as the books lie there and testify. Nor does he write against it, and wants to defend the obedience of such tyrants. Where authority is right, he himself knows well, the fearful villain, what Luther writes about obedience. No, fellow, you shall not adorn or cover your murderous, treacherous tyranny with the name of rebellion or disobedience. 2) I have well kept my little book in the play and put a stake in front of it for all blasphemers, so that whoever opposes it shall run up honestly, like this assassin.

The fourth is when he shows how the Lutherans are arming themselves with orders, with conspiring and alliances, which does not happen with the emperor and his own, but the emperor, as the most kind and gentle lord, has always acted to settle things amicably and peacefully 2c. Of the dear Emperor Carol I consider it certain that this is so; I also know well that his imperial majesty has been kinder and gentler at Augsburg, and still is, than the bloodthirsty tyrants and priests would like, and that they have become almost mad with malice, that his imperial majesty has acted in such a way.

  1. Thus the Wittenbergers. Original: "Disobedience".

1704 Erl. (2.) 25, H2-H4. Sect. 11: The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1158. W. XVI, 2065-2068. 1705

Majesty did not want to be a bloodhound with them. But that this evil-doer goes on to say that the others are also like this, he denies as an arch-villain: for, as now said, they have become almost mad with malice, since the pious emperor did not want to rage with them; that is clear in the day, as we will hear later.

  1. But that the Lutherans should arm themselves and gather together is none of my business; I have neither told them to do so nor advised them to do so, nor do I know anything about what they do or do not do. But because the papists indicate through this assassin that they believe the Lutherans are in armament and order, I am glad to hear it from the heart, and I am glad that they are under such delusion and worry, and must believe that such Lutheran pretensions are true. And if I could, I would gladly help to strengthen such delusion and worry in them, until they had to fear to death, and would sing such a song from them: "Squire Cain, if you can strangle your brother Habet, you will also have your reward, that you must tremble and fear that whoever meets you will kill you, and you will never be safe, and even a rustling leaf must frighten you. If Annas and Caiphas can persecute Christ, they also have their reward, that they may be afraid of the people, saying, Awe, Awe, lest there be an uproar among the people Matt. 26:5.

(9) So also our murderers, who have shed so much innocent blood and still want to shed it, shall have the plague that they must worry and fear that there will be a riot; and even if the Lutherans do not arm themselves, they shall still worry that Germany is full of armed Lutherans, and shall not think otherwise than that this year no tree will bear leaves, but instead only Lutheran cuirassers and riflemen; that is what they shall have. So I have asked and still pray, as it is written: Fugit impius nemine persequente, that they may be frightened and despair of their own thoughts. Rather, yes, you should be murdered, and say: Mercy juniors, you are right, you must not fear; whoever does not help you is rebellious. Yes, you should be ordered to do it!

(10) Now, if it were true that the Lutherans were preparing themselves, who told you that

Do they do it against you murderers and papists? Or who gave you the divine power to judge other people's hearts and minds? Aren't there enough dangerous times now, which need an honest, final armor in all places? But you do right, and speak as a pope should speak. Now I also suppose that such armor should apply against you murderers and traitors, so I still say, as I said, where they do it, in the opinion that they defend themselves against the bloodhounds, who want to shed innocent blood against God and right, then I will not let them rebelliously rebuke. This is what is written in my books; you write against this evil-doer, and you want such bloodhounds to be free, and whoever resists, I shall rebuke him rebelliously; you shall not persuade me to do this. Thou knowest that I speak of bloodthirsty tyrants, and not of the authorities, who have right things; thou hast nevertheless sent my words, as a venomous villain.

  1. The fifth, that he scolds me, that I am lying, just like sam 1) it would be true that the papists want to make war against the Lutherans, and as he said above, that the emperor and his own do nothing of the kind 2c. Here I say, where the assassin does not know how things stand, and stood at Augsburg, so I have never seen a greater, coarser fool, who may write of unknowable things so prolifically, and he should be called, not Moron Morotaton, but septies Morian. 2) But if he knows it, he is next to the pope the greatest villain on earth, and should be called the pope himself. I want to show the causes of my poetry, so that everyone can see whether I have invented it or whether the assassin is right.

First, as I also reported in my booklet, it was decided at Bononia, 3) that the emperor should subdue the Lutherans with the sword. They cannot deny this, and it is not my poem, but publicly spoken and heard at Augsburg.

13 Item, this is evident, and not my

  1. "gleich sam" == equal to. Thus the Jena edition separates the words correctly. In the Wittenberg and in the Erlangen: "gleichsam".
  2. Siebe St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 1823, note 2.
  3. Compare St. Louis edition, Vol. I V, 1417, 818.

1706 Erl. (2.) 25,114-116. cap. 13. of the imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2068-2071. 1707

poem that they have killed, burned, drowned and shamefully murdered many individual persons, and still do so. From this everyone must conclude how they intend to suppress the Lutherans by force, wherever they can. And they made no secret of it; they even asked and urged the emperor to do so. But since the Lutheran princes are not single persons, it is to be expected that they would have to be subdued by war. The executioner at Leipzig will not behead the Elector of Saxony. The executioner in Mainz will not behead the landgrave either, and so on.

Item 14: When ours delivered their confession at Augsburg, a pope said, Oh, they deliver a book written in ink; I would that one wrote them another in blood; to which another answered: Yes, if you want to write like that, you must also see to it that the presils are not splashed under your eyes. I did not invent such a thing.

15 Item, D. Eck said: Ah, if the emperor in the entry into Germany would have struck with the sword, as it was decided at Bononia! That is not my poem either.

Item 16: The bishop of Salzburg spoke with Magister Philipps and said: "I have often thought about the matter and have seen four ways or means, more cannot be. The first way, that we follow you Lutherans and give way; we do not want to do that. The other, that you Lutherans give way to us; you cannot do that (as you say). The third, transactio, that one should provide adequate means, and a union on both sides should take place. This is not possible. For since the doctrines on both sides are against each other, no peace nor right unity can remain. Therefore the fourth is that each side should think how it will outdo the other side. If this is not said of the will to war, I do not know what can be said of wars.

  1. but I would have known another way, which should have been the fifth, namely, that Christ would remain seated at the right hand of God, and make His enemies His footstool [Ps. 110:11. but so they must lead out, and confess that they will not

They suffer from God's word, and only think of murdering and killing, so that one may know what one has in them and what one should consider them to be. The same bishop also said: What conscientia, what conscientia! the emperor will not suffer such separation.

Item 18: The Elector of Brandenburg and Duke George of Saxony are said to have promised the Emperor that they will help him against the Lutherans with five thousand horses.

Item 19: The priests are said to have promised immense money for this purpose.

20 Item, without my writing there has been such rejoicing, rejoicing, and rejoicing among all the priests for two years that the earth has rung out with it. How they have defied the emperor! How they have sung: Salvator venit, Salvator venit! They bet a lot that the Lutherans would all be defeated around Michaelmas; in the same way, great lords and earls boasted, some of whom were soon slain by the drip.

Item 21: At Augsburg, nothing else was said by the papists during the entire Diet, except: Where do you Lutherans want to stay? Where are you going? Do you not see the great power of the emperor? Do you not see his great happiness? Do you not know that the King of France stands with us? And there has been neither a measure nor an end to the dread and defiance, and I have not invented anything at that time.

Item 22: In his farewell speech, the Elector of Brandenburg said that the Emperor and the Empire wanted to put life, blood and property, land and people on it.

  1. item, I have heard from great truthful people, that on the side of the Papists the angry tyrants have walked and sat with their faces downcast, and could not be looked at differently, as if the executioner had had them on the rope for three days, that one had to see in them, what they had in mind for wickedness, murder and misery. Just as the prankster Cain also hung his head and covered his face, because he wanted to kill his brother Habel Gen. 4:5, 6. So it has this mort-
  1. Drop in the brain that causes disease and death. See St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 644, note 2.

1708 Erl. (2.) 28,116-118. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1158. W. XVI, 2071-2073. 1709

When they decided on war and murder, they could no longer look at anyone because of the restlessness and evil thoughts of their hearts.

I will now keep silent what the bishop of Salzburg is supposed to have said. I will also now remain silent as to how it stood when the Landgrave of Hesse rode out of the Diet.

25 Item, D. Schmid, the future bishop of Constantinople (salvo jure Turei), said publicly before the empire: it would be true that a concilium should be made, because there were many infirmities and abuses in the church; but nevertheless, the emperor should restrain the Lutherans beforehand, so that it would not have to be said that they had to reform for the sake of an impotent monk.

(26) And again, behold the noble fruits, how they profess our doctrine to be right, and yet condemn it, and war against it, and murder it. Their own right says that a single person, where he has better reason and scripture than a concilium, should give way to a whole concilium, and they lead to this the example of the Concilii Niceni, which followed the one man Paphnutio. But what do our proud, coarse asses do here? They say that what Luther writes is true, but because we have not taught it this way, but a fainthearted monk, the emperor shall put a sword to it. These are called papists, who respect neither God's word nor their own right. They freely confess that they do not want to respect it, but murder and do as they please.

27 Do you see now, you assassin, who they are who want to start wars and not keep peace? Whether they are your murderous bloodhounds, the Papists, or my Lutherans? Nor may you, impudent villain, adorn yourself and your bloodhounds that they act peacefully and do not want to make war, and publicly present ours as rebels and peacebreakers; If you hear here, and otherwise know well, that the people of Augsburg have asked so warmly, humbly, patiently, most earnestly and unceasingly for peace, have never given any threats or insistence, nor have they ever thought of doing anyone any harm, and still today desire nothing else but such peace, and would gladly be silent, that if the

If the heart of the bloodhound had been vain and closed peace in it, it should have been softened by such a humble, heartfelt, Christian request to let peace out.

28 But nothing helped, everything had to be cut off, and in short, they urged and indicated that they wanted to wage war, murder, and suppress; this is what the Diet decided, and this is the final verdict.

Now come here, dear assassin, and talk to us, your papists want to be peaceful, and the Lutherans want to war. I am surprised that Duke George suffers such a shameful book of lies in Dresden, who wants to be so pious that he does not want to suffer an evil book even in foreign principalities. If such a book had gone out against him in this principality, as this book against our princes, help God, how heaven and earth should shake!

30 Squire Assassins, listen now, we want to talk to you. Since peace has been publicly denied to our people, and war and murder have been publicly prophesied and decreed, tell me, who is the first here to plunge the knife and draw it? Who is sowing the seeds of war? Is it he who kneels down there and humbly says: I ask for God's sake, keep peace, I want to keep peace gladly; or is it he who says: No, you villain, you have to hold out, I want to strangle you, nothing can help that. Hoi, Squire Assassin, whistle up, let us hear your verdict! Whistle at your book, yes, whistle at your forehead and heart, that you may so brazenly present your assassin and shameful lies before all the world, and so wickedly lie to such pious people, and praise and adorn such obdurate bloodhounds. But you are a papist; that is why the abominations of the papacy oppress you, that you must become so mad and spew out such shame.

31 Therefore I say again, as before, because the Lutherans have not threatened anyone, have not intended to harm anyone, but have asked for peace; again, the papists have refused peace, and have threatened with wars, and still insist and threaten that no one can provide for them except wars, and have warned all the hour of the strokes.

1710 Erl. (2.) 25, 118-120. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2073-2076. 1711

must. Now where such a part, which asks for peace and cannot obtain it, stands up to defend itself, which I neither call nor advise, I will not (I say) reproach it rebelliously, nor let it be reproached, but the other part I will call sacrilegious, tyrannical, treacherous and murderous, and so reproach it myself. Thus it is written in my booklet, if you would have opened your mouth and nose as an assassin, since you could not see with your eyes. Now you think you want to interpret my words and turn them into a contradiction; no, assassin, you are not the man who should teach D. Luther to speak German, or take his words from him and interpret them to your liking.

(32) But that thou dost boast with blind words that one does not see that the papists are arming themselves as the Lutherans do 2c. This I truly believe, that it is not seen; for I do not see it, neither do many others, as little as I see the armor of the Lutherans. But how, if you were one who could see it and know it, and yet would persuade us, because we do not see it, should there be no truth in it? Who would believe that you are not arming yourselves, because you are preparing for war and have decided, as we have heard? Or perhaps you were armed long ago, and must not arm yourselves, and are now smearing our mouths with such words: We will not arm ourselves now, for you have already done so. For I cannot reckon how the Elector of Brandenburg and Duke George of Saxony could promise the emperor five thousand horses if they were so completely unarmed, for it is well known that they are not capable of so much.

33 I also know well what practices were carried out two years ago and up to now, now in Breslau, now in Dessau, now in Leipzig and more places 2c. And what a murderous council was held at Mainz, as is known; and many today are still of the opinion that the princely Rotterianism and alliance of two years ago was certainly true, and now say that since it could not continue the same time, it has nevertheless tried the Emperor, and finally played out to the point that at Augsburg it is now being considered as an alliance.

  1. The so-called Pack Alliance; see No. 829ff. in this volume.

now get the emperor's name, and would like to come out under the emperor's mantle. But whoever wants to believe that, I know that now, after the Imperial Diet, the papists have taken great pains to prepare themselves secretly and to order horses, but they have not been able to find what they were looking for.

34 If they are not equipped (which I will never believe), they will certainly be sorry that they cannot equip themselves. For there is no lack of good will, as is proven by the above-mentioned pieces. What else is your high glory, then, you shameful assassin, that you say that your bloodhounds are not seen to be arming themselves, but a great, thick, strong lie, which you know that they have been arming themselves for a long time, and in short want to fight where they can, and have completely cut off peace?

I will tell you something else. If you say true and do not deny that your bloodhounds are not arming themselves, and ours are arming themselves; if it is true (I say), then it must be a great, excellent grace of God on our part that they have been so long silent and kept peace, and have not long since beaten your bloodhounds over the head. Because your bloodhounds threw the knife first, and sent the war to our peaceful part. So that it is well deserved (according to secular law) that one should think who would come first and strike the first blow; But because they have been silent so long and are still silent, and you assassin also deny everything else that you say, I truly believe that you also deny in this as an arch-villain, who also sees and grasps differently in our work than you speak, and must help our part to honor with your lies, that they are so pious and honest, that they are also abundantly peaceful and quiet, against their public, renounced enemies, and have long since not done the first stroke, which perhaps they would and should have done according to worldly law.

Yes, that is what your bloodhounds would like, that our part should not only wait for the threatened and forbidden war of their enemies, but also keep quiet and let themselves be murdered without any defense, like slaughter sheep. Dear assassins, if you are torn apart there, then the devil laps you; I, as a preacher, shall suffer it, I know that well.

1712 Erl. (2.) 25, 120-122. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1158, W. XVI, 2076-2079. 171Z3.

Who has the grace, let him also suffer. But I do not want to assure the bloodhounds that all others will suffer, nor can I assure them of this. For if I publicly advised our people that they should all suffer, the bloodhounds would then be strengthened by it; I do not want to do that, I do not want to burden them with the worry and fear that their murder and wars will not be resisted. If they want to become knights of our blood, then they shall do so with the care and worry that befits honest knights. If they want to murder, they shall wait for what they encounter.

And what shall I say about it now for a long time? I will read the right text to you, Squire Assassin. I suppose that all these above-mentioned things are lies, and that your bloodhounds are living saints; what will you say to this: The edict has gone out, in which our doctrine is condemned, and it is forbidden and dismissed to our people (not for the sake of sedition, as you disgraceful assassin deny), with expressed words that they shall lose life, limb, property and honor, if they do not leave the condemned doctrine. Thou hast read these things, thou wicked one, and art not ashamed in thine heart that thou hast reproached us? Where are you now, you liar? Tell me, who is sowing war, murder and misery here? Are they the ones who are viciously condemned by public edict, and who want to take away their life, limb, property and everything? or are they the ones who instigated and enforced such edicts? You have seals and letters for this, so that all the above-mentioned murderous, treacherous pieces of your bloodhounds will be convicted and convinced.

(38) Tell me, are you bold, where have the Lutherans let out a letter that they want to defend themselves (I will keep silent that they are rebellious or want to start), as here your bloodhounds let out a public edict under the pious emperor's name, in which they condemn our doctrine, and for the sake of it threaten to take from them body, life, goods and everything? Now if you and all your bloodhounds had vile infernal jaws that spewed vile fire and peeled us eternally, we will place this edict before your noses and show you your seal and letters that you are murderous bloodhounds. And the edict is a mighty witness that the lu

The papists cannot be rebellious, even if they would like to do so. For they cannot begin; the papists have begun with this edict. If the Lutherans sin greatly in this, it must be their sin that they resist out of necessity; they have provided the starting, the papists have done that before.

Dear one, let us count what this edict can do. It condemns our doctrine and threatens to take life, limb, property and everything. Who can interpret or understand this in any other way than that the sword of the whole empire is awakened, sharpened, overthrown and already drawn. The whole empire's guns are loaded and aimed. The whole realm's armor, men and horses, are armed and embittered, and admonished that everything should go over the Elector of Saxony and his followers, to murder, to burn, to rob life, limb, wife, child, land, people, property and honor, and to fill everything with blood and sorrow. This is the edict of their murderous intentions, there are seals and letters. Nor shall this be called acting peacefully; and as Junker Meuchel lies, one sees no armor in his bloodhounds, but the Lutherans must be called rebellious, and the emperor would like to attack them with the sword, not for the sake of doctrine (as the edict clearly says), but for the sake of rebellion, which Meuchel lies to us and maliciously fabricates.

40 Now the Lutherans are still sitting quietly, and must be condemned, and await the fury and violence of the whole empire every hour, and yet they are rebellious. Dear, what more shall they do? I think that when the assassin writes again, he will not be satisfied with us sitting still and suffering, and they will condemn us, renounce us, threaten and start war and murder, but will urge us further to take the sword of the kingdom ourselves and impale ourselves on it; otherwise he will not let us be innocent of rebellion. We must not be called peaceful, for we lie stabbed before his eyes and drowned in blood. Yes, he says, but nothing has happened yet with the deed. Of course, that is what I have said now, that we must be stabbed and drowned in blood before we can defend ourselves or rise up.

1714 Erl. (2.) 25, 122-125. cap. 13. of the imperial diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2V7S-208I. 1715

We are then pious, and they are not murderous. But there are seals and letters, will and opinion, words and intentions to carry out the deed, and there is a whole conatus. What the rights say about it, I leave to the jurists; my theologia is called such saints: Cain, Saul and Judas.

(41) Above this, they do not remain with the edict and the decree, but also take hold with the deed, and execute such an edict. Where, you say? Do you not know it? No. Do you know a city called Halle in Saxony? There the bishop of Mainz acts quite kindly and peacefully against his pious subjects, and in addition, it is said, he lets himself be heard publicly that the Elector of Brandenburg, Duke George, Duke Heinrich of Brunswick, are imperial executors of the edict. Devil, how great peace is there! Junker Meuchel shall call it not only a peaceful trade, but also a merry dance or paradise. And so the papists would be completely pure, and the Lutherans completely overcome. Alas for you desperate evil-doers! 2c. I would have almost cursed.

(42) Yes, the authorities may deal with the subjects 2c. True; but that is also true: which dog eats the lappets, he eats certainly also the leather, where he could come to it. If they do this with their subjects, there is no doubt that they would do it all over the world, if only they could. As the Bishop of Mainz and the Elector of Brandenburg must prove, since they tried the city of Magdeburg and wanted to enforce the edict, because the city of Magdeburg did not like such peaceful people's peaceful trade; therefore, they are to be fairly scolded as seditious, where otherwise Junker Meuchel rightly says, whether they sit quietly, and do no harm to anyone, and let themselves be condemned, and suffer the bloodhound's rage and throbbing. Now it is well known that Magdeburg is not the Elector's nor the Bishop's subject, as Halle is; nevertheless, they also wanted to eat the leather with great devotion, to act peacefully with the Lutherans.

43 I say for my court right, I have read Münzer's seditious books, but methinks this assassin's book is far from the truth.

over it. For he does it so crudely and foolishly, and does not apply any semblance of peace, that it does not almost move, but rather deters. But this wicked man is the coiner, so that he praises peace, and yet underneath does things so peevishly, as if he wanted to force the people and urge them to rebellion. For you yourself must reckon that he knows how things were done at Augsburg against our people (as reported above); he knows that an edict has gone out in which peace is denied to the Lutherans and war and murder are forbidden; he knows that their part has already begun the deed; he knows and sees that the Lutherans are sitting quietly, suffering and waiting for all their rages, and yet he praises his bloodhounds as peaceful and scolds the Lutherans as seditious.

  1. If it were not for the great mercy of God upon us, it would be impossible for our nature to endure such unpleasant wickedness that we should not only be condemned to hear of war and murder from our enemies, who have renounced us, and to leave our body, life, goods, wife, child, country and people in the lurch every hour, and know that they seriously intend to do all this, and have already begun the deed honestly, and in addition still sit quietly and suffer, but shall also bear the shame that we are rebellious in all this, and they, the perpetrators, have the honor that they are peaceful and act peacefully. It would be (by God!). no wonder that this would become a racket, since not a hair nor a skin would remain of the papists. What is the point of such high, excessive, unpleasant attempts?

Yes, the Lutherans want to be Christians, therefore they should suffer and not defend themselves 2c. True; but the papists want to be even better Christians, and condemn the Lutherans; therefore they should murder much less and shed blood against God and justice. But if they can remain holy Christians, and nevertheless, as traitors and evil-doers, innocently shed blood, murder, burn, and torment pious people without cause, then the Lutherans can remain good Christians, and nevertheless defend themselves a little against such bloodhounds and raging evil-doers. Although the Lutherans do not yet do so. For if they wanted to defend themselves, and would not much rather have peace, they would not do so.

1716 Erl. (2.) 25, 125-127. sect. 11. the other Reichstag resolution. No. 1158. W. XVI,2081-2084. 1717

the Elector of Saxony, together with his followers, should now protect and save those in Halle, since the Lutherans are now being severely attacked. For just as the bloodhounds boast that they have united at Augsburg, and have put together land, people, blood and goods, whoever attacks one should have attacked them all, so ours should also say: Those at Halle are Lutheran, and are now being attacked, therefore the Elector of Saxony, together with all his relatives, and all Lutherans are also attacked. If one is to apply, the other must also apply. Now my Lutherans do not do this, they sit quietly, let themselves be tortured and plagued by their bloodhounds, after all their courage, and Junker Meuchel, the noble scribe, scolds them rebelliously.

But if you say that your opinion is that where the Lutherans revolt and want to take away what is theirs from the people, then the emperor should attack them with the sword. Dear Hans Worst, who does not know that? There is great art here; I have written better of it than you and all the papists will ever learn or write, and you learned it from me - before, you would certainly not have been able to advise anyone. But you wicked man know that the Lutherans, where they arm themselves against you murderers, may not be rebellious; nor can they revolt; for you murderers have begun, and have both attacked with edict and sword. What they now do against you I will neither praise nor rebuke; but you shall not interpret it to me as a rebellion, but let it be and be called only a rebellion against murderers and evil-doers, and you shall have no thanks. What is it now said, thou dear lululemon: Where the Lutherans revolt 2c. Yes, they have thrown themselves in their prudence! It is just said: Where the Lutherans revolt 2c., as if I said: If the donkey had wings, he would fly; if the Lutherans became a crane, they would fly in the air.

You must not teach us to be obedient to the emperor and punish the rebels. But here you should prove your art and convince the Lutherans that they are rebellious. There lies the knot. If you do that, I will take you for a man; but here you remain silent, and

You run about, meanwhile spouting a lot, and click the paper with unnecessary words about how the rebels should be punished, as if you had just come down from heaven with such a new art. If you nevertheless call us rebels, and cannot make it true or prove it, do you know what such fellows are called in German lands? They are called desperate boys, traitors and dishonorable villains, who take away the honor of pious, innocent people with their poisonous mouths and want to deprive them of life and limb; that is your right name, be who you will.

  1. and summa, I shall not lack nor lie in the holy scriptures, which testify that the world must be either Cain or Habel, either the devil's or God's children. What is Cain and of the devil, there must be a murderer and bloodhound inside; what is Habel, there must be a pious, peaceful heart inside. Now you can tell from the fruits which are Cain or Habel in this case. The papists did not want to observe peace, but decided on the Diet with anger and wrath, then instigated murder with the edict and began the deed. My assassin himself does not have to deny this. Again, the Lutherans have asked and still ask for peace without ceasing, and have suffered all ridicule, scorn, disgrace, defiance and pride because of it, and still sit quietly and tolerate their raging.

49 Since it is now clear that the papists themselves confess, by words and deeds, that they are our enemies and against us, Doctor Martini's true judgment, founded in Scripture and proven by those fruits, is that the papists must certainly have in mind, day and night, striving, lurking, practicing, how to destroy and exterminate us. Everyone can see this, and no one can do better than them. And there is no doubt that what they do about it, friendly or peaceful, must be a treacherous thing and Judas' kiss; or they must do it out of worry and fear that they are not yet able to do what they would like to do. This is the verdict I have given to our people and to the whole world, and whoever wishes to do so is to be judged by it. I know that I do not lie unless the Scriptures are false. Therefore, this assassin is a two-faced wicked man.

[1718]{.underline} Erl. (2.) 25, 127f. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. LVI, 2084-2087. 1719

He knows all these things well in his heart, and yet he sets his bloodhounds before us as the pious and peaceful ones, with whom there should be more fruits of faith than with us.

50 This I have said this time in defense of my books against this assassin, and I confess that he has me down as a villain. But I had to hurry to the Leipzig market; but soon after I will comb his tender little book further. For there is still much good papist virtue in it, and ask nothing of it, that he complains: there are almost all evil words and devils named in it; that shall be my glory and honor, and I want it to be so, that it shall be said of me henceforth, how I am full of evil words, scolding and cursing about the papists. For more than ten years I have often humbled myself and given the very best words, so that I have made them the longer the angrier, and the peasants have only become the more puffed up by their pleading. But now, because they have decided to do no good, no evil, but only evil, so that there is no hope, I will also curse myself with the evil worshippers and smash myself to pieces in my pit, and they will no longer hear a good word from me. I will ring their bells to the grave with my thunder and lightning.

For I cannot pray, but must curse. If I should say, Hallowed be thy name, I must say, Cursed, damned, profaned be the name of the papists, and of all them that blaspheme thy name. If I should say, Thy kingdom come, I must say, Let the papacy be accursed, accursed, accursed, and accursed, along with all the kingdoms of the earth that are contrary to thy kingdom. If I should say: Thy will be done, then I must say: Cursed, damned, desecrated and destroyed must be all thoughts and plots of the papists and all who strive against thy will and counsel. Truly I pray verbally every day, and with my heart without ceasing, and with me all who believe in Christ, and I also feel that it will be heard. For one must see God's miracles, how he destroys this terrible imperial diet and the immeasurable raging and raging of the papists, and also promotes them thoroughly.

will be nullified. Nevertheless, I keep a good, friendly, peaceful and Christian heart toward everyone; even my greatest enemies know this.

52 Therefore I now close this booklet, that in my warning I have not incited to rebellion, as this assassin lies, no one will prove it from it; but I have wanted to deter the papists and everyone, so that they would not follow the murderous edict; and have also not wanted to advise ours to fight back. With this I wanted to keep and advise peace on both sides. Where the papists were not deterred, and again some did not want to let the resistance against them, in such a case, because I could not keep any part, I tied a shillelagh to the neck of the murderers, and the other, innocent part, the bloodhounds to grief and annoyance, so that the papists should not be able to boast (as they would like to do) that they punished or murdered rebels, and that these should not consider their opposition disobedience or rebellion. Such my opinion my books show clearly, that I know for sure. God help the truth, amen.

1159 Report (by a papist) on what was done for the good of the Christian faith at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530.

The first Latin edition of this papist report, which was given the imperial privilege, is printed in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Historie der Augsburgischen Confession, p. 87; German in Hortleder, "Von den Ursachen des deutschen Kriegs," vol. I, lib. I, oup. 9, p. 60. Against this "report" is written Document No. 959, which is taken from the work shown in the next number.

With peculiar imperial freedom. Maj. liberty.

Summa and Contents of Imperial Freedom. Majesty Freedom.

Carl von GOttes Gnaden der Fünfte, Roman Emperor, all-time Major of the Empire.

What has been done for the good of the Christian faith in this city of ours and of the Holy Roman Empire shall not be printed, or, if printed elsewhere, sold, to our and the Holy Empire's dear and faithful Levino Paganatho or to anyone else throughout the Roman Empire.

1720 Sect. 11: The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1159. W. xvi, 2087-2089. 1721

be granted. And if anyone shall act contrary thereto, he shall be hereby declared guilty and shall be fined twenty marks in gold. Given in the above-mentioned city of Augsburg, ours and of the Holy Roman Empire, the 6th of November in the year 1530, of our Empire the eleventh.

Carolus.

A. Valdesius.

In order that the emperor might unite the many disputes over religion in the Empire of the German Nation, keep the steadfast in the right faith, confirm the wavering, and (where possible) raise up the fallen, he scheduled a general imperial diet of all the estates in Augsburg after Welschland had been brought to peace. When he heard that almost all the princes and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire were coming, he ordered them to attend. When he saw that almost all the princes and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire were coming, and that the Lutheran preachers, who were everywhere openly teaching their doctrine, had been brought by their princes, and that many signs and secrets of our religion had been abolished in the city, he celebrated even more to begin on Green Thursday 1) there, so that he might, even against the will of the heretics, solemnly celebrate the services held by our forefathers, which had been omitted in the city long ago. The estates of the Holy Roman Empire, however, when they heard that the emperor was arriving, marched to meet him with the Augsburg council in great splendor; and when they escorted him into the city, and the Elector of Saxony, according to custom, presented a mere sword to the imperial majesty, they were surprised. Majest. The bishop and cathedral chapter of the city received him and led him into the church of the cathedral, where he received the blessing from the Pope's envoy, Cardinal Campegio, who had come with him and had been present at all the religious acts that followed at the same Imperial Diet, Afterwards he went to his palace and told the princes that he wanted to have the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ (as it came to him from his ancestors) led through the city the next day. When on the same day the King of Hungary and Bohemia and the other Electors and Princes of the Empire came to the Emperor, with the exception of Elector John of Saxony, Margrave George of Brandenburg, Duke Ernst of Lüneburg, Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Prince Wolf of Anhalt, and other followers of the Lutheran doctrine, the Body of our dear Lord and Savior Jesus Christ

  1. This is incorrect. It was the Thursday after Trinity, the day of Corpus Christi. The emperor arrived the day before.

with ordinary ceremonies and all reverence.

2 Thereafter, at the Emperor's command, no matter what the Lutherans objected to, a public proclamation was made and it was also enjoined that no one should preach in the city without the indulgence of the Emperor. Majesty should preach in the city. And before he began the imperial action, the Emperor, together with the princes, princes, and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire, ordered himself to the main church to celebrate the mass celebrated by Archbishop Albrecht of Mainz, Cardinal and Elector of the Holy Roman Church. The Holy Spirit, with the usual ceremonies, and the prayer, which Pimpinellus, Archbishop of Rosan, heard in public and gracefully, and after the same by Count Palatine Frederick of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, recited to the imperial estates:

3 He would therefore have gone from his Hispanic considerable hereditary kingdoms, and from his wife and young reign, first to Welschland, and afterwards to Germany, so that he might receive the crown of the empire there, but here would set the German minds, which had been seduced and made restless by new errors, in unity and peace. Since all things had been happily accomplished in the French-speaking part of the country after the bestowal of divine grace, he exhorted the estates that in Germany, too, each in his own place would help to promote his Christian and praiseworthy intention for the benefit of the common fatherland.

The Lutheran princes named above and two cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen, presented a document in Latin and German to the emperor over a period of four days with the condition that it be read out publicly in the imperial council in the hope that it would be applauded. When the emperor noticed this, he did not want to grant their request. However, in order that men might see how graciously and kindly he dealt with them, he permitted the following day, not that their request should be read out in the council chamber, but in the imperial court; so that, in the presence of the emperor, king of Hungary and the estates of the empire, this was done, and after the reading out, the same document was handed over.

Because they wanted to assert their sectarian doctrine and opinion with many causes, and because some things were in agreement with the Gospel and Holy Scripture, but most of them were flatly contrary to it, the emperor, on the advice of the papal magistrate, decided to take the matter to court.

1722 Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 2039-2092, 1723.

The Emperor ordered the Catholic, honorable, and highly learned men of the Holy Scriptures of different nations, envoys and princes of the empire, to let pass that which they would consider good in the confession handed over, but to refute the other. Which rebuttal, after it had been approved by the Obbemeldten, papal envoys and princes of the empire, the emperor had read out to the estates of the empire, and among them the Lutheran princes themselves, at the very place where their confession or confession had been read out. And although the Lutheran princes most earnestly requested and desired a copy of the refutation, the Emperor, so that what had once been adopted by Christian synods and held immovable by the dear ancients would not be drawn into doubt or dispute, by no means let them have it.

The Electors and the other Catholic princes of the Empire, however, when they heard how the Emperor expressly admonished the Lutheran princes that they should desist from their false delusions and errors and return to the common Christian church; or if they did not want to do so, he could not avoid doing what his imperial office and conscience would require to control this evil 2c. On the other hand, as they, the Lutherans, did not mean to deviate from their opinion, to which they had once surrendered, they, as peace-lovers, petitioned the Emperor that they should cultivate negotiations and try to see if by some means the dissension could be brought to an equal understanding. To this end, the Archbishop of Mainz, Elector, the Bishop of Strasbourg, Duke George of Saxony, Duke Henry of Brunswick, and Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg, as well as Georg Truchsess, Archduke of Austria, and several other imperial princes' delegates, have been summoned by common consent. When they met together with the Lutheran princes in one place, Margrave Joachim of Brandenburg, a brave protector of the Christian religion, gave a long speech on this opinion in the name of the Catholic estates:

(7) They knew very well how much they wanted the Emperor to grant them the right to negotiate amicably with the Lutheran princes 1) and to settle the matter where possible; therefore he reminded them, the Lutheran princes, that they should consider how clear and open the matter was.

  1. With Walch: entertainment.

The Council of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, in the presence of the Holy Roman Catholic Church and the Holy Roman Catholic Church, has asked that the teachings which they have recently accepted be openly disputed with the Gospel and apostolic writings; likewise, what a loss of many souls, shedding of Christian blood and misery would occur throughout Germany if they did not obey the imperial commandments and in part prevented what should be decided and decreed on this day for the benefit of Christendom and especially the common fatherland of Germany. I further request that they allow themselves to be softened by the pleas of many of their relatives and blood relatives, as well as brothers-in-law and friends, to renounce their false hopes, and not to be found separated from the common church any longer. For if some abuses had crept into common Christianity, the emperor would now have come to Germany to abolish them with the help and advice of the pope and to establish peace and unity in the empire.

8 To this the Lutheran princes, after asking for time for reflection, answered in writing and at length after several days: because they knew that the confession or creed, which they had recently handed over, was in agreement with the Gospel and apostolic writings, that they could therefore neither give way to the Emperor's refutation, nor cede their doctrine and opinion with an unimpaired conscience. And when many things were further argued and acted upon by both parties, and the Lutherans complained that they had not been sufficiently heard, nor had a common Christian council been scheduled after the Diet of Speier, the Catholics replied: It would have been their duty to obey the edict of Worms (as is only fair), and not to draw into doubt and dispute so many articles of faith, which, according to the common counsel of so many holy, God-fearing people, would have been accepted and popular, and sealed with the blood of so many martyrs, in an entirely unpleasant manner, and forbidden under corporal punishment, and to make do with their consciences. As if it were not sufficiently known and obvious what kind of consciences they had, and how wantonly they separated themselves from the Catholic Church, made new laws of their own, which had nothing to do with the apostolic ones, took in and nurtured new sect masters, and were ever too at odds with themselves in doctrine, now for Lutherans, soon for Anabaptists, then for sacrament desecrators and iconoclasts, and what more such abominable sects might be called. Yes, if they would look at their teachers' lives and customs a little better, they would undoubtedly easily

1724 Sect. II. The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1159. W. xvi, 2092-2094. 1725

They themselves think how beautiful, praiseworthy and proper it would be for them to trust such people with their honor, property, body and souls, and to give more credence to them than to so many councils of the common Christian church, so many writings and judgments of the orthodox church fathers, and finally to the emperor himself, whose irreproachable customs should move them to a different one, and also to so many princes related by blood and otherwise. Indeed, if they were to see the fruit of this new doctrine, namely tumult, rebellion, strife and contention, and such like harm and inconvenience more, they would be able to recognize more clearly than the bright sun from which spirit such doctrine came. But as far as a Christian concilium was concerned, although everyone knew what their teachers thought of concilia, how rashly they contradicted them, and how they weakened and despised the reputation and power of the conciliorum: the Emperor, as he is most concerned about the welfare and peace of the Empire of the German Nation, would always see to it that a common concilium, which until now has been prevented by war, is scheduled, if they meanwhile abandon their errors, undertake something new, continue in the old state until a synod's decision, and would rather adhere to the Emperor and the common Christian Church than to their "seductive" teachers.

9 By which Christian reminder the Lutherans found themselves moved, they asked for time to answer, and said that they would have been offended not a little by such sharp remarks. To which the Catholics answered: what was presented in their name, the same would not have happened to offend them in some way, or to say something against them, but only to seek agreement with them. But after several days, the Lutheran princes, together with the two cities mentioned above and four others that had come to them in the meantime, made a written statement in response to what had recently been held against them, rejected and repudiated everything, and thus revealed their stubbornness much more clearly than before.

(10) Since this negotiation did not achieve much, the negotiators thought it would be a good idea to attack the work in other ways and to send out some experienced and learned people to talk with the Lutherans and see if they could find a way to unity. To this end, with the consent of the Emperor, who wishes to see quarrels and strife reduced, the following were appointed immediately: the Bishop of Augsburg, Duke Heinrich

of Brunswick, likewise D. Eck, Cochläus and Wimpina, scholars of the Holy Scriptures; and of jurists the Chancellors of Cologne and Baden. But when these seven Catholics had argued with seven Lutherans for a long time, and had reached agreement in many articles, the Lutherans did not want to deviate from the content and opinion of the following articles:

  1. That in confession it is not necessary to recount all sins.
  2. That the atonement for sin, for the remission of the punishment for sin, is not meritorious.
  3. That the vows and teachings about the choice of food and days are useless and contrary to the gospel.
  4. That no works of men, as good as they always want to be, can be attributed some merit.
  5. That the invocation of the saints is quite dangerous.
  6. That the blessed bread should not be carried through the streets.
  7. That those who go to the Lord's Table in only one form will hardly sin.
  8. That laymen who ask for only one form should not be given it.
  9. That one may bless bread and wine other than at Mass.
  10. That the priests, monks and nuns are not forbidden to be free.
  11. That private masses may not be held according to the old custom and institution of the Roman Church.
  12. That the masses for the living and the dead should not help.
  13. That the 40-day fast and other fasts set by the church should not be kept.

(11) Of these and other such errors, of which Luther's and the Lutheran books are full, they have not been able to be led away with any harmless discussion, although they have admitted many things, the contradiction of which they have taught before, and have proved so unstable that what they yielded today, they revoked tomorrow, and the day after tomorrow again approved and considered acceptable.

12 For this reason, since the desired unity is so unlikely to be achieved by this means, it was considered advisable to make such a parting, lest we leave each other without having achieved anything:

(13) That they stand firm on the points on which they have agreed this time. The others should all be postponed until a future concilii decision, and the Lutherans should

1726 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**, W. xvi, 2094-2097,** 1727**.**

The monks shall be bound to the sacred Roman and Catholic Church in fidelity and obedience; they shall keep silent about the incompatible articles, nor shall they disclose or teach anything about them. The monks who are still in their monasteries shall freely use their statutes and ceremonies without hindrance. The abandoned monasteries, convents and other ecclesiastical properties, however, which have been confiscated by the Lutheran princes and estates, shall be administered by faithful people, whom the Emperor shall appoint for this purpose, until the decision of a common synod, to which an account of this shall be given. The poor and the monks who have been expelled from their monasteries shall be given their sustenance from the estates, but the Lutheran princes shall have no objection to this. The common and special masses should be held with ordinary ceremonies and festivities. If, however, any of these ceremonies and festivities were to be considered controversial, they were to be postponed to a future synod. In addition, the Lutherans were to keep quiet and calm, not to spread or undertake anything new, and in other common Christian affairs, and especially in the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire, to render obedience and assistance to the Emperor, as befits laudable princes.

14 Which decree, although it did not seem unpleasant to the Lutherans for many reasons, but because the Lutheran princes and many cities had robbed many churches and taken property from many monasteries and convents, which they would have had to return according to this council, which seemed very difficult to them, they could by no means be persuaded to accept it.

15 Thereupon the emperor, so that he would not omit anything that would only serve and be profitable to win over the stubbornness of the people, especially summoned the Lutheran princes to him and admonished them to turn back with so much kind and gracious waiting that iron, let alone fleshly hearts, could have been softened by it. At first, however, they surrendered themselves completely to the emperor for all submissiveness and obedience in all things, as much as could, should, or would always be done with an unharmed conscience; but when it was requested of them in a more actual and clearer way that what they had done new in Christian doctrine should be restored to the previous and old status until the future conciliar decision, they only gave to understand that they wanted to adhere to the Speierian imperial decree in the part that had been set.

It was: each one should live in such a way until a future concilium, so that he could give account to God the Almighty, and to the concilio, of his actions and omissions.

16 As far as the rest is concerned, they had already decided to stay with the appeal, which they had objected to at the Speier Diet. And even though they had been referred in a roundabout way, as if they were so unstable, and now wanted to adhere to the Speierian imperial decree, now to the appeal, against which they objected, that even such appeals and appeals in matters of faith would not take place, still nothing was accomplished with them, because the longer, the more stubbornly they sought out their consciences, evangelia, souls, appeals and appeals, and threw them in the way. Therefore, all hope for unity, which the Lutheran princes themselves, and their most distinguished teachers, had made to the emperor, and then to the envoy, both with words and with writings, publicly and secretly for three months after each other, completely disappeared.

17 When the emperor saw that the Lutherans were becoming more and more stubborn, and that no kindness would work on them because they cared so little for the reputation of the forefathers, the Gospel and the Holy Scriptures, he issued such a decree again on Sept. 22: His Imperial Majesty had set up a Diet in Augsburg so that, with the mature advice of all the estates of the empire, Christianity and the German nation before it, things would be brought to order and the disputes that had arisen over religion would be resolved. Majesty had therefore appointed an Imperial Diet in Augsburg so that, with the mature advice of all the estates of the Empire of Christendom and the German Nation, matters could be brought into order and the disputes that had arisen over religion could be resolved. In order to bring this about more effectively, he would have listened to the Lutheran confession, and what he found contrary to Christian truth therein would have been refuted by the Holy Scriptures. Majesty and the minds of the other princes and rulers, they would put aside the erroneous opinions of their sect. But since they have discarded some, but have retained most of those in which they are at odds with the Roman Church, and His Imperial Majesty has decided not to subordinate anything to the Roman Church, they are not to be subordinated to the Roman Church. He wanted to appoint them a period of reflection until April 15 of the next year, during which they were to declare with seals and letters whether they wished to keep the unconciled articles with the Roman Catholic Church until a future Conciliar decision,

1728 Sect. 11: The Other Reichstag Farewell. No. 1159. w. xvi, 2097-209s. 1729

or not? They should first take care and ensure that nothing new of religious trafficking would start or be sold in their territories, and that peace and unanimity would exist among all the Holy Roman Empire's princes, rulers and cities. In this way, they should not attract foreign subjects to themselves, or lure them to their sect and faith. And if any of their own subjects, whether of ecclesiastical or secular status, wished to retain the old faith and ceremonies, or to rejoin them, they should not hinder them in any way, but allow them to use their church customs and ceremonies unhindered, and should not cause them any hardship because of this. In order to abolish and completely eradicate the Anabaptist and sacramental desecration sects, they should assist the Emperor, the Catholic princes, princes and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire with advice and action, as the Catholic princes have already promised the Emperor. However, as far as a common council is concerned, which has been so much and often desired by all the estates of the empire, both Catholic and Lutheran, and which has so far been prevented by the force of war, the emperor wants to make a provision to the pope, as well as to the other kings and princes of Christendom, that within six months after the end of this imperial council, a common Christian meeting be scheduled, and within one year after the scheduling, be held. We are undoubtedly confident that through this, by the grace of the Lord Christ, who will undoubtedly be with those who are gathered in his name, all disputed religious matters will be settled and dear Christianity will be helped to a lasting, eternal peace.

18 When the Lutherans were heard, it was so much lacking that they would have thanked the emperor for such a gracious decree, that they also even more resisted completely to accept it, with the plea that their doctrine was so founded in the holy Scriptures that they could not step aside from it in some ways, nor could they, with their consciences intact, keep others from it, and not rather promote it. And what was therefore taught and acted by them would not have flowed from them as well as from God Himself. They could have easily refuted the imperial refutation of their confession with testimonies of the Gospel and the apostolic writings, as they had already begun, if they had been given a copy of it.

  1. whereupon the Elector of Brandenburg in the

In the name of the emperor, he addressed the Lutheran princes and cities on this opinion:

  1. The imperial majesty cannot be sufficiently astonished that they may publicly pretend that they are so grounded in their futile delusion that they cannot be mistaken at all, and that what has been done by them so far is rather of God's command than of their own discretion, because everyone can see that their preachers have not brought anything new onto the path, but have, as it were, resurrected from hell and from the dead what was condemned and buried by the holy fathers many years ago. And had the emperor nowhere read in the Gospel, of which they boasted everywhere, that it was permitted to take other people's property, and to keep what had once been taken by force against the will of the rightful lords, and if one were asked at some time or other to return the stolen property, then to say that one could not return it with a good conscience. The emperor was also astonished at the audacity with which they could proclaim the orthodox doctrine, which the emperor and the other imperial estates adhered to, to be false, as if it were not a great sacrilege to believe that so many Christian pious emperors, so many princes and rulers, in so many hundreds of years, had erred, and had not rightly understood the doctrine which they professed. Since this does not at all resemble the truth, the emperor can neither put up with their presumption, nor approve and endorse their doings and actions. If they understand and accept yesterday's decree (which the Emperor again earnestly admonished them to accept), they will undoubtedly recognize that it is meant for their good and to preserve peace and unity in Germany. But if they did not want to accept it, they should consider for themselves how much misfortune they would cause and bring about, and not hope at all that anything would be changed in it, because nothing more could be given to them without violating all respectability and godliness; but otherwise, since they would obediently submit to the agreement, they should have a gracious emperor in all their affairs. And they would have done wisely by not bringing forward the answer to the imperial refutation of their confession, and by sparing themselves with vain toil and labor, since they would not allow that one should dispute articles of faith without their majesty's prior knowledge. However, that Imperial Majesty's refutation had not been communicated to them in copy, they would never want to-

1730 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 2099-2102, 1731.

The new version of the book will be published in the German language in the next few days.

  1. when this was done in the name of kaiserl. Majesty. Prince Joachim of Brandenburg, he added this in his name and in the name of all the imperial estates: they, the princes and cities, were well aware of how diligently the Catholic princes themselves had acted with them at first, and then their representatives for discussion and dialogue, so that these disputes and disagreements would be resolved and the beloved fatherland would be brought to good trust. But what they had done with it was not known to them. For this reason, he again asked them to accept the imperial decree and to consider for themselves how much damage would result to the common Christianity and to Germany before it, if they would not be moved to do so by any plea. If, however, they would allow such a request to take place, then the other states would be obliged and inclined to be responsible for it with all servitude. If not, they should know that the other princes, rulers and estates of the empire have already decided to support their emperor with all loyalty and subservience, and to shed not only their goods but also their blood beside him: even if the emperor had not only surrendered all his kingdoms and dominions, but also his body, blood and soul for the Christian religion, and its and their teachers and confessors, to God the Lord. Even if he had not wanted to leave the soil of the empire before, he would have seen these things brought into a better state and order.

22 The Lutherans again answered with more truth: they were sure that their opinion was not based on evil grounds but on the holy Scriptures, and they also trusted them to substantiate it before the last judgment. And they wondered not a little how they could be accused of stealing other people's property and still withholding it from them, since they had never taken from anyone what was theirs, and wanted to suffer the future Council and the Emperor's Majesty's recognition, since they had confiscated some monasteries and their goods, whether they had done right or wrong in them, and whether they were obliged to restore them or not. But since they could not in good conscience accept the Emperor's farewell, they requested that the matter be postponed until April 15. Thereafter, they turned to the princes, princes, and other estates of the empire and appealed to them sharply that they alone were waiting for the emperor's

The Lutherans, too, are nothing less than willing to recognize the imperial majesty as their supreme head and lord and to obey him as faithful subjects. Majesty for their supreme head and lord, and to obey him as pious and faithful subjects.

To which the Elector of Brandenburg again replied that the Emperor did not want to enter into any dispute or quarrel with them about their answer, because he was aware enough that their new doctrine had long since been condemned by the Conciliorum's judgment and council, and had been expelled from the Christian Church as contrary to the Protestant and Apostolic Scriptures. But since they wanted to accept the imperial decree, in which nothing could be changed, the imperial majesty and the other states wanted to change it. Majesty and the other estates wanted to do again what they should do according to law and equity. If not, however, not only would the Emperor have to negotiate with the princes, princes and other imperial estates another agreement and decree, so that the Christian religion could be protected and managed, and the rebellious teachings could be purged from the Empire, but also the Pope, kings, princes and authorities of Christendom would have to be informed of these matters and apply the diligence that would be required of a Roman Emperor as protector of the faith and Catholic princes in this case. And it would be well known that the pope and the other kings, princes and authorities of Christendom do not abandon the emperor and the princes, also princes and estates of the empire, but rather resolve to assist them quite willingly with help, counsel and action. And since all ecclesiastical and secular laws forbid taking away another's property, just as all too many ecclesiastics complained and pleaded with the emperor that they had done so in their territories, and provided in law that the deposed person should above all be restored to his own: The Emperor again earnestly admonished them that they should restore to their rightful lords as soon as possible the monasteries, churches and convents or orders, properties, dominions, lands and fiefdoms which they had taken contrary to law and equity, and that they should restore to their monasteries and properties the ecclesiastical men and women who had been expelled, so that the Emperor would not be compelled to do otherwise. That the Catholic estates came to the Emperor would have been for no other reason than that they, with common counsel, might better protect the Christian religion brought to them by their forefathers, and first of all, that God the Almighty, whose cause the Emperor should not be forced to do otherwise.

1732 Sect. 11: The Other Reichstag Farewell. No. 1159. W. xvi, 2102-2104. 1733

and thereafter render due honor and service to the emperor, their lord and head. And from this and other movements or councils they would have come to such a composition. But how supposedly innocent the opposite would be, and how they would have given the emperor and the estates of the empire more than too much cause to complain, could easily be judged by those who remembered which part broke the Wormsian imperial edict and led to the shameful uprising of the common rabble, and had seen that in his lands and dominions the honor and dignity of the emperor, then of the Hungarian and Bohemian king, and soon of the princes, princes and all the estates of the empire had been publicly attacked from time to time with disgraceful writings. Also, the honor, welfare and goodness of the Emperor himself would have been compromised, and of those who would now be in place, would have deviated from the Worms Decree once accepted by the Emperor, and with their own approval and consent. Thus they should indicate by what right or equity they thought they were granted to revoke that which they had once affirmed with their seal. If they would now do the same, and consider what is more suggested, they could easily realize how pure and innocent they are. For other many causes more, so that they by their own guilt of the people hatred and disfavor loaded on themselves, he would have to be silent for this time beloved brevity.

  1. To which the Lutherans thus said: they had listened with due reverence to what had been brought to them in the name of 1) the Emperor. Majesty and the imperial estates. And although their necessity required that they answer any points in particular, they must nevertheless, for the sake of brevity of time, touch only on this, that they had undoubtedly hoped that they would be given and granted a copy of the adopted agreement and time to confer with each other. But because they saw that the Emperor did not consent to this, nor were they entitled to demand that Her Imperial Majesty give them a measure and order in this matter. They wish that Her Imperial Majesty and all the estates of the empire would certainly consider that they do not want to refuse to accept the parting, if they can always do so with a good conscience. And hereby ask again what they asked before through Georg Truchsessen and the Chancellor of Baden, namely, that they be granted the farewell made.
  2. Walch: an; immediately following "in" instead of "an".

They would like to be granted half a period of reflection until April 15, on which day they want to declare with letter and seal what they intend to do, and ask the Imperial Majesty not to be moved to any disgrace against them. Majesty that they will not allow themselves to be moved to any disgrace against them, and that they will thus most humbly command themselves to God and to their Imperial Majesty, as their most gracious lord.

Next, they repeated their previous complaint that the other princes had left them and gone to the emperor, because they had never given them any cause for complaint, nor (when they were blamed) had they aroused the revolt of the common rabble. Yes, it is so far from the fact that the Elector of Saxony was the instigator of the same rebellion that he also resisted it admirably, indeed, he contested it much more valiantly than others, which the Acta of the Diet of Speier would easily prove, if one were to look at them. For this reason, they ask the Emperor and the other estates not to decide anything disgraceful and unpleasant against them, nor to give credence to such a request.

26 To this the Elector of Brandenburg said: the Emperor had heard what they had brought forward, and had completely agreed not to deviate from the agreement once made, nor to allow them the requested time for reflection, because in matters of faith no delay is to be allowed for deliberation and debate. Thus the other estates, too, wanted to persist in the opinion they had presented to them, as befits Catholic people, and do not accept the apology they have offered, because their grievances are only known to men, 2) than that they could be disguised with some pretended appearance.

27 The Lutherans replied that they also wanted to leave it at that, and to entrust the matter to the Almighty, to whom alone it concerned. Majesty's most humbly requesting that they be and remain your most gracious emperor and lord.

But the Elector of Brandenburg replied that it would be sufficient to show how the Emperor, together with the Catholic Electors, Princes and Estates of the Empire, would unanimously insist on the Catholic renunciation. Therefore, several words would be unnecessary.

29 After which the Lutherans all left, and on the same day the Elector of Saxony and the Duke of Lüneburg left Augsburg.

(30) Now that this action has been taken with the Lutherans, the four cities of the empire, Costnitz, Strasbourg, and the

  1. With Walch: become.

[1734]{.underline} Cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi. 2104-2107. 1735

bürg, Memmingen and Lindau, a strange confession or scripture, not only with Lutheran, but also with many other errors against the most holy mystery of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ and other points of the Christian faith so often, that it was also completely unworthy of an answer.

1160 Beginning of the work written by D. Gregorius Brück to correct the very deficient and often untrue papist report (No. 1159), under the title: "Handlung der Religionssache zu Augsburg.

This work is usually cited as "Brück's History of the Augsburg Diet". The manuscript of it is in the Weimar Archives, 8,6^. toi. Müller, "Historie der Protestation" 2c., brings from it many of the most important pieces, some of which have been included in this volume. Walch had this "beginning" printed from Cyprian's Supplements to the History of the Augsburg Confession, p. 103, because it shows what to think of the preceding "report".

  1. after the most illustrious, highborn princes, noble and wellborn counts, Mr. Johann, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen; Mr. Georg, Margrave of Brandenburg, of Stettin, Pomerania, the Cassuben and Wenden 2c. Duke, Burgrave of Nuremberg and Prince of Rügen, on Oderburg; Messrs. Ernst and Franciscus, brothers, Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg; Mr. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen, on Dietz, Ziegenhain and Nidda; Lord Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, Count of Ascanien and Lord of Berneburg, and Lord Gebhard and Lord Albrecht, brothers, counts and lords of Mansfeld; also the honorable free and imperial cities of Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Costnitz, Ulm, Magdeburg, Bremen, Reitlingen, Heilbrunn, Memmingen, Lindau, Kempten, Jsni, Biberach, Winsheim and Weißenburg am Nordgau 2c., shortly crazy days come into believing experience, how a booklet should have gone out in print in Latin, under this title or inscription: "For the Christian religion issued acts, at the Diet of Augsburg, after the birth of the Lord, a thousand five hundred and thirty." Several of these books came to the attention of their electors and princes. They have seen and read their unanimous contents.
  2. and however a writing, in the form of a supposed privilege, charging that the

The same shall not be reprinted by others in a named year, avoiding a heavy penalty: "Of the most majestic, grand and invincible prince and lord, Lord Carl the Fifth, Roman Emperor 2c., our most gracious lord" 2c., so that the poet of the same booklet together with the printer may appear to make people believe that Her Imperial Majesty had foreknowledge of the contents of the same booklet and that it is Her Majesty's gracious favor and will to do so. Majesty had knowledge of the contents of the same booklet, and that it was her Majesty's gracious permission and will to publish the Augsburg action in question, as far as religion is concerned, in the manner in which the poet has written therein. They also do not know how to believe that such a supposed description of the actions that took place of such an opinion, as the aforementioned poet indicated in the booklet with too much mild, too little report and expressed insensitivity, also concealed truth, 1) should have taken place or come to pass with Imperial Majesty as a most virtuous, most powerful emperor approval, 2).

  1. Their sovereigns and princes also know that their majesty as their lord and emperor is too virtuous. Their sovereign and princely graces and the cities, out of subservience to their majesty as their lord and emperor, are too virtuous that their majesty's mind should be, beforehand, out of God's word, on their sovereign and princely graces and the cities as the most subservient electors, princes and estates. and the cities, as her Majesty's most subservient Electors, Princes and Estates, in such a way as has been done with the printed booklet by too few as well as too many mild reports within and outside the Empire of the German Nation, and especially because males who were at the next Imperial Diet in Augsburg know how more than once their Electors, Princes and Estates are to be punished. The Council of the Holy Roman Catholic Church has requested of their Majesties and cities, for special moving reasons, to keep certain religious acts secret and not to allow them to be printed.

4th For, where it is to be considered that this printing was given with her majesty's foreknowledge, with which nothing, but to blame vain displeasure on the aforementioned prince, princes, and cities, was subjected by the poet: so it should also be further heard for that her majesty would not be contrary nor opposed, that all that would again be brought into print and given for a counter-report, which her chur-

  1. Here we have deleted the word "stehet". - Shortly before: "mild" - unfit, insufficient.
  2. Inserted by us.

[1736]{.underline} Sect. II. The other Reichstag resolution. No. II60f. W. xvi, 2107-2109. 1737

and Princes. The Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor.

(5) And whether or not Her Majesty would have had the right science that the acts performed in Augsburg for the sake of religion should be printed, it is certainly not in Her Majesty's mind and good pleasure that the poet should destroy the acts in such a way as has happened. However, her Majesty's mind and good pleasure did not wish that the poet should mutilate the aforementioned acts as they happened, express a bit of unhappiness to the aforementioned Elector, princes and cities, with many untruths, and so on and more, and so on and more, also acted at the same time and besides, should be omitted, 1) but the things, as they would have happened and been acted on both sides, it would be to Glimpf or Unglimpf, from the beginning to the end, should be explained and given to day; as well as to the poet, if he, together with his printer, has included His Imperial Highness and Majesty in his work. Majesty in his booklet, but rather considered it as a bad historian 2) outside of the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. If he, like his printer, had not included His Majesty and His Majesty in his booklet, but had let it go out as a bad historian outside of Imperial Majesty's science, he would not have done otherwise than to describe the truth, also all actions on both sides completely, unmutilated, and without such wide stag or hare jumps.

6 And even if he would like to pretend that he was not always present at all actions, and especially what happened outside of a public audience, therefore he also could not have described everything, this may not excuse him of untruthfulness.

1161: Joh. Aurifaber's report on the Diet of Augsburg and what happened to Luther and his teachings in 1530.

This report is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 160; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 524 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 196.

1 In 1530, on the 24th day of February, Emperor Carl was crowned in Italy at Bononia by the Pope, and from the same place he sent out notices to all the estates of the Roman Empire to hold an Imperial Diet, and to convene it in Augsburg on the 8th day of April.

  1. this Diet of Augsburg is for two reasons
  1. "should omit" put by us instead of: "omitted".
  2. So put by us instead of: "but himself before a bad historian".

The reasons for the appointment were twofold. First, that the division in religion, which had arisen between the papists and the protesting estates many years ago, was to be settled. Secondly, because the Turk fell in Austria in the past 1529th year, with great war power, on the 21st day of September. On the sixteenth day of October, he set fire to his camp in front of Vienna, set fire to his camp, and marched again toward Hungary and Constantinople. After that, there was great fear that the Turk would return in the thirtieth year and attack Germany. For this reason, the imperial council wanted to propose and act on persistent help against the Turks.

3rd Duke Johann of Saxony, Elector, together with his Electoral son, Duke Johann Friederichen, also Duke Ernsten and Duke Franzen, brothers, Princes of Lüneburg and Brunswick, also Prince Wölfen of Anhalt, together with a stately knighthood, arrived at Augsburg on the 2nd day of May, and was the first among all the princes and princes to appear at the Imperial Diet; the papists were not aware of this. For they did not mean otherwise, S.C.F.G. would not attend the Diet, but would shun the light, so that their C.F.G. and their relatives would not be allowed to answer and give an account of their Christian doctrine and religion.

When the Elector of Saxony rode into Augsburg on a Monday, their C. F. G. had Magister Eisleben preach the following Wednesdays in the preachers' monastery, and in the same monastery heard their C. F. G. God's word for a while. And when Landgrave Philip of Hesse arrived in Augsburg on the Thursday after Jubilate, their Princely Grace had them preach the following Friday in the monastery of St. Moritz by O. Erhard Schnepfen, and afterwards in St. Ulrich. Such preaching by the protesters has greatly annoyed the papists; therefore they have practiced so much with the emperor that their imperial majesty has sent a message to the Elector of Saxony out of pressure, and has seriously requested that their electoral graces cease the preaching; as the preaching has subsequently been stopped for them.

On the evening of the feast of Corporis Christi, Emperor Carl rode into Augsburg, and arrived with Her Imperial Majesty Campegius, the Cardinal, the Pope's legate; and all the Electors of the Holy Roman Empire were present.

1738 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 2109-2112, 1739**.**

and princes, ecclesiastical and secular, rode to meet Her Majesty and led her into the city. This evening, the imperial majesty again requested that they, the protesting estates, refrain from their preaching, and in the morning walk with her majesty in procession on the day of Corporis Christi. Both of these requests were denied to Her Imperial Majesty at that time for Christian reasons.

On the day of Corporis Christi, the imperial majesty summoned the protesting princes and chieftains early and earnestly requested the above-mentioned two articles from them again. But they rested on their negative answer, and offered to submit the causes of their excuse in writings. Then the imperial majesty was moved with anger and disgrace against them, and nevertheless granted them to put their reply in writing and to hand it over to her majesty. And Her Majesty, together with the Papist princes and chieftains, has performed the Procession Corporis Christi (as the same Papist festival is called).

On the Friday after Corporis Christi, when the protesting churals and princes submitted such a document to the imperial majesty, her imperial majesty submitted such a document to all other churals and princes for consultation. When the latter now noted that Her Imperial Majesty would be moved with disfavor against the protesting estates, they asked Her Majesty to grant them action between Her Majesty and the protesting estates.

8 And for such a negotiation a committee was made among them, as the Archbishop of Cologne, Margrave Joachim the Younger, the Elector Palatine's Hofmeister, Duke George of Saxony, Duke Ludwig of Bavaria, and Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg. After negotiations had been held, the Imperial Majesty finally proposed that all the estates be forbidden to preach in Augsburg for a time, and that D. Faber, preacher of the royal dignity in Hungary, should not preach. On the other hand, Her Majesty wanted to decree and appoint preachers who would preach the gospel purely and peacefully. And should Her Imperial Majesty Her Majesty should then take the religious action in hand and hear and settle it amicably. So that the protesting estates were satisfied. And on the Saturday after Corporis Christi, an imperial herald and drummer abolished preaching by publicly blowing the trumpets.

On the Monday after Corporis Christi, which was the twentieth day of June, the beginning of the Imperial Diet was held in Augsburg, and the Imperial Majesty had the proposition made, which was based on the two points: first, to make a statement about the unity of the faith, and that each part should submit its complaint in writing in Latin and German, the secular against the clergy, and the clergy against the secular. And the presentation has been politely arranged, so that the Elector of Saxony, nor other princes, nor D. Martini Lutheri, is thought to murder in it. On the other hand, about the persistent help against the Turks. And the religious action has been taken for the first. The protesting estates did not want to agree to the Turkish tax unless the article concerning God's word and the Christian faith had been dealt with first.

On the Saturday after the feast of St. John the Baptist, the protesting princes and princes, and the two cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen, made a confession of their faith by 21. Philippum Melanchthonem, publicly read before the Roman Emperor and King Ferdinand, as well as before all princes, princes and estates of the empire, ecclesiastical and secular, and offered to hand over an apologia and a more extensive explanation of it to the imperial majesty, princes and princes of the empire.

When this confession of faith was read out, Doctor Gregorius Brück, Saxon chancellor, wanted to hand over the copy of the confession, in German and Latin, to the imperial secretary, Alexander Schweiß, and through him to the archbishop of Mainz. Then the Imperial Majesty himself took hold of it and took the copy to him, with the gracious request of Duke Friederich, Count Palatine, to consider the matter further.

The Imperial Majesty had this confession translated into French by Alexander Schweiß and, at the request of Cardinal Campegii, had it transferred into French for the pope by another of his secretaries. Such a confession was immediately sent to the pope by mail. It was also sent to the King of France, the King of England, and the King of Portugal. And the imperial majesty of the pope and the other kings has sought and requested theologians censuram and judicium about it. Is therefore the protesting states' confession as-.

1740 Section 11: The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1161. W. xvi, 2112-2114. 1741

soon been spread in the high potentates courts.

On the Sunday after St. John's Day, the imperial majesty sent a confession to the papist churl and princes of the protesting states for consultation, who then submitted it to their theologians, who were Johannes Faber, D. Eck, D. Mensing, Cochläus, and others; these then made a confutation, and on Wednesday after Margaret's Day, they had it returned to the imperial majesty by the above-mentioned churl and princes. At that time, a papist prince said before other princes and lords: "The Lutherans have handed over a confession written in ink; if I were emperor, I would give them a confutation and script with rubrics, that is, written in red ink. Immediately another prince answered: the emperor should nevertheless pay attention if he wanted to write with rubrics, so that the prisilgen 1) would not splash under his eyes.

On the third day of August, the imperial majesty summoned all the princes and chieftains again, and had the confutation of the papists read to them by the secretary, Alexander Schweiß, which at first had been written very quickly, vehemently and hatefully, to overbite the emperor with it, and had been written in two hundred sheets. But the imperial majesty himself had ordered to soften this, and to make the writing a little shorter, about which three weeks of time had passed. The protesting estates requested a copy of this confutation, but it was refused to them by the imperial majesty.

When, after the reading of such a confutation, the Emperor earnestly requested of the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen that they would rejoin the Roman Church in doctrine and faith, and accept the confutation, they should have a gracious Emperor; if not, their Imperial Majesty would not leave the Roman Church with protection, and would punish those who planted repugnant doctrine. Thereupon, Prince John of Saxony has issued for his person an entirely Christian and constant confession of his church doctrine and faith (whereby his electoral grace also wanted to remain in its pit, by divine grace and bestowal) to the Imperial Majesty in Latin, French and German on the evening of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary.

  1. Otherwise, the form is: "Presilgen" - Brazil, that is, red color.

Magdalenä, which is printed in the fifth German Jenische tomo, fol. 31b, An, printed in 1561. 2)

16 Since the matter of the protesting estates was now approaching Augsburg in a very dangerous and painful manner, Landgrave Philip of Hesse let himself be led out of Augsburg at night through a gateway with a few horses on the 6th day of August and rode off to the Hessian land. The Emperor was annoyed by this, and therefore he seriously ordered the Augsburg City Council not to let anyone out through the gateway at night. He also summoned the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen, and agreed with them that they would wait in Augsburg until the discussion of the religious matters and the end of the Diet. For Her Majesty wanted to try all means and ways that might be useful for peaceful unity. The protesting estates therefore agreed to this.

As a result, a number of princes and chieftains have presented themselves to the imperial majesty and requested further negotiations between her majesty and the protesting estates. On the sixth day of August, the other committee was appointed, comprising the two Electors of Mainz and Brandenburg, the Chancellors of the three Electors of Cologne, Treves and Palatinate, and Georg Truchsess of Waldburg, Baron, on behalf of the House of Austria. Item, the bishop of Salzburg, Speier and Strasbourg. Also three secular princes, as Duke George of Saxony, Duke Henry of Brunswick, and Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg. The Abbot of Weingarten, the Chancellor of Baden, and the Chancellor of the Duke of Jülich, who summoned the protesting estates to the chapter house of the Augsburg Abbey, and negotiated with them for a settlement in religion for several days, and discussed the disputed articles with each other, but were unable to unite or settle.

18 A small committee was formed on the 16th day of August to see if a settlement could be reached beforehand, and seven people were appointed on each side. On the papist side, the Bishop of Augsburg, Duke Heinrich of Brunswick, the Archbishop of Cologne, Churfürsten, and the Margrave of Baden Chancellor, and three theologians, Doctor Johann Eck, Doctor Johannes Wimpina, and Doctor Johannes Cochleus. On the protesting side were also two princes, as Margrave Georg

  1. This is "the second article" of No. 995 in this volume.

1742 Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. xvi, 2114-2117, 1743.

of Brandenburg and Duke Johannes Friedrich of Saxony; two jurists, as D. Gregorius Brück, and D. Heller; then three theologians, as N. Philippus Melanchthon, Johannes Brentius, and Erhardus Schneppius. These came together, took the Augsburg Confession of the protesting states in hand, and talked with each other from article to article, and the first day compared themselves in eleven articles. The next day they continued to act, and united with each other in 21 articles. But on the articles of the mass, of priestly marriage, of the Lord's Supper, of monastic vows, and of the bishops' jurisdiction, and others, they could not unite, but remained at odds.

On the 22nd day of August, the papists from the committee reported to the sovereigns and princes of the empire what they had done and arranged so far, and suggested that unity would be achieved much more if only a few people were involved in the action, than if this matter were to pass through many heads and hands. Therefore, it was considered good that a small committee was appointed, who would also act in unity. And on Tuesday after the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, Philippus Melanchthon, together with D. Gregorio Brücken and D. Heller, and on the Papist side D. Eck, and the Bishop of Cologne, and the Chancellor of the Margrave of Baden were used for this. But since these six persons had talked and disputed with each other for a long time, they were not able to compare.

On August 20, the joint committee informed the sovereigns and princes of the empire of the opinion and will of the protesting estates, from which they could not deviate in any way or give in to anything. This was followed by all kinds of advice and suggestions as to how a peaceful agreement could be reached. And on the seventh day of September 1) the Emperor summoned the papist and protesting estates to him, and himself dealt with them, and offered to work with the Pope so that a concilium could be favorably arranged, in which the religious schism and separation could be heard, judged and resolved, and harmless concerns of a peaceful parting between the time and the concilio were made.

  1. on Saturday after Nativitatis Mariä are of some private persons, as, Mr. Georg Truch-.
  1. In the old edition wrong: "Decembris".

seß, Baron, and Doctor Vehus, Chancellor of Baden, the protesting estates 2) were asked how the religious matters could be settled peacefully, or how they could be given a hearing, or that a peaceful parting and end of the Reichstag could be reached.

22 When neither great promises, nor serious threats, nor clever tricks and practices could drive away and turn away the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen from the Christian doctrine and religion; as then the above-mentioned pieces were quickly tried against S. C. F. G. and the same kinsmen at Augsburg, and the Elector of Saxony broke away from Augsburg on the 18th day of September and returned to his lands. C. F. G. and his kinsmen were attempted at Augsburg, and the Elector of Saxony wanted to leave Augsburg on the 18th day of September and depart for his own lands again, as if their Electoral Grace had been at the Emperor's request. Grace remained there for four days at the Emperor's request. And on the 22nd day of September, which was Thursday 3) Mauritius, the Imperial Majesty summoned all the estates of the empire together, and gave the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen their farewell, with gracious permission of a period of reflection between here and the first 4) day of April, Anno 1531, what they wanted to give the Imperial Majesty in reply.

23 And on the same day the Apologia about their confession was delivered to the Imperial Majesty by the protesters through D. Gregory Bridges. Gregory Bridges. The next day, the Elector of Saxony departed from Augsburg, leaving his advisors behind.

During this Imperial Diet in Augsburg, Martin Luther was in Coburg, and from there he gave advice and instruction to the Elector of Saxony and his theologians, and there he wrote many useful good books and had them printed. As, a letter to the Bishop of Mainz, Cardinal, together with an interpretation of the other Psalm. Admonition to the clergy, assembled at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg. Also interpretations of some Psalms, as the 118th, the hundred and eleventh; item, the hundred and seventeenth; also many textbooks, as, exhortation to receive the holy sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, item, of the keys, of matrimonial matters, and how to keep children in school. Item, of Purgatory 2c.

  1. on the eleventh day of novembris is the final farewell of the imperial Diet to all estates from the quay.
  1. "the protesting estates" put by us instead of "the protesting estates. See No. 1099.
  2. Here we have deleted "after" because it is wrong.
  3. Instead of: "the first" it will be read: "the fifteenth". See No. II2I.

[1744]{.underline} Erl. 54, 223, para. 11: The other Reichstag resolution. No. 1161 f. W. XVI, 2117-2119. 1745

ser has been given, and thus this Imperial Diet has had its finality, at which the doctrine of the Gospel, revealed by God through D. Luther in these last days of the world, was publicly confessed before the emperor, king, and all princes and rulers of the empire; and what is written in the Psalms was fulfilled: "I spoke of your testimony before the kings, and was not ashamed. And the confession of our Christian faith was delivered to the whole empire at that imperial diet, continued to come and spread, and many people became attached to it; it still exists to this day against the world, the devil's and the gates of hell's raging and raging. And what this Augsburg Confession has done and worked, D. Martin Luther once said about tables like this

Tanta est Verbi Dei efficacia et virtus, ut, quo plus persecutionis habeat, eo plus floreat et crescat. Considerate comitia Augustana, quae vere sunt ultima tuba ante extremum diem. Quam aestuabat totus mundus tum contra nostram doctrinam*.* O how we had to ask that Christ would remain safe from the papists in heaven! Tandem nostra doctrina et fides ita prodiit in lucem per confessionem nostram, ut brevissimo tempore, mandato etiam Caesaris, ad omnes reges et principes mitteretur; ibi multa praeclarissimorum virorum ingenia in aulis fuerunt*, die fingen diese* Lehre gleich wie ein Zunder Ita nostra confessio et apologia^3^ ) in summa gloria est edita. At illorum confutatio in tenebris sordescit. O quam optarim, ut ipsorum confutatio in lucem prodiret; How would we set to work on the old torn fur, and so shake it that the stains should thrust to and fro? Sed ipsi orunt lucem. They do not want to come here. We have offered them peace and unity enough. Sed ipsi superbissime nolebant consentire. Ideo oportet papistas perire sine ulla misericordia. Sicut in Josua cap. 9,15. legitur, quod Josua omnibus civitatibus pacem obtulerit, et nullam praeter Gabaon pacem

  1. Compare: Tischreden, Cap. 55, s 3 and ?5. St.Louis edition, vol. XXII, 1375 ff. The redaction given here is according to the records of Mathesius. G. Lösche, VnuteetÄ Initlierann 6t MelanUioiiinna, p. 279, No. 446.
  2. Inserted after Lösche.
  3. ^poIoAiu is here another name for the Augsburg Confession, which was initially called a protective writing. The "Apology of the Augsburg Confession" was not accepted by the emperor.

suscepisse, caeteras omnes eam excussisse, et ideo sine misericordia periisse. Ideo nostra^4^ ) illa comitia omni laude digna sunt. What has been consumed there, no one shall regret, quia Verbum Dei divulgatum est passim contra omnium hominum, Caesaris, papae et Epicureorum opinionem. They wanted to dampen our doctrine by force, but then it began to rise.

  1. During this Augsburg Diet, O. Martin Luther's father, Hans Luther, a citizen of the Mansfeld Valley, died blessedly in God.

28 During the Imperial Diet of Augsburg, a number of cities in the upper lands, which had adhered to Zwingli's and Oekolampadi's doctrine of the Lord's Supper, submitted to the Imperial Majesty and the Estates of the Empire their own confession on this article. Majesty and the Estates of the Empire their own confession on this article. For this reason, the protesting estates have been at odds with them; as Martinus Bucerus, preacher at Strasbourg, sent from Augsburg to D. Martin Luther against Coburg, to discuss this with him and to see if an agreement could be reached, which then followed in 1536.

In the month of November, the Imperial Majesty departed from Augsburg together with King Ferdinand and other princes. Majesty of Augsburg, together with King Ferdinand and other princes, departed for Cologne, where her Imperial Majesty required all seven princes to elect a Roman king in writing on the 21st of December. Majesty summoned all seven Electors by writing on the 21st day of December to elect a Roman King there. This election was contested by Elector John of Saxony, who publicly protested against it through his son, Duke John Frederick. Hence the beginning of all displeasure, enmity and bitterness of the House of Austria against the Elector of Saxony and his son, Duke John Frederick.

On the 22nd day of December, the protesting estates held a meeting and a day at Schmalkalden. And there a covenant and unification was established among them. They also challenged the election of the Roman king by writing to the emperor.

1162 Luther's letter to Elector John concerning the violent writings he was forbidden to write. April 16, 1531.

The original of this letter is in the archives at Weimar, Ü6A. X, toi. 73; subsequently in the Leipzig Supplement, p. 66, No. Ill; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 238 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 223. We have used the variants given in Burkhardt, p. 190.

  1. nostra is missing from Lösche.

1746 Erl. 54,223-225. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, 2119-2121. 1747

Grace and peace in Christ! Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! The respectable, most reverend Lord, D. Gregorius Brück, has notified me of E. C. F. G.'s writing and order to forbid me the violent, sharp writings, of which I have recently let two go out, so that incorrectness 1) may be prevented: besides this, I have also let see two disgraceful letters, which were written to the monastery of Rissau from Wittenberg under such a name: "M. L.", 2) whereupon I am also compelled to inform E. C. F. G. of my humble opinion.

First of all, I can testify with these two sharp writings myself that I do nothing seditious in them, and no man will prove sedition to me from them, and will (whether God wills it) keep the same against everyone.

  1. On the other hand, it is also clear that I praised and praised Imperial Majesty to the highest degree. Maj. to the highest degree, and in sum, as the words clearly state, 3) to instruct nothing but the consciences in a Christian manner, and to discover the evil practices of the abusers of the imperial name, so that devout hearts may be unconcerned. name, so that pious hearts may remain unconcerned and unaffected.

Thirdly, how Christianly and honestly E. C. F. G. and her relatives acted in such an edict, I think E. C. F. G. should feel better than all the world, and have also made it well known in Augsburg with objections and protests.

(5) Because that part nevertheless condemned our matters and, continuing with the head, did not want to hear or answer, did not care about that, that one so highly, heartily, earnestly asked for peace, nevertheless let out such a sinister, cruel, bloodthirsty, false edict, and thus (to tell the truth) drew the sword against E. C. F. G. and the same relatives, and put the whole realm in armor, as one cannot interpret such otherwise; and that is even more, E. C. F. G. and the same relatives are in harness. C. F. G. and her relatives, and put the whole realm in armor, as one cannot interpret such things otherwise; and that is even more, E. C. F. G. and her relatives have been kept in such a state for more than half a year.

  1. In the old edition: "a correctness".
  2. The two letters are printed by Burkhardt, p. 190. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. XX, introduction, p. 22 d.
  3. Walch: Christian.

and such dangerous and miserable patience proved all too great an excess, and yet it did nothing for that part, but only made them more defiant, more proud and more wilful, so that I had to worry that they would not stop, that they would cause misery. Therefore, whether E. C. F. G. and her relatives wanted to remain silent and suffer forever in this matter, I have now chosen not to remain silent nor to suffer, as the matter is initially and most nobly my own. For if I should finally remain silent on such a public condemnation of my doctrine, it would be just as much as if I abandoned it and denied it; before I want to do that and suffer, I want to incur the wrath of all the devils, of all the world, before I keep silent because of the mob 4).

6 That perhaps some pretend with E. C. F. G., the two writings are sharp and swift, that is truly true; I did not write it to be blunt and mild, and I alone am sorry that it is not sharper and fiercer; for whoever sees or notices the sharpness and swiftness of the trade on that part, will not count my writing for special sharpness and swiftness, unless that would be a mild and gentle trade, that one would deny E. C. F. G. together with her relatives such a gruesome edict and condemnation of unheard-of 5) matters. C. F. G. together with her relatives such a gruesome edict and condemnation of unheard-of 5) matter and denied answer, and thus the whole empire's sword and fury in E. C. C. F. G. life and limb, and to make Germany full of innocent blood, widows, orphans, and to disturb and devastate the whole empire.

Yes, my writing can be considered sharp and vehement; but when will that part also once take itself by the nose and judge your writing sharp? When has the Imperial Majesty ever punished or forbidden the writings? When has His Majesty punished or forbidden the writings that have gone out against us in the whole Empire, also in his hereditary lands and in the French lands, in the most severe and disgraceful manner without intermission? When did King Maj. Maj. of Bohemia too harshly damned D. Faber's and such lying, blasphemous, assholish writings?

  1. Walch: "aller kaiserlichen Räthe"; DeWette: "der kaiserlichen Räthe".
  2. "unheard" unheard.

[1748]{.underline} Erl. 54,225-227, Sect. 11, The Other Reichstag Resolution. No. 1162 f. W. XVI, 2121-2124. 1749

Scripture? When did the dukes of Bavaria punish D. Ecken and other writings, full of lies and blasphemy in the most bitter way? When did Margrave Joachim punish his Wimpina and Mensingen, the poisonous vipers and liars? When has Duke Georgen ever been annoyed by what Emser, Doctor Cochleus and many others in his lands have written so sharply, bitterly and shamefully against us? In it, even the gentle, pious prince, Duke Frederick's honor, is not a little touched, I will keep silent, how E. C. F. G. is mocked and bruised with it. Duke George himself has written against me, and many times in such a way that a loose Emser or Notzlöffel should be ashamed to write in this way; but it should not be given to him either.

From this E. C. F. G. sees that such people's opinion is that if a hundred thousand wrote on that part, yes, if all the leaves and grass wrote and screamed against us in the most poisonous and bitter, most shameful and most lying way 1) and we kept silent and said yes to it, that would be right and fine. But if I alone, poor man, cry out against so many monstrous wonders and abominations, no one has written sharply except Luther alone. Yes, if that should be right, that they may pretend: Let us write and cry out against you and your doctrine in the most outrageous way, and you keep quiet and say yes to it; let us drive at the Elector of Saxony with edicts, bats and guns of the whole realm, but he keep quiet and say that would be right: who would not like to be judged, most gracious lord? They are certainly not silly people, but attack it very wisely!

9 Accordingly, my most humble request to E. C. F. G. is that they do not allow evil mouths to be moved against me, and from the indicated causes consider the great unavoidable need that has urged me to write sharply, so E. C. F. G. will well judge that I am much, much too blunt and soft with my writing to such evil knots and branches. But if this is not enough, let them write against me or sue me in writing, where I have acted rebelliously or unjustly; if I will not answer for it, then I will suffer my right to do so.

  1. In the original: "schreuten".

far that I do not want to have told them nor advised them to do such against me, because I did not write it drunk nor in sleep. The other two letters to the abbess at Rissau see E. C. F. G. himself that they are not mine, so I know neither monastery nor abbots inside, do not know where it lies, whether they eat or drink inside. Although a great deal of shameful writing has gone out against us from Duke George's country, and yet 2) everything has been done well, namely by Hasenberger in Leipzig, which our enemies also spit upon, it is so exceedingly shameful. He still lives in Leipzig and has a gracious lord, praise and honor, along with his followers. But this is the sum of it: what we say and do is wrong, even if we wake up the dead; what they do is right, even if they drown land and people with innocent blood; and such people should be attacked with cotton wool, courted, and said: Mercy-junkies, you are pious and beautiful. The merciful Father in heaven comfort and strengthen E. C. F. G. in his word and command until the blessed end, Amen. Sunday after Easter April 16 1531.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

Luther's letter to Gregorius Brück concerning his published booklet "Against the Assassin at Dresden. May 8, 1530.

Lx unto^raplio Oleioüii in Tentzels curiöser Bibliothek, 1764, p. 393; in the Leipzig Supplement, p. 67, No. 112; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 252 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 231.

Clarissimo viro*, Gregorio Bruck,* Jurium Doctori et Saxoniae > Senatori, suo in Domino majori.

Mercy and peace, my dear Lord and Godfather! That my booklet should come to Dresden before to Torgau, I should excuse against 3) you, so I hope it is not necessary. For E. A. was outside too long, as I had provided for E. A.'s future. So

  1. Walch and De Wette: thereafter.
  2. Inserted by us for easier understanding.

[1750]{.underline} Erl. Briefw.vii, 305. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi.2124-2128. 1751

I also think that my little books, if they should come to the court first, they would find so much of the master that nothing would ever come of it, and make countless other people suspicious of me. But now they see only Lutheran, and everyone can excuse himself that he did nothing to it.

2 Well, I will spare the bishop yet, cannot do it even now that I write, and must forgive other writing half. But I am surprised that the good man,

  1. It would like to be read perhaps: "with the master" or: "with the master". Only with this or a similar reading the following sentence seems to give us a corresponding sense.

D. Johann Rühel, once again lets himself be fooled into believing the loose and false man 2), since he knows that nothing good is behind it.

I have asked E. A. through Er Johann, they wanted to help me complete the book of assassinations, because I want to work on it again; but I know little of the point, since he describes us with the Duke of Wittenberg. Theologically I want to do it well, but to do it historically would be very useful to me.

4 I do what is dear to E. A., where they are not slow in exhorting. Hiemit GOtt befehlt, Amen. Octava Maji 1531.

D. Martinus Luther.

  1. the Bishop of Mainz.

The twelfth section of the thirteenth chapter.

Luther's stay in Coburg during the Diet of Augsburg.

A. How Luther told his good strangers about his arrival in Coburg and how lovely he described the area there.

1164 D. M. Luther's report to Jakob Probst, preacher in Bremen, of his stay in Coburg.

See Appendix, No. 2, Z1.

1165 D. M. Luther's joke letter to Justus Jonas from the Coburg Diet of the Jackdaws. The 23?) April 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Ooä.Il6lm8t. 108, Iol.9k; in the 6oä. RoKtoeU.; in the Ooä. 4611. d, toi. 214; in Copenhagen, LIs. 1393, L>1.213. printed at Oo6l68tiiiu8, tom.I, toi. 38 d; in Lu6ck6U8, x. 87; in De Wette, vol. IV, p.4 (datirt vom 22. April) and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 305.

Newly translated from the Latin.

  1. Walch and De Wette: "the 22nd", which is not permissible, since the Uebersiedelung of Luther on the fortress Coburg happened in the night of the 22nd to the 23rd of April. Köstlin, Martin Luther (3.), vol. II, p. 652 aä p. 198, 2), has drawn attention to it first. The Erl. Briefwechsel brings still further proofs for it.

Grace and peace in Christ Jesus! We are finally sitting here under the clouds and in truth in the kingdom of the birds, dearest Jonah. For to say nothing of the other birds, whose singing is so great that it drowns out the storm, the jackdaws or ravens take up a whole grove just before our eyes. "I mean, there is a Gekecke", 4) from four o'clock in the morning 5) on, all day long tirelessly and incessantly, perhaps all night long, so that I believe that hardly anywhere a larger crowd of birds gathered together. Among them there is not one that is silent for a moment, so that one is not forced to listen to every single one of them, as the older ones with the younger ones, the mothers with the daughters, praise the name of the jackdaws. They may sing so sweetly to lull us to sleep, which, God willing, we will experience that night. It is a very noble race of birds, and to the commonwealth (as you know) exceedingly

  1. In this, the Erl. Briefwechsel finds an allusion to Eck; but here Luther seems to speak to us only of the natural birds; only later does he interpret it of the Sophists and people like Cochläus.
  2. At this hour Luther arrived there.

[1752]{.underline} Erl. 54, 143 f. Section 12: L.'s stay in Coburg. No. 1165 f. W. XVI, 2126-2128. 1753

necessary and useful. I interpret it in such a way that the whole army of Sophists and Cochleites from the whole world is gathered before me, so that I may become better acquainted with their wisdom and this sweet song, and look with pleasure at their service and benefit both in the physical and in the spiritual community. So far, no one has heard a nightingale, 1) while its lead and accompanying singer, the cuckoo, boasts in the glorious ornamentation of its voice, as befits a victor 2) in the public battles and victorious opponents of the nightingale, in the same way also the other fellow singers of the same, the blackbirds, warblers and larks cheerfully praise the Lord. This is something quite unheard of here. You see that I have nothing that I could write; therefore, in order not to write anything, I would rather joke than remain silent, especially since the jackdaws scream so and fill heaven and earth with their cackling. It seemed shameful to me that one who can speak words did not even dare to murmur. May the Lord be with you, and let us pray for one another. That is necessary. Give my regards to Magister Agricola and Aquila, to whom I will write especially as soon as possible. Farewell. From the realm of birds, especially jackdaws, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

1166 D. Matt. Luther's joke writing to his table companions in Wittenberg, of the jackdaws and crows Reichstag, behind which is nevertheless a great seriousness. April 28, 1530.

Handwritten in the ooä. 6otti. L. 28, toi. 72; in the Ooä. 4oii. L. 246, toi. 218; in Copenhagen, iVIk. 1393, toi. 209. Printed in the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 406; in the Jena (1566), vol.V, p. 206; in the Altenburg, vol.V, p. 20; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 141; in the Erlangen, vol. 54, p. 143 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 7. The address is found only in the manuscripts. On the other hand, the date offered in the same, "the 22nd of April", is wrong. See the previous number.

  1. In the next letter to his table companions, Luther reports that the first nightingale was heard on April 28.
  2. In the Erlanger Briefwechsel, in the explanation of the word tiisroniess, probably due to a typographical error: "singer" 2c.

My dear table companions, Petro and Hieronymo Weller and Heinrich > Schneidewin and others in Wittenberg, all and especially.

Grace and peace in Christ, dear lords and friends! I have received all your letters and have heard them as they are due everywhere. So that you may again hear how it is to be done here, I would like you to know that we, namely I, Magister Veit and Cyriacus? are not going to the Diet in Augsburg; but otherwise we may well have come to another Diet.

There is a rubet (4) just outside our window, like a small forest, where the jackdaws and crows have laid down an imperial day, there is such a riding to and fro, such a shouting day and night, without ceasing, as if they were all drunk, full and mad; there young and old are fighting through each other, that I wonder how voice and breath can last so long. And I would like to know if there are still some of these nobles and travelers with you; methinks they are gathered here from all over the world.

I have not yet seen their emperor, but otherwise the nobility and the great Hansen are always hovering and dandling before our eyes; not almost exquisitely dressed, but simple in one color, all equally black, and all equally gray-eyed; all sing the same song, but with a lovely difference of the young and the old, great and small. They pay no attention to the great palace and hall; for their hall is vaulted with the beautiful wide sky, their floor is vain field, paneled with pretty green branches, so the walls are as wide as the end of the world. Nor do they ask for horses and armor; they have feathered wheels, so that they too can flee from the guns, and can be seated in a rage. They are great mighty lords, but what they decide I do not know yet.

(4) But according to what I have heard from an interpreter, they intend to make a great campaign and fight against wheat, barley, oats, malt, 5) and all kinds of grain and cereals.

  1. Veit Dietrich and Cyriacus Kaufmann.
  2. "Rubet" (ruI)(Kuin), a dense copse. In the previous letter: n "rnn8.
  3. Of which the name "Malztürken" at the end of this letter.

[1754]{.underline} Erl. Briefw.vii, 307 f. Cap. 13. Of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. W. XVI, 2128-2130. 1755

Many a knight will become a knight here and do great deeds.

So we sit here in the Diet, listen and watch with great pleasure and love how the princes and lords, along with the other estates of the empire, sing and live so happily. But we have special joy when we see how chivalrously they play truant, wipe their beaks, and overthrow the armies, so that they win and bring honor against grain and malt. We wish them luck and good fortune, that they would all be impaled on a fence post.

(6) But I think it is nothing else than the Sophists and Papists, with their preaching and writing, I must have them all in a heap before me, that I may hear their sweet voice and preaching, and see how very useful it is to the people to consume all that is on earth, and for that to make merry for boredom.

Today we heard the first nightingale, because it did not want to trust April. So far, the weather has been delicious, it has never rained, except for a little yesterday. Perhaps it will be different with you. Herewith God commands, and keep well house. From the Diet of the Maltese Turks , April 28, 1530.

1167 D. Matt. Luther's letter to Spalatin, the thoughts of which are quite the same, but the words of which are somewhat different from the two preceding letters. April 23, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the Anhaltisches Gesammt-Archiv. Handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Cock. Hslmst. 108, toi. 13 (datirt den 19. Mai); in the 6o<I. Ratscnd.; in the Ooä. Rostock.; in the Ooü. Ootknn. R. 28, lol. 71; in Copenhagen, Ns. 1393, col. 216 (datirt 29 April); in 6oä. u, 221; in Ooä. Icn. k, 138. printed in Goclestinus, toin. I, col. 37 k; in Rucl6mi8, x. 90; in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 12 and in Walch; in all these editions datirt vom 9. Mai. German also in Chyträus, p. 22 (datirt vom 28. April). With the date we gave in the ErlangerBriefwechsel, Vol. VII, p. 307; the original printed there is without date.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To the dear man, Mr. Georg Spalatin, the faithful servant of Christ in > the Gospel, his superior.

Grace and peace in the Lord! It is not you alone, my dear Spalatin, who have come to the

We, too, arrived at a Reichstag as soon as we left you, and thus preceded you by far. And our journey to the Diet has not been hindered at all, but only changed. You are going to Augsburg, of course, but it is uncertain when you will see the beginning of your Diet; we have arrived here in the middle of the Diet. Here you can see noble kings, dukes, and other great men of the empire, earnestly caring for the affairs and the dependents, and shouting their resolutions and doctrines through the air with a tireless voice. Yes, they do not dwell, or rather are not shut up in such holes and caves as are at court, which you call palaces, yet not with great goods, but under the open sky, so that the sky itself serves them for a ceiling, and the greening trees are their exceedingly richly and variously paneled floor; furthermore, the walls are at the same time also the ends of the earth. They also despise the foolish expenditure of gold and silk, but they all have the same manner, the same color, the same demeanor and speech, and are dressed with incredible similarity and equality. All are equally all black, all have dark-colored eyes, all are unanimous in the same music, but with a lovely difference between the voices of the old and the young. I have not yet seen nor heard their emperor. I see that they also despise the four-footed cavalry, since they have a better, winged one, by which they can also escape the wrath of the guns. As far as I could hear from the interpreter of their resolutions, they have unanimously decided to undertake a war campaign this whole year against barley, both raw and dried, then against winter and summer wheat, and everything there is of good grain. And there is danger that they will gain the victory in many things, for they are a crafty and cunning kind of warriors, wonderfully skilled in stealing and robbing. At this Diet we sit here with great pleasure as idle spectators and listeners.

  1. By moving from the city of Coburg to the fortress.

[1756 Erl.Briefw.vii,308. sec. 12. L.'s stay in Coburg. No. 1167ff. W. XVI, 2130-2132. 1757]{.underline}

For besides that the common and beautiful Moorish color delights us extraordinarily, seeing that these heroes are so splendidly dressed, the unanimous singing of all, which is interspersed with beautiful modulations, delights us beyond measure. Then the hope and expectation of their bravery and the victories that we assume they will win over the wheat and barley (and other such things) makes these fathers of the fatherland and preservers of the commonwealth exceedingly pleasant and endearing to us, so that, if something could be done with wishes, we would like them to be rid of this disgraceful name "jackdaws" (monedularum), or rather of the accusation that they are thieves, and to be praised with expressions worthy of their virtue, that is, that they would all be spitted or speared (but in a suffering sense). But, if they could find a cheap interpreter, they would have enough honor and praise from their own name Mon Edulae, as it were "Man Edel", or with transposition of the words: "Edelman"; only that here an insult of your imperial Diet is in view, where your noblemen (Edelmani) distinguish themselves too much by Dohlentugeud. But our Man Edulini at their Imperial Diet have in one respect the advantage that they have a smaller and more tolerable court (forum) than yours will have at Augsburg.

This is enough for a joke, but a serious and necessary joke, which should drive away my thoughts, if it would drive them away. The rest you will learn from Jonas and Philip. From the realm of the winged jackdaws at five o'clock, 2) 1530. Yours, Martin Luther.

B. Of Luther's work at Coburg.

1168 Luther's report to Melanchthon of his plan to publish the Psalms, Prophets, and Aesopus.

See Appendix, No. 4, § 1.

  1. That is, "impaled on a fence post". See No. 1166, § 5.
  2. April 23, afternoon.

Luther's report to Melanchthon that he was still working on his exhortation to the clergy.

See Appendix, No. 5.

1170 Luther's letter to Wenceslaus Link, in which he also commemorates the publication of some Psalms and his translation of the Prophets and Aesop's Fables.

See Appendix, No. 6, § 2.

Luther's repeated report to Melanchthon on his partly completed, partly still intended work.

See Appendix, No. 7, § 1.

1172 Luther's report to Conr. Cordatus that he had finished the translation of Jeremiah and would now take Ezekiel in hand.

See Appendix, No. 8, § 2.

6. of Luther's temptations and illnesses with which he was afflicted at Coburg.

1173: Luther's report to Melanchthon about his foot, which had not yet healed.

See Appendix, No. 5.

1174 Luther's letter to Melanchthon, in which he complains about his head ailment and satanic temptation.

See Appendix, No. 7, § 2.

Luther's report of this to Conr. Cordatus and Gabriel Zwilling.

See Appendix, No. 8 and 10.

Luther's further report to Melanchthon of his, however alternating, indisposition.

See Appendix, No. 11, s 3 and No. 12, § 3.

Luther's message of this to Justus Jonas and Conr. Cordatus.

See Appendix, No. 13, § 2 and No. 14, § 1.

[1758]{.underline} Erl. 54, IS7 f. Cap. 13: From the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530, W. XVI, 2132-2134, 1759.

D. Luther's prayer and joy of faith, by which he directed himself and others, even though he sometimes grew tired of the Reichstag and even of his life.

1178 Beautiful, exquisite sayings from the Holy Scriptures, so that Luther could comfort himself in his temptations during the Imperial Diet.

See Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. X, 1712 ff.

1179: Luther's song "Ein feste Burg ist unser GOtt" (A Mighty Fortress is Our God), which is said to have been written around this time.

See Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. X, 1460.

1180 Luther's Letter to Duke John Frederick of Saxony. June 30, 1530.

In the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 16; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 165; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 64 and in the Erlangen, vol. 54, p. 157. Latin at 6o6l68tinu8, torn. I, x. 202 and at Luää6U8, x. 125.

To the illustrious, highborn Prince and Lord Johann Friedrich, Duke of > Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my gracious > Lord.

Grace and peace in Christ JEsu! Sublime, highborn prince, gracious lord! The Lord sees before his eyes what kind of master the devil is, who leads such great wise people captive in his service, and carries out all his deeds with crafty and cunning trickery. And although I know that E. F. G. is well equipped against this (praise God!), and know and judge all their great art and advice, I still, out of other concern, want to write to E. F. G. to humbly admonish that they do not let themselves be annoyed by the poisonous, evil tricks that their closest blood friends are up to. For where the devil can do no more, he nevertheless works to make our hearts wrong and to irritate us with his (admittedly) unpleasant suggestions. A good remedy for this is the seventh and thirtieth Psalm, which finely shows how evil the devil's mind is and makes us angry.

We must be patient without ceasing, whether he might tear out a word, work or deed, so that he might disgrace us as disobedient and rebellious. But it is written, "If God be with us, who will be against us?" And we must learn to eat up the deceitfulness of evil men, as Saint Paul says in Romans 12: "Overcome evil with good."

It is true that the Emperor is a pious heart, worthy of all honor and virtue, who may not receive too much honor on account of his person; but, dear God! what can a man do against so many devils, if God does not help tremendously? I myself am annoyed that E. F. G.'s blood friends do it so wantonly, and scrape so; but I must have patience, otherwise I would much rather wish them this and that. How much more can I think that E. F. G. would be cheaper to destroy and move. But for God's sake and that of the dear emperor, F.F.G. will have patience and also pray with us for the wretched people; after all, they have not yet made it out. If I have failed here in saying that E. F. G. would be annoyed by the evil treachery of his friends, I am glad, and E. F. G. will be patient with me. I am glad, and E. F. G. will forgive me; for I mean it heartily well, sit here and think: this will go to the heart of this one, that one will go to the heart of that one, or will make me unamused, because I am the devil of all malice without ceasing. E. F. G. be hereby graciously commanded by God, Amen. Given at Coburg on the last day of June, Anno 1530.

E. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther, D.

1181 Luther's letter to Spalatin. July 13, 1530.

Handwritten in 6oä. len. d, 67 and in Aurifaber, vol. ill, bl. 53. Printed in Luääerm, x. 148; at 606l68tinu8, tom. II, lol. 228 V and at De Wette, vol. IV, p. 91.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ our Lord! I also believe, my dearest Spalatin, that the emperor's kindness is great, as you all praise him. But I have no hope that

[1760]{.underline} Section 12: L.'s stay in Coburg. No. 1181 f. W. xvi. 2134-2136. 1761

He will become favorable to our cause, no matter how much he wants to. For what can one man do against so many devils? Therefore, our protection is the Lord, who is mighty in weakness, and is pleased to comfort the fainthearted and to help the forsaken. But I have strong thoughts about what may have happened to you in the meantime according to your last letters, and I make assumptions, assuming that the matter has long since come to a decision, and that you are not only condemned, but also suffer threats and wanton behavior. For it is to be wondered at what victories the adversaries are blasting out of Augsburg, that they would already have trampled us underfoot and made a mockery of us. But be of good cheer, saith the Lord, I have overcome the world: he that dwelleth in heaven shall laugh at them. This is how I think about the matter. For we shall not be helped, we shall feast, for we are forsaken. "Blessed are ye (saith he), when men persecute you, and speak all manner of evil against you, when they lie against you" 2c. We have taken upon us the ministry of which it is said, "Ye shall be hated of all men for my sake." And now we wonder that this hatred is there, foretold by Him who has such great credibility and prestige? If we wanted this prophecy to be void, we should either not have taken this office upon us, or should have taken care that this would not be prophesied. For since it is prophesied, and we have taken upon us the ministry, we are too late to want to think it vain and vain, and to want to earn the favor and grace of men. Therefore, may this prophecy be fulfilled, and may we feel such hatred as can rightly and not jokingly be called a hatred. For the Scripture must not only become true, but be fulfilled, become full, full, full, "that it may be called fulfilled, and full, full fulfilled." I am glad to hear from Duke George that he is carrying himself out in this way; God will pay him with the nonsense of which he is worthy, and will add other plagues. May the Lord comfort and strengthen you all. From the desert of Gruboc (Coburg), on the day of Margaret (July 13) 1530.

1182 Luther's letter to Spalatin. July 20, 1530.

Handwritten in 6oä. 36". a, toi. 234 and k, toi. 66, and in Aurifaber, vol. ill, p. 66. Printed in Luääeu8, x. 158; in GoeleMnrm, tora. II, toi. 232; in Schütze, from the Grammische Sammlung in Copenhagen, vol. II, p. 153; and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 101.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To Georg Spalatin, the servant and faithful confessor of Christ, who > is now in Augsburg.

Grace and peace in Christ! First of all, I must thank you, especially you, my dear Spalatin, that you write everything to us so diligently and abundantly, as you have material (materiam) and sufficient (sufficientes) causes, or rather abundant both formal and final (finales) and effecting (efficientes) 1) causes. We are hermits here, and as it were a land without water; we can produce nothing worthy to be written to you, except that we go up to heaven with sighs, supplications, and with all the power of prayer and supplications, and, though unworthy, knock at the door of him that hath said, "Knock, and it shall be opened unto you." It is only necessary that we persevere and wait a little while.

O Friends,

You have suffered more severely, God will soon put an end to this as > well, > > Just persevere faithfully, save yourselves for better times?)

Or rather this word (Ps. 27, 14. 31, 25.]: "Wait for the Lord, be of good cheer, all you who wait for the Lord." Hab. 2:3.: "Though he be consumed, wait for him; he will surely come, and the prophecy will not lie." Truly I see that ye are in the battle, and what devils shall ye not hear speaking most venomously in the answer of the adversaries? For I foresee all this now; but it does not mean so much. For since Christ has already given the goods which this world does not comprehend, and has promised even greater, why should he not give them to you?

  1. Luther plays here with scholastic expressions.
  2. Virß. lib. I, v. 198 8y., v. 207.

[1762]{.underline} Cap. 13: The Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530**,** W. xvi, 2136-2139, 1763**.**

do we not suffer this small evil, that the unclean flies stain us with their proboscis or soil us a little, since even the highest and most beautiful queens of the natural flies are forced to suffer this in the middle of their faces? But what are these angry people but buzzing flies that rush against our heads with their wings? But after they have swished very angrily, they emit an outrage that one can hardly hit with a needle. So great is the power of such great rage. But ours is the forgiveness of sins, salvation from death, eternal life; Christ Himself is ours with all that is His, for whose name you now sweat. He will not forsake his cause; and if he forsake it, it would be beautiful and salutary to be forsaken with him, though he were not GOD. But I carry wood into the forest. Greetings M. Eisleben, Aquila, Brenz and all ours. Christ is with you. From the desert Gruboc, July 20, 1530. Your Martin Luther.

Luther's report to Justus Jonas about how he was tired of the Reichstag and how he wished to be sacrificed in this concilio, like Johann Hus at Costnitz. July 21, 1530.

See Appendix, No. 15.8 6.

1184 Veit Dietrich's letter to Melanchthon, in which he holds up to him Luther's example of faithful trust and zeal in prayer. July 30, 1530.

This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 430; in the Jena (1566) vol. V, p. 117; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 244 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 188.

To his dear Mr. Preceptori, Philippo Melanchthoni, Vitus Dietrich wishes good luck.

Dear Mr. Philippe! You do not know how distressed I am because of your health. But for the sake of Christ, I beg you not to hold in such low esteem Mr. Doctor's letter written to you. I cannot sufficiently marvel at his excellent constancy, joy, faith and hope in these miserable times. But he multiplies such things daily.

He is able to do so by diligently practicing God's Word. Not a day goes by in which he does not take at least three hours, the most convenient for study, for prayer.

I once succeeded in hearing him pray. Help God! What a spirit, what faith is in his words. He prays so devoutly as one who talks with God, with such hope and faith, as one who talks with his father. I know (he said) that you are our dear God and Father, therefore I am sure that you will destroy the persecutors of your children. But if you do not, the journey is yours as well as ours, the whole thing is yours; what we have done, that we must do, therefore you, dear father, may protect them.

When I heard him pray such words with a bright voice from afar, my heart burned with great joy, because I heard him speak so kindly and devoutly to God; but especially because he pressed so hard for the promises from the Psalms, as if he were sure that everything he desired would have to happen. Therefore, I have no doubt that his prayer will be of great help in this lost matter, which will be dealt with at the present Diet.

4th I would that the Salzburg Doeg, the Edomite, had all the misfortune that he had afflicted you so. The doctor said: if he had been in your place, he would have answered him thus: If your emperor does not want to suffer the disruption of the empire, our emperor will not want to suffer blasphemy either. Only defy your emperor with confidence, and we will also defy ours, and see who keeps the field.

You, my dear Mr. Preceptor, would do much whiter if you followed the Doctor in this case. For with your sorrowful worry and useless weeping you will do nothing but cause a great misfortune for yourselves and all of us (for whom nothing is dearer or more useful than your salvation). I pray diligently for you and all of you, as much as I can.

Our God, which is condemned by the godless people, may destroy the nations that desire war, and may save us, His poor army, from the terrible hand that seeks murder and our blood, amen. Now, dear Mr. Preceptor, God keep you most blessedly in our Lord Christ, and do not charge me with my letter, for you know my heart against you. God bless you once again. Given from our desert, July 30, 1530.

[1764]{.underline} Erl. 54,183-185. Section 12: L.'s stay in Coburg. No. 1185, W. XVI, 2139-2141, 1765**.**

1185 Luther's letter to the Chancellor of the Electorate of Saxony, D. Gregorius Bruck. August 5, 1530.

This letter is handwritten in 6od. den. d, toi. 306. printed by Chyträus, p. 96d; in des Flacius deutscher Sammlung, no. 4; in the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569) vol. IX, p. 423d; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, bl. 119d; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 246; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 182; in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 183; and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 127. Latin in Buddeus, x". 172 and in Goslsstiuus, tom. II, lol. 275.

To the respectable, highly esteemed Mr. Gregorio Brück, the Right > Doctor, Elector of Saxony Chancellor and Councillor, my favorable Lord > and friendly dear Godfather.

  1. grace and peace in Christ. Respectable, esteemed, dear Lord and Godfather! I have now written several times to my most gracious Lord, and to ours, that I think I have done too much, especially to my most gracious Lord, as if I doubted that God's comfort and help would be more and stronger with S. C. F. G. than with me. But I did it because of the suggestion of our people, some of whom are so wistful and careful, as if God had forgotten us, if He cannot forget us, He would have to forget Himself first. Unless our cause was not his cause, and our teaching not his word. Otherwise, if we are certain of this, and do not doubt that it is his cause and his word, then our prayer has certainly been heard, and help has already been decided upon, and prepared, so that we may be helped; this cannot be lacking. For he saith, Can a woman forget her child, that she should not have mercy on the fruit of her womb? Though she forget the same, yet will I not forget thee: behold, I have marked thee upon mine hand."

I saw two miracles the other day: The first, when I looked out of the window, saw the stars in the sky, and all the beautiful vault of God, and yet saw no pillars anywhere, on which the Master had set such a vault; the sky had not yet fallen, nor did such a vault still stand firm. Now there are some who seek such pillars and would like to grasp and feel them. Because they are unable to do so, they wriggle and tremble, as if the

The heavens will surely collapse for no other reason than that they cannot grasp or see the pillars. If they could grasp them, the sky would stand firm.

3rd The other, I also saw great thick clouds hovering over us, with such weight that they might be likened to a great sea; and yet I saw no ground on which they rested or footed, nor runners in which they were bound; nor yet did they fall upon us, but greeted us with a sour countenance, and fled away. When they had passed, both the ground and our roof, which had held them, shone with a rainbow. It was a weak, thin, small ground and roof, that it also disappeared in the clouds, and was more a shadow (as it is used to shine through a painted glass), than such a mighty ground, that one should despair even of the ground as much as of the great load of water. Nevertheless, it was indeed found that such a fainting (to look at) shadow carried the water load and protected us. There are still some who look at, respect and fear the thickness and heavy load of the water and the clouds more than this thin, narrow and light scheme, because they would like to feel the power of such a scheme; because they cannot, they fear that the clouds will cause an eternal flood.

I must joke about this with your respectability in a friendly way, and yet write unjokingly; for I have had special joy from the fact that I have experienced how E. A. above all others has a good courage and a brave heart in this challenge of ours. I had well hoped that there should have been at least pax politica to obtain; but God's thoughts are far above our thoughts. And is also right, for he (saith Sanct Paul Eph. 3, 20.) heareth and doeth supra quam intelligi- mus aut petimus. For we do not know how to ask, Rom. 8, 26. Should he hear us, then, as we ask that the emperor give us peace, it might be said, infra, not supra quam intelligimus, and the emperor, and not God, should get the honor.

5 But now he himself will make peace for us, that he alone may have the glory that is his alone.

[1766]{.underline} Cap. 14: Of the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi. 2141-2144. 1767

is due. Not that we hereby despise Imperial Majesty. Majesty, but ask and wish that Imperial Majesty do nothing against God and imperial rights. Majesty does nothing against God and imperial rights. If, however, she does so (since God is in favor), we, as loyal subjects, do not want to believe that His Imperial Majesty does so. Majesty, but think that other tyrants do it under the name of Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and thus Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's name and the work of the tyrants, just as we also distinguish God's name, which heretics and liars use, and honor God's name and avoid lies. Thus, we should not and cannot approve of the actions of tyrants, nor should we accept that they should be punished under Imperial Majesty. Majest. name.

  1. but such work as God has graciously given us, He will bless and promote by His Spirit, and will well arrange the time and place to help us, and will not forget yet.

miss. They have not yet reached the halfway point, the viri sanguinum, which they have now begun, have not yet all returned home, or where they would like to be. Our rainbow is weak, their clouds are mighty; but in fine videbitur cujus toni. Your respectability gives me credit for my talk, and comfort Magistrum Philippum and all the others. Christ shall also comfort and uphold our most gracious Lord. To him be praise and thanksgiving forever, amen. To whose grace I also faithfully commend E. A. Ex Eremo, 5 Aug. Anno 1530.

Martinus Luther, D.

1186 Luther's report to Melanchthon, according to which he looks forward to the outcome of the Diet with great desire.

See No. 1103, s 1, in this volume.

The Fourteenth Chapter.

About the meetings of the Protestants at Schmalkalden and the so-called Schmalkaldic League, also about the very first religious peace concluded thereafter.

First section.

Two meetings of the Protestants at Schmalkalden and the covenant established there, and what has happened in the meantime because of Ferdinand's election as Roman king.

  1. farewell of the first convention at Schmalkalden, at which a rotel of a covenant has been conceived and immediately approved and accepted by some states. Given the 31st of December, Anno 1530.

From Hortleder's Causes of the German War, tom. I, IN). 8, 6ux>. 7, S. 1322.

  1. as the most illustrious, noble, highborn princes and lords, lord John, duke of Saxony, archduke of the holy roman empire.

marschall und Churfürst, Herr Ernst, Herzog zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg, Herr Philipp, Landgraf zu Hessen, und Herr Wolfgang, Fürst zu Anhalt 2c., of his own person; also of the noble and highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg, appointed councillors; likewise the well-born and noble, Lord Gebhard and Lord Albrecht, Counts and Lords of Mansfeld, of their own person, for themselves; and then Count Albrecht, on account of Duke Philippsen of Brunswick; also of the subsequently named honorable, free imperial and other cities bot-

1768 Section 1: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1187. W. xvi, 2144-2146. 1769

The following cities, namely Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Constance, Ulm, Magdeburg, Bremen, Reutlingen, Heilbronn, Memmingen, Lindau, Kempten, Isni, Bibrach, Windsheim and Weissenburg in the northern part of the Gau, have recently come here to Schmalkalden in the matters of our holy faith at Augsburg for the sake of the arduous treaty with the empire, and for the sake of all their electoral and princely graces. They have discussed and united with each other for the sake of all their graces and favors.

  1. And namely, first, my most gracious and gracious lords, electors and princes, also the two counts of Mansfeld, who were assembled here in their own persons, and then the cities of Strasbourg, Ulm, Magdeburg and Bremen, Reutlingen and Heilbronn, sent messages for themselves, and as rulers of the other Upper German cities, of a Christian understanding to defend against and save the mighty invasion, and put up a note, which was immediately approved and accepted by the princes, counts, and the two cities of Magdeburg and Bremen; In it, however, some of the aforementioned cities are to sign or copy, as they know, namely in six weeks, the next after the date of this decree, to the Elector of Saxony. Since, however, our gracious lord Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg's appointed councilors, as well as the envoys from Nuremberg, Windsheim and Weissenburg, have had no command in this matter, they have neither been able nor willing to do anything about it outside of their gracious lords and friends.
  2. Therefore, our most gracious and gracious lords, as reported above, are of the will and mind to request our gracious lord Margrave George and the Nurembergers by messages or writings with a Christian good report, on account of other Christian states, with the comforting confidence that our gracious lord, Margrave George, and the people of Nuremberg, together with the towns of Windsheim and Weissenburg, will then come to a friendly and benevolent agreement with our gracious lords, the counts and other estates.

On the other hand, all the above-mentioned lords and princes, also the counts, and then our gracious Lord Margrave Georgen, and also the embassies of the honorable free and imperial cities, have agreed to send a letter to the Roman imperial majesty, in order to mediate the arduous farewell, as much as imperial majesty's fiscal process is concerned. Majesty's Fiscal Proceß, and to send the same document from here to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, also

In addition, our most gracious and gracious lords, the Elector of Saxony, also Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg, and the Landgrave of Hesse, and then the Nuremberg Council's embassies, which are now at Cologne without this in other matters, have written to present such a document to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty such writing, and also to request a gracious and dignified 1) answer.

(5) Thirdly, my most gracious and gracious lords, the electors and princes, also the two counts, and then our gracious lord Margrave George's councillors, also the honorable cities, have promised each other embassies for themselves, and instead of their principals, on account of which they are here, and on account of which they have power, where the imperial treasurer, the Confederation of Swabia, or someone else, their electors and princes, or the counts and cities reported, one or more, or someone of theirs, in matters of our holy faith, or what is attached to it. or reported counts and cities, one or more, or one of their own, in matters of our holy faith, or what is attached to the same, would or would take action on the outgoing treaty, and in the appearance of right or other ways complain, that all of their graces and favors shall be constant, reliable and helpful to one another in such matters, as for this reason a special list has also been drawn up, in which it is also provided in the end, whether and if the said Protestant estates, or in particular, the aforementioned agreement, edict or mandate in matters of faith has been sent and inserted, how the aforementioned estates in general, and each in particular, are to conduct themselves with the non-acceptance of such agreement, edict or mandate, so that it is unanimously held by their graces and in their favor, and nothing else is noted, except that all of their graces and in their favor want to stand and remain with each other in matters of faith.

  1. Fourthly, because up to now, in every Christian state, principality, authority, and territory, and even in every parish church, customs have been kept that every pastor, regardless of whether he is learned or unlearned, has considered good, causing such manifold annoyances not only among those who are opposed to the holy Gospel, but also among the good-hearted, and especially those who are still weak in the faith: It is considered Christian and good that all, and the majority, of the above-mentioned Christian princes, rulers and estates, their excellent learned theologians, legal scholars and other experts, should be appointed to a named day, which our most gracious
  1. Perhaps it is to be read: "gewierige", that is "granting" answer.

1770 Cap. 14: Of the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2140-2149. 1771

Lord, the Elector of Saxony, within two months, the next one to be appointed and appointed in a place situated as against Nuremberg, shall send together not only to discuss whether a unanimous or uniform church order should be agreed upon and be good, but also to talk about how the public sin, disgrace and vice, by which not only the Gospel is blasphemed, but also God's wrath and punishment would be brought upon us, may be spiritually and temporally punished, stopped and occur. This would be pleasing to God Almighty, and would promote the holy Gospel in many ways; item, the same deputies should immediately compare the advice that each estate should give to counter the Fiscal, the League of Swabia, the Imperial Commission, or other authorities, through its learned people, according to the list that has been announced. The same applies to the appeal against the Augsburg Treaty, with a Christian and proper report on the articles written therein, and how our most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, has in the meantime, by the grace of his elector, made excellent theologians and theologians of the Church. The other Christian states shall nevertheless have their theologians and other scholars put their consideration and opinion of such appeal in writing, and send it to our gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, as soon as possible, to be sent to his electoral scholars. The court will then send it to his scholars, if they find anything good in it, and if they would like to make use of it, so that the appeal can be made first of all according to all necessity.

7 The Estates, if they have not been authorized to appeal here, shall also send their ratification of such appeal to the Elector of Saxony as soon as possible in the best form, so that there will be no lack of it.

Fifth, since the Anabaptist sect will not cease, and much evil and trouble is to be expected from the same rotteries, conventicles, and doctrines, as is also found in daily experience, the councils (as stated above), appointed together, shall confer with one another and compare how the same Anabaptists, since their transgression is not the same, should and may be punished with God and a good conscience.

  1. Sixthly, it is considered that the Christian states, by public announcement and other ways, accuse the whole Christendom of

and are called out, as if they had no reason or justification for their actions, nor had they been consistent in their confession and actions at Augsburg, but had wavered now and then, and acted one against the other, which not only causes apostasy and harm to the Christian estates, but also to the holy Gospel, which, for the salvation of God's word, honor and truth, and also for the salvation of the Christian estates, is a Christian call and notice of all actions, in Latin and German, and also, where it could justly be done, in French, and be put into print, so-that now each of the above-mentioned estates may soon have his consideration and opinion of it put forward, and for the future inform his learned councilors, who (as stated above) are to meet for other matters, to also compare it with each other, so that it may be put into print for the future and go out.

(10) It is also to be taken into account that, after the Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor. Maj, and the kings of France and England, together with other potentates, are to meet briefly at Camereck 1) that the Christian estates may, without any doubt, be the most reviled in the place, and practiced to move them against the Christian estates, that it should be necessary and good to prepare the notice, or otherwise a short report of the action, in Latin, and, if necessary, also in French, so that it can be sent to the Christian kings and other potentates for the apology of the Christian states and a true report of the trade, which will hopefully do much good and prevent all kinds of harm.

(11) And because the appeal of the Christian estates shall be made not only for nullity, but also for justice, according to all necessity, and with the introduction of all action, it is deemed good to send to the kings of France, England and Poland, Navarre, Denmark, Sweden, and other potentates, credible copies of such appeal, at the first, and, if it would be possible, before some of them meet with Imperial Majesty. Majesty, at their own embassy, or otherwise by letter, or be requested to deserter or promote such an appeal pro delatione by the Christian estates, and (not) to object to the Christian estates being admitted and allowed to carry out their appeal.

12 The same shall also be presented to the Imperial Majesty and the Imperial Court. Majesty and the Imperial Court of Appeal. Chamber Court the appeal

  1. Oameraeurn - Cambray.

[1772]{.underline} Section 1: Convente at Schmalkalden. No. 1I87f. W. xvi, 2149-2151. 1773

with a humble and gracious request to establish and promote a Christian concilium in Germany as soon as possible, as the writings are therefore to be presented in the most gracious and necessary manner.

(13) Let every one of the Christian estates also order his scholars to do so, since it is evident from 1) several indications and suspicions that a concilium will shortly be proclaimed, that they diligently seek the old conciliar constitutions, also the old decrees, and how the fathers taught and held the now ambiguous articles, also which are for and against us. Item, how the old Christian concilia are held, and should be held in a Christian way. And if the opposition, as is to be assumed, wants to have a papal concilium, in which the pope is to be the head, and only the papal bishops are to vote, how this is to be countered and averted. That the same scholars of all estates otherwise make themselves skilful and composed in holy divine Scripture to defend and preserve our holy faith, and what depends on it, with God's grace and help.

For all of this, may our Lord God give His Holy Spirit, wisdom, grace, power, strength, and eternal constancy, and in addition, may He give peace to the Christian estates and all of Christendom, and all that is conducive to His praise and glory; therefore, the common estates should and will provide God the Almighty in their churches of all their principality, principality, and territory, with earnest diligence and heartfelt petition, for the most beneficial.

15 Finally, it is considered necessary and good that this parting, especially whether and how one has acted with the other for the sake of Christian understanding, be kept secret in the highest secrecy, and that no state should allow itself to be remembered otherwise than as if one had indeed finally been compared with the other.

Actum on the last day of Decembris Anno Domini 1530.

Nota: After the other estates and cities have asked our most gracious > Lord, the Elector, after the resolution of this farewell, if his > Electorate will have the Augsburgs put up an appeal to Nothdurft. Gn. > have had the Notel of Appeal of the Augsburg Farewell put in place > according to necessity, that His Electoral Grace grant the other > estates and cities the right to appeal. Grace to send a copy of it to > the other states and cities before it is published. > > 1) "off" put by us instead of: "off". > > so that they may also see themselves therein, it is granted by all > such estates and cities that such shall be done, and the reported > appeal, without their knowledge and will, shall not be published. > Actum Schmalkalden, Saturday after Jnnocentium Dec. 31 Anno Domini > 1530.

1188 Letter from Elector John to von der Planitz, after he had learned that he was to be excluded from the upcoming election of the Roman king out of hatred for his religion. Nov. 15, 1530.

From Müller's Hist., lib. Ill, eup. 47, S. 994.

By the Grace of God John, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c.

Noble, dear faithful and councilor! Although you and other of our councilors have now written to us and reported what Imperial Majesty, together with the Princes and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, has indicated to you. Majesty, together with the Princes, Princes and Estates, has sent you and our kinsmen letters and messages of peace for your reply, and you have acted diligently on all sides: You know, however, that in our departure from Augsburg we ordered you and the others to write from Torgau that you, for the sake of the four articles, namely our fiefdom in the Church of Saxony, the confirmation of our son's marriage, and the others, where Count Palatine Frederick might be pardoned, should apply to Imperial Majesty himself. Maj. himself. Now we have heard from your next letter that you have spoken to Count Palatine Frederick about this once more, and that his dear one has offered to ask Imperial Majesty again about it. Majesty; however, we have not heard from the letter that we have now received what the matters of the four articles mentioned stand for, and whether you have received further notification from Palgrave Frederick on this matter from Imperial Majesty. Majesty or not. However, since we have a great deal at stake, especially for the sake of our fiefdom, we write to you and the other councils to encourage them once again, in accordance with our previous order, and in particular that we do not want to leave your confidential opinion undisclosed, since it has come to our attention in many ways and in a credible manner that Imperial Majesty is completely determined to have the matter decided. Majesty should be completely determined and willing to support Her Majesty's brother, King Ferdinand. King Ferdinand to become Roman King, the King shall also make a number of

[1774]{.underline} Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2151-2154. 1775

Bohemian lords to travel to Frankfurt for the election day and then to Aachen for the coronation with their royal dignities, in such a way that they are to arrive at Nuremberg in the near future on Catharine Nov. 25, and we are to be excluded from the election and not required to do so. Now we would like to know as much as possible whether this is to be the case or not, so that we can make our need known to the other Electors, as well as to others; For although we do not want to provide that their loved ones will subject themselves to such an unheard-of innovation and action, contrary to the golden bull and all the customs of the realm, in consideration of how they may well consider what incorrectness may result from this in the realm, moreover that we know from the graces of God that we do not give cause to segregate ourselves, nor do we overcome any things to such an extent that we might be deprived of our office as churgeon by proper recognition: We are nevertheless not a little suspicious that the Imperial Majesty has thus recently condemned us to Augsburg. Majesty is to break out of Augsburg recently and travel to Frankfurt together with the King and the Electors, and that the King has ordered his people out of the Crown of Bohemia, as has been stated, since we have not yet received any notification of this. And we consider it to be the case that the aforementioned four articles, and especially our fiefdoms, have now been observed by Imperial Majesty. Majesty, the trans 1) will finally determine whether we are to be lent or not, and thus whether we are to be considered a prince or not. We have also been willing to send the letters of credence, together with instructions as to what you should have sent to our friends, the Electors and the absent embassies, for which you should have advertised: we have nevertheless also considered that if we should send something special to their loved ones and to them, before we actually or safely know what our opinion should be, we would all the more like to give cause for reflection in acting against us. So that we may nevertheless more easily understand what our opinion should be, we graciously request that you, along with the others of our council, promote the answer to the four articles, and especially for the sake of the fiefs, since we fear that it is a vain delay on the part of Count Palatine Frederick, with Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and therefore diligently persist, and what has fallen to answer, and you have heard of the indicated election and our separation, or possibly, ours therein.

  1. Thran (?).

You will write and make known to us for our own hands in the most conducive and straightforward manner, and you will show us special favor in this. Date Torgau, on the 15th day of November, Tuesday after Martini, Anno Domini 1530.

  1. Excerpt from a letter of the Protestant Estates to Emperor Charles V, dated December 24, 1530, in which they object to the election of Ferdinand as Roman king.

This and the following document are found in Sleidanus, lib. VII, x>. 204.

Translated from Latin.

You would hear, Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. wanted their brother, Ferdinand, to be elected Roman King at his request; now, however, it was known to the men that the election was in the hands of the Electors and that, according to the Carolinian Law, they had the right, after the death of the Emperor, to elect another in the name of the entire Roman Empire; and nevertheless the Elector of Mainz, during his Majesty's lifetime, and since the case in question had not yet occurred, had summoned them, the Electors, to Cologne at the end of this month, contrary to the above imperial law and custom; they also heard that the other Electors would assemble there at his request, and because of Ferdinand's advertisement, would actually carry out the election, as if it had been agreed. For this rumor had already spread far and wide; and since this was the case, they wanted to have His Majesty reminded of one and the other. For although they would much rather refrain from such writing, they could not do so out of love for him and for the freedom of the fatherland attained by the ancestors, and in remembrance that in these last times deceit and trickery are very prevalent. Therefore, he would above all know how to remember how highly he had pledged himself to the empire, with what a noble oath he assured to keep above the Carolinian law, on which the freedom of the Roman empire mainly depended; how faithfully he vows not to do anything against it, nor to permit anyone to act contrary to it, as which treaties could not be broken, annulled or changed except with the consent of all the estates of the empire; but if now, during his lifetime, a Roman king were elected, and that a brother in the flesh, who would and would apply for it, he himself sees that this would be in conflict with the law.

[1776]{.underline} Erl. 54,202 f. Sect. 1. Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1189 ff. W. XVI.2154-2IS6. 1777

The people of the kingdom would not like to hear that either they would accuse him of not keeping faith with the law, with the freedom of the empire, with the assurance given, with the treaty and with the loyalty given; how it would weigh him and the whole empire down to have at the same time two heads to whom one would have to be submissive on both sides. And because, finally, they would not like to hear that either he was accused of not being faithful, or that they were accused of being too sleepy and not seriously concerned about the welfare of the common people, they would rather ask him to believe that this letter of theirs would not be a sign of love for them, They would rather ask him to believe that this letter of theirs would deprive them of their love for him and the fatherland and the present circumstances, and would like to take the past histories into consideration and stop the election of a new king according to his prestige and power, considering what mischief would result from it in future times, if it were not prevented. For this reason, they also sent letters to the other Electors, hoping that they would also do what was beneficial to the common good and would not give rise to any separation of the imperial estates. Incidentally, they would be prepared to do everything in their power and ability for his sake. 2c.

1190: Excerpt from a letter from Elector John of Saxony to the other Electors, in which he asks them to refrain from electing a Roman king for the reasons given.

See No. 1189.

Because he had been summoned to Cologne by Churmainz, he had sent his son and some of his advisors there, who were to present and act in his name; they would also have understood the most important things about them, according to his wishes, and would hear the rest on the 29th day of December. He admonished them, however, to change their intention and to consider for themselves what harm and damage such an action would cause, both to themselves and to the descendants of the violated right and freedom of the empire; he also asked them to carry out what his son and his advisors had agreed with them in such a way that their love for the common good and for the fatherland could be noticeably deduced from it 2c.

1191 D. Mart. Luther's letter to Prince John of Saxony concerning the election of a Roman king. December 12, 1530.

This letter is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 125; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 407; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 291; according to the original at the Basel University Library, VutoFrapü. Vol. XXV, toi. 31 in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 201 and in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 202.

To the most illustrious, highborn prince and lord, Lord John, Duke of > Saxony and Elector, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave in Meissen, my > most gracious lord.

Grace and peace in Christ. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! My dear lord and friend, Doctor Brück, Chancellor, as E. C. F. G.'s command, has spoken to me secretly, and requests, as I see fit, to elect a Roman King in the matter now before us, after His Majesty has also requested E. C. F. G. to do so as a Elector. However, as a lowly stature in the eyes of the world, I have neither much to advise nor much to know in such high matters concerning such great estates; for such matters, various circumstances and reputations are hidden from me: nor, as far as I can see from afar and from the outside, do I wish to inform E. C. F. G. of my thoughts on the matter.

First of all, I wish, if they want to elect a king, and do not want to resist such an undertaking, that E. C. F. G., in the name of God, always helps to elect. And this is my motion. First of all, I am concerned that with this election cause will be sought for E. C. F. G., so that if E. C. F. G. refuses, they will have all the more reason to take E. C. F. G.'s command. Otherwise, if E. C. F. G. were to choose to help, E. C. F. G. would have both fiefdoms and chur confirmed in effect, and their cunning plot to deprive E. C. F. G. of the chur would thus also be prevented. Just as God prevented their wickedness in Augsburg, since they also thought that C.F.G. should not appear, and thus they would have a pretense of condemning C.F.G.; but they are mistaken and sorry. Thus, in the election, their wise senses would also be lacking, and E. C. F. G. would be condemned. C. F.G. would retain the fiefdoms and chur with great grudge. Thus E. C.

[1778]{.underline} Erl. 54, 203-L05. cap. 14. of the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI, 2156-2158. 1779

F. G. that it is not a sin to choose an enemy of the gospel in a worldly way, because E. C. F. G. alone cannot prevent this, and yet it happens. For must E. C. F. G. must obey without the Catholic Church, which condemns the gospel.

The other, where E. C. F. G. now refuses the election, it would perhaps be lent to Duke Georgen or others. It seems to me that there would be an almost annual event in the future when the title would be given to someone else; for then everyone would want to inherit it for his descendants, and eternal envy, quarrels and discord would have to follow, if not much else. Should now E. C. F. G. be a cause for such a refusal of the election and be burdened with such evil in her conscience, then she could be free and rid of it with this election, and without need delve into itZ) I would be sorry, and E. C. F. G. could be free and rid of it with this election, and without need delve into itZ) I would be sorry, and E. C. F. G. could be free and rid of it with this election, and without need delve into it. C. F. G. perhaps in the sight of God. It would be better to dare to choose God, who knows how to send things differently in the future, because we neither care nor think that one would put oneself in such certain present journeys and causes of conscience without need; E. C. F. G. can well stay with the Gospel, if King Ferdinandus offers almost as much against it, as has happened so far under the Emperor. Also, God alone is a master and governor of future cases where he is believed. For I would not like that C.F.G.'s faith and trust in God, now so gloriously shown and proven at Augsburg, should now perish in this case, and give way to thoughts of future things, especially because here neither Scripture nor necessity force such thoughts to be followed, and may well be circumvented.

The third, where the C.C.F.G. refuses to vote, the empire is already torn apart and Germany separated, from which war and all misery must follow. For neither part will yield to the other, and yet without war neither can conquer the other. Because necessity does not demand this, it will be difficult for E. C. F. G. to burden his conscience with this without necessity, as an initial cause of such separation and all kinds of misery. These are difficult things, God knows that; but

  1. In the original: "verteufele".

God help us that we do not make them much more difficult, precisely because we want to make them easier. Future things are not in man's knowledge or power, as the old histories teach us, and (where God or necessity does not demand it) it always turns out differently, because one thinks that one must say: I really would not have meant it. If it did not turn out right now for the Pope and Emperor of Augsburg, as they thought, it shall not turn out right for them hereafter, because they want to grasp it with their thoughts. Only that we remain with God and do not, as they do, embark on uncertain future journeys without need.

5 Thus E. C. F. G. know that the Landgrave wants to come out without that, and has had himself enrolled as a citizen of Zurich, which I am truly not very pleased about, and where God does not help nor hinder, it must become a great war, and E. C. F. G. will not be able to help. C. F. G. know that in such a war the error of the sacrament must nevertheless be defended, even driven upon us; for this Christ, my Lord, protect E. C. F. G. For the Swiss have not yet recanted, nor do they fight out of necessity, but to preserve the error. Oh Lord God, I am too childish for such worldly matters. I want to ask and pray that God will grant E. C. F. G. be graciously protected and guided, as has been the case up to now; or, if something should ever happen that I do not like to see, that He will not abandon us with grace, and will give a gracious means and end, amen. E. C. F. G. would graciously pardon my incomprehensible ramblings. I speak as I understand it; but I know well that I would like to have E. C. F. G.'s conscience safe and free, and that it would be the greatest sorrow to me if I should see it come into danger or trouble. I hereby command E. C. F. G. in God's grace, Amen. On Monday after Nicolai s12. Dec.j 1530.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

1192: Philip Melanchthon's misgivings about the election of a Roman king.

This document is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 126 b; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 408; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 408 and in the 6orr>. Net., vol. II, 447.

[1780]{.underline} Section 1: Convente at Schmalkalden. No. 1192 f. W. xvi, 21S9-2161. 1781

1 From Carolo Magno, when the Roman Empire still had Asiam and Europam, it often happened that an emperor made another emperor to himself. For if the people of war lay in a country far from the emperor, and there was a restless captain among them, he would rise up for an emperor. To prevent such rebellion, the emperors would rather elect emperors themselves, whom they would tolerate, than hear that unfaithful tyrants rose up and sat down against them. Thus Marcus Antonius made his brother Verum emperor at the same time as himself, and with Diocletiano ruled Constantinus in the Orient, Constans in the Occident, and afterwards Arcadius in the Orient, Honorius in the Occident. 2c.

After Carolo, however, when the old monarchy was destroyed, and only Jtalia and Germany were called the Roman Empire, before the order of the princes, some made their sons emperors during their lives, but in old age and shortly before their death; this was required by necessity at that time; as, Carolus Magnus Ludovicum Pium, Ludo- vicus Pius Lotharium, unb Lotharius Ludovicum Secundum.

These are not to be respected as co-ruling emperors, because the fathers died soon after the election. Otto the First alone had his son Otto the Other crowned as a co-ruling lord to rule in Jtalia.

4 After that, when the order of princes was made, many, more than before, elected their sons as kings and had them crowned.

5 In the second year of his reign, before receiving the imperial crown, Conradus had his son Henricum Nigrum crowned king at Aachen.

6 This Henricus Niger, shortly before his death, had his son Henricum the Fourth, who was not over five years old, crowned king.

Fridericus Barbarossa made his son Henricum the Roman king during his life and they ruled many years at the same time.

8 This Henricus afterwards practiced with the German princes, that they promised to make his son, Fredericum the Other, Roman king, when he was still a child of three years; but this was kept.

(9) After that, Fridericus Secundus had his elder son Henricum crowned as Roman king during his lifetime, but he perished before his father; therefore the father also had his other son Conradum crowned during his lifetime, who was crowned as Roman king at both imperial congresses, at Speier, and at the Roman Empire.

and Augsburg, was accepted as a Roman king and later succeeded his father in the empire.

10th Carolus IV, who renovated the bull, practiced that during his life Wenceslaus was elected. And a historian, Egnatius, says: Exemplo maxime improbando, that is, that there was a bad example; perhaps especially because he is said to have forgiven some of the kingdom's regalia and other things because of it.

11 Fridericus III also had his son Maximilianum elected during his life.

1193 History of the Election of the Roman King at Cologne, Jan. 5, 1531.

This writing is found at the locations indicated in the previous number (but not in the Oorx. Lst.) immediately after.

After the Imperial Diet at Augsburg had ended and the princes and chieftains had departed again, Emperor Carol, together with the Imperial Majesty's brother King Ferdinand, then King of Hungary and Bohemia, also departed from Augsburg in the month of November, and many princes with them, and went to Cologne on the Rhine. Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty has written to the Elector of Saxony that he should hurry to Cologne on the 21st day of December, because there were things to be done that would be of great concern to the Roman Empire. This letter was delivered to the Elector on the 28th day of November, in which his electoral grace was reminded of his highest duty to appear at Cologne. On the same day, a letter, citation, and request was sent by the Archbishop of Mainz, as Archchancellor of the Empire, to His Electoral Grace, stating that the Emperor requested him to summon the Electors together for the election of a Roman king; therefore, His Electoral Grace was to arrive at Cologne on the 9th day of November.

When now their Electoral Grace was required by two writs for the election day, they gave notice of this. They have given notice of this to the Landgrave of Hesse and other relatives of their confession, princes and cities, and have asked them to meet in Schmalkalden on the second and twentieth day of December. In the meantime, the Elector's. Grace has appointed her son, Duke Johann Friederich of Saxony, with

  1. Perhaps to read: "the 19th"? The deputy of the Elector, Duke Johann Friedrich, arrived in Cologne on the 19th, as the following paragraph states.

1782 Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2161-2164. 1783

a constant and legitimate excuse for their stay outside, delivered in their place on a certain day with an instruction. How then Her F. Grace arrived at Cologne on the evening of the 19th day of December, the end of which the Imperial Majesty had also arrived only two days before. Thereupon, on the 20th day of December, His Grace will report to His Imperial Majesty. Majesty and asked for gracious interrogations, which were graciously granted to S. F. G. on the same day. And after the advertisement, Her Imperial Majesty was graciously satisfied with the excuse of the Elector's absence, together with the due offer of inheritance, and was satisfied and pleased with the sending of His Imperial Son.

3rd And after the other Electors had not yet all arrived, so the main reservation of Imperial Majesty was based on the causes of their letter. Majesty, on which the causes of her letter were based, was delayed until Christmas Eve, which was then the fourth and twentieth day of December, since all the Electors were present in person, except Cologne and Saxony, whose authorized embassy appeared at that time; although Cologne still arrived in person that same evening. And after the revered Electors had requested rooms in the Imperial Majesty's... Majesty, the Emperor also summoned the Cardinal and Bishop of Liège, Duke Frederick, Count Palatine, the Margrave of Ansbach, Margrave Henry of Nassau, the Lord of Grate, Camerarium, and Alexander Schweiß, Secretarium. Maj. first personally and orally, then in writing through Count Palatine Friederichen, the Summaries Articles reproached the Electors, concerning the election of a Roman King, that Her Maj. intended to tolerate her brother, King Ferdinandum, as Roman King next to her, whom the Electors also wanted to suffer next to them; and causes were brought forward for this intention:

  1. that Her Imperial Majesty is endowed by God with many hereditary kingdoms. Maj. has been gifted by God with many hereditary kingdoms, lands and people, all of which are to be presided over, Her Imperial Majesty would not know how to have their essential abstention in the Empire of the German Nation. Maj. would not have their essential abstention in the Empire of the German Nation. Since now Her Imperial Maj. Maj. was called to the dignity of the Roman Empire, so that so much faithful providence might happen to it, Her Majesty considered it necessary to have a head of a Roman king next to her, with indication and introduction of several moving causes, the careful and dwindling events that have occurred and happened everywhere in Christendom, but especially in the German nation, of her absence, especially with the error and

Conflict of faith. The Turk's arduous, swift, and widespread actions, as the enemy of Christianity, occurred last year. The previous general uprising in the empire was also caused by circumstances. It is said that in many other ways disobedience has grown up in the kingdom.

(5) And although it is not without the order to maintain the regiment and the empire, with the advice and foreknowledge of the Electors and the other imperial estates, due obedience would not be rendered to the same if the empire were not provided with a head that was essentially with it. Therefore Her Imperial Majesty graciously requests Maj. graciously requests that a Roman King be elected in addition to Her Majesty, who would be intelligent, laborious, capable of handling, also of possible power in terms of lands and people, who would be inclined to handle peace and justice, and who would be knowledgeable and experienced in the affairs of the Empire, and in whom Her Imperial Majesty would have to place his trust. Maj. have to trust.

6 Accordingly, Their Imperial Majesties do not know of any other suitable or useful person for this purpose than Their Imperial Majesty. Majesty knew of no one more suitable or useful than Her Imperial Majesty's brother Ferdinand. Majesty's brother Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, which kingdom and country, as a rampart, protection and shield of the German nation, would be situated at the stay of the Turk, whom also Her Majesty would tolerate and suffer beside her.

The princes and embassies took this into consideration and asked for a copy of the provisions that had been made, which was granted. And on the following 26th day of December, on the day of St. Stephen, they met again in the Barfüßerkloster in Cologne, there they read over the articles anew, and in council they unanimously agreed that the Imperial Majesty should first of all be requested and asked to graciously remain in the Empire of the German Nation, with obeisance to all due obedience, as their Emperor and Lord. Wherever Her Electorate or other If their Electors or other estates give their Majesty cause for such an action and departure from the German nation, they would be sorry to take it, and if it were indicated by their Majesty, they would put a stop to it and change it.

This was done early that day, before the midday meal, and presented to the Imperial Majesty by the Elector of Brandenburg. Majesty through the Elector of Brandenburg.

9 However, the Imperial Majesty has insisted on its previous opinion and gracious request. Majesty insisted on her previous opinion and gracious request and rested on it, with the appendix that Her Imperial Majesty would not know how to attract the Electors nor the Estates with some reproach.

1784 Section 1: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1193. W. xvi, 2164-2166. 1785

10 For this reason, the Electors have once again requested their consideration, which has been granted. Thus their Electors are all together with King Ferdinand. All of them, together with King Ferdinand, met again the next day, December 27, in person at the aforementioned Barfüßerkloster monastery, and discussed the matter further. In such council, without any particular moving causes, unanimous votes were immediately cast for the election, and were unanimously agreed upon: because the Imperial Majesty was not satisfied with the election. Majesty persisted in her request and intention that Her Imperial Majesty should continue to request and to grant the right to the new sentence. Majesty that they, the Electors, should be allowed a free election.

11 Although the articles, as reported before, were handed over to the Archbishop of Mainz, as Archchancellor, and read out in the Council, the Saxons also requested a copy of the necessity, but they were refused. Since the son of the Elector of Saxony, and also the next in command, Mr. Hans von Mingwitz, Knight and Skilled, did not want to consent that the Imperial Majesty ask for the election. Majesty for the election should be requested or asked, after the recorded concern.

12 Firstly, because the Imperial Majesty has finally decided, among other things, that no other than her Majesty's brother is to be tolerated. Majesty has finally decided, among other things, that no other than Her Majesty's brother is to be tolerated and tolerable.

13 Secondly, that it be noted immediately as if one wanted to take part in the election and surrender to Imperial Majesty's will. Majesty's will.

14 Thirdly, that the articles and causes submitted to Imperial Maj. Maj. and causes have not yet been considered in public council among them, the Electors.

  1. Fourthly, that it should be considered much less whether the Imperial Majesty, by virtue of the Bull of Gold, is entitled or entitled to this. The fourth point is that much less consideration should be given to whether the imperial majesty, by virtue of the golden bull, should be entitled or entitled to such a thing; after all, the freedom and justice of the Roman Empire and of the princes is based on this, and is not dedicated to the least. For the golden bulla gives them the choice only in the case of necessity, and no further; namely, if the empire is without a head, if it is vacated or transferred, if a Roman emperor or king dies, with clearly expressed words, only in the case of death. Thus it would also be in public usage that in the disposal of the realm, or the departure of a Roman emperor or king, both Electors, Palatinate and Saxony, would be vicars, and would have the administration of the realm, each in his own circles.
  1. fifth, that besides the high obligation and grant, so by pledged

Oath-trust of Her Imperial Majesty. This is to be handed over to each Elector in particular upon the arrival of Her Majesty's election, and it has not yet been assessed, seen, or taken in hand what would be due to Her Majesty in this matter. For such a liberation of the Roman Empire would affect all the common estates of the Empire, and not only the Electors.

From all this, the princes would then have to remember what they all wanted to do with God and God's will. Also, whether such a thing would be considered beneficial to the Roman Empire's honor and welfare, sovereignty and dignity, freedom and justice 1). Furthermore, it is to be considered that the Imperial Majesty is the only one who has the right to do so. Majesty. (God grant a long life!) is still alive and in good health and mind, and in the choice of her imperial profession with the kingdoms and lands. The reason for this is that the Emperor has been gifted with the kingdoms and lands, as he is now, and yet her Majesty's reasons for this are partly to be found in the coveted title to the throne. Causes are partly to be found in the desired election, that Her Imperial Majesty is also among other presumed candidates. Majesty had also, among others, committed and agreed to remain the greater part in the Empire of the German Nation. To this end, not to act or do anything against the golden bulla, the freedoms and rights of the empire, nor to seek the succession of the empire's inheritance; which would be the imperial confirmation and obligation.

If the freedom and justice of the empire are not primarily based on and dedicated to the golden bull, then everyone should be careful not to live contrary to it, but to follow the measured and expressed command of the golden bull in an orderly manner. After obvious causes, from which it happened in former times, that the election of a Roman king could only be decided by the six chapters of the Roman Catholic Church, the Roman Catholic Church was not to be held responsible for the election of the king. The common estates of the empire had practiced this practice for five hundred years before, but now it has been ordered and directed that these same electors should act according to the contents of the golden bull, as a measured command; However, subsequently, over a long period of time, the King of Bohemia, as the seventh person, was also appointed, and thus placed on their sevens, out of the coincidence that if in the aforementioned election there were any comparable votes, that each part had three, so that in such a case future error would be cut off and dealt with 2c., and the ordinary election, in the event of the dissolution of the realm, is permitted to the same Electors 2c.

  1. So put by us instead of: "Also whether in such. . would be considered suitable."

1786 Cap. 14: Of the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi. 2166-2169. 1787

(19) And if anything should ever be done and acted outside of the Golden Bull's order and permission, it must be done at their discretion, with the foreknowledge of the Imperial Estates; then that should be considered and taken into account which may further be necessary, honest, and beneficial to the Roman Empire, and may also be conducive to its welfare and serve it.

(20) Thus the several times mentioned Golden Bull, as the principal article of one on which the Roman Empire's freedoms and rights are based, has been confirmed and providentially confirmed by the present Roman Imperial Majesty, Carolo, our most gracious Lord, in the most necessary and honest manner, that the same shall be kept and remain in all respects strong, dignified and inviolate. In addition, Her Majesty does not wish to act, seek, desire or strive for succession and inheritance by herself in any way other than in accordance with the content of the Imperial Decree. Her Majesty's granting and prescribing, according to the content of the articles against all princes and the realm in general, to the highest extent prescribed and obligated, neither to be nor to do anything contrary thereto.

For this reason, it cannot be argued, nor can it be justified, that Emperor Wenceslas blessed was also a Roman king, and that Emperor Frederick, of laudable memory, elected Maximilian as king, and that the presumed intention should therefore be justified.

  1. But against this it is to be considered that by one or two times imprudence, in the case that against the liberty and justice of the golden bull, as a measured, orderly command, would have been acted, which with other report to indicate, so such imprudence or the imprudence is not able to work so much, that therewith or thereby such liberty and justice of the whole realm, the golden bull, would be violated, abrogated, much less applied, and that the electors thereby would have to act of their own will or interpretation, in such important matters, outside and against the golden bull, for these reasons:

(23) That the succeeding Roman kings and emperors, especially the present reigning Roman emperor, our most gracious lord, may confirm again the oft-mentioned golden bulla and all the freedom and justice of the empire in the most constant and dignified manner. Maj. our most gracious Lord, have confirmed and reaffirmed the oft-mentioned golden bulla and all the freedom and justice of the Empire in the most constant, dignified and powerful manner. To all that the succession of the inheritance of the tribe shall not be desired nor arrogated.

  1. as all the above named, and the articles of prescription, which entails handing over one to each Elector.

For this reason, for the reasons mentioned above, it should be considered and heard what the Electors, according to their presumed authority, should do about the measured and orderly command of the Golden Bull, without the knowledge and consent of the other imperial states.

26 Also, what might happen to the division, discord and unrest, harm and diligence among the estates in the Roman Empire from such an action, that they should be related to two lords with oath obligations. Also the oath, which the princes of the empire take, reminds what special assurance of the same, namely those who have been duly and legitimately mentioned, entails, from which they, the electors, would want to be assigned cause and agitation; that would be well to be assessed and assumed.

27 All of which in the friendly opinion of the duty of the Elector of Saxony to Roman Imperial Majesty and the Empire. Maj. and the empire, thus want to have remembered and applied.

28 And because of this, the other six Electors, who on the day named hereafter, all wanted to proceed personally with the election of a Roman king, have, in spite of all the exhortations, indicated as much as they can in order. The Elector of Saxony, through his son, Duke John Frederick, in addition to the plenipotentiary in this most important matter, as Mr. Hans von Mingwitz, Knight, on their written mandate, at the beginning of the ninth and twentieth day of December, which was determined and announced for the election (when they, the six Electors, were together with some and many of their excellent counsels, and assembled and arrived in person for the office of the mass in the chapter house of the high monastery in Cologne, where the Saxons were also appointed), against the same their elector. G. The Saxons, in the presence and appointment of two notaries, have been asked to hand over in writing and read out the same article of exception against the Archbishop of Mainz, Elector and Archchancellor of the Roman Empire in Germania, which has been duly and publicly issued by well-founded, honorable and lawful causes, against the nullity of the Archbishop of Mainz, Elector and Archchancellor of the Roman Empire in Germania, out of unavoidable necessity, as a necessary, unavoidable beginning, this time excipitated and protested.

  1. the same conducive also together with the er-

[1788]{.underline} Section 1: Convente at Schmalkalden. No. 1193 f. W. xvi. 2169-2171. 1789

The offer, which was attached to it, was especially handed over to the Roman Imperial Majesty by Duke Frederick of Bavaria, Count Palatine. Majesty by Duke Frederick of Bavaria, Count Palatine, also a special writing and a humble request to their Imperial Majesty for a farewell. Majesty for a farewell.

30 But the articles of the exception and of the petition that had been submitted were refused to be read out publicly by the Electors; therefore the Saxons had the reason to be heard: they did not know how to avoid it, because it had been refused to be read out publicly, to let it be passed on, as was due.

31 Although first of all, before the protestation and exception, the Elector of Brandenburg, on account of all the Electors, indicated on the submitted mandate that it would not be sufficient for the election.

The answer to this was again briefly: it would be sufficiently provided for that H. F. G.'s son, Duke Johann Friedrich, and his deputy would be authorized; for their minds would not be at the election for the aforementioned reasons.

The articles of exception were handed over as reported before, and the protest was made, but not read out publicly.

34 And so the young prince and the skilled advisors of the Elector of Saxony, after the public and accepted farewell, immediately after the protestation, after the early meal, rode out of Cologne at 12 o'clock without danger to the Duke of Jülich, Eleve and Berg, the young duke, Johann Friedrich of Saxony's smith.

The Archbishop of Cologne and Elector was initially not present in person at the holding of the election by the Imperial Majesty, nor was he present at the council meetings. Majesty, nor in the council meetings, but only appeared present on the certain election day that had begun, Dec. 29, but his councilors were present.

Subsequently, the election took place in Cologne over several days, and furthermore, the coronation took place in Aach on January 11, 1531, with all ceremonies in the presence of the Emperor. Maj. bequest.

1194 The Schmalkaldic League for the protection of true Christian religion and what is pending to it, made February 7, 1531 from six years.

See No. 1192.

By the Grace of God, we John, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, and John Frederick, father and son, Dukes of Saxony, Landgraves of Thuringia and Margraves of Meissen, Philip, Ernst and Francis, brothers and cousins, all Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen, of Diez, Ziegenhain and Nidda, Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, Count of Ascanien, Lord of Berneburg, Gebhardt and Albrecht, brothers, counts and lords of Mansfeld, and mayor, councilman, Jnnungsmeister, council and commonalty of the following named cities of the Upper Netherlands, Saxony and the sea, as Strasbourg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Biberach, Jsni, Lübeck, Magdeburg and Bremen, hereby confess and make known to all men:

  1. After the rulers of this time have now and then shown themselves to be careful, swift, and in advance, as if they desired to have those who preach and proclaim the bright, clear, pure, and unmistakable Word of God in their principalities and cities, countries, and territories by grace and bestowal of the Almighty, thereby stopping and changing all kinds of abuses, and to urge by deed and deed of such their Christian purpose, and it is ever the duty of Christian authorities not only to have the holy Word of God proclaimed to their subjects, but also to ensure with all diligence, earnestness and ability that they are not forced or disparaged by the Word of God: Our supreme necessity and the duty of the authorities require that, whether now or in the future, it should happen that someone should try to force us or our subjects, by painting or deed, away from the Word of God and the known truth (which the gracious and merciful God graciously prevents, and we do not want to provide for anyone else), and thus again to prevent the abuses that have been carried out and changed, with all possible diligence.
  2. So that such violence may be averted, and the destruction of both body and soul, ours and our subjects, may be prevented: we have dedicated to God Almighty, for the praise and greater prosperity and growth of divine free doctrine, for the awakening and promotion of a Christian, unanimous being and peace, the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, and all respectability, in addition to common our principalities, cities and regions for good welfare, honor, benefit and piety, solely for the defense and method of salvation, which is not only of natural origin to each of us.

1790 Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2171-2174. 1791

We have determined to unite with and against each other a Christian and friendly mind, and to establish and accept the same, and do so at present in and by virtue of this letter, in measure, form, and shape, as follows:

(3) Namely, that we should and will, in all parts, each faithfully and wholeheartedly mean, hold, and warn the other against harm, and that we should not, publicly or secretly, drag through, advance, or abstain from the other's enemies and repugnants with knowledge.

  1. And therefore, this understanding alone is considered as a defense and salvation, and not at all for the reason that someone among us should start a war; if it should happen that some part of us, whoever it might be, should be attacked for the word of God, evangelical doctrine and our holy faith, or for the sake of things that follow from the word of God, evangelical doctrine, and the holy faith, and depend on the same; or if another matter is brought against one of us for a pretence, but we, the others, who are not attacked at this time, may judge that it is primarily for the sake of this word of God that it should be attacked or raped and attacked, or attacked and attacked, and that the same should suffer the others to be justified, that then all of us, the others, in this Christian understanding, and each for himself, as soon as we are informed and understand this by the raped, or otherwise by credible experience, should not let the matter concern us in any other way, than as if each of us were himself attacked, attacked, attacked, and thus his own cause; Then, without delay, each of us, to the best of his ability, shall unexpectedly help, save and rescue the other, the attacked and violated, and shall have and make room for it; How then at any time, according to the opportunity of the trade, by us, the rest, most easily and most fruitfully considered good and serviceable, and our each Christian love and faithfulness, also his own conscience and even welfare will point to it, and thus lead each other the trade faithfully help, also no part without the other's knowledge in some direction, contract or decency leave or go.

(5) This Christian mind of ours is also to be presented to the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, or to any state of the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, or to any state of the Holy Roman Empire,

  1. In the old edition: "believers".

or anyone else, but solely for the preservation of Christian truth and peace in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, and for the removal of unjust violence, for us and our subjects and relatives, undertaken solely in defense and by way of salvation, since each of us, as touched upon above, may give and take right, and nothing else may be meant.

(6) If anyone desires to enter further into this Christian understanding of ours, and was not previously understood therein, who has accepted the holy gospel, he shall be admitted and accepted into it with the knowledge and will of all of us.

  1. and this Christian understanding shall begin on this date and last for six years following one another, and shall be carried out and kept by us all, and by each one in particular, faithfully, sincerely, honestly, and without any danger.
  2. And even if it were a fact that one would come to war with someone because of the divine word and the cause flowing from it, and that would not be brought to an end before the end of the six years mentioned, nevertheless, that of all parts shall be faithfully persevered in, Nevertheless, regardless of the fact that the specified years have passed and the Christian understanding has come to an end, it shall be faithfully maintained and carried out to the end, and no part shall withdraw or separate itself from it, and this Christian understanding may then, if it pleases the parties, be extended for a longer period.

(9) We the aforesaid princes, counts and councillors of the cities, by our honor, dignity, true words and good faith, do promise and swear, in lieu of an oath, for ourselves and our heirs or descendants 2c.., in and by virtue of this present letter, to hold true, steadfast, firm and unbreakable, to comply and live fully, not to do nor create to be done contrary thereto, in any way nor manner, all honestly, faithfully and safely.

(10) And therefore, for more evidence, security and confirmation, we the above-mentioned Electors, Princes, Counts and Cities have affixed our seals, as we Duke John, Elector, for us, and our son, Duke Frederick of Saxony 2c., and Duke Ernst, for us, and our two brothers, Duke Otten, and Franzen of Lüneburg, do knowingly attach to this letter, and give it on Monday after the Sunday of Invocavit 7 Feb., after the birth of Christ our dear Lord, one thousand five hundred and one and thirty years.

[1792]{.underline} Erl. 54,244-246. Sect. I. Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1195, W. XVI, 2174-2176. 1793

Luther's, Melanchthon's, and Bugenhagen's Rathschlag on the plot at Schmalkalden. August 1531.

This concern is found in the Altenburg edition, vol. VIII, p. 974; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 346; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 281 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 244. The original is found in the Weimar archive, LkZ. 8, p. 42. From it, Burkhardt, p. 197 lists a large number of important variants that have not yet been used in any edition and are now used here for the first time. In the aforementioned editions, Jonas is erroneously named as the third contributor to this concern. It was Bugenhagen, not Jonas, who participated in the deliberation of this consideration, in that he only reviewed the consideration written by Luther and Melanchthon and added marginal glosses. However, neither De Wette nor Burkhardt has reproduced these. The first two paragraphs are by Melanchthon, the rest is in Luther's handwriting. - We have set the time according to De Wette, who states that this concern is "about the peace negotiations to be held between the Protestant princes and the Electors of Mainz and of the Palatinate in Schmalkalden".

  1. In doctrine, according to the Confession, one cannot and shall not depart. For Christ thus saith, "He that confesseth me before men" 2c. For the things we are disputing concern the main body of Christian doctrine; if this is obscured or denied, no one can know what Christ is, and so Christ is blasphemed, and consciences can have no right consolation at all.
  1. Whether in ceremonies and customs of freedom something should be given way and yielded, for the sake of peace and love? Whether the bishops should be allowed their jurisdiction and authority over ours? Here some consider that one should not yield anything at all, even in outward liberty. For if one wants to yield something, one should do so for the sake of the brethren. Now the bishops and the opposing party are not brothers, but enemies and wolves, against whom one is obliged to show oneself as enemies again. And especially of the jurisdiction and bishops' power it is considered that, although the bishops would accept us and let us have the doctrine, yet if they persecute the doctrine in their lands and kill our brethren, we should not consider them bishops and brethren.
  2. In the first place, it seems to us that it should be well to slacken and soften a little in

outward ceremonies, for the sake of peace. For such union is not with bishops and enemies, but rather with the pious people who dwell among them, and love our doctrine with all their hearts, and are as hostile to their bishops as we are. Thus we ourselves have hitherto written and taught that we hold the ceremonies to be free, which for the sake of peace and love of the brethren, and even of the enemies, where necessity and peace require it, may both be kept and left, as Matt. 5: "He that constraineth thee a mile" 2c. For the fact that we have condemned and changed the ceremonies is not because the ceremonies are all evil, but because they are necessary for salvation, which we cannot yet suffer, nor do we want to suffer eternally. But such a union will be useful to prevent much unhappiness, to avoid many causes of further discord, and to avoid much annoyance among the pious hearts that dwell under the bishop. Sometimes, for the sake of a pious man, one has to do ten reels of good and put a light on the devil. And it is to be considered whether they would charge us that we ourselves wanted to have the ceremonies free, and offered to keep them for the sake of peace, however shameful it would be to deny such, or even want to answer for it. But we speak of such ceremonies, which are set by men and do not strive against God, as if one would unite, as if one would not eat meat in public, that one would keep the solennes ferias and chants; but with the condition that it would not weigh down the consciences, as if they were necessary services. That one may say mass in ordinary garments and chants, except what is unchristian of the saints or contrary to God's word. For even so, it is not at all fitting that everything should be torn apart in this way, without any need, and out of the loud pride of renewal. Nevertheless, a manner and measure must be kept in the church, least of all for the sake of children and simple-minded people. But the Canonem, both small and large, we cannot admit, because in it the service of the saints and applicatio operis operati pro vivis et defunctis stands and is practiced, which is contrary to the faith in Christ.

1794 Erl. 54, L46-S48. Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI, 2176-2179. 1795

is unpleasant. We cannot re-establish the private masses, because it is public that they hold and teach as before, that such masses are all applied, as their foundation, seals and letters, as well as their books and customs, are tremendously convincing, and they are working to ensure that such masses remain, to catch and confirm said abuses. But whether they want to pretend that they want to keep the private mass only out of devotion and to report themselves, 1) one cannot believe that it is serious, unless they condemn and reject their letters, seals, both canons and books written about it. And even if they were serious, it is still not right for anyone to report himself, because it is a sacrament and has a ministrum, as little as anyone can baptize himself or call himself to the preaching ministry. Also, they can otherwise use and enjoy the sacrament, and there is no need, nor is there any need, to set up such a dangerous and annoying secondary service, and to create a superstition.

(4) Whether or not they would have us teach that it is right to take and administer one form of the sacrament, as well as to give and take both forms, so that we do not condemn all of Christendom. Here we cannot agree or approve in any way that the bishops may have the right and power to command or forbid one form, nor can such an outrage ever be excused before God, because Christ's and Paul's word clearly stands there, and establishes both forms. Now no man, says St. Paul, should change God's will or do so. But with this we do not want to condemn those who have been forced to take one form and have done so unwillingly, even though they have done wrong; but rather we want to entrust them to God's mercy, who forgives even more and greater sins daily to his afflicted and poor sinners, who can also forgive the sins of his saints. But the bishops are not such poor sinners, because they do not recognize such outrages and violence as sin, but defend them as right and article of faith. Therefore

  1. "report" - communiciren.

they have no hope of forgiveness of sin in this, but must be badly damned.

(5) Nor do we like that absolution should come from the church, and that people should go to the sacrament so roughly. And although we do not want to force or compel anyone to confess a mortal sin, nor do we want to oblige them to tell all their sins and torture their consciences, as we do under the pope, there is no reason to suffer that confession should be forbidden and absolution expelled from the church. For there must remain a form and discipline in the church, which cannot be maintained without confession. And if people were not accustomed to respect sin in confession and to wait for absolution or forgiveness, then in time absolution and forgiveness of sin would be completely extinguished and become an unknown thing, and people would run to the sacrament again out of their own devotion, as before. In this way, one must also leave room for the comforting free Gospel, so that it can be said to one person as well as to many. But what is absolution but the gospel told to a single person, who thereby receives consolation for his confessed sin? Thus Christ's example is found in Matth. 9, where he absolves the gout-ridden man individually, and Luc. 7 also absolves Mariam Magdalenam individually.

6th On the other hand, to restitute the jurisdiction of the bishops, because in this also nothing else is sought for peace, methinks that not enough causes are indicated to refuse the jurisdiction altogether, that they are wolves and our enemies. In this case one must take comfort in the fact that in former times the Jews also had to receive the priesthood from Herod and Romans, as Josephus writes, even though Herod also plagued and strangled them. And how did the Bohemians do until now, whom the Pope condemned and persecuted, and yet they had him ordain them priests and took them; and what did the dear prophets have to do and suffer at the time of the kings in Israel, by whom they were also strangled and persecuted, and yet they were obedient and subject to them, as long as it was not against God. Thus Zacharias, John's father, had to suffer from An-

1796 Erl. 54,218-250. Section 1: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1195**, W. XVI, 2I7V-2181,** 1797.

nas and Caiphas received his office. How much more may I accept the jurisdiction of the bishops, because they sit in office and in the place of the apostles, even though they are wolves and rabid, if they do not force us to do against God, but let our doctrine remain. If then the bishops want to leave us the pure doctrine of the Gospel and our priests, our priests shall be subject to them as bishops and not as wolves. Although we cannot think how the bishops might or can do this, that they should leave the pure gospel to us. For in so doing they would have to allow us to condemn their doings publicly in the pulpit and in writings, and to oppose and scare off everything that is contrary to the gospel; which is impossible for them to suffer, for they themselves would gladly perish, and call us to cry out and write against them. Since this is the case, it seems to us to be of great use not to complain about granting jurisdiction to such measures. For in this way we would have the blessing, and they the displeasure, if they did not want to accept the offered jurisdiction, unless the gospel had been denied and condemned by us beforehand. This would also excuse our conscience before God and the world, so that we could not be called schismatics, and all their arguments would be dispelled, since they claim that they have the possessorium and the tradition, and sit in the place of the apostles. But where we are completely opposed to the jurisdiction, they are in disfavor, and we are in disfavor, since they do not want to give way in any small way. So there is no driving here. For if they grant us the free gospel, as is not possible, they have got bad things in the ceremonies and jurisdiction which we grant against the gospel which they grant us. What would I have to do if I were among the murderers? I would have to be a prisoner and a servant, and yet not do against God, as St. Paul was a gardener under King Attila, and yet had not lost his bishopric, nor left it. So there is nothing more here than an external prison, if we were to accept and suffer jurisdiction in such a way, and yet not forsake the Gospel.

gelium freely against them. Truly, I fear that with such a refusal of jurisdiction we stand in the light for ourselves, and grasp and secure things too surely with reason beforehand; just as if God should not also be able to do something in this, more and differently than we believe or think, since the things are his own, and he will also do better for it, as has happened up to now, than we, if we can only trust him.

7 If the bishops would henceforth take the matrimonial cases to themselves to judge, we would not only not complain, but also consider it cheerfully and willingly, because it is a laborious and dangerous work, and perhaps in the future we would like to pronounce as unjust a judgment as they do, because the time is almost swift, and may still become swifter, with the spirits of the rotten, and many other heavy trades; therefore we would like to lay aside what we can. For we have enough to do without that. For what we have taught and said about the degrees, we have not done to establish laws or new rights, but to comfort and secure the consciences of those who are not sufficiently assured by the dispensation of the pope, or who are otherwise burdened by such rights, so that they do not think they have to break such marriages before God, and to listen to one another for the sake of man's command. For our teaching is always directed to the captive, confused, afflicted consciences, so that they may be granted such Christian teaching and freedom. We do not give anything to the raw rabble, but throw them fresh under the strictest laws and let them stay under them, and do not call them to make a right out of our comfort and freedom, ne libertas in^1^ ) occasionem eorum detur.

8 Although we do not wish to complain to Our Lord's conscience that his Electorate is not in power. H.'s conscience that his Electoral Grace has taken some goods from monastery estates. Gn. took some goods from monastery estates. Since this is publicly known, that this time therefore all church matters and affairs are on his electoral grace's neck, and treasonable. and great cost and effort have been expended on them, and yet he has not been guilty of taking any of his own goods.

  1. We added this "in" after Gal. 5,13. There it says: in oeeasionkm earnis.

[1798]{.underline} Erl. 54,250 f. Cap. 14: Of the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI, 2181-2183. 1799

The first step is the creation of a new church. For this reason, according to the Gospel, his Lordship is due a refund. Paul says in 1 Cor. 9: "Who ever travels on his own fare?" and Christ in Matth. 10: "A laborer is worth his wages. In addition, many parishes and preachers' chairs still have to be appointed from common castes. As some parish priests are endowed on such estates. However, it seems good to us that we should be careful about such

For the sake of our being, we are not very much barred. And if the clergy were so hard to be appointed that they were allowed to eat and drink in their God's name, but except for the first part, that they did not teach or live contrary to the gospel, nor did they reestablish their blasphemous church services. For where they would reprove and do this, they are not to be tolerated nor suffered, and even if they would be appointed, we cannot consent to it.

The second section of the fourteenth chapter.

Of the first religious peace concluded after the peace treaty at Nuremberg and confirmed by the emperor at Regensburg.

D. Martin Luther's response to the Elector of Saxony's admonition to him to refrain from harsh writing, especially against Duke George, so that peace would not be prevented. July 29, 1531.

This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 470; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 332; in the Altenburg edition, vol.v, p. 591; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 345; in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 240; and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 276.

Grace and peace. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! My dear Lord and friend D. Brück, Chancellor, in E. C. F. G.'s name, that I would henceforth refrain from harsh writing, especially concerning Duke Georgen, as far as it would ever be possible for the sake of my conscience and doctrine, so that the peace and treaty, recently granted by God's grace at Grimme, would not be shattered or prevented.

Now it is true that Duke George has noticeable knots and lumps on my skirt. But so that they may see that I also have a desire for peace, and do not write my evil books out of spite, I will let all this go and have it given away, as long as Duke George also leaves me satisfied from now on and does not cause any new unpleasantness;

also with the reservation, where other papists did not want to keep peace with me, that I may be free to touch them. For I do not mean Duke Georgen by this; only that he does not mean it to me. I have promised this to E. C. F. G. in humble service. Hiemit GOtt befohlen, Amen. Saturday after St. Jacob's Day July 29 1531.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

1197 Peace treaty between the Electors of Mainz and the Palatinate, between the protesting estates and the Catholic ones, at Schweinfnrt, April 2-5, 1532.

This document is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 303; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 1016 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 367.

When, at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530, the protesting estates were given a serious, swift farewell, and Prince Joachim of Brandenburg, the first of that name, publicly stated in the Imperial Council that the Imperial Majesty and the Catholic estates were determined to turn their bodies, property and blood to the eradication of the Lutheran doctrine, the protesting estates did their best. Majesty and the Catholic estates were determined to turn their bodies, goods and blood to it, that the Lutheran doctrine should be eradicated: then the protesting estates also thought their best.

[1800]{.underline} Section 2: Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1197. W. xvi, 2183-2186. 1801

and afterwards at Schmalkalden and elsewhere had met for several days, and conferred with each other on a defension, so that they should be attacked and attacked on account of the Gospel. Therefore, since this would give rise to all kinds of noise, discord and disruption in the German lands, the two Electors, Albrecht, Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz 2c., and Count Palatine Ludwig, to the Elector of Saxony and Landgrave of Hesse, have issued a decree to the Imperial Majesty of the Holy Roman Empire. Majest. They offered themselves as negotiators and mediators so that peace could be established between the protesting and Catholic estates, and that no estate would have to resort to violence before the other. A day was then set for Schweinfurt, where both Electors, Mainz and Palatinate, appeared in person, as well as Duke Johann Friederich of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse's advisors, and the act of peace was performed, as follows.

I.

Der beiden Churfürsten, Mainz und Pfalz, lecture 2c.

  1. our, Albrecht, Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz, and Ludwig, Count Palatine 2c., both Electors, as approved negotiators, concerns and proposals, how and in what way, in our hope, the disputed religious matters should and would be brought and preserved to a peaceful arrangement; of the Highborn Prince, our dear grandfather and cousin, Duke John Frederick of Saxony, instead of his dear father, also of our grandfather and cousin, the Landgrave of Saxony, and their related princes, counts, lords, and cities, now on this amicable day and action here at Schweinfurt, namely, whether it should be brought to that, as both Electors have requested not to spare all possible diligence, as before.
  2. initially, that the Elector of Saxony, his beloved son, Lord John Frederick, also the Landgrave of Hesse, and other of their beloved kinsmen, who have handed themselves over in writings at Augsburg in the Confession and Assension concerning our Christian faith, should not make any further or further innovations about the same Confession and Assension until a future concilium.
  3. however, that the aforementioned our dear hosts and cousins, the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse, and their dear relatives,

The church must not be dependent on the Zwinglians or the Anabaptists, nor should they show favor to them. That also some party of the other subjects in matters of faith shall not draw to themselves, nor be subject to maintain, accept, protect and shield.

(4) That our dear neighbors and cousins, the Electors of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, and their kinsmen should refrain from preaching, and from preaching and publicizing, whether by word, printing, writing, or other means, matters concerning the faith, further and more than the Confession and Assension (delivered by them at the Diet of Augsburg) contains. And that neither one nor the other party shall preach, nor procure to be preached, outside their and their fellow subject lands and territories, nor shall either party speak, say or write anything grievous or blasphemous against the other.

(5) As far as the prelates' jurisdiction, customs and ceremonies are concerned, in the lands and dominions of the Dukes of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, and their beloved neighboring lands and dominions, as well as the ecclesiastical estates, on account of which a great deal of unpleasantness has arisen up to now, it is our good pleasure and in accordance with equity that nothing new be done in this respect, but that the matter be conducted by such reasonable means and ways as may be found to be agreeable to the Imperial Majesty and to the peace of all. Majesty and on all sides to be agreeable and conducive to peace.

(6) That also beforehand a common peace between those who persist in the old faith and the above-mentioned princes and chieftains, together with their co-relatives, may be and be maintained on both sides, and that with true friendship and Christian devotion, each one may endeavor and procure as much as is in him, that the concilium, as soon as convenient and possible, may be held for the explanation and discussion of the discords and grievances which are in the faith; to which then the Imperial Majesty will undoubtedly hold her hand. Majesty will undoubtedly hold the hand of her fortune.

  1. That also our dear hosts and cousins, the Dukes of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, and their beloved kinsmen, will all and unanimously make every effort to be and serve the German nation for its welfare, security, peace and quiet, and also for the help, protection and preservation of the same; to contribute to the resistance of the Turks, according to the content of the farewell recently established at Augsburg, as they have repeatedly indicated they would do; in the same way, their loved ones and their kinsmen.

[1802]{.underline} Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2186-2189. 1803

The Council of the Holy Roman Emperor, together with the other princes and estates of the empire, and so much more, concerning matters of faith, should observe and comply with the counsels, resolutions and agreements of the imperial diet, which have been made in various times and which will be made in the future.

(8) And if the matters were to take place as reported above, also our dear families and cousins, the Dukes of Saxony, Hesse, and their kinsmen, would obey the Imperial Majesty and the Roman King without opposition. Majesty and the Roman King without opposition, even if any understanding against their Imperial or Royal Majesty or others of the old faith is raised, or others of the old faith, that they will drop them as invalid: we are of the comforting hope that their Imperial and Royal Majesties will also drop all displeasure and ill-will which their Majesty has held against them, put all past matters and grievances into oblivion, and remain their most gracious Emperor and Roman King, and graciously hold them in all their matters.

Delivered Tuesdays in Easter week

April 2 Anno 1532.

II.

The Protestants' Scripture, in which they request a more detailed explanation of the foregoing presentation.

  1. on our friendly dear lords and cousins and most gracious lords, the Electors Mainz and Palatinate, handed over means, we kindly and humbly ask for the following words and articles half further information and explanation.

For first of all we understand these words, which are written in the first article: "And others of their kindred who have entered into the Confession and Assension, handed over in writings at Augsburg" 2c., that all of us, the states and cities named below, who have so far entered into the reported Confession and made ourselves divisible, are meant by this, namely:

  1. the Elector of Saxony 2c. together with Duke Johann Friedrichen, his son, Margrave Georg of Brandenburg, Duke Philipp, Ernst and Franz, brothers and cousins, of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Landgrave Philipp of Hesse, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, Gebhard and Albrecht, brothers, counts and lords of Mansfeld. And the cities of Strasbourg, Norimberg, Constance, Ulm, Bibrach, Jßni, Reutlingen, Memmingen, Eßlingen, Lindau, Heilbrunn, Kempten, Weißenburg, Winsheim, Lübeck, Brunswick, Magdeburg, Bremen, Goslar, Eimbeck and Göttingen.

4 Although the Concilii is thought of merely and not further, we nevertheless provide that the free, common, Christian Concilium is meant, of which some previous imperial treaties report, and the contents of which are to be held in one of the places named therein in the German nation.

(5) Thus, the first article has these words: "that no further innovation shall be made about the confession in question until the future council". This is understood by us only from the innovation in doctrine, over the articles, which have been taught and preached by ours until now, by virtue of the Confession, and not from the change of customs and ceremonies with us, which are made, or would like to be made, according to and based on the doctrine mentioned, understood in the Confession.

(6) There is a misunderstanding between us concerning the half-word in the third article, when it is expressed: "that some party shall not draw upon the other subjects in matters of faith, nor shall they be subject to entertain, accept," (2c), whether the article is meant only for the time when they still live under another authority and abstain, or also when they leave the other authorities' lands and have turned or want to turn under someone of our part, it is ecclesiastical order or other, secular people.

In the fourth article are these words: "that the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, and their kinsmen should refrain from preaching and publicizing, whether by word, printing, writings, or other means, things that affect the faith, further and more than this confession, which is handed down by our part at Augsburg, contains" 2c.

Now the Augsburg Confession has been a harmless summa of all the articles that were previously taught, printed, preached, and written in this part. However, this does not include other abuses previously taught and publicized by our people by means of divine Scripture, as well as the information given against these abuses in the enclosed notes, which were issued by the Emperor. Maj. at Augsburg, after the reported Confession had been handed over, on Her Maj.'s commanding inquiry whether we wanted to leave it at the articles of the Confession. Therefore, it is necessary to receive an explanation of the words touched upon, so that misunderstandings do not lead to further confusion.

9 At the end of the same article there are these words: "that no party against the other something abusive-.

[1804]{.underline} Section 2: Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1197. W. xvi, 2i8g-2vu. 1805

or blasphemous things" 2c. Now, the well-known doctrine mentioned has been heretical for some time, and ours have been accused of being heretics, and of other blasphemous invectives, and do not understand it otherwise than that it should be avoided henceforth.

In the fifth article, the prelates' jurisdiction, customs and ceremonies, in the Dukes of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, and their related lands and dominions, as well as the ecclesiastical estates, it is proposed: "that the matters be drawn up in such proper ways and means as may be found that they may serve Caif. 2c., without it being stated what these proper ways and means might be, so that in the future, if the ecclesiastics or others want to insist on them, and they could not be imposed on this part of their intention, as can easily be considered, no new and further misconduct may arise from it.

(11) After it is mentioned in the sixth article, "that also good common peace shall be kept between those who persist in the old faith and the above-mentioned princes and rulers, together with their co-relatives, doubt arises, in that the words: "so persist in the old faith" are added to the other part; which would have to be heard, if it should have the sense, as otherwise the words almost read, as if we had departed from the old faith, which we nevertheless have on this part; but do so teach and preach it as God has proclaimed and preached it to the world through His prophets, and later through His only begotten Son, Jesus Christ, our Savior, and His apostles, as we 1) can show and prove in the contents of our Confession and Apology. For to add anything of this or any other form to the Christian and known doctrine and God's Word would be burdensome, and would not at all suit us with God and our conscience.

12 Further, in the reported sixth article, there follow these words: "Let each one, as much as he is concerned, procur that the council be held, as soon as it can be convenient and possible, for the explanation and discussion of the discords and grievances that are in the faith, in which the Imperial Majesty will undoubtedly have a hand. Majesty will undoubtedly hold the hand of her fortune." From this we can not

  1. This and the previous addition seemed necessary to us to make sense.

The Council may hear how it is to be understood "that each one, as much as is in him, shall endeavor and procur that the Concilium be kept", since several previous Imperial Treaties already report the same, together with what the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, especially at the last Imperial Diet at Speier, by Her Majesty's Orators and Commissars, has already said about the Concilium. Our most gracious Lord, especially at the last Imperial Diet at Speier, had her Majesty's orators and commissioners graciously grant and promise this to princes, princes and estates, of which her Majesty was also reminded several times at her Majesty's next Imperial Diet at Augsburg, with further necessary notifications.

After such requested explanation we want to be heard by the Almighty of our need of the done proposals furthermore without reference.

III.

The declaration given by Churpfalz and Mainz on this.

  1. our, Albrecht, Cardinal and Archbishop of Mainz 2c., and Ludwig, Count Palatine of the Rhine, both Electors and approved negotiators, further report and explanation, on some words and articles in our proposed means, by the Highborn Prince, our dear grandfather and cousin, Mr. Johann Friedrich, Duke of Saxony, on account of his dear father, also the landgravial councils, and others of these matters in doubt, according to a list, therefore sent and handed over to us.
  2. initially to the words, incorporated into the first proposed point, of the content that the Elector of Saxony, his beloved son, Duke Johann Friedrich, also Landgrave of Hesse, "and other of their beloved kinsmen, who in the confession and assension, concerning our Christian faith, have handed themselves over in writings at Augsburg" 2c., We, the Electors, are concerned that all those who have entered into the above-mentioned confession and assension, and who compare themselves with them, remain in this action, as they have now submitted themselves by name, and that we also insist with Imperial Majesty that all those who have submitted their confession and assension to the Augsburg Confession and Assension remain in this action, as they have now submitted themselves by name, and that we also insist with Imperial Majesty that all those who have submitted their confession and assension to the Augsburg Confession and Assension remain in this action. Majesty that all of them, as they are now indicated to us here in writings, will be conceded in such an agreement, if it wins their progress, and that we want to act with the best diligence.

(3) In response to our uncle and cousin, Duke John Frederick, and his dear relatives' announcement "that in the above-mentioned articles the Concilii is merely thought of" 2c., we may well remember what was said before at the Imperial Diet that such a Christian Concilium, as we have

[1806]{.underline} Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2191-2194. 1807

It is our opinion that it should not be held by one nation, but that a settlement must be made with Papal Holiness and other high Christian potentates, each of whom believes to have such a council in the same nation. Therefore, if the matters, in accordance with our submitted proposals, are endured and preserved, we are obliged to apply therefore to the Imperial Majesty with all our best diligence. Maj. with all the best diligence, as we have no doubt that Her Imperial Majesty will be inclined to support the settlement. Maj. will be inclined to promote and help whether such a council, as much as possible, should be held in the near future in German lands or within the borders thereof.

4th And concerning the words in the first article, "that over the reported assension and confession no further innovation should be made", and what for the sake of ceremonies by our dear grandparents and cousins, and their relatives, is indicated next to it, such words, and how it is meant for the sake of ceremonies, is reported, further declared and explained in the article of jurisdiction, ceremonies and spiritual goods.

5 Furthermore, in the third article it is stated "that no party shall take over the other's subjects in matters of faith", 2c., such article is set for the constant preservation of unity for the sake of peace, and therefore so. Where, however, special and private persons, out of one party's authority and with the same knowledge and will, want to go to another place, and where they are presented with the appearance of being accepted by the other party, this article is not to be contravened.

6 On the words in the fourth article it is determined "that the Elector of Saxony, Landgrave of Hesse, and in the matter related, shall refrain from preaching, and from preaching and publicizing" 2c. The above point has the meaning with us that their loved ones and the others should not preach, teach, write or print any further, because as much as their confession and assension can, according to it and no further 2c.

  1. to the words of the above-mentioned fourth article, "that neither party shall speak or write anything defamatory or blasphemous against the other" 2c. In this it is our opinion, and fairly observed, that neither party shall offend the other with profanity or blasphemy in preaching, writing, printing, or otherwise speaking as may be done, as set forth in the article, and that each authority shall thus earnestly procure to be kept among its own, for the sake of greater peace.
  2. on the fifth article, "the prelates' jurisdiction, customs and ceremonies 2c. be

appropriate" . Although this article is considered by many estates to be most burdensome, but nevertheless, so that good peace and unity may be preserved until the future Concilio, and as far as the other articles and proposals also take place and are preserved, we are of the comforting hope to obtain this point from Imperial Majesty. Majesty in this way:

  1. that, as far as the prelates' jurisdiction, custom and ceremonies are concerned, in the Dukes of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hefsen, and their related lands and dominions, as well as in the ecclesiastical estates, nothing shall be innovated in that which now exists until the next Concilium.

10th And when in the sixth article the words, viz: "2c., we give this report, that such words were used solely for the distinction of the parties, and not to burden anyone with them. Our mind is also not to speak of who is of the old or new faith, but to act in a peaceful manner until the future conciliation. But in the event that our dear grandparents and cousins, and their relatives, should ever find such words burdensome, they shall be provided for, namely: that good common peace be maintained between both parties 2c.

(11) When finally doubts arose as to how each should procure 1) that the Concilium be held as soon as convenient, it is to be understood that both parties, in addition to Imperial Majesty and other Estates of the Realm, are to persevere and exert and promote as much as possible that such Concilium be held to the greatest extent possible. Maj. and other estates of the realm, shall persevere, and as much as in them, endeavor and promote that such concilium be held as soon as possible. The undoubted confidence that Imperial Maj. Maj. will not let any lack or default appear in it, as has been done and sought in many ways by Her Majesty.

Delivered Friday in Easter week April 5 Anno M.D.XXXII.

1198 D. Mart. Luther's cries to the Elector Prince John Frederick not to reject the peace offered. February 12, 1532.

This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 47IK; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 483k; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 959; in the Leipzig edition, vol.XX, p.362; in the Erlangen edition, vol.54,p.271; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 337 and (from a manuscript) in the Unsch. Nachr. 1711, p. 16.

  1. "procuriren" put by us instead of: "provociren", according to the previous document, No. I, Z6 and No. II, s 12.

1808 Erl. 54,271-274. sec. 2. peace negot. at Nuremberg. No. 1198 W. XVI, 2194-2196. 1809

To the illustrious, highborn prince and lord, Mr. Johann Friedrichen, > Duke of Saxony, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my > gracious lord.

  1. grace and peace in Christ. Sublime, highborn prince, gracious lord! The Chancellor, D. Brück, has sent me the articles that the two Electors of Mainz and Palatinate are to act on by imperial command. Maj. should act on a treaty between these Princes and the Emperor 2c., and I have indicated to him my opinion as to how they should be suffered and accepted. Since I believe that God hears our prayer, meets and greets us with grace and peace, and would now like to hear a humble answer, I have not failed to write to His Holiness and to present my humble request.
  2. because I must worry that the one article of the king 2c. E. F. G. might want to move and seem burdensome, and not without cause, as everyone is now well aware. But, my lord, because E. F. G.'s virtuous deed and resistance to such an unjust election of the king has been widely heard and known to all the world, the king's and everyone's injustice has been punished quite enough, and E. F. G. together with her theologians has been punished enough. F. G. together with her part is sufficiently and abundantly pardoned, I will humbly and for God's sake have asked E. F. G. to let such article go henceforth, to God's praise and honor, and not to let it hinder peace and treaty.

(3) For the F.F.G. himself can well consider that if war should come about, and even if it did, peace would have to be made in the end, because such war cannot be eternal; and then, after such damage and misery, the same peace would perhaps have to be accepted with more annoying and more difficult means than it is now being offered. Moreover, E. F. G. now sees how firmly and surely the cities and alliances hold, that it is nothing else but splendid thoughts and exquisite proposals, which seem almost comforting, because there is no need; but when it comes to a meeting, it all turns to water, and there is no one at home; so then no citizen nor city can be found to ask for peace.

will risk his life and property for the sake of a prince.

4 Such comfort and confidence is dangerous and harmful (not to say unchristian) for the very reason that it teaches and accustoms the heart to rely on human help and counsel. Which. God finally does not suffer, but certainly puts to shame. It is true that the help of men, where God gives it and throws it, is not evil; but to seek it or to rely on it and start something has never been well advised, and never will be.

But now that the emperor, as an authority ordered by God, has so graciously given himself, and so mildly gives free orders to make peace, it is truly not to be regarded otherwise than as if God were offering us his gracious hand. And it is time that we do not let him stretch out his hand in vain, which would make him highly distressed, as he laments in Proverbs 1.

6 So it is also E. F. G. not sorry that the longer the longer the displeasure and resentment of that part grows. He who is not a prince, since more is at stake than in a single person, is easy to defy and expect wars; for he has not much to lose, or at least comes out of the mud more easily than the prince himself, whom he has led into it.

But I have become too clever and talk too much. E. F. G. would graciously give me credit for it. For I do it out of submissive concern and loyalty to E. F. G., as my dear country prince. I hope and trust that E. F. G. will do better than I think. To this end, I will also call upon God's help with earnestness, and faithfully pray for E. F. G.. For it is he who must begin, continue and complete what is to become good. Human thoughts are of no use, says the Psalter. Christ, our light of love and life, be with us forever, amen. Monday after Estomihi Feb. 12 1532.

E. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

[1810]{.underline} Erl. St, 269-271. Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI, 2196-2199. 1811

1199. Luther's two letters to the Elector John of Saxony concerning the peace treaty.

a. First letter, concerning the action at Schweinfurt. Feb. 1532.

This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 472; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 495; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p.960; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 363; in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 269 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 335.

To the most illustrious, highborn Prince and Lord, Lord John, Duke of > Saxony, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave > of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious Lord.

Grace and peace in Christ our Lord. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! D. Brück, E. C. F. G. Chancellor, has now again indicated to me the articles, as before, on which the two Electors 2c. are to act with E. C. F. G., between Imperial Maj. Maj. and E. C. F. G., and thereupon, on account of E. C. F. G., requests my concern 2c.

2 Accordingly, this is my humble concern that such articles are probably reasonable and acceptable. And whether some of them are still obscure or suspicious, I think that if it came to action, everything would be clear and certain. And indeed (as far as I understand myself), it seems to me that the two Electors are in earnest and have the right opinion, since they have received such a broad and free command from the Emperor to act, and have also used Count Palatine Frederick in such a message, so that they indicate that they are interested, and still are.

Because the matter has now come to such a point that nothing would prevent such a treaty and peace, except perhaps the article of the king 2c, my humble request is that E. C. F. G. want to give the same to Christ and let him go. If he is wrongly chosen, then he is fairly atoned for until then.

4 Thus also E. C. F. G. has sufficiently contradicted such injustice, and has shown himself well against it. One must also let this Christian article rule, which is called forgiveness.

of sins. Otherwise, where one blows the nose too hard (says Solomon Proverbs 30:33), blood follows, and where one presses for anger, strife ensues. It may well remain in the world that many things are done unjustly, and when they are done, they must remain unchanged, as the law teaches, to prevent greater harm.

(5) And it is also to be highly considered that God offers us such causes for peace, that He perhaps intends to further His Gospel with it and through it, and yet we are guilty of denying and abandoning ourselves as well, where we can praise and promote God's honor, name and word. All of which would be prevented by strife, and perhaps the antagonism would come, so that we, too, would be prevented or deprived of the Gospel through war and strife.

6 Christ our Lord, to whom these things are given in honor, shall again make the C.F.G. glorious, as he promises; so also St. Paul speaks and teaches Romans 12:18, that we Christians, as much as is in us, should keep peace with everyone. This is saying so much, that we should leave our rights for the sake of peace, so that we will not lack it. For peace is more important than justice; indeed, justice is established for the sake of peace.

For, since God is for fei! where the treaty should be hindered for the sake of this article, it must finally follow that a war will result, whether the Emperor remains in the country or not 2c. And E. C. F.G. would have to be the cause of such a war without necessity, which would be an unmistakable burden in the conscience, if the remorse would come and bite afterwards, namely: "Why did I not leave my right and accept peace, so that such a great misfortune and misery would not come? And it would happen that the kingdom would be torn apart and given to the Turks, and both the gospel and everything would perish.

8 Thus we also see how there is no loyalty among foreign kings, and how the cities are powerful of their citizens when it comes to a meeting, one has often experienced, and now the Zurichers are a strong example. For I know that God is completely against such alliances.

1812 Erl. 54,271.312 f. Sec. 2 Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1199 W. XVI, 2199-2201. 1813

and also causes them not to keep, as all the prophets are full of. For they are only human thoughts and actions, made without God's word and command, out of their own foolishness. Therefore, it is not possible that they should keep and not fail in time of need. The Scripture says: "All men are liars," that is, they do not help but fail. And in the land of Egypt Isaiah calls it a broken reed, which passeth through the hand of him that trusteth in it. We have a divine cause, which God alone wants and must preserve, as he has done up to now; human thoughts truly do not do it.

(9) Such my humble concern E. C. F. G. would graciously credit me with; for I also mean well, God knows that, and I hope that I am not speaking out of human shards. The merciful Father enlighten and strengthen E. C. F. G. to do his good will, amen, amen.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

b. Second letter, concerning the peace negotiations at Nuremberg.

June 29, 1532.

This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 473; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 496; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 971; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 364; in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 312 and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 382. This letter, as both De Wette and Burkhardt attest, refers to Nuremberg, not as Plan! Ill, 1. 223, to the convent at Schweinfurt.

  1. grace and peace in Christ. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! Here I send the trades to E. C. F. G. again, with our humble concern.

2nd And because I find in all actions that some of ours want to be too wise and certain, and as their words read, want to have an undisputable peace, 2c., I truly cannot think otherwise than that these have no desire for peace, or else (which is as much) strive for an impossible peace.

  1. for where is ever a contract, right, trade, seal or letter made, established

or erected, since one could not argue against it, or make a hole through it? If we want to take it so exactly and certainly by our own jokes, and do not also trust everything to God in it, and let him rule with us, then nothing good will come of it, and we will go according to Solomon's saying: "He who blows his nose too hard forces blood out, and he who disdains the little does not get the greater.

4 Truly, where Imperial Majesty grants such articles as we are now modifying in the one amendment. Majesty grants such articles as we have now changed in the one addition (to take protection from other persons fleeing to us), then His Imperial Majesty has done enough and will be both guilty and unjust for us. Majesty has done enough, and both blame and displeasure will be ours. For God graciously greets us; if we do not thank Him, we will sin greatly and will not be fortunate.

(5) Accordingly, I most earnestly request that E. C. F. G. write a good, hard letter to ours, and faithfully admonish them to see how much and graciously Imperial Majesty yields to us, which we may well accept with a clear conscience. Maj. yields to us, which we may well accept with a clear conscience. Majesty himself does not want the King's things mixed up, and will not refuse such gracious peace for the sake of a few pointed, precisely sought points; God will (when the main parts proceed with peace) heal and provide for such minor requested deficiencies. They will not divide the purpose, it is not necessary, but enough that one shoots close to it. All our life and deeds, both against God and man (as full of infirmities), must be borne by toleration and forgiveness of sins.

(6) And if we were to be so devout to God and our neighbor, and so pure and whole, we would never be blessed, nor would we ever be at peace with our neighbor. If they sincerely desire peace, they may well accept such pieces (as said). But if they have a desire for discord, then they must have neither our advice nor our consideration. They can easily be wise enough to cause misfortune, but still, that we do not approve of it; they may eat it up, they bring in too much. I for my part

I) "Purpose" --- Centrum of the disc.

[1814]{.underline} Erl. 54,3i3f. Cap. 14: Of the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI, 2201-2203. 1815

Person wants to sincerely thank His Imperial Majesty. Majesty sincerely thank you where His Imperial Majesty grants such articles. Majesty grants such articles.

7 In something deceitful among them, which the moth does not give after all, and which is not my place to create suspicion against His Imperial Majesty. Majesty, much less his Imperial Majesty's opinion. If I am to interpret and judge his imperial majesty's opinion in an unrecognized manner, then I command him who knows, judges and guides all hearts, who will protect me in such a journey and hold me harmless. For this I know for certain, whoever deceives the trusting heart towards God, the love towards his neighbor, deceives himself, and faith and love remain without harm.

8 And if such peace creates nothing more, then this would be a great, mighty fruit, so that the papists, our enemies, would be put down their dread, defiance, throbbing, and pillorying. Which would be a great heartache and torment enough for them.

9 By God, most gracious Lord, I know nothing more to do or say in this matter. If peace and war result from this, above such a gracious command of Imperial Majesty, then we are truly innocent of all the evil that may come from it. Majesty, then we are truly innocent of any evil that may come from it.

God has mercifully heard our poor prayer and gives us peace. May the same dear Father continue to give us a grateful heart, which may recognize, accept and well use such grace, to His praise and honor, Amen. To the same faithful benevolent God I command E. C. F. G. with my little prayer faithfully and diligently. At Wittenberg, on St. Peter's and Paul's Day s29. June] Anno 1532.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther.

1200: The final peace proposals made by the Protestants to the princely papal negotiators. June 10, 1532.

This document is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 309; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 1023 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 375.

  1. initially, that the Elector of Saxony, his son Duke Friederich, and his co-relatives, namely Margrave George of Brandenburg, Phi

lipp, Ernst and Franz, brothers and cousins, Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Ernst Wolfgang of Anhalt, Gebhard and Albrecht, brothers, Counts of Mansfeld, and the cities of Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Bibrach, Jsni, 1) Reutlingen, Esslingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Heilbronn, Hall in Swabia, Kempten, Weißenburg, Winsheim, Lübeck, Brunswick, Magdeburg, Bremen, Goslar, Eimbeck, Göttingen, Nordhausen and Hamburg, who have committed themselves to the Confession, Assension and Apology, The following are the documents handed over at Augsburg concerning the Confession, Assension and Apology concerning our holy Christian faith: they shall not make any further or other amendments to the same Confession, Assension and Apology, nor any ceremonies contrary or inappropriate to the same Confession and Apology, until a future, common, Christian Concilio, as decided and promised at the first Imperial Diet held at Nuremberg; For the sake of which concilium the Imperial Majesty should be requested to intervene. Majesty should be requested to take care that it is acted upon in German lands. That the above-mentioned Elector of Saxony, together with his son Duke Frederick, and their kinsmen, should use faithful and good diligence to procurate and hold the above-mentioned council.

Secondly, that the Elector of Saxony, his son, Duke Johann Friederich, and the above-mentioned relatives of theirs do not wish to follow or support the Zwinglians and Anabaptists on account of their doctrine and faith, nor to show them any favor or support if they persist in their error, but to renounce them. In the event, however, that they abandon their error and contend with Imperial Majesty and other commoners, they shall be punished. In the event, however, that they abandon their error, and want to settle in faith with the Imperial Majesty and other common estates of the empire, or want to accept the confession and assension of the princes and their followers, as handed over at Augsburg, then they shall be included and comprehended in this confession, which may now be established.

  1. that Saxony and its kinsmen, and the other estates of the realm, shall not take any party from the other subjects in matters of faith, nor shall they be subject to entertain, accept, protect or protect against the will of the other. Where, however, special and private or other persons who would not otherwise be subject to arrest on account of their person or goods, or where there would be a free train, and who hold the faith
  1. "Isni" set by us (after No. 1187 and 1202) instead of: "Resim".

4816 Sect. 2 Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1200. W. xvi, 2203-2206. 1817

Those who did not want to or could not stay behind a dominion for a longer period of time (unless they had other causes and faults on them) should not be refused to move away behind another dominion upon their request to the same authorities and with their prior knowledge, including the usual payment, additional tax and other things that they would owe according to local custom, in which no danger would be used. However, Saxony and its kinsmen do not want to have anyone deprived or deprived of their part of their faith and confession by this agreement.

  1. the reported Elector of Saxony and his son, and their kinsmen, shall also refrain from preaching, publicizing, or sending out, whether by word, printing, writings, or other means, in matters of faith, further or more than their above-mentioned confession, assension, and apology are capable of, and according to their right, reasonable, Christian understanding. And that neither one nor the other party shall not preach nor procure to preach outside their and their fellow sovereignties and territories, unless one or more princes travel outside their principalities, dominions and territories, and are granted to preach by the authorities of each place. However, if this were to be done, they could then preach for themselves and their own in their inns.

(5) But where it is in campaigns and camps, that, to prevent further trouble and disgust, which might arise from ambiguous doctrine, no more than the holy gospel should be recorded by all parts of the time, badly according to the text, and without any further addition, in a special place, and only for those who are of its appendage. But the holy sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, at any time when their conscience and necessity require it, in and out of their principalities and territories, they and theirs to receive under both forms, also in their inns, as aforesaid, until the future concilio, shall be unimpaired.

  1. it is also considered fair, also conducive to peace and unity, that neither party shall reproach the other with speeches, preaching, writing, or in other such ways. However, the preachers may, each as is appropriate and due, correct, punish and attract the vices, sins and unrighteous teachings in general by Christian, moderate instruction, without abuse and scolding.

7 And when the Duke of Saxony together with his relatives in their harmless counterpart

The court has reported in its reports and proposals that people should be elected at times to the Imperial Court of Appeal or to other offices of the Imperial Majesty and the empire. It is considered expedient for a peaceful standstill that the persons who have their loved ones and their dependents ordered and appointed to the Imperial Court of Appeal on their account, or subsequently appointed and ordered, and that they be allowed to continue in their duties in the Imperial Court of Appeal. It is considered to be a peaceful standstill that the persons who have their loved ones and their relatives ordered and appointed by them to the Imperial Court of Appeal, or subsequently appointed and appointed, and are finally used in their business as advocates, procuratores and the like, are not to be shunned, nor suspended from their offices and services, dismissed, or even elected or accepted in circles for this reason.

8 The ecclesiastical jurisdiction of each place in the respective Electorate and Princes of Saxony and their related lands and territories shall remain as it is at present.

(9) Likewise, whether some justification concerning the discord of faith has been made at the Imperial Chamber Court, the Court of Rothweil, the Westphalian Court, or elsewhere. Chamber Court, the Court of Rothweil, the Westphalian Court, the Swabian Confederation, or elsewhere, and whether judgments have been rendered therein, which have not yet come to execution, they shall also be postponed and prorogued until the future Concilio.

(10) Concerning the goods and incomes of the clergy, each one shall keep and keep his own, which he now has and uses, and no one shall be deprived of it by force and affliction from the other.

  1. But the dedicated benefits, goods, rents, interest, tithes and dues, which each party, monastery, prelature and monasteries in the other's principality, country, dominions, authorities and territories, would have fallen, shall be transferred unrestricted, unbidden and without any remedy, as it would have been in the mentioned monasteries, prelatures and monasteries on each part, The same shall henceforth also be given and follow, for the sake of religion, in every part, to the places where the said monasteries, prelatures and convents are situated, and to which they have been given and have followed from time immemorial, until further providence in much-determined concilio.

12 However, every prince, sovereign, estate and sovereign of their principality, territory and dominion, on their property, land and property, also tax, tax, 1) rescue, assistance and other authorities and justices, shall be entitled to the same without interruption.

  1. Travel?

[1818]{.underline} Erl. 54, 304 f. Cap. 14: Of the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI. 2206-2208. 1819

The provisions of this law shall be completely unbreakable and harmless in respect of the special agreements, settlements or understandings that have been made and established between various princes, rulers and estates for the sake of such or such interest, tithes and estates.

(13) And in order that good common peace and unity, which is the greatest principal of these matters, and which is sought by this negotiation, between the Roman Imperial and Royal Majesty and all the estates of the Roman Empire of the German Nation, may be the more nobly preserved, each estate, regardless of the discord of faith, otherwise in other external and worldly matters, shall first of all obey the Imperial and Royal Majesty in all possible, equitable and deceptive matters, and also each estate of the Empire, as far as it is concerned, shall otherwise hold itself in submissiveness to the Imperial and Royal Majesty in all possible, equitable and deceptive matters. Majesty in all possible, just and deceptive matters, and also each imperial estate, as much as is in it, shall otherwise hold itself against one another with true friendship and Christian devotion, and prove itself capable of and promote everything that can and may serve the German nation for welfare, security, peace and comfort. In particular, the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen shall, together with the other estates of the empire, show themselves to be helpful and salvageable in resisting and opposing the Turk; in these and other matters of necessity incumbent upon the empire, which do not concern the faith, they shall, in imperial assemblies, compare counsel in a friendly and equitable manner, and what is thus unanimously considered, decided and adopted as good, as has been the custom from time immemorial, shall be complied with by all parts.

(14) By means of the foregoing, a common and good peace shall be established between the Roman Imperial and Royal Majesty and our most gracious Lord and all the estates of the realm, to be maintained by both parts together and against each in particular; one part shall not be violated or adversely affected in any way by this, contrary to the peace of the land, the order of the realm, or the law and equity, for the sake of certain things.

15 And for a good decision, if the matters come to execution as stated above, then the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, should be asked and induced that her Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, should be granted the power to execute the order. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, should be requested and moved that Her Imperial Majesty be granted the right to issue a decree. Majesty out of imperial clemency. Majesty, out of Imperial clemency, be the more inclined to hear and graciously show himself against all estates, as their rightful lord, in their pending matters and complaints, this peaceful decency, which, for the sake of faith (if it is accepted and preserved, as above-mentioned), by Imperial goodness, and out of his own motion, is to be respected. and by his own motion, nor at anyone's instigation, nor out of whim.

serl. The German government will not create anything against this, and will graciously establish and execute such a peaceful decency, as indicated, in the Empire of the German Nation, and assure it in the best form 2c.

Delivered at Nuremberg, 1) Monday after, Bonif. 10. June Anno > 1532.

  1. D. Martin Luther's counsel together with Bugenhagen on the means proposed by the two Electors in the peace treaty at Schweinfurt. May 1532.

The original of this reflection in Luther's manuscript is in the Weimar Archives, LeZ. H, p. 64. 14; from it in De Wette, vol. IV, 372 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 304 with the time determination: "April or May," but Burkhardt assigns it, according to its location in the archive, with certainty to May. Also still in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 307 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 372. We give the text according to De Wette.

From these words in the first article: "and other 2c. who would get involved".

(1) We have again diligently moved this article with the words, "and others 2c. who would enter into it. And since it is to be considered that it cannot be preserved in the opposite case, we cannot advise that one should argue and thereby overturn the whole act of peace, since one may drop the same addition without burdening one's conscience.

  1. to overthrow and abandon what is necessary because of what is unnecessary, which is contrary to God and conscience. Now this is to be considered necessary, if a tolerable peace is offered to us, so that we do not give cause for war.

But that it may be said against it, that this addition cannot be dropped with God and conscience, because thereby the gospel is increased to others. Item, Christians should seek the salvation and welfare of others 2c.

  1. well is not without, you can use this high
  1. Walch, Jnhaltsverzeichniß des 16. Bandes, p. 64, remarks on this that the Leipzig edition has made a mistake by putting "Norimberg" instead of "Schweinfurt". However, the Leipzig edition is correct, because the convention at Schweinfurt already ended in the middle of May. See De Wette, Vol. IV, p. 382.

[1820]{.underline} Erl. 54, 305-307, Sect. 2, Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1201 f. W. XVI, 2208-2211. 1821

but nevertheless the truth is that we may drop such an addition with God and conscience, for we do not hereby consent that the gospel should be forbidden or increased to others, but seek a temporal peace for ourselves, should not and cannot also rightly force other authorities that they should secure theirs to our liking; therefore we may accept a peace with a good conscience, whether the future ones are already not secured. As Paul says Rom. 12,18.: Quantum in nobis est, pacem cum omnibus hominibus habentes, "as much as is in you, you shall keep peace with all men".

(5) Secondly, Christians should seek the salvation and welfare of others as far as they can and rightly can. If, then, we cannot, by kindly seeking and exhorting, obtain that the emperor should secure his own, we can do no more, and are excused; for we cannot and shall not compel the emperor or other tributary princes to secure theirs. As if a prince asked for two Christians whom another prince wanted to punish, and for the sake of the same prince the one was released, the prince would have to be satisfied and let the other be punished, and yet this prince would have done a good deed by saving the one.

(6) As Abdias received some prophets 1 Kings 18:13, and yet saw that many were slain beside them. It is enough that every prince in his country is an Abdias. This figure has it in all ways with the present case.

Third, we have also sought the salvation of others by allowing us to send preachers to other places. Item, that also the people under other authority may sell 2c. This is a great benefit, so that their life and limb is saved.

(8) Fourthly, every Christian is obliged to believe and confess the gospel on his own, as Christ says Matt. 16:24, "If any man will come after me, let him take up his cross," that is, let him not take up his cross on another.

  1. fifth, quod tibi non vis fieri, alteri ne feceris, what you do not want done to you, do not do to others. Now

no authority of this part wanted other tributary princes to force them to do what they wanted with their subjects.

(10) And I hold that it is clearly decided in every Christian mind that this addition is not to be disputed.

(11) And I am just concerned that it may be a challenge to some who may seek something else in it; as we humans may easily be challenged and deceived by ourselves, for the old Adam is not entirely dead in us. I cannot put my confidence in the danger of bloodshed and other great harm to Christianity, which must follow if a noise were to result. For be it what it may, right doctrine is lost in such desolate, atrociousness. Therefore, be careful not to drop the main and necessary part because of the unnecessary.

12 It is possible to cavirate something from the Concilio; so it is cavirated sufficiently without doubt by these words: "A free, Christian Concilium. If the words do not help, the addition "according to the pure word of God" 2c. will not help either. For if the nations conclude against us, they will nevertheless want to have the glory that they speak according to the pure Word of God 2c.

Do not see and do too much for him. Qui nimium emungit, elicit sanguinem; he who wants too much gets too little.

Martinus Luther, v. > > Johannes Bugenhagius, Pomeranus.

1202 Nuremberg First Religious Peace, given July 23, 1532.

This document was published separately in 1532 and is subsequently printed in Latin in Dumont's oorp. eiplona, ioM. IV, pari. II, p.87 and in Goldast's oonst. imp., part. II, p. 172. German in Hortleder, "von den Ursachen" 2c., tom. I, lib. I, onp. 20, p. 67; in Lehmann's not. pn6. roliA., lib. I, oap. I, and in Lünig's ReichsArchiv, pnrt. M". oont. I, p. 389. This writing is reprinted in Walch's old edition in No. 1252 of the 17th volume, Col. 38-46. We have omitted it there.

By the Grace of God, we Albrecht, of the Holy Roman Church, of the title of Sancti Petri ad vincula Priest-Cardinal, and Legate by birth, at

1822 Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2211-2213. 1823

Mainz and Magdeburg Archbishop, Archchancellor and Primate in Germania, Administrator of Halberstadt, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., and Ludwig, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, Archduke of the Holy Roman Empire, both Electors, publicly confess and declare with this present farewell.

  1. when between the most noble prince and lord, lord Carln, Roman emperor, at all times Mehrern of the empire 2c., our most gracious lord, on the one hand, and the highborn princes, our dear cousins and elders, Mr. Johannsen, dukes of Saxony, electors, and duke Johann Friedrichen, his dear son; Mr. Georgen, margraves of Brandenburg; Mr. Philipp, Ernsten and Franzen, brothers and cousins, dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg; prince Wolfgangen zu Anhalt; Gebharden and Albrechten, counts of Mansfeld; and the cities of Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Constance, Ulm, Bibrach, Isni, Reutlingen, Esslingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Heilbronn, Hall in Swabia, Kempten, Weißenburg, Winsheim, Lübeck, Brunswick, Magdeburg, Bremen, Goslar, Eimbeck, Göttingen, Nordhausen and Hamburg, For this reason, at the imperial congresses held beforehand, various actions were taken and sought as to how one might come to an equitable settlement of such errors and misunderstandings, but this has not yet happened.

(2) And so, for the preservation of unity and peace in the Holy Empire, and especially so that the common enemy of Christendom, the Turk, may be met the more nobly, and his cruel tyrannical actions against the Christian blood, and especially the German nation, may be averted, we shall strike at the matter in a completely submissive, faithful, good opinion, and, upon Imperial Majesty's gracious permission, also upon Her Imperial Majesty's permission. Maj.'s gracious permission, also to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty's authority, instruction and order sent to us for this purpose, and our grandparents and cousins, and their relatives, with the aforementioned consent, initially at Schweinfurt, and subsequently here at Nuremberg, we have cultivated manifold kind actions.

Since the matter of faith could not be brought to a settlement by various means, we have reasoned that the tyrannical, cruel authorities of the Turk should not be resisted in any way, for if a lasting, common peace were to be established in the Holy Roman Empire, then we would most humbly request and ask Her Majesty for it.

  1. that on such our practiced sub

The following is a request and petition to the Holy Roman Emperor, Maj. Maj, our most gracious Lord, the supreme head in the Holy Roman Empire, out of special affection and desire, so to her Maj. and all the estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, ecclesiastical and secular, until a common, free, Christian concilio, as decided at Nuremberg at the Imperial Diet, or in such a way that it would not have its continuation until the common estates of the Empire would be called and described again in an appropriate place; as is then understood in a special article, thus:

  1. That in the meantime of the same concilio, or that the estates, as now reported, come back to each other and are advised otherwise, no one offend the other of the faith or otherwise of any other cause, war, 1) not threaten, nor some castles, cities, markets, fortifications, villages, farms or hamlets descend, or without the will of the other with mighty deeds freely take, or dangerously damage them with fire or other ways in such a way, nor give them any advice, help or other assistance, nor knowingly and dangerously harbor them, house them, etch them, water them, contain them or tolerate them, but each one should treat the other with true friendship and Christian love.
  2. which now mentioned common peace the kais. Maj. will proclaim and announce to all the estates of the Holy Empire, and will order them to keep it at the same heavy, considerable penalty, and will also use its gracious diligence to have the above-mentioned council advertised and publicized within half a year, and then held within a year; and in the event that this is not achieved, that the common estates of the realm then be summoned and described to each other again at a convenient venue to deliberate what is to be done and acted upon for the sake of the aforementioned council and other necessary matters.

7 To this end, the Roman Emperor, Maj. Majesty, for the greater and permanent preservation of the aforementioned common peace, has graciously granted and promised that Her Majesty will cease all justifications in matters concerning the faith, which have been started by Her Majesty's Fiscal and others against the Elector of Saxony and her relatives, or which may still be started, until such time as Her Majesty's Fiscal and others are able to do so. Fiscal and others against the Elector of Saxony and her dependents, or may yet be commenced, will cease until

  1. "bekriegen" put by us instead of: "betriegen". The former is found in the parallel passage of the Imperial Mandate, No. 1208, s 3, and in the duplicate of this writing in No. 1252 of the 17th volume.

1824 Section 2: Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1202. W. xvi, 2213-2216. 1825

The Council of the Holy Roman Catholic Church has decided that at the next Concilium, or if the Concilium is not held, the Estates will look into other ways; as the Imperial Majesty will graciously send us an assurance of this by her gracious letter. Majesty will graciously send us an assurance of this, by virtue of her gracious letter, to our hands.

(8) On the other hand, our above-mentioned cousins and neighbors, Saxony, Lüneburg, and those close to them, shall and will steadfastly and firmly maintain such common peace on their part, neither do nor act contrary to it in any way, nor show obedience to Imperial Majesty. Maj. to show submissive and due obedience, also to render and send their due assistance in resisting the Turk, as has been granted and agreed by the common estates, in the same way as they have offered and allowed themselves to be heard in their answer, which they have handed over to us in writing.

9 And after our grandparents and cousins reported in the same their answer of some words in the last Imperial Decree. Majest. Order and Articles, and kindly and humbly requested that we bring their complaint to the Imperial Majesty by means of an appropriate message, and that we use our best endeavors to prevent such complaints. Majesty by means of a skillful message, and to use good diligence to obtain a gracious change therein. To urge and request the same, so that the insurance, as we are sending her Majesty the copy, may also be executed in the most beneficial way and come to our hands; and what is thus obtained from Imperial Majesty, or what is sent to us, may also be sent to us. Majesty, or will arise for answer, that we shall and want to open and make known to our cousin and uncle, the Elector of Saxony, in writings in the most beneficial way. Whatever Her Majesty would grant and forbear, that shall be and remain in force, as if this were understood in this farewell from word to word. In the event, however, that Imperial Majesty If, however, Her Imperial Majesty does not wish to make any further concessions or changes, this agreement shall nevertheless be and remain in force, and its contents shall be carried out and complied with, without any extracts and remedies, but without any danger.

(10) And since the Highborn Prince, Mr. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, our dear cousin and uncle, also had his envoys, namely Johann Feigen von der Liechtenau, Chancellor, Siegmund von Beineburg, Bailiff of the Werra, and Johann Walther, Doctor, at this action, these same envoys have indicated that it would not be at their command to accept this parting; as they have therefore handed over to us their causes and complaints in writings, and have requested that these be opened to the Imperial Majesty in the most submissive manner. Majesty most humbly, which we also therefore declare with

Diligence to do so. And reported embassies have offered against it, to reach this issued action and farewell to mentioned our uncle with the best diligence, the undoubted confidence, his love would let herself be heard on it of her mind.

In witness whereof, we two Electors have hereunto affixed our seals to this letter.

And by the grace of God, we Johann Friederich, instead of and on account of our lord and father, the Elector of Saxony, and ourselves, also on account of our uncle Duke Philip of Brunswick, Franciscus, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg.

And we have messages named after, namely on account of Mr. Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg, Wolf Christoph von Weißenthau?) Amtmann at Schwabach, and Sebastian Heller, Doctor.

On account of Mr. Ernsten, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Johann von der Wick, Doctor.

On account of Prince Wolfen of Anhalt, Count Gebhardt and Count Albrecht of Mansfeld, Johann Rüel, Doctor.

On behalf of the city of Strasbourg, Jakob Sturm, old city master, and Johann 2) Meyer.

By order of the city of Nuremberg, Bernhard Baumgärtner and Leonhard Schultheiß, and by order of the cities of Hall in Swabia, Heilbronn, Winsheim, and Weißenburg am Nordgau. 3)

By order of Lübeck, Andreas Stolp, Secretarius, with order of those of Hamburg.

Constance, Conrad Zwick and Sebastian Geißberg.

By order of the city of Ulm, Georg Besserer, old mayor, and Hieronymus Schleicher, and the same with order of the city of Ißni.

From the old city of Magdeburg, Leonhard Merz, Doctor and Syndicus.

On behalf of the city of Bremen, Johann von der Wick, Doctor, named above.

By order of the city of Brunswick, Dietrich Preuß, Secretarius, with order of the von Goßlar, Göttingen and Eimbeck.

By reason of the city of Nordhausen, Benedictus Pauli, Doctor.

Bernhard Matzbeck, the city of Esslingen.

The city of Reutlingen, Jost Weiß, mayor, my ass.

By the way of the city of Memmingen, Hans Keller, mayor.

  1. In No. 1252: "Wissenthau".
  2. In No. 1252: "Jacob".
  3. In the old edition: "and Storkau".

[1826]{.underline} Erl.54,3vi f. Cap. 14. of the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI, 2216-2218. 1827

By the way of the city of Lindau, Antoni Hünde.

By the way of the city of Bibrach, Christoph Greter, mayor.

By reason of the city of Kempten, Heinrich Seltenhan:

We confess that the above-mentioned agreement has been established and signed with our good will and knowledge, and that we have thus knowingly accepted and approved it for ourselves and our sovereigns and superiors. We therefore agree and undertake for ourselves, our sovereigns and superiors to comply with it and to live by it, and not to do anything contrary to it, in any way.

In witness whereof we, Duke John Frederick, of our fathers and of ourselves, and of the cities and embassies aforesaid, have hereunto affixed our seal, which is given at Nuremberg, Tuesday after the feast of St. Mary Magdalene July 23, in the year 1532. Nativity 1532 year.

  1. D. Martin Luther's advice and concerns to Elector John of Saxony concerning the peace treaty at Nuremberg. Beginning of May 1532.

The original of this thought can be found in the Weimar Archives, UsZ. H, toi. 64. 14. It was delivered Thursday after Exaudi (May 16) (Burkhardt, p. 205). Printed in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 308; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 1021; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 373; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 369, according to the original, but dated: "In April" and likewise in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 301.

1 In the proposals of the Electors, I find little to dispute, for almost all articles have been put in an amicable and mild manner. But since our part has improved several articles, I see nothing to be highly disputed where such a change could not be obtained from the opposite part.

  1. And initially, concerning the appendix in the first article, namely: "and others who would join the confession 2c.", it is to be noted that this appendix is not to be preserved with the opposite, because if in this peace thus in general all, who still perhaps wanted to accept our doctrine, would also be conscripted, without doubt soon all their people would turn over.
  1. for this reason, my advice is not to dispute this appendix in such a way that the whole of the

If you do not want to go this way, the trade of peace will be overturned. For though others may be provoked and moved to accept this doctrine, yet every man is bound to accept and confess the gospel in his own way.

(4) And ours have done enough that they do not forbid or deny the gospel to anyone, or even offer it, and are not guilty of putting themselves on such a road, which does not help others; for what good would it do other cities if ours were overrun and afflicted?

(5) The princes and cities of this part have accepted this doctrine until now with their own accord, and have not been induced to do so by appealing to anyone else for protection or help, nor have they sought to make a pile against the emperor or anyone else. So may also other cities and countries do from now on, which nevertheless have less trouble through this peace, because if the things remained so unsettled.

6 It is also enough that we do not deny the gospel to others, as is clear from these proposals, and it is not our place to force the emperor or other potentates to secure theirs to our liking. For that the emperor secures us is by grace, and is personal privilegium.

(7) We cannot and should not force the emperor to show this mercy to others, but others may dare to do so by the grace of God and hope that they will also obtain peace and security, as we must also hope.

Item 8: In this peace, other cities and private individuals are allowed to receive the gospel. Where the authorities permit, we may send preachers there; but where the authorities do not permit, private individuals nevertheless have this advantage, that they are safe in life and limb, but may sell and move away. Item, if utraque species were permitted in general, the Potestat will have little cause against the laity, and by this admission of the ceremonies our doctrine will also be accepted and spread further, and their masses will come more into apostasy. So have

[1828]{.underline} Erl. 54, 302 ff. 297, Sect. 2 Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1203 f. W. XVI, 2218-2221. 1829

the others by this peace great benefit, and not hindrance to the Gospel.

(9) Nevertheless, it is fair to consider what it would be considered for if we were to dispute this appendix very much; for it may be considered as if we were working to make other potentates fall away from theirs, and attached ourselves to us, 2c. thereby bringing the whole empire from the emperor to us.

(10) And in sum, we cannot justly compel the emperor to secure our favor to his own, who are not our kinsmen.

(11) Therefore, I ask you not to quarrel with this appendix, so that the peaceful action will not be completely overturned.

12 Although in the following articles some changes in the submitted proposals are well and Christianly considered by our part, I find nothing that is particularly hard to dispute. And in particular I ask, as far as temporal matters are concerned, such as the monastery estates and the like, that peace not be disturbed for this reason. For E. F. G. knows that no temporal thing on earth should be held in higher or better esteem than peace.

(13) I find from the dealings that both Electors, Mainz and Palatinate, have truly done enough, and more than I would have hoped, that it is now due to us to thank our Lord God, who greets us so graciously, and to take care that we do not stand in the light for ourselves, and deny such peace. For the elective trade, to my mind, should not be so important to respect that such gracious peace should therefore be cut off.

14 And if it should happen (since God is for it), then I will be excused for my own person, as I have faithfully presented my poor opinion before and until now, if it should come to war for the sake of these things; because I cannot understand how one should throw the whole of Germany into one another for the sake of such things, if one can avoid it by leaving out a small article of the golden bull.

15 For although King Ferdinand has mentioned the contents of the Golden Bull 2c., such a sin is not a sin against the Holy Spirit, and we ourselves are also probably more

And may our Lord God (where we want to be proud) in time reveal to us the beam in our eyes all too clearly and with truth, and hide that splinter altogether.

16 Moreover, if it should come to strife and war (since God is for it), it is certain that ten times, even countless times more injustice and misfortune would follow from it for all countries than can now follow if King Ferdinand remains king 2c. And who would want to burden himself with so much blood for the sake of such a thing, because it can be avoided without much effort?

Therefore, my heartfelt advice would be to look at this time as an opportunity, and no longer respect a small sin or injustice, because the whole of Germany could follow such a hardness with a great and horrible journey. For it is the true experience and truth, summum jus, summa injuria, sharp right is the highest wrong; but forgiveness of sins is the best right, as we ourselves wanted to have forgiven.

18 Thus my gracious lord himself can see what danger might arise for their own persons, especially because one can see in the dealings with what faithfulness and earnestness S. F. G. means the people who drive so hard on it; for I can see in the lords of Bavaria that they would like to make a soup that someone else should eat, and they would like to watch and push the driving away from them. D. Martin Luther.

1204. D. Martin Luther's Concerns of Spiritual Goods. Perhaps in April 1532.

The original of this letter is in the Weimar Archives, X, 462, 220.1. Printed in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 313; in the Aktenburger, vol. V, p. 1027; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 379; in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 365 and in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 297.

  1. This matter is in two parts: the first is about the worship of the clergy, the other, about the goods of the clergy.
  2. from the first, if one asks: whether the Elector of Saxony 2c. was or still is obliged to re-establish the monasteries or convents.

1830 Erl. 54, 297-2SS. Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI, 2221-2223. 1831

That the monks and priests kept their former ways in worship, whereupon they have endowed and temporal goods therefore?

Answer 3: Because the Elector of Saxony has reported this in his conscience and is certain that such priesthood and monasticism is an annoying sham against the faith, even a public blasphemy against God and his word, he can in no way reestablish such blasphemy, nor help, nor advise, nor protect it, but is rather obliged to help and advise as much as possible so that it is stopped and ceases. For St. Paul also condemns to death those in Romans 2 who do not resist the loose nature, but let it go as they would like to. So also the spiritual law stands in many places, and commands that abuses should be stopped without delay. And if the Elector helped to do this, or used counsel or protection to ensure that the abuses were restored, he would not only be partially responsible, but would be the guilty party and the source of all the abominations and blasphemies that arose as a result. And summa, this piece has no doubt, as founded in the Scriptures, all rights, reason and conscience.

  1. from the other, if one asks: whether the Elector should take care of the estates where the abuses have fallen and are not to be restored? 2c.

(5) Answer: Because there is no one in the principality and lands who can or might take such property, it is not only reasonable but also a great necessity that the sovereign take it for himself, so that it is prevented from being stolen, robbed, taken away, or otherwise perishing. Just as he is obligated to take all other uninherited or abandoned estates (where there are no heirs) in the principality, as the laws teach.

(6) But if one were to pretend that such goods should be left to other monks of the same order and led out of the country, or that other monks should be placed there, it is said above that no other monks should be placed there, for that would be just as much as helping to reestablish the abuses. Also, where such monks would come in, who would not have to practice their abuses, they would spoil the goods, sell them and kill them.

The last thing they do is to leave and thus leave the estates behind them desolate; all this would be pure thievery and robbery, and the sovereign has the right to prevent it. As all other princes and authorities do now, they let all goods be inventoried 2c., and it is right.

7 Yes, they say, the goods are nevertheless the order's own, therefore they should be made to follow the order? This is not true; For the goods are endowed, and not so freely assigned to the order that they may carry them away and take them to another place, but are endowed to the named place and place to remain there, in the opinion that in the same place, and not elsewhere, such goods may be used for worship, And whoever carries or brings them elsewhere is a thief and robber, as he who takes the goods of the founders from this place, and carries them there, where the founders did not intend, and he also has no right to take again from there, nor to carry there.

What is the use of such goods? There is no better answer than to pay attention to the will and opinion of the founders, which has always been no different than that they wanted to give such goods for God's service and glory. Whether they have not been right, it is to be judged according to their will and opinion that they are still needed for the service and honor of God, as there are pastors, preachers, schools, and what more belongs to "God's word and sacrament and pastoral care". And although divine service takes place in all good offices and ministries, which should also be promoted, the above-mentioned offices, namely pastoral care and preaching, schools 2c. are the highest, most necessary and most distinguished, which the old princes especially meant with their monasteries and convents, and were initially also kept that way.

9 But whether the sovereign may also keep something for himself from such goods, or give it to others? To speak without hypocrisy, also without deterrence, if the sovereign had spent the largest part on pastoral care and schools, and then needed the rest for secular government (which is also worship, although the lesser of the two), I consider it to be without risk. The same

[1832]{.underline} Erl. 54, LSS-3V1, Sect. 2, Nuremberg Peace Treaty. No. 1204 s. W. XVI, 222S-222S. 1833

For such monasteries and convents were founded not only for the worship of God but also for such people's need before old age, and have been used and enjoyed in convents and monasteries (although under spiritual names) until now, that basically not much has been different with convents and monasteries than with rich hospitals for poor children of great people 2c. But that here the measures would be kept, so that the stingy and rich would not have their bellies satisfied with it, and most of the time attention would be paid to the annoyance, so that the gospel would not be defamed and blasphemed, as from a just cause.

  1. If this is prevented, I do not want to be conscience-stricken, because all the efforts and expenses that the clergy have been obliged to do up to now, and for which reason they have also received the goods, namely, that he carries out the visitation, fall on the Elector, He has to carry all journeys and costs of the married priests and monks, and of the whole gospel, which costs a lot to carry, protect and handle, and has great care and trouble, and the bishops and princes of none do 2c. Is it not a nuisance that popes, bishops, monks have had such goods, and still have them as thieves and robbers, because they do nothing for the Gospel and worship, and now kings and princes steal and take such goods, If kings and princes now steal and take such goods, plus great gifts, and pursue God's service, we should much less count this to the chieftain's chagrin if he keeps some spiritual goods for himself, because he has to bear so many costs and efforts for the sake of the gospel and the poor priests and monks. He is not obliged to do this for nothing and from his own, as Christ says Matth. 10, 10: "A worker is worth his wages. St. Ambrose sold chalice and church utensils to release the prisoners. I also respect such work of the prince that he helps, protects and gives space to the gospel and its followers in his principality; for which help, protection and transportation and other efforts and costs Christ will gladly give him a monastery, if he must nevertheless let all the world's monasteries, foundations, kingdoms take his persecutors.

11 This is what I want to say, so that one does not tighten the conscience of the Elector too much with the exhaustion of the spiritual goods, and with silence of the trouble, costs, travel and misfortune, which he must bear for it or besides, but also does not make it too free and wide to give cause and space to the unnecessary annoyance and the blasphemers, with allmoderate and safe distribution of said goods.

1205 D. Martin Luther's concerns about sequestration. Perhaps in October 1) 1532.

The original of this thought can be found in the Weimar Archives, RvZ. X, PNA. 452.220.1 Printed in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 313; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 1027; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 379; by De Wette, vol. IV, p. 409 (after the original) and in the Erlangen double, namely vol. 54, 334 and vol. 65, p. 54.

  1. About the sequestration to M. G. Herr seliger 2c. O. Martinus has raised his concern, thereby he lets it remain for himself; what others improve, he lets go well, and were almost and approximately these pieces: 2)
  1. First of all, one should see to it that parishes, church servants, schools, hospitals, common castes and poor students are adequately provided for from the spiritual goods.

What would be left after that, I would not refuse that his C. F. G. would need it for himself for the reimbursement of the inordinate costs, which S. C. F. G. has incurred for the gospel and churches. For S. C. F. G. is not obligated, because church goods are there, to do such from his own and his own, and one is obligated to reimburse him for it by law.

  1. that also S. C. F. G. gives something to some poor of the nobility, or also otherwise highly deserving, or to the common building, bridges, ways, footbridges, land fortress, but with a measure, seems to me not to be so wrong, as the nasty canonists juggle; considered.
  1. De Wette bases this time determination on the fact that Luther writes to Hausmann on Nov. 6: the sequestration is proceeding strictly.
  2. Like the postscript, this entry must also be attributed to Jonas. The reservation itself is said to be in Luther's handwriting.

[1834]{.underline} Erl.54,38sf. Cap. 14. Of the Schmalkaldic League. W. XVI. 222S-2227. 1835

as pope, bishop and parish priest in the Pabstthum of their friendship have done much and great help from "church goods", and, as I hold, have often done (where it was necessary) without sin.

5 Hereby you may indicate and do to it, how our most gracious 'Lord so far maintained D. Martin and Philipp 2c. and let them serve the whole Christian church with writing, reading, preaching, printing, 1) and never received a farthing from any church, but lay on the neck of the prince, who with his own thus had to serve all the world; that, if one wants to calculate sharply, one should probably make the register so large for the splinter judges that they should hardly pay the prince with their sequestration. Therefore, you should diligently show the splinter judges their beams, as they themselves do not give a farthing to the Gospel, nor lend a good word to it, and only want to condemn or sanctify princes and all the world with their spiritless Bachantian rights.

If they wanted to bring all church goods into order, why don't they raise, become beam judges and reform the devil in the papacy? since all the goods are not only stolen from the church, but also persecuted and God is blasphemed with them. Fie on you hostile splinter judges!

Item 7, to be remembered by D. Christian, Chancellor, that he wanted to stop in the sequestration, so that all monks in all monasteries, both dead and alive, both expired and remained, would be held to give back to spiritual goods what they have eaten away and consumed so far as the rotten bellies and blasphemers of the church.

  1. item that Duke George, Ferdinand, Bavaria and 2c. also reproduce what they enjoyed and used, and still enjoy, of such goods.

Postscript by Doctor Jonas.

That D. Martinus Luther, our dear father, has written this to me in haste, and has especially ordered it to be reported to you, has caused him to hear and to be told by D. Christian's chancellor 2c. himself.

  1. In the original: "Diener gewest", but crossed out again; "dienen lassen" in the Eisleben edition.

as he urges to keep quite hard to the canons in this case, by which finally should follow weight and affliction of the conscience, when before God or according to the rights of the world this is not everywhere so sinful and highly burdensome, but there are also other defects and sins, which are not so highly exaggerated nor weighed down by canonists; although D. Martin's and all of us like the sequestration quite well.

1206. farewell of the imperial diet at Regensburg Anno 1532 erected.

From Lünig's Imperial Archives, purt. Aon. eont. I, p. 591, but not completely, only as far as it concerns religion.

We Carl the Fifth, by the Grace of God, elected Roman Emperor, at all times Major of the Empire, King in Germania, in Castile, in Arragon, in Legion, in both Sicily, in Jerusalem, in Hungary, in Dalmatia, in Croatia, Navarre, in Granatia, to Tolleten, to Valenz, to Gallicia, Majoricarum, Hispalis, Sardiniae, Cordubae, Corsicae, Murciae, Giennis, Algarbien, Alge- zirae, to Gibraltaris, and the Jnsulen Canariä, also the Insulen Indiarum, and Terrae firmae of the Sea Oceani 2c.Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, of Lotterich, of Brabant, of Steyer, of Carinthia and Carniola, of Limburg, of Guelders, of Würtemberg, of Calabria, of Galabria, of Athenarum, of Neo-Patriae; Count of Habsburg, of Flanders, of Tyrol, of Gorizia, of Parsiloni, of Ärthoys, of Burgundy; Count Palatine of Hänigau, of Holland, of Zeeland, of Psiert, of Kyburg, of Namur, of Rosilion, of Ceritan and of Zütphen; Landgrave in Alsace, Margrave of Burggau, of Oristani, of Gotiani; and of the Holy Roman Empire Prince of Swabia, of Catalonia, Asturia 2c.Lord of Friesland, of the Wendish Mark, of Portenau, of Biscay, of Molen, of Salins, of Tripoli, and of Mechelen, declare and proclaim manly: Since our mind, opinion and desire have always been above all others, and still are, that we gladly do all that is due to us, our Imperial Highness and Office. We are still inclined to do everything that is due to us, our imperial highness and office, and to do everything of our best and highest fortune that may serve and be fruitful for the welfare, good order, leadership and providence of the Holy Roman Empire, the praiseworthy German nation. For this reason, in these difficult times and times of unavoidable necessity, we, the Holy Roman Empire and the German Nation, are highly and noticeably concerned about public and movable causes, which are also of great importance to our Imperial and Gracious Holy Roman Emperor.

1836 Section 2: Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1206, W. xvi, 2227-2231, 1837.

We have decided to hold a general Imperial Diet in Speier, the city of ours and of the Holy Roman Empire, on the fourteenth day of the next month of September, in order to put an end to the confusion and discord of our holy Christian faith, to resist the cruel intentions of the Turks, and to preserve the peace, justice, good police and welfare of the same German nation, and to attend it in person in all ways.

  1. However, since between our announcement and the proclamation of the same Diet, so many great troublesome matters have arisen, not only for us and our hereditary kingdoms and lands, but also for the whole of Christendom, the Holy Empire of the German Nation, for the common peace, welfare and so on, and countries, but also the whole of Christendom, the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, for the common peace and welfare, have occurred unawares, and especially manifold reports and newspapers have come in, how the hereditary enemy of our faith and name, the Turk, is in noticeably great armament and readiness, and is finally said to be of the opinion that Christendom, and especially the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, is again to be attacked this summer. For these and other excellent and important reasons, we have been moved to change the above-mentioned Diet of Speier, and to move it to this city of ours and of the Empire, Regensburg, and to schedule it for the nearest possible day of the Three Kings. In order to keep such a Diet beneficial, we have promoted our affairs in the Netherlands so much more, and have set aside great concerns for our hereditary kingdoms and lands, and, at no small expense and inconvenience, have also disposed of ourselves here in person, as soon as possible; We have ordered ourselves, as soon as possible, to put an end to the discord in our holy Christian faith, which has become more and more burdensome, out of our Christian imperial mind, with timely advice, and otherwise to make, establish, resolve and maintain all good unity and peace in the holy empire, in this and other matters, all of which is far from the content of our invitation to this Imperial Diet.
  2. at which Imperial Diet we, as well as princes, princes and other estates of the Holy Roman Empire, appeared in good number, in our own person, and some by their embassy, with full power.

(3) Although the discord in our holy Christian faith is now a part of Christian unity, it is not a part of our holy Christian faith.

and the same article, as not being of the least difficulty, should have been taken in hand, discussed and brought to a unanimous Christian understanding and good end, and we respect and fear that, out of such discord, the Turk will undoubtedly take more heart to conquer the Christian kingdom of Hungary, which borders on the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, by the Almighty's decree, to punish us for our sins, the more he will take heart to conquer the Christian kingdom of Hungary, which borders most closely on the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, so that he can continue to inflict murder, arson and tyranny on the Christian blood of the German nation, as happened in the year 1529. This is what happened in the year 1529, and he wants to bring it under his tyrannical power.

4 And if we, also our brother, the Roman King Ferdinand 2c., have had more and more news and certain information from various places, how the reported hereditary enemy of our holy Christian name and faith, the Turk, with more and greater force and power than never before, is in constant, diligent armament and the final intention is to invade the above-mentioned Christendom, and has already sent a number of soldiers and ships with all kinds of ammunition up the Danube in large numbers.

  1. At this Diet, the envoys of our Archduchy of Austria, as well as of other of our principalities and lands, namely Austria below and above the river Ens, also Styria, Carinthia and Carniola, have informed us, as well as the princes, princes and common estates of the empire, of the high and burdensome, careful and dangerous distress, compulsion and urgency of the Turk in which our lands and subjects stand, the high and arduous, careful and dangerous hardship, compulsion and pressure of the Turk, in which our lands and subjects stand, and that the Turk is approaching them with all his might, are humbly appropriate and acknowledged; which we then graciously heard in the compassion of our imperial mind. Thereupon, the same envoys have humbly appealed to us, as well as to the princes, princes and estates, and asked that we, in consideration of their highest, greatest and most dangerous distress, come to their aid, rescue and protection, and graciously deign to rescue them from such distress.

6 Therefore, at our gracious request and as a courtesy to us, for the above-mentioned reasons, and because the Holy Roman Empire and common Christendom have no more hateful or bloodthirsty enemy than the Turks, the unavoidable necessity of the article of urgent help against the Turks has been taken in hand for the first time.

1838 Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2231-2233. 1839

with the utmost diligence, weighed, considered and advised

  1. And so that such a burdensome, pernicious, unforeseen invasion and invasion of the Turk may be averted and prevented from Christendom, the Holy Roman Empire and the German Nation, the princes, rulers and estates have, not only for their own good, but also and above all in honor of God Almighty, and for the preservation of our Christian name and faith, and also for the prevention of such tyrannical behavior on the part of the Turks, have now met here, united and promised us to bring the urgent help, granted at the recently held Imperial Diet in Augsburg, to the time and place reported in our outgoing exhortations and mandates, for the protection of our holy Christian faith, conducive and without delay to the work, to use it against the Turks, as reported; All the contents of the Augsburg Agreement, which the common estates took before them at this Imperial Diet, renewed and again resolved upon, as follows: namely, that such urgent aid to the Turks shall be rendered by all estates together in men and not in money; with this addition: whoever does not intend to render his aid in men, but in other ways, such as these, by which the number of the imperial warriors may be reduced, that he or they shall not live up to this agreement, and that they shall be proceeded against by the treasury for the sake of the street, as stipulated in the Augsburg agreement, against which no freedom or order shall be presented to him or them. However, no estate shall be forbidden to appoint its people to the other, in such a way that the appointed people are nevertheless mustered and reported at the common muster ground, and by each district's captain 1) so that it may be known that there is no loss of numbers.
  2. And since the high and unavoidable need requires, for the entertainment of the above-mentioned war people, to take good care of the provisions, so that there is no shortage of them, it is considered good that the provisions are ordered, ordered and supplied by the provision masters, but that the excessive and disorderly pre-purchase in such occur and be avoided, but that a free market be kept, as war custom and usage, that also such provisions be left free of duty and toll in all cities, customs and places, all the contents of the article in the Augsburg Treaty be enacted.
  1. "Kreises Hauptmann" put by us instead of: "Creishauptmann".

leibt. And that such a thing be used harmlessly in other ways for those who have customs and tolls, also no other danger, under the appearance of this good work, with due punishment. For this purpose, every authority in its territories shall have the understanding that the provisions shall be contributed to this Christian work by the request of the provisionmaster for a considerable penny.

Concilium concerning.

Furthermore, we, also princes, princes and estates, have taken the article concerning the discord of our holy Christian faith as the highest and most noble, in which the salvation of common Christendom and the German nation is best served, before our hands, and have discussed it most faithfully. And if we, also princes, rulers and estates, consider and judge what has happened in the faith and otherwise much evil, from the beginning of the discord until now, we find at first that in the faith many a discord, sect and error, the like of which has never been heard in many hundreds of years, has arisen, which have increased from day to day in such a way and have taken over, where they do not occur in time, that even more and further apostasy of faith and Christian religion is to be feared, and that all discipline, honor and obedience, and other good virtue, in the spiritual and worldly, will fall completely, as until now only men knew and did not know.

  1. And although in our absence at previous imperial congresses, namely Nuremberg, Speier, and also most recently in our personal presence at Augsburg, we have been advised of this in all necessity, and nothing has been considered or regarded as more fruitful for the settlement of this serious conflict than that a common Christian concilium be undertaken and announced by papal sanctity, so that such a division of our holy Christian faith may again be brought to good unity and uniform understanding, The Electors, Princes and Estates, recently at Augsburg, have most humbly requested and asked us to promote and decree so much with Papal Holiness that a common Christian council be advertised by their Holiness within six months after the end of the same Augsburg Imperial Diet at the appropriate venue, and that it be started and held in the most favorable manner and at the earliest within a year after such advertisement; which we also, at your most humble request and entreaty, thus accepted and granted to dispose of. And for this reason, we are grateful for the effort, work and diligence we have put into the above-mentioned Imperial Diet at

1840 Section 2: Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1206. W. xvi, 2233-2236. 1841

Augsburg for the sake of religion, in order that the aforementioned Estates' request be satisfied, sent a public person to Papal Holiness and the College of Cardinals with letters and orders to request, entreat and urge that the reported General Council be announced and held. At our request Papal Holiness and the College of Cardinals have sent the Bishop of Tortona, Gubernator of Bolonia, to us to dispose of us together with the Papal Legate Compejo and Bishop of Vason, at the same time Nuncio Apostolico. They have also come to us in the city of Liège, and have indicated to us that Papal Holiness and the Cardinals are willing to indicate and hold the Concilium. But beforehand they reported and indicated to us the points and complaints, on what form and manner, for what causes, at what time and place such a council should be called, so that it should really be held, as is proper. On which points we have considered it necessary to speak and act with the King of France. We have therefore sent a considerable embassy to the same King of France, which has had all kinds of talks with him. And the same king understood the inevitable need of the Concilii. But in the end, the matter remained unresolved, as far as the form and manner of convening the Concilium was concerned, especially for the sake of the place. And as we now see and note that the appointment of the Council is based on these doubts and difficulties, we then considered it good to report this to the Estates at the appointed Imperial Diet at Speier. And when things happened that we would come to papal sanctity after the completion of the same Diet, we then wanted to pursue such a council with the advice of the common estates. However, due to the hindrances that have occurred, as only men know, this has not yet taken place, and has therefore caused this Imperial Diet to be called and held, at which we Princes, Princes and Estates have further announced all this.

We, the princes, princes, and estates, have further investigated the matter, and since we have found that the longer this discord of faith has gone on from one Imperial Diet to the next, the more it has gained the upper hand, and has now grown to the point where the Christian religion and faith in the Empire of the German Nation, as well as peace and unity, will be preserved and the destruction of the entire German Nation will occur.

that this may be done by no nearer, more constant, more certain, and middle way than by a common general council.

Accordingly, princes, princes and estates, and the message of the absentee, have once again most humbly and diligently requested and asked us, in consideration of the great need and danger in which the German nation stands, to once again promote such a council in the most favorable manner with papal holiness.

(5) And if we should not obtain from papal sanctity that the aforementioned council be described and held in German lands, that we should then ex officio make provision for it, which is due to us from our imperial power and which we are obliged to do, and especially in the matter of the aforementioned council, which is of such great necessity. And if such a thing should ever not be obtained, from what hindrance it may happen now or in the future, that we may then hold an assembly together in the Holy Empire, thereby helping the great concerns that exist and increase daily in the German nation, and counteracting the inevitable harm that might otherwise result irreparably:

  1. we have considered the above-mentioned estates' diligent request, made to us for this reason, the above-mentioned estates' timely good consideration and counsel, also the great necessity of these matters and what is involved, and the nature and diligence in which the German nation stands because of the discord and repugnance that arises on account of our holy faith. Therefore we, as Roman Christian Emperors, out of special love and desire, so that we bear peace and good unity to the common German nation and the same estates, and especially in consideration of the hindrance in which we now stand, together with the estates of the German nation, for the protection of the same and our holy faith and the common benefit of Christendom, against our common and all Christian enemy, have compared ourselves with the same estates, and they in turn with us, with each other: That we, in accordance with the eager diligence which we had for the sake of the aforementioned Concilii, as it was decided at Augsburg, and also, as the estates sufficiently understood, have applied, want to promote papal sanctity, and do everything eagerly and with good diligence which is in us, so that the same Concilium is held in a convenient place. And that Papal Holiness, the See of Rome, indicate and declare the same, and that in six months, the next day, it be held in the same place.

[1842]{.underline} Cap. 14: The Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi. 2236-2238. 1843

It is to be announced and then held within a year, and that Papal Holiness will do so. And if it should happen that beyond our possible diligence we should not be able to call and hold the aforementioned General Council in the way and measure described above, for whatever reason, way or hindrance this should happen, be it by whom it will (although we hope that Papal Holiness will do what is due to it, and that for this reason there will be no lack of it), we will in that case call and hold a General Imperial Council, and give the common estates to understand and indicate the reasons why such a general council is thus prevented, so that then, according to the opportunity of the time and the circumstances, and how the circumstances of Christendom then turn out, it may be considered and discussed how such things may be provided for the benefit of our holy faith, be it by calling a general council, or otherwise by other means and acceptable ways, such as are most convenient and considered necessary. And especially for the common necessity of the German nation, so that it may come into good uniform unity, rule and understanding of our holy faith, for some consolation to God and the Mother, our Christian Church, and so that good peace and tranquility may be kept everywhere in the Empire. And in this we want to do what is due and due to a benevolent emperor who is inclined to do good to the German nation, and not let anything happen to us, confident that the estates will also do the same 2c.

1207 Roman Imperial Majesty's approval and assurance of the very first religious peace established at Nuremberg in 1532. Given at Regensburg, August 2, 1532.

This document is found in Hortleder, "von den Ursachen des deutschen Kriegs," tom. I, lib. I, oup. 11, p. 70 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, pari. Mn. oont. I., p. 604. In Walch's old edition, it is reprinted in No. 1252 of the 17th volume.

We Carl, by the Grace of God Roman Emperor, at all times Major of the Empire 2c., publicly confess and announce with this letter: As we have declared to the most reverend in God Father and Highborn Albrechten, Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg; and Ludwig, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria 2c., our dear friends, grandparents and Electors, between us and the Elector of Saxony, and

his L. L. son, Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg 2c., and their related counts and cities, to act amicably in the disputed religious matter, graciously consented, by virtue of our authority, instruction and order, to their lords. and thus manifold amicable negotiations were conducted initially at Schweinfurt and subsequently at Nuremberg, and the matter finally came to this, that we, as the supreme head in the Holy Roman Empire, graciously consented to our friends, sovereigns and princes, Mainz and Palatinate, to establish a common and lasting peace between us and all the states of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, until a common, free, Christian concilium is established, as decided at the Imperial Diet in Nuremberg, or if it does not continue until the common estates of the empire are called and described again in an appropriate forum, as will be explained in a special article below.

That in the meantime, or until the estates, as now reported, come to each other again, and are discussed otherwise, no one may feud, wage war, 1) rob, see, overrun, besiege, or not serve the other by himself or someone else on his behalf, nor descend some castles, cities, markets, fortifications, villages, farms or hamlets, or take them without the will of the other with mighty deeds, or dangerously damage them with fire or in other ways, nor give them advice, help, or in any other way aid or abet them, nor knowingly and dangerously harbor them, house them, etch them, water them, contain them, or tolerate them, but each one should mean the other with true friendship and Christian love. What common peace we, the Imperial Majesty, have now reported. Maj, declare and proclaim to all the estates of the Holy Roman Empire, and command them to observe the same severe and considerable penalty, and also to use their gracious diligence to ensure that the above-mentioned concilium is declared and publicized within half a year, and thereafter observed within a year, and in the event that this is not achieved, that the common estates of the realm then be called together again at an appropriate venue and described to deliberate on what should be done and acted upon for the sake of the aforementioned council and other necessary matters.

  1. "bekriegen" is used by us instead of "betriegen" according to No. 1208, s 3.

[1844]{.underline} Section 2: Nuremberg Peace Treaty. No. 1207 f. W. xvi, 2238-2240. 1845

That we therefore graciously grant and promise, for the purpose of the continued and permanent preservation of the aforementioned common peace, that we will provide all justification in matters concerning the faith, which have been started by our Fiscal and others against the Elector of Saxony and his allies, or which may yet be started, until the next Concilium, or, if the Concilium is not held, if the Estates are seen to have other ways of doing so. And if Saxony and its neighbors, in general and in particular, should be justly attacked and complained of by anyone, he or they, having thus justly made, shall abolish and establish such justification made by us, if we were in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, or in our absence by our governor or commanders, who shall have the expressed command thereof from us, in and by virtue of this letter; And if any judge or court shall proceed, act, and adjudge thereon, all and every such thing shall be void, of no effect, and of no dignity, and shall not bind nor obligate the person or persons so proceeded against and adjudged, in any way but peril. In witness 2c.

1208 Roman Imperial Majesty's mandate concerning the Nuremberg Religious Peace, or peaceful decency of faith and religion, of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. Issued at Regensburg, August 3, 1532.

See No. 1207.

  1. we Carl the Fifth 2c. hereby convey to all and any sovereigns, princes, ecclesiastical and secular, prelates, counts, barons, knights, servants, captains, bailiffs, governors, stewards, administrators, bailiffs, mayors, judges, councillors, citizens, and otherwise to all our and the realm's subjects and faithful, in whatever dignity or being they may be, and all other of our and the Empire's subjects and faithful, in whatever dignity, status or being they may be, to whom this Imperial Letter or a copy thereof may be seen and read, or shown, our friendship, grace and all good things. High and venerable, highborn, dear friends, nephews, grandfathers, electors and princes, also well-born, honorable, noble, dear, devout and faithful. Because in the Holy Empire of the German Nation there are noticeably great confusions, discord and

The Turkish, who is the inheritor of our holy Christian faith and name, has come to Hungary in his own person with a great power and is willing to attack Austria and other countries of the Holy Roman Empire, especially at this time, when the hereditary enemy of our holy Christian faith and name, the Turk, in his own person, with a great power, comes to Hungary, and is willing to move further on Austria and other German lands, and to bring them under his cruel obedience and power, as for the extermination of our holy Christian faith.

Therefore, for the above-mentioned and other excellent reasons, as the great necessity requires, we are inclined to keep the common German nation in good peace and unity, so that it may be prevented from corruption, damage and harm.

Accordingly, we, as the supreme head, have decreed between all the estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, ecclesiastical and secular, in the whole of Christendom, until a common, free, Christian concilio, as decided at the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg, or if this would not have its progress, until the common estates of the Empire, as follows, are called together again in a convenient place and described, to establish a common peace and to have it publicized everywhere in the Empire. As we then know from Roman imperial power and rightful knowledge, this is the reason for the peace. As we hereby, out of Roman imperial authority and right knowledge, establish and publicize such a common peace, in such a way that between the aforementioned concilio, or that the estates, as mentioned above, come to each other again, and through an imperial diet in the matter of religion another agreement is reached, no one may confront the other on the grounds of faith and religion, nor for any other reason, No one may war against, rob, see, invade, besiege, nor serve to do so by himself or anyone else on his behalf, nor descend on a castle, city, market, fortification, villages, farms or hamlets, or without the other's will, take them by violent means, or dangerously damage them with fire or in any other way. Nor shall anyone give such perpetrators advice, help, or in any other way assist or abet them, nor knowingly or dangerously harbor, house, etch, or water them, nor contain or tolerate them,

  1. "Market" replaced by "Mark", according to No. 1202, 8 5 and No. 1207.

[1846]{.underline} Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2210-2243. 1847

but each one with the other with right friendship

and chrst. 'cher love is supposed to mean.

We also request that every effort be made and encouraged so that the above-mentioned council may be advertised and publicized within half a year and then held within a year, but in the event that this is not achieved, that the common estates of the realm may then be summoned to one another again at an appropriate venue and described to deliberate on what should be done and acted upon for the sake of the above-mentioned council and other necessary matters.

5 And thereupon we earnestly command all of you, and each of you in particular, by the duties and oaths that you are bound to us and to the holy realm, also the penalties, punishments and fines in our land peace, established at Worms, understood by this letter.

  1. And we will and command on behalf of the Holy Roman Empire that you firmly keep such common peace in all its points and articles, as it is expressed from word to word, and that none of you neither deceive nor damage the other, whether of spiritual or temporal standing, but let each one keep the other completely, neither offending nor harming him in any way, so that each one may avoid our and the kingdom's severe disgrace and punishment, as well as the penalty of the aforementioned land peace, into which each one, as often as he commits an unlawful act against it, shall have fallen by the deed. This is what we mean by this letter. Given in our and the Empire's city of Regensburg, the 3rd day of the month of August, Anno Domini 1532.

1209 The so-called Cadauische Maaden Treaty, or the settlement reached at Kaaden 1) in Bohemia, by which King Ferdinand is recognized as king, Würtemberg is left to the reinstated Duke Ulrich, and the observance of the Nuremberg Religious Peace is assured, as well as the cessation of the chamber court proceedings. June 29, 1534.

Made of hoard leather, roru. I, ük. Ill, oux. 13, p. 687.

  1. Thus Ungewitter writes the name of the city in his great geographical work. Walch: "Caden"; Guericke, K. G., Ill, 200: "Kadan"; Köstlin, ll, 296: "Cadan"; De Wette, IV, XII: "Kaden"; Seckendorf calls it in the index: Oucknnuni sivs Ouduvlu.
  1. we, by the grace of God, Albrecht, of the holy Roman church of the title 8th S. Petri ad vincula priest

Cardinal, Legatus natus, Archbishop of Magdeburg and Mainz, Primate, Archchancellor and Elector 2c., and by the same graces, we George, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave in Thuringia, Margrave in Meissen, confess and declare in this open letter: After, and as between the Most Sublime, Most Great, Highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Ferdinand, Roman King 2c., on the one hand, and the Highborn Prince and Lord, Lord John Frederick, Duke of Saxony 2c., Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, our friendly dear Lord, uncle, brother and cousin, together with their kinsmen, on the other hand, for some time had some discord and afflictions on account of their Roman Royal Majesty's election as Roman Emperor. Maj.'s election as Roman king, about which the said Elector of Saxony, together with his kinsmen, protested for some aforementioned reasons; also about some disputation and confusion, which, due to the state of peace, recently took place at Nuremberg in the matter of religion, and which was set up by the Roman Royal Highness. Maj., and for the sake of several trials conducted at the Imperial Court of Appeal, the matter has been held undecided, so that it is to the benefit and honor of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation for its benefit, honor and welfare, and also for the peace, tranquility and unity of all the Estates of the same, by the gracious permission of the Most Reverend Royal Majesty. Majesty, and also with the permission of our uncle, brothers and cousins, the Elector of Saxony, on account of his and his kinsmen's faithful goodwill, to act amicably in such afflictions.

(2) Just at the same time, when we were engaged in such actions, it happened that the Highborn Princes, Mr Ulrich, Duke of Würtemberg 2c., and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, our beloved grandparents and sons, were subject to invade, capture and conquer the Duchy of Würtemberg, as they had also completely captured and conquered it together with its fortresses, and were also in further undertakings, from which, if such had not occurred, noticeable trouble might have resulted in the Holy Roman Empire. Reich might have resulted, so that we have to give the royal Maj. Maj. (who, in turn, also stood in valiant war armor to counter such evil with action, and to regain the same principality that had been wrested from their Majesty) of their also owed duty, and requested that their Royal Majesty, in view of the present situation, may be granted the right to take the same action again. Maj. will graciously allow us, in view of the present proceedings and complaints, that we, in addition to the errors indicated above, in the same Württemberg matters, also

1848 Sect. 2 Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1209. W. xvi, 2243-2245. 1849

The German government has decided to seek ways and means by which such intentions can be quenched, the armaments of both sides can be disposed of, and any further troubles that might befall the Empire and the German nation can be prevented. That then Her Royal Majesty will take such submissive measures. Maj., as a gracious, kind Roman King, who considers the honor and welfare of the common Reich to be her Maj.'s own benefit, and our cousin, the Elector of Saxony, in place of and on behalf of the two princes now reported, Würtemberg and Hesse, grants and concedes such amicable negotiations, and we undertake them in the name of God.

(3) And so, for this reason, we spent several days, first at St. Annenberg, and then at Cadau, in the Kingdom of Bohemia, where we, for the benefit of the cause, had been able to contact the Roman Royal Majesty in person, and also the Elector of Saxony, so that his love would finally come there in person. We have finally, by the granting of the Almighty, and with the consent and approval of all parties, resolved all such disputes, confusion, and afflictions in the following opinion, and finally settled and agreed upon them, as follows, and is reported.

First, that the peace and truce recently established at Nuremberg and, as reported above, commanded by the Roman Royal Majesty to be kept by all states, be observed in all ways. The first is that the peace and truce recently established at Nuremberg and commanded by the Roman Royal Majesty to be observed by all the estates, be observed in all ways, and that it be lived up to.

5 And since there has been a misunderstanding, the Royal Majesty has graciously granted that her Royal Highness shall have the power to decide on the matter. Maj. has graciously granted that Her Royal Majesty shall be released from this matter. Maj. shall, by virtue of Imperial Maj. Maj. shall procure that the proceedings at the Imperial Court of Appeal shall be continued. Chamber Court, for the preservation of this state of peace, against those named therein, and also that all proceedings taken so far be actually abolished; all according to the terms of the state of peace established therein.

However, the Sacramentarians, Anabaptists, and all other new un-Christian sects that might be further instigated shall be excluded from this, and shall be unanimously resisted by the Royal Majesty, Electors, Princes, and Estates, and shall not be tolerated or suffered in their lands.

(7) And no part shall overreach or violate the other in the matter of religion, nor shall it deprive the other of its own, with a considerable penalty; namely, if a prince acts contrary to it, with the loss of his churh, and another princely estate or city, with the loss of its regalia, privileges, and fiefs. And such a breaker of the peace shall in fact be put to the sword.

  1. and in all matters, each part shall be

The same shall apply to the other in equity and right, and no one shall deprive, deprive, or rape the other of his own without a prior, proper, legal knowledge of it; Nor shall those who may presume to be in this peace or not, and shall by them (in whatever semblance such may be conceived) undertake by deed, be strengthened with any aid or encouragement, either with men, money, or practices, or how else such deed may be present to this peace; all with the above penalty.

9 However, that the suspect of the suspicion be overcome beforehand, by virtue of the established land peace; all of which the Royal Majesty has graciously granted on behalf of the Imperial Majesty and for himself. Majesty and for itself, and has hereby confirmed that it will neither do nor impose anything contrary to this.

(10) It is also agreed and understood that the Elector of Saxony, together with his kinsmen, will recognize the Roman king, as other electors and estates, as a Roman king, as other electors give the title to his majesty, and will refrain from disputing the election matter, and will and will drop it, just as his love for himself and his kinsmen has refrained from it for the time being, and has thereupon recognized the Roman king.

11 On the other hand, the Royal Majesty has consented to obtain from the Imperial Majesty and to obtain from the Princes their part. Majesty, and to request from the princes, who are due to arrive here between Easter and Easter, that these following articles be approved, and then confirmed by the Imperial Majesty in the Golden Bull, and that the same be thereby declared and authenticated.

(12) Namely, that in the future, when a Roman emperor or king is to be elected during the life of a Roman emperor or king, all the princes shall first be summoned together to discuss whether there is sufficient cause, and whether it is beneficial to the realm, to elect a Roman king during the life of a Roman emperor or king? And if they agree that then, and not before, the electors shall be required by virtue of the bull of gold to make a royal election, and to proceed to the election, and the same bull of gold shall be unalterably observed in all things. And what in the case would be done differently and would take place, that the same shall be null and void, and shall be passed by a decree irritans of the emperor.

(13) And herewith all ill-will and displeasure, which all parties have felt against each other, and which the Imperial and Royal Majesty in disgrace or other estates of both countries have caused. Majesty in disgrace, or otherwise by other estates of both.

1850 Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2245-2218. 1851

on the other hand, shall not be punished in bad faith, nor shall they be emulated 1). In the event, however, that such aforementioned articles are not approved or resolved upon by the majority of the Electors between now and then, and are permitted and confirmed by the Imperial Majesty, then the Elector of Saxony together with his co-assignees shall be entitled to the same. Majesty, then the Elector of Saxony, together with his co-relatives, shall again be free by royal choice or title, and his right shall be reserved to him, and the Royal Majesty shall not be obliged in any way, within or without rights, to remedy this, and nevertheless one part shall be content with equality and justice against the other.

14 Because the person to be elected Roman king is not of the German language or tongue, whether two or three or more Roman kings are to be elected from one house in succession: therefore the princes shall compare and unite internally before a certain time, and this shall be decreed in their union.

15 In the same way, the Elector of Saxony and his minor brothers shall be granted their fiefs and regalia in the period mentioned above.

(16) The Royal Majesty also wishes to make the highest and most faithful request to the Imperial Majesty that the Treaty of the Elector of Saxony in Jülich and Eleven be signed by her Imperial Majesty. Majesty that the treaty of the Elector of Saxony in Jülich and Eleve be confirmed by their Imperial Majesty. Majesty be confirmed.

17 However, as far as the war and capture of the Principality of Würtemberg is concerned, it has been agreed and agreed: after the Royal Majesty has been graciously and kindly enfeoffed with the Principality of Würtemberg by the Imperial Majesty. Maj. with the Principality of Würtemberg, that the Roman Emperor has granted the title of Duke of Würtemberg. 2) that the Roman Royal Majesty retains the title of Duke of Würtemberg, and that for this purpose the Principality of Würtemberg is an after-feud of the House of Austria, and that the Roman Royal Majesty or his heirs, Archdukes of Austria, are bound, after the departure of Duke Ulrich, to grant the principality to his male heirs as a fiefdom, and that the Dukes of Würtemberg, as often as the case may be, are obliged to receive it from the House of Austria as an after-feud. However, the Holy Roman Empire reserves its sovereignty and justice, as well as the status and voice of Würtemberg in the Empire, as it had before, in the declared dukedom in all ways. In the form that the Royal Maj. Maj. for himself and his male descendants, Archdukes of Austria, against the establishment of this treaty.

  1. Instead of "geeifert" it will probably read "geäfert" as in s 29.
  2. Instead of "imperial" should probably read "royal".

if the Principality of Würtemberg is granted as an after-feud by Her Royal Majesty or her heirs. Majesty or the same feudal heirs, the Principality of Würtemberg is granted as an after-feud, or the case arises that the Principality of Würtemberg concerned falls to the House of Austria and is received in fief from the Reich by the Royal Majesty as Archduke of Austria or the same feudal heirs. Majesty as Archduke of Austria, or by the same heirs of the feudal estate, would be received and possessed by the realm as a feudal estate, that by the same feudal estate the realm is not deprived of anything, but all servitude, obedience, taxation, and other things, as has been customary for ages, shall be due to the realm from the feudal estate indicated and shall take place.

  1. that Duke Ulrich also recognizes, honors and holds the Royal Majesty as Roman King and, like other estates of the realm, shall show himself obediently in such and shall not associate with anyone against the Royal Majesty.

19 His beloved, together with the landgrave, shall and will also cede again that which has been taken in the present conquest of the land from towns, villages, houses, and other things that do not belong to the land, but are the responsibility of other princes, prelates, counts, those of nobility, and others, and let each of them cede again his own, of which he has thus been deprived, and let him possess such goods peacefully.

(20) Also to every one within and without the principality, together with the abbots who have been in the country and who have their special regalia and do not belong to the principality, to remain with their people and subjects in their faith and religion, to follow them also in their pensions and interest, and to leave them unhindered in this, according to the letter and content of the imperial and imperial decree.

(21) The high and low classes, whether ecclesiastical or secular, no one excepted, who are obedient to their royal majesty, shall also be allowed to leave the country or be expelled from it. The same shall apply to those who do not wish to reside in the country, or who do not wish to suffer Duke Ulrich to allow them to sell their goods and to settle in other places of their liking.

22 Similarly, the ecclesiastics and seculars who have not been seated in the principality of Würtemberg, but nevertheless have rent, interest, and validity therein, shall be followed and given the same without hindrance, and they shall be duly assisted over the disobedient and non-observant; however, insofar as from the same places the Würtemberg

1852 Section 2: Peace Treatise at Nuremberg. No. 1209. W. xvi, 2243-2250. 18ZZ

their pension, interest and validity are also not inhibited, but follow in the same way.

Furthermore, Duke Ulrich, above mentioned, and his heirs, shall and will release the Roman Royal Majesty from the outstanding balance against Duke Christoph and Count Georgen of Würtemberg by this treaty. Majesty of the outstanding balance against the estates of the Confederation of Swabia, likewise against Duke Christoph and Count Georgen of Würtemberg, by this treaty relieve them of their pension and requirement, free them and hold them harmless. Also, her Majesty's own and borrowed ordnance with its appurtenances, which in the recent transfer of Asperg Castle, shall remain on the same castle, and as it has existed, shall again be delivered and followed.

(24) Whatever other debts there may be on the land of Würtemberg, they shall be paid and made merry or at peace by Duke Ulrich and his heirs without any request that may be made to His Royal Majesty. Maj. shall be paid by Duke Ulrich and his heirs, and they shall be satisfied or put at peace.

(25) But what such debts, outside royal debt, are owed by the royal family? Maj. debt, by the royal Maj. Maj. for their own benefit, and not for the country's need, which exceeds 20,000 florins of principal sum, the said Duke Ulrich shall not be obliged to pay.

26 S. L. shall also and will not relieve anyone of his existing pledge or bond without prior legal recognition; but the article, so obstehet 8 21, considering: "It shall also high and low class" 2c., unprecedented.

27 If, however, a pension or service money is prescribed by grace of the King's Majesty, which Duke Ulrich does not pay for servants, he may terminate such pension.

Since there are also several counties, estates and properties in the land of Würtemberg that are in fief from the Crown of Bohemia, Duke Ulrich shall and will receive them from the present Royal Majesty as reigning King of Bohemia. Majesty, as reigning King of Bohemia. And this shall also be done by his heirs in due form and manner.

Item 29: Count Palatine Philip shall also be released from his promise, and other royal councillors and servants. Maj. councillors and servants, of the duty and vow made to Duke Ulrich and the Landgrave in the surrender of Hohen-Asperg, shall be released without payment, nor shall they be punished or punished for what they have lost.

30 And so then the Elector of Saxony, above-mentioned, in place of and by authority of Würtemberg and Hesse 2c., has presently approved and granted all these copied articles, and has also promised that Duke Ulrich shall execute all the same of their contents for himself and his heirs, and to

hold, provided with letter and seal conducive

and should prescribe.

(31) That both reported princes, Wuerttemberg and Hesse, also have their warriors disbanded without seizure and rape of Imperial and Royal Majesty. Maj. and the other estates of the empire.

32 On the other hand, we, as negotiators, have humbly requested the Roman Royal Majesty that Her Majesty grant him, Duke Ulrich, his son and their legitimate male heirs. Maj. that Her Majesty has granted, for the sake of our intercession, that the land of Würtemberg shall be and remain quietly granted to him, Duke Ulrich, his son and their legitimate male heirs, against the conditions as mentioned above, unhindered by Her Maj. or the same heirs.

  1. That also her Roman Royal Majesty will grant him and the Landgrave a considerable day. Majesty, upon their request, which they are to make to Her Majesty between now and Invocavit, in the future, the more promptly, want to schedule a considerable day at the appropriate place, and then, upon their submissive request and self-request, graciously forgive them, in their own person, or by their considerable stately embassy, with willing and submissive footfalls, the past action, and thereby reaffirm this established peace.
  1. on the other hand, their two Lords are obedient to this, nor do theirs allow themselves to be used or attacked against Imperial and Royal Majesty and the Estates of the Realm. Maj. and the Estates of the Realm, nor will they allow themselves to be used for any offensive action or attack.

35 Then Duke Ulrich shall also, on the same day, follow the fief of the land of Würtemberg, as mentioned above, in his own person, as is customary, and shall receive and be enfeoffed with it by the Royal Majesty. Maj. and be enfeoffed with it.

36 His Royal Majesty will also diligently request 1) that the Maj. diligently requests 1) that Imperial Maj. Maj. will also graciously pardon the past action of the two Princes of Würtemberg and Hesse 2c. and confirm this treaty.

37 And when Her Imperial Majesty comes to the German Nation, then Duke Ulrich and the Landgrave shall and will Maj. enters the German Nation, then Duke Ulrich and the Landgrave shall and will do a subservient personal fall to Her Maj. and also apologize for past actions of Her Maj.

(38) All those who have served, aided and abetted both parties in this feud are hereby released from their worries; those who are still caught in this plot are also to be given free and released on an ordinary vow and promise not to leave the prison, and those who are still in prison are to be released from their worries.

  1. "solicited" is either: work or: request.

1854 Cap. 14: On the Schmalkaldic League. W. xvi, 2250-2253. 1855

The two parties shall neither be harmed nor punished in body or goods. And by this treaty all war expenses, expired to both parts, shall herewith be completely cancelled, and neither part shall make any claim against the other for this reason.

39 All these above-mentioned articles, as reported word for word with their appendices, the Royal Majesty has graciously granted upon such our action and submissive request also the Elector of Saxony for himself and his kinsmen in matters of religion and election. Maj. has graciously granted, accepted and promised to comply with all of them and each of them for themselves, their relatives and principals, on such our action and subservient request, also the Elector of Saxony for himself and his kinsmen, in religion and electoral matters, also on account of and by authority of the many-named two Princes of Würtemberg and Hesse.

40 And we Ferdinand, by the grace of God Roman King, confess for ourselves and our descendants and heirs that this treaty has been established and executed with our gracious forbearance, knowledge, will and full word by the above-mentioned merchants, which we also hereby give our consent to.

41 We also speak and promise by our royal true words to comply and live up to them unwaveringly; we also hereby confirm and ratify everything that is required of us to confirm.

  1. in the same way, by the grace of God, we Johann Friederich, Duke in Saxony 2c., Elector, and hereby declare on behalf of ourselves, all our kinsmen in religion and electoral matters, and also by special authority of Duke Ulrich of Würtemberg and Landgrave Philip of Hesse, that we have approved and accepted all these above-mentioned articles with their appendices for ourselves, the same our kinsmen and our plenipotentiaries. We hereby recognize and honor the same for Roman King (with the modesty as the reported Article 13], beginning: "In the event, however", contains and is capable of).

43 We also agree and pledge, by our princely loyalty and true words, to comply with all of the same articles as those stipulated above, and to ensure that this is followed and lived by all of our relatives in the above matters.

44 And after these rewritten articles have been proposed by us, the merchants, in this matter and have been in action, namely so that the war people, so much baß getrenntet, so Würtemberg and Hesse have nowunder with each other.

  1. that both of their loved ones shall do the royal majesty a considerable military service; in such a way that they, in her majesty's name, send 1500 equipped horses and 3000 good servants, with necessary artillery, to the city of Münster. In such a way that they, in their Majesty's name, send 1500 equipped horses and 3000 good servants, with necessary artillery, before Münster, help the bishop to conquer this city in the name and by order of the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, help the bishop to conquer it, and that the same cavalrymen and servants shall be related to the royal majesty and shall obey the same command.

45 And if the necessity before Münster would require, so that the city is not conquered before the time, for three months on the same of both princes costs and presentation be maintained. Item, after the royal majesty has previously had a share in the castle Hohentwiel, situated in Hegau, that against the manifold of her majesty's gracious indulgence, which she did to the duke of Würtemberg in this action, the remaining duke Ulrich's share in it, with all appurtenances, will be hereditarily pursued and delivered. Item, that Duke Ulrich's husband shall remain quiet of her deportation, which she has had in the country up to now.

46 That the common landscape of Würtemberg should also insure the above-mentioned covenanted articles, which Duke Ulrich prescribed for himself and his heirs, for themselves, as much as they are concerned to keep and to live by, in addition to Duke Ulrich's assurance.

47 After the Elector of Saxony had also recalled an article concerning Count Georgen of Würtemberg, in such a way that the latter should be included in the Würtemberg fiefs, the Royal Majesty has not yet been able to decide here on the grounds that Her Majesty's letters concerning the elevation of the land of Würtemberg to a principality, as well as the enfeoffment of Duke Ulrich, have not been kept in hand. Majesty has not yet been able to decide here, on the grounds that Her Majesty did not have the letters concerning the elevation of the state of Würtemberg to a principality, as well as the enfeoffment of Duke Ulrich.

48 Likewise, the said Elector of Saxony also indicates that Würtemberg and Hesse have withdrawn Mr. Dietrich Späten and Mr. Georgen von Straußen in this treaty, which the Royal Majesty, since the whole feud is to be reconciled and otherwise reconciled between all the relatives, and her Majesty has not attracted anyone in it, would not have thought fair.

49 And this time, however, from such narrated articles, further action was taken in such a way that the Elector of Saxony, for the very best of his F. Gn. Councillors to the two Princes mentioned

  1. In the old edition: "Liebd, Liebd.", by wrong resolution of "L. L." - Liebden.

[1856]{.underline} Section 2: Peace Treaties at Nuremberg. No. 1209 f. W. xvi, 2253-2255. 1857

and dispatch, with both of their loved ones 1) to the most diligent and faithful, not differently than if the cause of his loved ones itself is concerned, so that the article, listed above § 44, approaching: "Namely, so that the war people, so Würtemberg and Hesse" 2c., because the same cause can suffer no delay, may be pursued with both of their loved ones 1).

  1. And that in the other articles mentioned, because they are not so urgent, the said Elector can send as beneficial as for the sake of his loved ones other their business, dispose of his own person to the said two Princes, or humble them to himself, and with their loved ones^ to the most faithful and diligent act and tractiren should and will, so that they, as they are placed, with their loved ones 1) may also be preserved, for the same time, which the Elector of Saxony, the Royal Prince of Saxony, the Royal Prince of Saxony, the Royal Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, and so on.
  2. Here again "Liebden" is duplicated in the old edition.

Majesty's counsel, to his liking, that they be granted, shallicitiren.

  1. that for deed and confession, also constant and firm attitude, we the above-named Ferdinand, Roman, Hungarian and Bohemian King 2c., for ourselves and our heirs, have one; and we Albrecht, Cardinal, Legate 2c., Elector, and Georg, Duke of Saxony, as the merchants, and we Johann Friedrich, Duke of Saxony, Elector, for ourselves and our co-relatives, also in authority of the obbemeldter two Princes of Würtemberg and Hesse, on the other hand, signed this treaty with our own hands, and knowingly affixed our seals thereto.

Which is given at Cadau, on Monday after John Baptist June 29, after the birth of Christ our Lord in the 1534th year.

Ferdinand sst. Albertus, Cardinal. Mo-

George, Duke of gunt, manu propr.

Saxony, 88t. Johannes Friedrich, Her

moved to Saxony 2c., manu propr. 88t.

The fifteenth chapter.

The first part of the book is a description of the actions taken between the imperial and papal envoys on the one hand, and the protesting estates on the other, with regard to a concilii to be convened.

First section.

Of the imperial and papal call for a concilii half, and of both sides' audience with the Elector of Saxony.

1210 Emperor Carl V sent a letter to the Electors as well as to the Saxon, Rhenish, Dutch, Swabian, Bavarian and Franconian circles, concerning a common concilii on the discord of religion. Given at Bologna, January 8, 1533.

This document is found in Hortleder, tom. I, lil." I, aap. 13, p. 72 and in Lünig's Reichs-Archiv, pari. ^6n. aont. I, p. 606. Variants of the copy letter which the Elector sent to the Landgrave are found in Neudecker's "Aktenstücke," p. 85 f. We have inserted the additions in square brackets.

  1. Carolus, by the grace of God, Roman Emperor, at all times ruler of the Empire. Reverend in God fathers, venerable and high-born dear friends, nephews, grandfathers, electors, princes; also well-born, honorable, noble, devout and dear faithful, who out of such inclination and desire of our imperial mind, for the advancement and increase of the Holy Empire, and especially of the laudable German nation, have graciously undertaken for good welfare, nothing higher and more vehement than the matter, concerning the discord of our Christian religion, out of which, as an origin, much

4858 Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2255-2257. 1859

The cause of much evil, not only in faith but also in worldly and temporal affairs, which has arisen up to now, is to be properly united and laid down.

  1. and after we have often had our commissioners and orators from many imperial congresses act on the grounds of such disputes, and we ourselves have also endeavored with particular diligence at the most recent imperial congresses at Augsburg and Regensburg, and have omitted nothing that might have been helpful in putting an end to such disputes.
  2. Since, however, after all practiced action, no other way has been discussed and found by your friendship, love, devotion, and you, as well as by other estates of the realm, by which such discord 1) and great danger and confusion of all things could be conveniently put aside, or quieted 2) except that a common concilium would be announced; and such some way, since the things otherwise become the longer the worse, is considered necessary, and is desired by us entirely in subservience: So we have done the common Christianity good, and because of your friendship, love, devotion and your, also other of the empire's states, diligent, diligent request, immediately after the march against the Turk, which we, in view of that tyrant's quick and unforeseen departure, and also of the winter matter ahead, We were not well able to accomplish it, for the satisfaction of the German nation, and so that a common concilium would be proclaimed in Christendom, and we set our minds on appealing to papal holiness for such, to promote and obtain it, and for this reason we took our way to Italy. And when the papal holiness, regardless of the difficult winter time and ways, also regardless of her health and age, willingly came before us to this city of Bononia, and showed herself for such Christian action with all fatherly mind and desire in such a way that nothing was lacking with her holiness for her part and office. And as far as the announcement of the General Council is concerned, after we have informed His Holiness of the danger and seriousness of the present events and matters, and of your friendship, love and devotion, and of your, and also other imperial estates', advice, consideration and request with special diligence, as we have promised and granted such to your friendship, love, devotion and to you, and also to other imperial estates.
  1. Copy writing: Discord.
  2. In the old edition: "put".
  3. Copy letter: heavy pressure.

His Holiness, out of paternal love for the common Christians, has immediately granted such a request for the common council quite willingly and with an eager mind, and has not allowed it with less diligence and eagerness than what we have requested, as your friendship, love, devotion, and you will actually hear from his Holiness' letter. And move your holiness very carefully, how much other Christian kings, princes and potentates need to grant such a thing, and ask your holiness especially to prevent that this work, so undertaken for the benefit of common Christendom, would not be prevented by some disadvantages, so that also a separation and schism and thereby such a salutary thing would not be destroyed.

  1. For this reason, and for the greater progress of the aforementioned General Council, and so that nothing might be left undone that would be helpful to this cause, Her Holiness has without delay sought the minds and opinions of other kings and Christian princes to proclaim and bring about the aforementioned Council, and has paternally exhorted and reminded them of this Christian work; Which their holiness by writings and their envoys has thus diligently and in such a way subjected, that one hopes the same kings, princes and potentates grant and answer to the most beneficial and before our departure from Italy, and such a grant and answer, as that of the same office and title against common Christianity inclination is well befitting and due.
  1. We have given all this to your friendship, love, devotion, and to you, so that 6) you may find out about the diligence that we wanted your friendship, love, devotion, and you would have seen, and that we would want to give a friendly and gracious opinion to our promise.

(6) And thereupon we desire and request your friendship, love, devotion, and you kindly and graciously, and in virtue of kinship, that your friendship, love, devotion, and you may be devoted to us and to common peace and unity, that your friendship, love, devotion, and you may be devoted to us and to common peace and unity.

  1. So the copy letter, Hortleder and after him Walch: "gebührlichem".
  2. Hortleder and Walch: "that not sthan by" 2c.
  3. Inserted by us to make some sense. - In the following, instead of "would like" we have put: "would like".

[1860]{.underline} Section 1: Tendering of the Council. No. 1210 s. W. xvi, 2257-2260. 1861

We, you and yourselves, in the meantime and while the matters in question are being dealt with, and the General Council announced and held, wish to live, exist and persevere in good friendship, peace and unity; Thus, the matters in question and the proceedings of the Council will be especially promoted, and your friendship, love, devotion and you will do what is suitable for common unity, and your friendship, love, devotion and you will be especially due and respected, and our final will and opinion will be done, and your friendship, love, devotion and you will be kindly and graciously blamed, and recognized, and never again forgotten for good. Given at Bononia, the 8th day of the month of Januarii, in the 1533rd year, of our Empire in the thirteenth, and of our Empire in the seventeenth.

V. Hero. ^Caro1^

Ad mandatum Caes. cath. maj. proprium. > > Kirchmuller. 8pt?)

1211 Pope Pabst's letter, approval, and request to the Swabian district concerning the future common concilii. Given at Bononia, January 10, 1533.

From hoard leather, toni. I, lik. I, vap. 14, p. 73. - The same letter of invitation, but addressed to the Saxon district, is printed in D. C. G. Neudecker's "Merkwürdige Aktenstücke aus dem Zeitalter der Reformation", p. 82, in another translation, which the Elector had made "in haste" (Neudecker l. e. p. 80).

Pope Clement the Seventh, to the venerable brothers, bishops and dear > sons, nobles, princes, prelates, counts, lords, knights, cities and > estates of the Swabian district in general and in particular.

Venerable Brethren and Beloved Sons, Hail and Papal Blessing! When we heard that your noble nation had recently desired, and most earnestly desired, that a common council be appointed by us for the settlement of your controversy in the holy religion, we never failed in the same, not only with our consent, but also (as is customary) with the request of other princes.

  1. We have inserted these signatures from Neudecker's "Actenstücke", but changed "2c." to spt. at the end. Such gross errors are not rare in Neudecker, e.g. p. 5: ruagnus instead of moZuut (LloZuntiuns).

As this can be announced to the most noble of our dear sons in Christ, Carolo, Roman Emperor, and Ferdinando, Roman King, to whom we wrote two years ago, as to other princes, and exhorted them all to agree to it with good will and unanimity. But this action of ours has been cut off by the armament and the invasion of the Turks in Hungary and Germany, and therefore the minds of all princes have been put in doubt.

  1. But as soon as this enemy, by the grace of God and the aforementioned emperor's and king's power, and also our help, has been driven away, and we have recently heard that a concilium is once again desired: we have thereupon, as the truly owed service first to God Almighty, then to all believers in Christ in general, and subsequently to your nation, which we especially love and esteem, never want to deny or refuse, as soon as we learn of the Emperor's arrival in Italy, and that he would cross over into Hispania at the earliest, and that he would cross into Hispania at the earliest, and had also received a sufficient report of his good conduct, Christian and beneficial suggestions for the common welfare, ourselves in person, even though we were afflicted with all complaints, and weak due to recent illness, even since the winter was at its most severe, before Imperial Majesty the Holy Roman Emperor had arrived. Majesty. We did not shy away from any danger, neither of the way nor of life, so that we could talk to the emperor himself (who, as we had been told, would request and ask of us) about common benefits and especially about these things before he left; who, when he came after us to Bononiam, and, in the manner of his noble Christian mind towards God, indicated to us diligence towards the Empire, and inclined will towards your nation (in all of which he does not yield to any emperor) not only yours, but first of all his and his brother's desire and request (concerning the appointment of the Concilii). Although this desire of His Majesty has never been communicated to us before. Although this desire of his Majesty's had never been repugnant to us before, we have now been moved even further to it by such a powerful prince, who is excellent in all praise, and by his request and entreaty (if something else might have been added to our previous inclined will), and have been confirmed in this.

(3) And in this there shall have been no delay with us, where we of other kings, princes and potentates also, as of her majesty, would have had unanimous consent. For it is to our favor-

1862 Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a Concilii. W. xvi. 2260-2262. 1863

It is not hidden from us that all members and nations of Christendom should be exhorted to the assembly of a common council, and at least, as much as possible for us and on our side, be brought to it, and this not only because of old custom, but also because of unanimous agreement. Therefore, we have decided to carry out our action again (to again exhort the other princes to do so and to obtain their consent, as was begun by us two years ago, but was omitted due to the fright of the cruel enemy), to continue in it, and, which God Almighty will graciously grant us, in which we will not cease to exert all diligence, effort and work against God and man, neither with letters, messages, admonitions nor petitions, so that the common concilium that has been called for may be scheduled and held as soon as possible.

4 And what the other kings, princes and potentates think and will, also what they decide in favor of this holy cause and give us for answer, we want to bring to your knowledge in the most beneficial way. We wish to inform you of all this and request that you take it for granted that, in view of our office and the most noble Emperor and his brother's authority, we are moved by your nation's welfare, peace and tranquility to do nothing that would not be for the benefit, peace and security of all common Christendom, and also for the honor, prosperity and acceptance of our holy religion, and especially what might be profitable in some way for the unification of your contentious nation, which is the foundation of the holy empire, the strength and adornment of the whole of Christendom, and has always been dear to us through special affection. Given in our city of Bononia, under the fisherman's ring, on the tenth day of Januarii in the year 1533, the tenth year of our papacy.

1212 Advertisement that Pope Clement VII had made by Hugo Rangs, Bishop of Reggio, in addition to the Emperor's assigned orator, to the Elector of Saxony, John Frederick, for the sake of a concilii, on June 3, 1533 at Weimar.

This document was first published in quarto in Wittenberg in 533 under the title: "Römischer Kayserlicher Majestät, unsers allergnädigsten Herrn und des Pabsts Geschickten Werbung an Hertzogen Joh. Friedrichen, zu Sachsen Churfürsten, von wegen des künftigen Concilii. The articles, at that time of his Elector. by the Papal Council

sent to the same two envoys. Article of the Elector's answer to it, delivered to the same two sent. Reply of the same Elector of Saxony, together with his Electors. Gn. His kinsmen, princes, counts, cities, to His Imperial Roman Majesty and the Pope. Majesty and the Pope's deputies, in writings. With a preface, all for necessary report." In the collections: in the Eisleben one, vol. II, p. 318; in the Altenburg one, vol. VI, p. 123 and in the Leipzig one, vol. XXI, p. 112. The preface is wrongly attributed to Luther (Knaake, Zeitschrift für luth. Theologie, 1886, p. 360). Köstlin, M. Luther (3.) vol. II, p. 663 uä p. 293.

Preface.

For many years now, there has been a common desire and wish among almost all devout Christians for a common Christian concilium, in which one would like to rectify the grievances and abuses that have occurred in all churches until now, and to settle the controversial doctrinal matters that have arisen from them, and to bring them into a Christian union. Now there are some who have thought that such a desire or concilium was prevented by the pope and his own until now, who do not like to hear about the reformation of the church, for the reason that they fear the example of the concilium at Costnitz, in which a concilium was set up over the pope, and acted almost harshly with popes, as subjects, because they fear that it might happen to them again. That is why they wrote and argued fiercely since the time of the concilium at Costnitz that the pope was over the concilium; just as the pope Eugenius suspended the next concilium at Basel afterwards, and started another one at Pis", to confirm and maintain the supposed supremacy of the pope over a concilium.

And in such papal councils nothing else is decided except what serves to strengthen such papal supremacy and its abuses. As, in the aforementioned Concilio of Pisa, it was decided that the pope should be the supreme person in all the world and a true governor of God on earth, to whom all men should be subject for the salvation of their souls; item, that one should believe in purgatory; item, that one should eat unleavened bread, and many such things. Nothing, however, has ever been said about the right main points of the Christian faith, nor about the abuses and offences that are practiced against them; all of which every devout Christian is commanded to judge and consider.

But we should all praise and honor our dear pious emperor that he has always firmly held on to such desire and has not refrained from it with right Christian earnestness and mind,

1864 Section 1: Tendering of the Council. No. 1212. W. xvi, 2262-2265. 1865

until he has raised elements septimo with the pope, that said pope has granted to hold a concilium, however with attached articles, as one may read from the following.

Now it is due to all of us, who are called and want to be Christians, that we honestly support our pious emperor and his faithful diligence, and help to the blessed end with prayers and cries to heaven to the Father of all mercy, and whatever else we are able to do. For although a Christian concilium is being formed, it may nevertheless be a matter of diligent prayer and faithful work against the enemy of truth, who does not like to leave the fundamentals of the faith and the abuses that strive against it.

To arouse such prayer and diligence also in others, this request of the Pope of the Concilio to the Elector of Saxony and his relatives, together with their answer, is omitted by the print, as a good example, that also other Christian lords and people win a serious mind and inclined heart to the Concilio, as you see and hear here that these Christian, praiseworthy princes and lords do and show in deed, and we therefore all strive to obtain with united prayer, so that we may become worthy to see a truly Christian concilium one day. May our dear Lord Jesus Christ help us, with God the Father and the Holy Spirit, some God, praised forever and ever, amen.

The Imperial and Papal Envoys. Envoy Werbung an Churfürst Johann Friedrich zu Sachsen wegen des künftigen Concilii.

(1) When some months ago the pope and the Roman emperor met in Bononia, and discussed many great and serious matters, and especially religion, and united on some of these matters, the pope would have considered it convenient. Maj. met in Bononia, and discussed many great and serious matters, and especially religion, and united on some of these matters: the pope would have considered it convenient and good that some be sent to the princes of the German nation for this purpose.

  1. And although the greatness of this trade would have required to send such people, who would have been of a greater reputation and understanding; but regardless of all pretended excuses, the pope would have commanded him to go: therefore he would have come to my most gracious lord, the elector of the realm, to ask his electoral graces for his order, which he would have received from the pope. 1)
  2. From this paragraph and the following one one sees that we have to do here with a recapitulation of what the papal legate Hugo Rango presented to the Elector.
  1. which would have been determined and decided by the pope's command, but with the emperor's will.

4 But in order that his advertising, which he wanted to do, would be given all the more credence, he wanted to have his letters of credence handed over before he told the things.

After the same letter of credence was handed over, he expressed the following opinion:

(6) How could it be that Pope Clement the Seventh, by divine providence, had come to the papal chair if he had considered nothing higher or more diligent than how some of the divisions that had arisen in the German nation on account of religion might be resolved and put to rest, so that he and the Church might rule and live so much more peacefully.

7 For this reason, he has often sent excellent, learned and skillful men to the German nation, who were to make the greatest effort to quell the reported disagreement; but this has not yet been accomplished in any way.

8 After this, however, it happened, no doubt by special divine providence, that Imperial Majesty had come from Hispania and had turned to Italy. Maj. had come from Hispania and had turned to Italy, thinking to move further into the German nation, he would have been more consoling and full of hope, since they had compared themselves with each other for the sake of other remarkable things and had decided to raise these matters of religion also to his liking.

When the imperial majesty came to the German nation afterwards, her majesty would have been at no loss to bring Germany back to the former way of religion.

(10) Her Majesty has also scheduled and held more than one general Imperial Diet for this reason, which would have done little to help the cause, undoubtedly because of the cruel suit of the hereditary enemy of the Christian name, the Turk, which the Imperial Majesty would have made in her plan in the disruption. Majesty would have done to their intention in the disruption.

11 But now, when Imperial Maj. Maj. came elsewhere in Italy and against Bonavia, the pope talked and acted a lot about these matters with the emperor. Maj. let it be heard that there was no more convenient means or way to remedy such matters than a common concilium, which the German princes also requested.

Therefore, so that no lack would be found in the pope, and so that Imperial Majesty would have enough desire and concern, he would have been satisfied that a concilium would be held. Maj.'s desire and concern, he would have been satisfied that a concilium be undertaken.

1866 Cap. 15: Negotiations for a concilii. W. xvi, 2265-2267. 1867

Therefore, he, the nuncio, would be dispatched by the pope to the Elector of Saxony to announce to his electoral grace that the pope would be requested to hold a concilium.

(14) But since it would be necessary, if a council were to be held, to consider several things beforehand, namely, in what way and in what form it should be held, item, in what place it should most conveniently be held, and thirdly, for what time?

For this reason, the pope had several articles drawn up according to which the concilium was to be conducted and held.

(16) Some of them questioned the manner of the council, that it should be a free and common council, and such a council as the fathers of the church of old held, of which it might well be said that if two or three of them were gathered together in his name, he would be in the midst of them, without doubt that the Holy Spirit had been with the fathers in such councils.

(17) Secondly, that those who would be in such a council would agree to hold the same conclusions and determinations. For otherwise it would be a vain effort to determine and decide something in a concilio, where it should not be accepted and kept; as otherwise it would be a vain thing to establish law, where the same would not be lived and practiced.

18 Thirdly, whoever could not come to the Concilio in person, that he would send his message and lawyers.

19 Fourth, that no innovation should be made until the final completion of the Concilii.

Fifth, for the sake of the painting place, the pope would have had all kinds of considerations and concerns. For the places where the congregations are to be painted must be convenient for this purpose in many ways, among others, that there be no heat there, but food and drink in convenient purchase, and a wholesome air, which is comfortable for those who come there from all over the world.

21 Therefore and in consideration of such circumstances, the pope would have thought of three places, as Mantua, because the same city was an imperial city, and close to the German nation, there was also a good healthy air, and all things could be obtained in a fair purchase, or Placentia, or Bononia.

22 Therefore, it would be up to the princes to choose and accept one of the painting sites they wanted.

23 Sixth, if some princes would refuse to come to such a council, or to send theirs with authority, or would leave it, that nevertheless the pope would continue with the council.

24 Seventh, if anyone will consider himself to be complained about the concilii action and determination, then Imperial Majesty and other Christian kings and princes shall stand by the pope and the church. Majesty and other Christian kings and princes shall stand by the pope and the church, protect and help him, so that no further damage is done to him and the church, nor to their goods.

25 And if anyone should ask why the council was not immediately scheduled and named, his answer and report would be that it could not have been done in such haste, because necessity requires that all the circumstances of the council be well considered beforehand.

26 And because Imperial Majesty has often promised the German nation that a concilium should be celebrated. Majesty has often promised the German nation at so many imperial congresses that a concilium should be celebrated, therefore also Imperial Majesty would have allowed it to be sent to the princes and princes of the German nation to indicate the Pope's approval. Majesty would have pleased that it be sent to the princes and rulers of the German nation to indicate the Pope's approval.

Therefore, the pope would be completely willing, if the Christian kings and potentates had previously dealt with the articles in question, then he would be obliged to immediately write out the concilium in six months, so that it could then be started in one year.

28 Thereupon, he has sent my most gracious lord the often-touched articles in writing, and asked that he be heard from them with a gracious and favorable answer.

After that, the imperial orator immediately stood up and spoke the following opinion in Latin.

30 Since, due to the urgency of the matter, Imperial Majesty Oratores and the Princes and Estates of the German Nation have been together many times. Majesty's orators, and the princes and estates of the Empire of the German Nation had been together until then, discussing how the division of religion in the Empire might be remedied, and nothing fruitful had been accomplished until then, it would have been considered most convenient to hold a concilium, which Imperial Majesty had recently received at Bononia from Pope Benedict XVI. Majesty had recently received at Bononia from the Pope. And namely, that it should be held and carried out in time and place, also in form.

  1. Added by us.

1868 Section 1: Tendering of the Council. No. 1212. W. xvi, 2267-2269. 1869

as the venerable lord, the papal envoy, spoke of it after the length. And he would therefore be sent by the Emperor. Majesty that he should testify by Imperial Majesty that the pope approves the concilium. Maj. that the pope approves the concilium. And because the papal delegate 1) spoke intelligently about it, he considered it unnecessary that he should endure my most gracious lord with longer speeches.

31 His request would be that S. C. F. G. give the Pope's envoy a statement in the whole faith and let himself be heard with a good answer.

32 Thereupon my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony 2c., has notified them that he will accept their advertisement on account of the Pope and Imperial Majesty. Majesty, in addition to surrendering their credentials and the articles presented, for the sake of Imperial Majesty. Majesty's half humbly noted. Because these matters are great and important, their great necessity requires them to take these matters into consideration, which S. C. F. G., with God's help, intends to do in the most beneficial way, and as soon as they have received the answer, to notify them of the same for the advancement of the matters, with the attached request that they not bear the burden of the delay.

33 The papal nuncio said that the S. C. F. G. would be wise not to give an answer so soon and carelessly, because the matters and affairs would need good consideration. For to give an answer soon in great matters would be careless, and to give an answer would be difficult. For this reason, they would willingly give his Electoral Grace as much time and space as possible to write a reply.

  1. As His Electoral Grace of the following Wednesday June 11 2) gave answer to these Roman Imperial Majesties and the Pope. Majesty and the Pope's sent ones, by virtue of the following articles, 3) which have been delivered to them at their request in Latin, signed by His Electoral Grace.
  2. Addition: "certainly" (Walch).
  3. See "Lehre und Wehre," Jahrg. 36, pp. 250 and 252. Similarly Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. VIII, 1086, note.
  4. The "articles" mentioned here are not the eight articles of the pope that follow immediately, about which the Elector first obtained Luther's objections, but the sixteen articles named in Luther's second objection, No. 1214. See the citations given in the previous note. It cannot be assumed that the Elector delivered the eight articles handed over to him "signed by him" to the envoys on the next day, June 4 (this is how one interprets the words: "the following Wednesday").

The articles, at that time June 3 of his electoral grace by the papal

Skillful ones zugestellet.

First, that the Universal and General Councils, which are to be written out and held, be free, and according to the usual custom of the Church, held from many hundreds of years ago, from the beginning and beginning of the common and universal councils until these times, also proceed in this way.

Secondly, that those who are to be in the Concilium shall pledge and commit themselves to keep and obey the same Concilium's decrees, and what is decided therein, unbreakably.

Thirdly, that those who are prevented from coming to such a council by bona fide reasons, shall nevertheless send and execute their lawful procurators and attorneys, with their sufficient authority.

Fourthly, that in the meantime, too, in the disputed articles of the holy faith in German lands, no innovation is made or undertaken by them, but that the matters remain peaceful until the concilium is concluded and dismissed.

Fifthly, that now all men consent and resolve and unite, which should be the place of the Concilium, to hold the Concilium there: for otherwise and without that all armament, food, trouble and labor would be in vain. And because necessity requires that such a place be chosen, which, as much as possible, will be convenient to all those who are to come and appear at the concilium.

Therefore the pope considers it, and not without reason, that of the three cities mentioned hereafter, the best and most convenient should be one to the Concilio, namely, Mantua, Bononia, Placentia. For the reason that they are all solid, safe, spacious and large, also located in good, fertile land and in good air, and also that they are much closer to the German nation and more convenient than all the other Transylvanian, 4) and non-German lands.

Sixthly, even if some princes, potentates, and members of Christendom (for which they do not want to be respected) would not allow themselves to be involved in such a godly and Christian matter without just and reasonable causes, and disobediently refuse and refuse to write out and keep the council, the pope nevertheless intends to write out the above-mentioned council and to continue with the best part (as reported).

  1. "Transylvanian" probably - transmountainous.

[1870]{.underline} Cap. 15: Negotiations for a concilii. W. xvi, 2269-2272. 1871

Seventhly, it is also reasonable and in accordance with reason, if some prevent this holy work of the Council by some means, or oppose the same agreement, conclusion and statutes, and do not obey them, or apostatize from the pope without cause, or to do something unfriendly against him, that then and in such a case against them all and everyone, the others, who are of a better opinion and in harmony, should assist the pope and the papal see, and help with all their means.

Eighth, if the pope receives an answer from the Roman king and the princes of the German nation, as well as other Christian kings, from the above mentioned articles, and, as he hopes, receives his will and favor, then the pope hereby commits himself to write out the concilium within half a year, and then to call for the same council within a year, so that in the meantime everything that is needed for the council may be prepared in the city ordered for it, and those who must be in such council may prepare and send themselves for such a journey, and there present themselves from the remote lands.

Hugo Rango, Count, Bishop of Reggio 1) and Prince, also Papal Nuncius.

Lambertus of Briaerde, sstz.

1213 On the following day June 4, Elector John Frederick of Saxony issued a dilatory reply to both envoys.

See the previous number.

  1. That the pope and the imperial majesty have decided to call for and assemble a council. Majesty have decided to call for a concilium and to assemble it, Duke Hans Friedrich of Saxony, Elector 2c., is especially pleased about it, and has also heard nothing better.

For His Electoral Grace knew that it was a great and unavoidable need of the common Christianity.

  1. since the almighty God (whom his princely grace would like to ask for, also to order to ask in S. C. F. G. churches) will give grace that a divine, common, free Christian Concilium, as Imperial Majesty has graciously promised the German nation many times, will be carried out and especially in such a way that it will be Christian and legal. Majesty has graciously promised the German nation many times, and especially in such a way that in it Christian and lawful
  1. In the old edition: "Ugo Rangen Grase, Bishop zu Neß" 2c.

and in it God's word will judge, as our dear Lord Christ Himself says John, 12, v. 48: "The word which I have spoken, that shall judge him at the last day", undoubtedly, the Almighty God will bestow His grace, that all division and complaining will result in true, right, Christian unity, also in peace and all good.

4 What his C. F. G. would like to do for themselves and advise, promote and help other C. F. G. relatives, S. C. F. G. would like to do with a special, cheerful and inclined will.

5 And S. C. F. G. would be entirely inclined to let themselves be heard in response to the advertisement made by the Pope and Imperial Majesty. Maj. with a final answer to them this time; yet they themselves know and have heard that there are more princes, counts, cities and estates in the Empire of the German Nation who hold to the doctrine and God's word, which remains forever, than His Electoral Grace His Father, Duke John, Elector (of high lordly and blessed memory), and the aforementioned estates and cities at the Imperial Diet of Augsburg before Imperial Majesty. Majesty, with whom His Electoral Grace is in agreement, behind which His Electoral Grace will give such a final answer. Thus, as they are to be respected, it would not serve the cause if they did not allow themselves to be heard with an equal and unanimous answer.

But His Electoral Grace did not want to save them, because the Pope and Imperial Majesty had written to them from Bononia last winter. Majesty wrote last winter from Bononia to the Estates of the German Nation, putting off a council and the sending of their message: so his Electoral Grace, for this and other reasons, had adjourned with his Electoral Grace's relatives for the next John. His Electoral Grace, for these and other reasons, has adjourned with his electoral relatives for the time to come, in the opinion of dealing with them, because they wanted to be heard on their part, due to the pre-touched papal and imperial writings.

Therefore, it is the request and intention of His Electoral Grace not to have any difficulty or displeasure in this. For his Electoral Grace then wanted to report to their fellow relatives about their advertisement and applications, and from this to decide with them on a unanimous and Christian answer, and to have all of them heard by sending or writing to them. And ask them to let His Electoral Grace know where they are to be found at that time, or else that they may be able to

[1872]{.underline} Erl. 55.14 f. Section 1: Tendering of the Council. No. 1213 f. W. XVI, 2272-2274. 1873

on Wednesday, Thursday or Friday after St. John's Day?) of his Electoral Grace and Landgrave Philip of Hesse to Schmalkalden, since they will then be with each other.

(8) For the mind and opinion of His Electoral Grace shall certainly be directed, with God's help and grace, to act and walk by God's grace and help, so that both those who now live on earth and those who may be on earth after our mortal departure shall know with reason and truth that His Electoral Grace does not consider anything dearer, nothing higher, nothing more valuable, and for this, with God's help, they will consider the rest of their lives as pure, salvific, and blessed. Grace has hitherto respected nothing dearer, nothing higher, nothing more valuable, and for this, with God's help, they want to respect the rest of their lives, except the pure, salvific and beatific Word of God, and the true, righteous worship of God, followed by the common peace of the land, not only in the German nation, but also of the entire Holy Roman Empire and Christendom. The aim is to promote and render faithful obedience and submission to the Roman imperial majesty, as his authority ordered by God and his most gracious lord.

1214 Luther's and his colleagues' four concerns regarding the above advertisement.

These four concerns are found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 324; in the Altenburg edition, vol. VI, p. 130; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXI, p. 120; in the Erlangen edition, vol. 55, p. 14 and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 454, with the time determination: "Mitte des Junius" (middle of June), based on Luther's letter to Hausmann of June 16 (No. 1215). From June 15 until around St. John's Day, the Elector personally consulted with the theologians in Wittenberg. The first two concerns will have to be set earlier, and were sent from Wittenberg to Weimar; the last two later, the same will have been sent to Schmalkalden.

a. Luther's first concern.

Between June 4 and 10, 1533.

(1) If the first article were clear and certain what the pope meant by it, then I would have no shortage of the others (for my person). For where he clearly showed that he wanted to hold a council according to God's word and not according to his custom, and committed himself to it, there should be no question whether we want to appear, be obedient, and help exegeting. For we should not only do it, but we would also be obliged to do it, as obeying God Himself.

  1. That is, the 25th, 26th or 27th of June.

But now the same article is evil and treacherous, and shuns the light, mumbling in the dark as half an angel and half a devil; saying that it should be a free concilium, sicut ab initio, that is, as from the beginning. If he means by this the first Concilio, and especially the apostles at Jerusalem, as it is written in the stories of the apostles on the 15th and on the 16th, then it must be judged according to God's word. For the apostles concluded from God's words and works 2c. Who would not follow them? 2c. Again he speaks: According to the custom of the church from time immemorial, until this time; herewith he also understands the last Concilia, as the one at Costnitz, at Basel, at Pisa, and the most shameful one at Lateran in Rome, the last one held under Pope Leo the Tenth, which was a mockery and disgrace to all the world. Therefore, his opinion must be that he wants to make such a council, in which the acts and deeds of such councils are read to us as if we did not know them before. And because this is the opinion, no concilium may be made; for it has long since been held, and not only decided, but has now been executed against us for longer than twelve years with banishment, fire, water, sword, and all power and cunning, so that it may not be read to us again at a concilium, we knew it and have experienced it all too well.

Summa, a concilium sicut ab initio, as the first ones were, we understand it no other way, nor can we understand it any other way, than a concilium according to God's word and works. But a concilium according to custom, as was the case at Costnitz and its like, is called a concilium against God's word, according to human arrogance and will.

Because the two, namely, according to God's word and against God's word, in the same mouth of the pope, prove themselves to be lies, one must conclude that the pope in the first article is mocking and fooling the emperor together with our request. For such a council is not desired by us, nor is it promised or decided in the imperial diets; nevertheless he, the liar, calls it a free council; he understands "free" for himself alone, that he wants to do in it what has been used and done up to now, freely and without hindrance.

1874 Erl. 55,15-17. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2274-2277. 1875

(5) Above this also his lying is a sign that he boasts of the conciliar custom (although it is not to be suffered), and yet does not himself keep it in these articles; for this is a new thing, and not used before, nor ever heard of, that before the concilium is written, he obliges us and everyone to keep what he will say to us, and we do not know what he wants to say. Here he is aware and hastens the execution; here he can speak clearly and distinctly, and does not murmur in the dark, but well gives to understand what kind of concilium he wants to hold, liberum, that is, what pleases him.

The matter, however, for which a concilium is desired and necessary, concerns the pope and his concilium themselves, and they must be part, and not judge, but the word of God shall judge between the pope and his concilium, and us: therefore it is called a Christian, and not a papal concilium. It is not controversies in Germania (as he calls it), it is controversies of the whole of Christendom against the pope and his teaching, because of the word of God, and Christendom desires a concilium and judgment or testimony from the word of God and the papacy; there it is.

b. Luther's other concern.

Between June 4 and 10, 1533.

  1. My advice and good opinion is that one should not object to the sixteen articles 1) but confidently accept them, so that the pope's mouth may be shut: for they are not presented out of necessity of things, but on mischievousness, so that they may have cause to blame and cry out unhappiness on all of us: 2) Behold, the Lutherans will do nothing, yield nothing, suffer nothing, they will not grant in obedience to the Concilii, they will not have the place of pain, they
  1. These sixteen articles, which Luther here and also ^5 in this Concerns to assume, must be a different set of articles from the eight articles of the Pope (Col. 1869), because the latter are from beginning to end, especially on the basis of the first article, decisively rejected and rejected, so also in ?4 of this Concerns, in No. 1316, H32, and elsewhere.
  2. Instead of "streuen" in the editions, the original reads "schreien" (Burkhardt, p. 214).

They do not want to help exegeting, they want to have everything according to their liking, they want to be the concilium themselves. Now what is the fault that there is no concilium? The pope would like it 2c. To prevent such clamor, it would be fine if we kept the glibness, and let such articles please us, and strive to blame the glibness on the pope himself, namely thus:

2 At all imperial congresses, requests were made for a free Christian concilium, and it was finally promised that the Imperial Majesty would work for it with the Pope. Majesty should work for this with the Pope. Now the pope adds in the first article, and rejects such a request, and does not want to do it, and speaks out insipidly that he wants to make a concilium according to the previous way and custom, although he and we and everyone are well aware that no one has asked for such a concilium. And do as it is written in the Gospel: If a child asked for bread, and the father gave him a stone, or a snake for a fish, or a scorpion for an egg. So here also, when one asks for a free Christian concilium, the pope has the ears of a magistrate, and gives us a concilium according to the previous way, that is, not a free Christian concilium. Because he refuses such a request for a free Christian concilium, and rebukes us with mockery in the butt, we must let it happen and suffer, and command the things to Christ.

For we are not allowed to have a concilium in the former manner, nor do we want to have it; the pope is much less allowed to have it. For we know well beforehand what must and should be concluded in a concilium held according to the previous manner, namely, that the previous concilia should first be confirmed anew; then it is already complete, and an end is decided to the new concilium. Thus the Costnitz Concilium is such a delicious, excellent Concilium, held according to the previous way, that if the pope made a hundred Concilia according to the previous way, none would be so delicious. What do we want to have such great expense and effort in vain, if we neither want nor need a concilium in the former way, and the pope does not need it either, much less? For in the Costnitz Concilium nothing has been forgotten, but more than all else it has been set and ordered, which is and should be the former way and custom,

1876 Erl. 55, 17-19, sect. 1, "Vom Ausschreiben d. Concils. No. 1214**, W. XVI, 2277-2279,** 1877**.**

to teach, to live, to avoid, to do, to leave in the papacy 2c. And it has come to such strong execution that countless blood has been shed between Germans and Bohemians, and many thousands of Christians have been martyred, burned, and persecuted over it, and there is still no end to such execution and persecution. What more do you want after the previous way Concilia? Perhaps the pope himself seeks such an execution of his new concilii between the Germans, as he did before between Germans and Bohemia, the tiresome bloodhound and murderer.

4 If we now agree to such a first article, we have already revoked and denied our confession and apologia, and desecrated and destroyed all our doctrine and actions, which have been carried out up to now, and have confirmed and accepted the pope in all his abominations, and our thing must be called and remain vain error, and the pope's vain truth. But God be for that.

Now it is certain and beyond all doubt that the pope cannot suffer a Christian, free concilium (for he well sees how he would have to fall down), and also cannot give any other than in the previous way. Therefore we keep the glimpses where we accept the sixteen articles cheerfully and without refusal, and cry out about his neck in his first article, that in it he so wantonly rejects the request of the emperor, the empire, and all of us, and directs us with our request into the dog's corner. He does not want to listen to anyone, neither to God, the emperor, the empire, nor to us, but wants to be and remain God himself, in defiance of all Christians and the whole world, and do, create, do and leave what pleases him, as he did at Costnitz; he wants to call this a concilium. But the devil asks for such a concilium, and I do not.

c. Luther's and his colleagues' third concern.

Between 25 and 30 June 1533.

  1. to name Concilia in the set writing 1) to the message, is very dangerous, and at this place quite unnecessary. For here
  1. No. 1216.

nothing else is reported, except that the old and new concilia are unequal. 2) There is no need to tell the truth about the old and new churches, and it is not said that we want to have a trial of the old churches or that we should judge by them. However, it is put in for good measure that the old doctrines of the churches are not against us. For it is written of the doctrine as de Trinitate, and so that their ordinationes are not understood by the ceremonies, although the same are also not contrary to us.

From counterparts.

(2) We mean that in all ways we must be prevented from being misinterpreted, and that we will prevent the Council from taking place. For since other nations would like to have a council, and hope that something fruitful will be done in it, the pope will want to blame all displeasure, due to the prevention, on us, to embitter them against us even more. But if we rely on this article, which all nations also cry out for, that one should judge things according to God's word 3) and not according to papal laws 2c., then we remain unfortunate, and no one can punish it with good grace and equity. Thus, other nations are as tired of papal authority and monastic doctrine as the German nation.

  1. Also, only 4) one article is primarily concerned, namely the first, that a free Christian concilium be held, that is, how the trial is to be conducted. This article has already been reported and opposed in the answer given ?) and is clearly enough requested and requested to Imperial Majesty in it. Majesty is asked and reminded clearly enough in it to have the understanding that our matters be heard properly and sufficiently, and judged from the clear Word of God.
  2. That one should put further and in specie how the trial should be held, where to look for and take impartial judges) of it is dangerous to put articles.

5 And it is safer to push it home to the emperor in gensrs that he wants to have the understanding,

  1. This refers to No. 1216, § 22.
  2. This refers to No. 1216, 8 7.
  3. "only" in the original, "now" in the editions.
  4. This refers to No. 1216, s 34-h 38.
  5. This refers to No. 1216, § 38.

[1878]{.underline} Erl. 55, r "f. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2279-2281. 1879

that right and Christian procedures are followed. For if it is not, we must always make this excuse before God and the world.

From the counterconcilio.

This is still at present an unnecessary thing, and would be regarded as a great defiance, and with other kings and potentates would give rise to all kinds of concerns, as if one sought thereby to excite the people 2c.

7 Item, such a proclamation is considered void, because it is seen that we ourselves are not one; but we must think beforehand how unity should be established among us.

  1. In sum, even if a counterconcilium should be good and useful, it is still to be spoken of at the time of unnecessary).

d. Luther's and his colleagues' fourth concern?)

Between 25 and 30 June 1533.

I also think it best not to act any further now than is necessary and prudent, and not to give the pope or emperor any cause to blame us for misfortune. If they do or do not make a concilium, day will come and council will also come.

Martinus Luther. > > Justus Jonas, D. > > J. Bugenhagen, Pomer.

1215: Luther's letter to Nie. Hausmann. June 16, 1533.

This letter is found handwritten in Coä. vNurt. 451. k. Libl. 6-otü.; in the Öock, duck. 214 of the Wolfenbüttler Bibliothek and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, bl. 158. From a Jena manuscript in Seckendorf, nist. NutN., Hb. Ill, s 17, x>. 44; in Strobel-Ranner, p. 221; from the von Ludwig collection in Halle in Schütze, vol. II, p. 287; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 453 and twice in Walch, namely here (incomplete) and vol. XXI, 1406.

Newly translated from the Latin.

  1. The four signatures that appear in the editions, namely: "D. Martinus Luther. D. Justus Jonas, ?rn6positus. D. Pomeranus. M. Philippus Melanchthon," find not in the original (Burkhardt, p. 214). This concern is from Melanchthon's hand.
  2. This concern is in Luther's handwriting and has the signatures below in the original (Burkhardt, p. 214).

To the extremely dear and godly man, Nicolaus Hausmann, the faithful > and diligent servant of Christ, his dearest brother in the Lord.

Grace and peace in Christ! I have not had time now, my dear Lord Nicolaus, to write in more detail, because of the presence of our most noble Prince, before whom I must preach daily, 3) and at the same time negotiate with him about the answer to be given to the envoys of the Pope and the Emperor, by whom the Pope has sent us some articles about the holding of a concilium, namely, that in this matter we shall act according to his pleasure and according to the custom of the previous conciliums, that is, in which we shall be condemned and burned; But this the pope says with slippery words, and words worthy of such a pope. But let us restore to him such words as are worthy of him and of us. "Surely there are jacks in the skin, and remain so." They the envoys have been treated here 4) very honorably, not for the sake of the pope, but for the sake of the emperor, whose name has been showered with all reverence; but no honor has been shown to the name of the pope. They have not spoken to me, nor to Philip, nor to any among us. For what should a servant of our robber and murderer hear us and speak to us? More at another time. Now prosper, and pray the Lord for me. On the day after Vitus 16 June Anno 1533.

Your Martin Luther.

1216 The joint final response of the protesting estates to the imperial and papal authorities on the same advertisement, delivered to them in writing on June 30, 1533.

See No. 1212.

  1. our kind and willing services, also gracious greetings before, respectable and venerable one
  1. Luther preached on 1 Cor. 15. See St. Louis edition, vol. VIII, 1085 in Cruciger's attribution.
  2. namely in Wittenberg, where they were welcomed by a deputation of the university.

1880 Sect. 1: On the tendering of the council. No. 1216. W. xvi, 2281-2283. 1881

in GOD, well-born, 1) dear friends, gracious and favorable gentlemen!

2 After and when you had been with us, the Elector of Saxony, at Weimar, and by order of the most noble, most powerful Prince and Lord, Lord Carol the Fifth, Roman Emperor, at all times Major of the Empire, our most gracious Lord, and the Pope Clementis, advertised to us for the sake of a common and general council, namely, because Imperial Majesty and the Pope were talking to each other about it. Majesty and the pope have talked to each other about it, with the handing over of some articles, which you, the papal nuncio, have sent to us there in writings.

We gave you this answer: we wanted to talk with the other princes, counts and imperial cities, which are related to us because of religion, about such advertisements and articles sent to us, to give you a unanimous answer. For we would be with each other at Schmalkalden on Wednesday after St. John the Baptist's Day June 25; with notice to make known the same our answer to you by sent message, or by means of all our letters, and, according to your request, to have the same put in writing.

4 When we now showed your articles and advertisements to our fellow relatives, we all united in this response.

First of all, we express our gratitude to His Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, in all submission, that Her Majesty (and as we know and have never been able to understand otherwise than that Her Majesty means it with true Christian loyalty and heart) has not hesitated, for the praise and honor of God the Almighty and the Lord Christ, and for the pacification and welfare of common Christendom, to make gracious provision and promotion for the sake of the common universal concilii. For we are in no doubt that Imperial Maj. Maj., as the most gracious Lord, is heartily desirous of carrying out such a council.

  1. also ask God to further bestow His grace on Her Majesty to promote and direct this most important and most useful cause for all people, so that in it the glory of God may be praised, and all false teachings, customs, and burdens may be averted, also that consciences may be advised and helped out of doubt, and that righteous worship and other Christian virtues may again be established.
  1. "Respectable" goes to the imperial orator, "Venerable, Well-born" to the Pope's legate, who was a bishop and count.

7 For as we, the Elector of Saxony, have already indicated to you at Weimar: We desire for the highest of a concilii, in which the matters in dispute would be dealt with, judged and adjudicated in a righteous, orderly, Christian manner and according to God's word.

There is no doubt that other nations and peoples, all classes and all Christian minds in all countries are also eager for such a council. For this is ever hidden in the day, that many people's consciences are everywhere burdened with great grievances, which can be healed by no other remedy than in and with such a free concilio.

(9) For this reason, as much as is in us, we do not want to block or set ourselves against the other nations' intentions, plans, desires, and heartfelt longings, desires that are constantly striving for a free concilio, but would like to promote their Christian mind in all ways possible to us.

(10) And are of good hope, where the matters in dispute are righteously and Christianly considered, acted upon and recognized, that God will grant grace to such Christian conduct, that the truth will be brought to light, and a Christian lasting peace will be established.

11 For Her Imperial Majesty has long since put us off such a council. Her Imperial Majesty has long since promised us such a council, and is more than willing to assemble and hold a free, common and Christian council in the German nation at a Diet held by Her Imperial Majesty. The fact is that her imperial majesty has long before requested us to assemble and hold such a council, and more than at an imperial diet held by her imperial majesty, a free, common, general, and Christian council has been nobly and highly considered, considered, and deliberated upon, all of which it is highly necessary to report here. For after this division and disunity in religion and faith arose from the fact that indulgences were preached too brazenly, and several errors and abuses, the correction and rejection of which are highly necessary for all of Christendom, have been contested; although Pope Leo, of the name of the Tenth, has condemned and condemned this doctrine, by which the errors and abuses mentioned have been punished: Nevertheless, since we have always contested such judgment, condemnation, and condemnation on the basis of the holy, true prophets and apostles' writings and sayings, it was deemed highly necessary to assemble such a council as touched upon, in which the matters should be acted upon and heard again; and the words of a farewell are thus: to separate out and retain what is good.

12 And this has not only been our mind and opinion, but also that of all other chur-.

1882 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2283-2286. 1883

and princes and estates, as well as some of the held imperial congresses bring clear farewells. Because they themselves also say and confess that some errors and abuses have arisen in Christendom, whose abolition is necessary, and realize that all the world desires a council in which the consciences can be helped.

And after the pope condemned this doctrine, this article was actually and expressly weighed in the existing councils of the Reichstags, that a free and Christian, either general or national council should be held in the German nation.

14 And for this very reason, in clear and explicit terms, it was decided to hold a free and Christian council, so that the papal condemnation and neither the pope's nor any other authority would be detrimental to us. Also, that matters be considered, discerned, and judged not according to papal decrees or school ordinances, which are contested by ours, but according to the holy divine Scriptures, as the most ancient canons and ecclesiastical laws command and decree.

15 For if anyone's authority should be more valid than the holy divine Scriptures and Christian conscience and knowledge, it is certain that nothing fruitful will be done or accomplished against the pope, not only in these matters of ours, but also from other complaints. For it is known how it was done in several previous councils, where reformationes were also carried out and prevented by the pope. And all in all, it has been decided, for obvious and excellent reasons, to hold a Christian and free concilium in the German nation, as also Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has decided. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, has granted.

16 But Pope Clement's articles, sent to us, the Elector of Saxony, concerning a future concilium, are not in accordance with the above-mentioned imperial general described and sealed grants and decrees.

For although in the first article 1) the pope calls it a free concilium, in truth he is dealing with something else, since he first of all dares to take and obligate the potentates and princes in such a way that he may have them in his entanglement. For if the pope wanted to have a free concilium, he would not demand such an obligation, which could not benefit him if something were concluded against him in a free concilium from God's word and holy scripture. Because he now

  1. Here we have deleted the words: "an article".

If the pope wishes to bind everyone beforehand, he must certainly intend to exercise and increase his own authority in the name and appearance of the Council. And the obligation serves him so that no one may challenge papal abuses and human statutes; or if someone wanted to challenge them, that the pope nevertheless incites the others, whom he has in obligation, against him to suppress him.

18 Now we do not know what the others will do; but this article is, in our opinion, more directed and placed to deter all nations from the Concilio than to induce and bring them to it.

19 For who could in good conscience commit himself, while it is still hidden what order, manner, and measure the matter should be handled, and whether the pope together with his kinsmen and followers will insist that his authority in the council should be more valid than that of those who have a Christian concern, as has been done in previous councils?

(20) Likewise, whether it is the opinion and mind of the pope to judge and adjudicate the matters in dispute according to the holy Scriptures, or according to his authority, or according to the traditions and statutes that have been introduced and invaded, without any foundation in the divine Scriptures?

21 Subsequently, the pope entangles and binds the freedom of the concilii in such a way that he allows himself to be heard to proclaim and hold such a concilium as has been held from time immemorial.

(22) Now we do not reject any of the rules and regulations that were established in the old Christian churches according to God's Word and the Holy Scriptures. It is undeniable, however, that some new councils are not at all like the old ones, because they love papal power and the ordinances of men too highly and make them too great.

Therefore, it is easy to understand that these words, "according to the custom of the churches," are dangerous, that this council has the freedom that both princes and estates consider most necessary in this matter, and that the matter itself requires it. For the pope wants everything to be done and judged according to his laws and human statutes and his authority, as it is held in the new concilia.

(24) In this form, there will be neither a free concilium nor such a concilium as would be useful and conducive to providing help, comfort and counsel to the doubtful and distressed Christian consciences, nor to bringing peace to the holy Christian Church.

1884 Sect. 1: On the tendering of the council. No. 1216. W. xvi, 2286-2288. 1885

25 Because Pope Clement, Imperial Majesty, has not yet granted the Princes and Estates' petition to Imperial Majesty to hold a free Christian council, and the Pope has so much as noted that he will not grant a free council. Majesty to hold a Christian free concilium, nor has she granted their request, and the pope gives so much to note that he does not intend to hold a free concilium, but as soon as the articles are received, he subordinates himself to strengthening and fortifying his power, and to capturing and obligating the princes:

  1. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, we most humbly request that, in view of the fact that this matter is of the utmost importance, and that in it there is peace for the whole of Christendom and the Church, and all welfare and ruin for the whole nation, you, as the most benevolent Emperor, will see to it that such a concilium is held, so that in it these matters may be righteously and properly recognized, and judged and adjudicated according to God's Word. As then Imperial Majesty Majesty should do, even according to the law, that Imperial Majesty should be concerned about this. Majesty is to judge and decide matters according to God's word, as often and as thickly as the Pope is opposed to the truth, so that the Pope is not both part and judge.

(27) For all nations are in anticipation of this Council, and they all wish and desire that the doubtful and troubled consciences may finally be advised and helped, and that the most important matters necessary for salvation may be decided. For in many hundreds of years, no greater, more important matters have been discussed than in this time, out of the abuses and atrocities that have occurred and grown up against the Gospel, God's grace and the glory of Christ long before us.

28 If a concilium is not held, as has been promised and promised here before, what secret annoyance would arise in all pious and Christian hearts, and what troubles of conscience would result from it, may easily be considered.

Moreover, it is to be feared that if the pope were to flee from righteous and lawful knowledge that is in accordance with God's Word, then Christianity and the church would be plunged into much greater unrest, disunity, and indignation than has been the case up to now.

30 But we are of comforting hope, our lords and friends, also most gracious and gracious lords, the Christian kings and potentates, and first of all the sovereigns, princes, and estates of the German nation, because they have relied on so many things.

They have expressly requested that the sixteenth and seventeenth imperial congresses hold a Christian and free concilium in German lands, and they have made a unanimous agreement that they will not consent to any other concilium, or that they will not allow themselves to be led into such an entanglement of the Pope (as he intends and seeks to do in his articles concerning the future concilium, which he has sent to us, the Elector of Saxony). For this obligation is an unheard-of innovation and full of danger; thus one cannot ever judge and adjudicate these matters righteously if it is not to be done freely and without entanglement or connection.

If the pope did not want to help the things, all those who committed themselves to the pope would be guilty of it, so that henceforth error, abuse and idolatry would be strengthened and would stand for eternity.

32 Therefore, we hereby declare, testify, and condition that we cannot and will not consent to the content of the articles sent by Pope Clement to us, the Elector of Saxony. For we can by no means renounce the true and righteous doctrine of the Gospel by blaspheming the teachings of Christ, even if they are condemned by the pope and his followers and those involved with them.

  1. But if Pope Clement will hold a council of his will and good pleasure, in which he will judge and pass judgment according to his authority, then we will command the Almighty to do things for the whole of Christendom and the church, and let them be done according to his divine will and good pleasure; he will keep his righteous, true gospel, according to his promise and promise.

34 We hereby reserve the right for ourselves and ours, even if the Council is to be held in such an entangled manner as the Pope claims to hold it, and if we want to be imposed upon him (as we do not want to provide ourselves with the assurance and assurance that His Majesty has graciously given us for this purpose). Majesty has graciously given us for this purpose), nevertheless, on constant and harmless, unalterable, sufficient assurance and assurance, as we shall therefore require and find, that it may be to the praise and glory of God's word to attend such Concilium, or to provide it through ours with a just order, to report and present all our Christian needs, as much as may be deemed convenient by us, everywhere; but with the repeated condition that we may not enter into Pope Clement's article, or into such a council, which is not

1886 Cap. 15: Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2288-2291. 1887

According to the imperial treaties 1) made, by no means want to have consented.

35 If, however, the council, entrapped and bound by the pope, concludes something against God and His holy word by unheard innovation, we will be excused before God and all nations.

(36) For we are not willing to prevent and oppose the concilium, but ask most diligently and most humbly that ways be found to hold such a free and Christian concilium, in which consciences may be advised and helped, the glory and honor of our dear Lord and Savior Christ may be praised, and a Christian and lasting peace and unity of Christendom may be established.

37 For where the pope alone will deal with strengthening his intemperate power and ungodly opinion and unscriptural worship, by the Roman imperial authority of our most gracious and kind Lord. For if the pope alone is to strengthen and fortify his intemperate power and ungodly opinion and unscriptural services by means of the Roman Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious, pious and benevolent Lord's power, and also by means of the applause of kings, princes and other nations, if he were to conclude and judge without prior righteous, just and lawful judgment, we do not believe that this would serve to ensure the lasting peace and unity of Christendom and the Church. It will also certainly not suit the pope, if he wants to be a right shepherd, who is obliged to counsel and help people's consciences, and to entice and encourage people to righteous godliness and all Christian works.

38 Therefore, to your respectability and dignity, it is our friendly, gracious and obliging request and plea that you accept this response to your advertisement and articles submitted, and present it to the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, and to the Pope, with the most humble request that their Imperial Majesty would not want us to do otherwise, for our unavoidable Christian need, than in mercy (as we have then committed ourselves to their Imperial Majesty). Maj,

  1. "der Reichsabschiede" put by us instead of: "des Reichsabschieden".
  2. "Conscience" put by us instead of: "certainty".

as our God-ordained authority, our most gracious Lord) understand and note that His Imperial Majesty will act amicably and graciously. Which we again most humbly request to procure such a concilium as the importance and danger of the matter requires, and at so many imperial congresses have put off His Imperial Majesty. Majesty at so many imperial congresses. Namely, that a free and Christian concilium be held in the German nation, in which the matters in dispute are recognized and judged according to God's word by Christian, unsuspicious negotiators.

39 His Majesty God Almighty will do a pleasing work in this, and will not be able to do anything better or more useful to all nations and peoples, nor more fitting to His great power and happiness, than that His Imperial Majesty turn their power and authority to the propagation of our dear Lord Christ's honor, glory and fame, and to establish a lasting peace for all Christendom. Majesty use their power, authority and ability for the spreading of our dear Lord Christ's honor, glory and fame, and to establish a lasting peace of the whole Christendom,

(40) And not to strengthen some rages, which have raged and raged against pious and innocent people for many years without ceasing, solely because of the comforting, solely salvific teaching and preaching of our dear Lord Christ.

Thus we and our superiors are ready and willing to earn their imperial majesty with our bodies and all our wealth.

  1. we also wish to hereby pledge our allegiance to Her Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Maj., as our most gracious Lord, in all submissiveness. Date at Schmalkalden, the last day of June, Anno Domini 1533.

Röm. kaiserl. Majesty

subservient and obedient princes

Johann Friederich, Duke of Saxony, Elector 2c. > > Ernst, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg. > > Philip, Landgrave of Hesse 2c. Together with other princes, counts and > cities related to us in this answer.

[1888]{.underline} Erl. 55, 104, Sect. 2: Negotiations with Vergerius. No. 1217f. W. LV, 229if. 1889

The second section of the fifteenth chapter.

Of Vergerius' courtship of the Schmalkaldic Covenanters, and of Pope Pabst's announced but again postponed concilium at Mantua; also of the convent of the Protestants at Schmalkalden, which was set up for this purpose.

1217: Luther's objections to the letter of Elector John Frederick of Saxony as to whether he should allow himself to be questioned further about the answer given to the papal legate two years ago. August 20, 1535.

This concern is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 350; in the Altenburger, vol. VI, p. 491; in the Leipziger, vol. XXI, p. 129; in the Erlanger, vol. 55, p. 104 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 622.

Grace and peace and my poor Pater uoster. Most Serene, Most Reverend Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I have received E. C. F. G.'s writing together with the copies from the Concilio and have read it diligently, and because E. C. F. G. graciously requests my concern as to whether E. C. F. G. should allow himself to be heard further about the previous answer, given two years ago to Imperial Majesty and Pope Clement's legates, my humble opinion is that in the same answer the matter is sufficiently and Christianly well answered. Although, for my own part, I have no interest in the place where it would be in the whole world, because I cannot yet consider it serious, and whether they were serious, I would have long since deserved that the angry saints would have sickened and burned me. So E. C. F. G., where they would further penetrate the place, will let themselves be heard. I ask and wish that God would let them become so righteous 1) that they would have to undertake a concilium in earnest, which would have to be called free and Christian. But I am here like the unbelieving Thomas, I must put my hands and fingers into the sides and scars, otherwise I do not believe it; but God can do more than that, in the hands of all men.

  1. "zorecht" --- angry. It occurs "zorecht" also Lei De Wette, vol. IV, p. 178: "der schwarze zorecht Geselle" (the devil). De Wette reads there: "Schmerze"; here: "rightly".

heart. I hereby command E. C. F. G. in the dear Father, our God's grace and peace, Amen. Friday evening after **Assumtionis Mariae **August 20, Anno 1535.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Martinus Luther, O.

1218: The papal orator Peter Paul Vergerius writes to the Elector John Frederick of Saxony, requesting a safe conduct through his country.

Nov. 4, 1535.

The following five numbers are found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 351; in the Altenburg, vol. VI, p. 491; and in the Leipzig, vol. XXI, p. 130. This letter is also found in the 6orp. Hot., vol. II, 962 according to Spalatin's manuscript in the Weimar archives.

Most Serene Prince and Lord! The pope has dispatched me to the princes and estates of the empire on account of the concilium, and among others to your electoral grace. For he actually believes that your electoral grace is of the mind and will that it would like the dangerous discord in matters of faith to cease and things to come to good agreement and prosper; for which reason I want to depart from Halle tomorrow and come to Wittenberg.

Since I would not meet Your Most Serene Highness there (for the cry goes that she is not a native), I would first travel to the Elector of Brandenburg, and from there I would deal with Your Highness about the matters on my way back, if perhaps she would come home again at the time I have been ordered. Therefore, I now ask your electoral grace to command yours, as soon as I touch and reach your principality, to give me safe conduct, as long as I make my journey in the same. Which Your Highness will not, in my opinion, deny me.

[1890]{.underline} Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2292-2295. 1891

In view of the fact that, with the approval and protection of both imperial and royal majesty, I am bringing such advertisements and things that are pleasing to God and all pious people, and am coming, as I reported above, the next from there to Hall in Wittenberg. Therefore, your most noble lordship may easily judge at which ends this escort shall be provided for me. Given at Hall, on the fourth day of November in the year 1535?)

1219 News of how Vergerius arrived in Wittenberg on Nov. 6, 1535, and was kept there by princely order, as well as of the conversation he had with Luther the next day.

See No. 1218.

On the Sunday after All Saints' Day Nov. 7, when the papal embassy arrived in Wittenberg the evening before with 21 horses and a donkey, and was received honestly by the bailiff, and was led into the castle to the inn, Doctor Martinus Luther was summoned to him for a consultation. As soon as Sunday morning, Doctor Luther sent for a barber to barber and adorn him. When the barber arrived, he said, "Mr. D., how is it that you want to be barbered so early? Then D. Luther answered: I should come to the holy father's, the pope's, message, then I must let myself be adorned, so that I seem young, then the legate will think: Oh the devil! is Luther still so young, and has caused so much misfortune, what will he still do? And when Master Heinrich had barbered him, he put on his best clothes and hung his golden jewel on his neck. Then the barber said, "Doctor, that will annoy you. Luther said, "That is why I am doing it. They have annoyed us more than enough, so one must deal with the snakes and foxes. Then the barber answered, "Now, Doctor, go in God's peace, and may the Lord be with you, that you may convert them. Luther said, "I will not do that, but it may well happen that I will read them a good chapter and let them go.

2nd And when Luther had spoken these things, he mounted the chariot, and went to the legate to the castle;

  1. Spalatin notes that this letter has no signature.

and when he sat in the chariot, he laughed and said, Behold, there go the German pope and Cardinal Pomeranus, these are God's witnesses and works. So he drove into the castle and let it be known that he was there. From that time he was admitted and received, and he received them again, but not with glorious titles, as papal legates were received in former times.

(3) And among other things they began to speak of a concilium, when Martin Luther said to them, "You are not serious about holding a concilium, it is only your mockery; and even if you were to hold a concilium, you would do nothing but talk about caps, plates, food, drink, and other such foolish things, and about other useless and unnecessary things, since we know beforehand and are certain that it is nothing. But of faith and justification, and of other useful and important things, how believers may stand in one spirit and faith, you do not think to act once; for it would not be for you. We are sure of all things by the Holy Spirit, and must not be conciliated at all, but other poor people, who are oppressed by your tyranny; for you do not know what you believe. Well then, if you feel like it, make one, I will come if God wills, and if I know that you should burn me.

4th Then said the legate, Where, in what city will ye have the concilium? Luther replied, "Wherever you like, be it Mantua, Padua, or Florence, or wherever you like. Then the legate asked: Do you also want to go to Bononia? Lutherus answered: "Where is Bononia? Then said the legate, The pope's. Luther answered: Almighty God, has the Pope also taken this city to himself? yes, I want to come there. The legate said: The pope would not refuse to come here to you in Wittenberg. Says Luther: Well then, let him come here, we would like to see him. Then said the legate, How would ye see him? with an army, or without an army? Luther said, "As he loves it, we will wait for it both ways. Then the legate asks him: Do you also ordain priests? Luther replies: Of course we do, for the pope does not want to ordain or ordain us. And behold, there sits a bishop whom we have ordained, pointing to Doctor Pomeranum.

This and much more they talked with each other, which I have not heard all about. But in sum, D. Mart. Luther told him everything that was in his heart and that the need required, without any shyness, fearlessly, and with great seriousness.

[1892]{.underline} Section 2: Negotiations with Vergerius. No. 1219 ff. W. xvi, 2295-2297. 1893

And when the legate sat on the horse, and now wanted to ride away, he said to Doctor Luther: Vide, ut sis instructus ad Concilium. Respondit Lu- therus: Veniam, domine, cum isto collo meo.

1220 Letter of Vergerius from Wittenberg to the Elector John Frederick of Saxony, Nov. 6, 1535, thanking him for the kind exception at Wittenberg.

See No. 1218. This letter is also found in Oorp. Ret., vol. II, 964.

Most Serene Prince and Lord! The pope, who sent me to the most noble princes of the German nation in matters concerning the future concilium, certainly respects that your highness can and may promote this holy trade in various ways. Accordingly, the pope has ordered me to do much with your Highness as may be necessary in this matter. However, since Your Highness is not in her country at the moment, I have planned to meet her on the way, when she returns from Austria, and to inform her of many things that I think she will be pleased to hear.

For this reason I am writing from Wittenberg, where I was accepted by your Highness' servants with the highest honors, for which I give your Highness great thanks, asking with all diligence, as soon as this my writing reaches your Highness, that she indicate and inform me which way and through which cities it will take its way back to Saxony, so that I may dispose of it to your Highness and, as mentioned, meet her on the way; and this document of your Electoral Grace shall be made and ordered to the most illustrious Duke Georgen of Saxony, for there I will await the document of your Highness. In any case, I cordially entrust myself to your most illustrious sovereignty. Given at Wittenberg, on the sixth day of November, anno Domini 1535.

Petrus Paulus Vergerius, Papal. Orator.

1221 Report on what happened between the Elector of Saxony, John Frederick, and the papal orator Vergerius on November 30, 1535 at Prague because of the Concilii.

See No. 1218. Latin also in Oorp. This translation will have been made by Spalatin for the Elector.

A. The papal orator Vergerius' request to the Elector John Frederick, Nov. 30, 1533.

First, the papal orator spoke on this opinion:^) because it happened that he did not meet S. C. F. G. in Saxony, but in Bohemia, he wanted to make his advertisement all the shorter, because he heard that the prince was too busy to be delayed long and with many things. 1) It would now be the dear time, long desired and desired, to hold a concilium and such a concilium, which would be Christian, free, common and pure, before our eyes and hands. For we now have such a pope, such a Roman emperor and king, who all have a good desire, will and heart for the concilium. Thus the princes all, with the pope, held nothing higher and more than the promotion of the common good, desired the whole Christian church salvation, 2) and the honor and praise of Christ JEsu, our dear Lord. For this reason, the pope now sends his messages and messages to the rulers, not for a pretense and mirror fencing, as if he were only posing as if he wanted to hold a concilium, and yet should not mean it, nor have it in mind, but would do it only so that he would keep the people in silence, peace and good obedience; this pope does not think so, as it probably happened before, that after such a request nothing followed.

2 This pope, however, would have been serious about the matter, he would not have dealt with any matter more than with this one; therefore, he wanted to take up the matter in the shortest and closest way, as his electors themselves should recognize.

3 This pope wanted to hold a Christian, free, common and pure concilium. And if one asked from the Malstatt where the concilium should be held, his answer would be that the pope had decided, for many important reasons, to hold the concilium at Mantua and nowhere else. Accordingly, the pope exhorted, desired and asked that his electoral grace, in honor of Christ, would faithfully help to promote the Concilium in question and in the future. If one wanted to know from him why the pope wanted to hold the council in Mantua and not elsewhere, he wanted to indicate the reason.

4 Since the location of the future Council has been announced, it would not be necessary to discuss it at length now. For as one can see in the Con-

  1. Inserted by us after the Latin.
  2. Inserted by us.

1894 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2297-2300. 1895

cilio, gathered by the Holy Spirit, it would be well to discuss, speak and act about how, in what form, measure and manner the concilium should be held.

5 Until now, they have always asked for a common, free, Christian, and pure concilium, as reported by the Elector of Saxony 2c. and his relatives in printed articles that pleased him, the papal orator. For they would not have wanted to agree to a binding concilium. Well, such a concilium would now be offered by the pope.

Moreover, neither the pope nor the emperor, kings and princes would not let anything happen to them, but would show themselves most friendly to the promotion and execution of the same. Since the Elector of Saxony alone would not consent to such a concilium, it would be considered as if he did not want to suffer either a free or a binding concilium. The previous pope had eight articles handed over to hold a concilium;

7 This pope, however, does not submit any article. About this, this pope would also not have had any articles put forward, neither for himself nor against him; therefore one has all the less reason to refuse this Concilii. Thus his Elector sees the future Concilium. He would have asked all princes, he would also know the minds and opinions of all princes against the Concilium.

8 The pope would be so highly inclined to hold a concilium that he would certainly leave his own life if he were not to write out and hold the concilium; he also thought that the pope's appointment and description for the concilium would come to his attention. Therefore, his Electorate should now give its Christian heart to the Pope. Therefore, his electors should now prove their Christian heart and mind, which they 1) would have and carry to the Lord Christ. For if his Electoral Grace If His Electoral Grace consents to the Concilium, it would have a more blissful progress. Since his C.F. Gnomes would also oppose it, the council would nevertheless be kept; his C.F. Gnomes would also never be able to atone for it with an eternity and bring it back. And although his churfl. Although his Holy Grace would do nothing at the concilium, our dear Lord Jesus Christ would nevertheless be present and hold forth on it. With the request ultimately, whether his C. F. Gn. would further like to have a report from him, to do the same.

  1. "she" put by us instead of "he".

B. Elector Johann Friedrich's response to this.

His Electoral Grace would have heard and listened to the content of the orator's request, which was made by order of the Pope. Now his C. F. Gn. opinion and mind, as has always been the case, that they sincerely desire a common Christian, free and such a council, in which one acts, resolves and judges according to God's Word.

It has been diligently considered, moved, and decided at several imperial congresses that such a concilium, as touched upon, should be held in the German lands, as the congresses of these congresses have brought them to a conclusion, and the Roman Emperor has graciously granted it. Majesty graciously consented. His Elector. His Grace also did not want (as is to be expected) to agree otherwise behind the Electors, Princes and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire. However, what His Electoral Grace His Electors are willing to do for their person (if it is sufficient). have now decided in Vienna against the Roman Imperial Majesty, our allies. Majesty, our most gracious Lord. Since it would also come to a concilio, great necessity would require that his C. F. Grace would provide their kinsmen and scholars with sufficient assurance and escort. For his C. F. Gn. will, mind and opinion would again be, as before, that they desired and wished with all their heart such a council, which would be free, common, Christian, and in which one acted, concluded, recognized and judged according to God's word.

C. The papal orator Vergerius' counter-answer.

To this the papal orator gave this answer: although the princes and estates of the empire had considered at several imperial congresses, and had also decided to make an effort with imperial majesty that the concilium should be held in Germany, it would still not have been decided. For otherwise this or similar decree would have been made: "We set, resolve and decree that the future Council shall be held in Germany. Moreover, the other day he would have had a document from the pope in which he was informed that the Roman Imperial Majesty had already consented. Majesty had already agreed that the Council should be held nowhere but at Mantua; for the Pope could not have obtained from the other kings, princes, and potentates that the Council be held anywhere in German lands.

As far as the escort and insurance were concerned, he thought that they did not need any escort at all.

1896 Section 2: Negotiations with Vergerius. No. 1221. W. xvi, 2300-2302. 1897

For Mantua would be the Emperor's, would also be an imperial fief; Milan would be imperial, as well as the county of Tyrol and other sovereignties. For this reason, they would have nothing to fear nor to travel; about this, it would be quite inconvenient for the pope to travel to a concilio in Germany. But if he were to travel to Germania, he would have to go with a large army, which would not be convenient for the German nation. However, he believes that they would easily ask the pope to seek this from the Roman Emperor. Majesty; therefore his request would be to indicate to him in what form, measure and manner the escort and the assurance should be provided and made.

D. Des Churfürsten Johann Friedrich Antwort auf vorhershende Replik.

  1. Gn. graciously request, since such things and business have occurred to them that they could not hear him further in person, that he would like to have his Electoral Grace excused. His Electors wish to be excused.
  1. Furthermore, it would not be within his C. F.G.'s power to have the place of the Concilii set elsewhere, against and contrary to the previous several imperial conventions, without the prior knowledge of the other Electors, Princes and Estates of the Empire, 1) likewise without the prior knowledge of their co-relatives in the matter of religion; for what his Elector Palatine has done in the matter of religion would not be within his power. Gn. They had already reported the matter to the King's Majesty himself.

In addition, the high necessity would require, as previously reported, that their relatives and scholars be provided with sufficient assurance for a future council, because one would well know what had been done to the people in several councils before. Therefore, one would not only have to have a written escort and assurance, but also guarantees and scourges.

The papal orator then asked to be informed only of the form and measure that he wanted to be assured of for the concilium, and he would order and arrange it for the best; with an attached diligent request that he therefore address my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, only three more words, and give his hand to S. C. F.G., who alone should be Magister Franciscus Vinariensis, because he would have to inform S. C. F.G. of something secretly.C. F.G.'s hand, while only Magister Franciscus Vinariensis should be, because he would have to report something secretly to S. C. F. G., which he wants to do as quickly as possible, and His Lordship cannot endure.

  1. So put by us instead of: "to lay up".

When now my most gracious lord came again to the papal orator, the orator said harmlessly so, beside and in hearing Magistri Francisci Vinariensis:

What he now wants to report to S. C. F. G., he would like to do secretly, not only for the sake of S. C. F. G.'s counsel, but also for the sake of those he now has with and beside him.

7 He had received a document from the pope in which it was indicated that the king of France, who had previously urged that the council be held, had also agreed to do so in Mantua. Since such a mighty king would have liked the pope's concern about the place of the future concilium, it is to be hoped that it would be all the more correct and Christian everywhere, before the king of France would bring so many prelates 2c. in his kingdom.

8 Thus the Roman Imperial Majesty had also written to the Pope that they were at one with him for the sake of the concilium. Majesty had also written to the Pope that they were also at one with him in the matter of the Council, where he could also request this from the princes and other princes of the German nation. As he had already received such from all of them; he also knew their minds and opinions, with the exception of S. C. F. Gn. The Roman Imperial and Royal Majesties had also declared themselves against the Pope. Majesty had shown all paternal confidence in the pope to hold a concilium, and had placed this entire order in the pope's good pleasure.

Thirdly, the orator S. C. F. G. did not want to conceal that he had been to Wittenberg and had been accepted and kept there by the bailiff honestly, well and kindly, which he then thanked most diligently against His Lordship. Now he would have asked Doctor Martin Luther to come to him for communion, and talked to him in all sorts of ways, who would have answered him: I am aware that a common, free and Christian council, such as the pope proposes, would be highly necessary; I also desire and wish for this most, not for the sake of ours, who by the grace of God do not need a council at all. For we already have the pure and pure Word of God, and the wholesome, healthy doctrine, even such churches in which the ceremonies are directed, provided and appointed according to God's Word; but on account of the foreign and alien nations, so that this our doctrine may also come to them in this form. Since Luther said this, he, the orator, could not have refrained, as he had not been told.

  1. Turin (?) in Savoy.

[1898]{.underline} Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi. 2302-2305. 1899

If he had wanted to remain silent on the way, he would have said to Luther: "Martin Luther, dear, what are you talking about now? see to it that you do not think too much of yourself, for you are a human being and can err. Do you want to be wiser, wiser, more learned and holier than so many councils and holy fathers, so many highly learned people, distributed throughout the world, who also faithfully confess Christ's name and faith?

(10) And truly, said the papal orator, most noble prince, your electoral grace will consider this matter well, and not rely and trust so much on one man, however highly learned he may be, which it does not befit me to judge, for he may err and be deceived. Also, do not doubt that your electoral grace, as the Christian, highly understanding elector, and who means it best with the holy Christian faith and the whole Christian church peace and unity, will consider and regard this well; which I can by no means refrain from your electoral grace, as who means it faithfully with her, that I have held such a conversation and discussion with Luther. In the end, I command myself to your churf. gn. And after a while I have been in the presence of the Roman Emperor. Maj. as the Pabst's skillful one, and will henceforth perhaps be with you longer: so I offer my willing services, not so much for the sake of Your Lordship's person, who does not need my support at Imperial Maj. Maj. than on behalf of your servant, whom I am always willing and able to serve and please.

11 Our most gracious Lord, the Elector of Saxony, has given this answer: First, that His Electoral Grace would gladly have heard Grace would have been pleased to hear his statement of both Imperial and Royal Majesty, and of the King of France's opinion and mind of the Concilii. His Electoral Grace also did not want to cast any doubt on the fact that the Roman Emperor and the Royal Majesty would graciously show themselves in favor of the entire Roman Empire and, above all, of the German nation, and that they would not easily deviate from the opinion that had been thought of and decided upon at several imperial congresses, and that had been graciously approved by the Imperial and Royal Majesty, and that they would not easily deviate from pleasing the Pope without great, necessary and urgent causes.

12 That he had also been well and honestly received and kept at Wittenberg, that his electoral grace was also well pleased. Grace also well pleased.

That he, the orator, had also talked and disputed with Doctor Martin Luther about the Concilio, pleased his electoral grace. grace, and considered it to be that Doctor Martini

Luther's concerns and opinions would be right, good and honest. And even though His Electoral Grace and the other princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire Grace and the other princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, related to it 1) for the sake of religion, have never been shy, and have not yet been shy before the knowledge and judgment, from and according to God's Word and the Holy Scriptures, about the doctrine to which we profess, in matters concerning religion and the holy Christian faith; as can be seen from the answer given by His Electoral Grace and their kinsmen before both Roman Imperial Majesties. Grace and their kinsmen, both of the Roman Emperor's Majesty, and the Pope's orators and deputies, are evidently and obviously sufficient, and are also again required to indicate the causes of their faith to all those who should have them. Likewise, the Elector's grace would still be highly desirous. Grace would still be most eager for a free common concilii 2c., as the papal oratori, the day before, had passed, and now indicated. So respect his electoral grace. grace that a concilium would not be so nearly and very necessary and useful for the sake of ours as for the sake of the foreign nations, so that also in this form and through this means the holy gospel and the comforting word of God's grace might arise and be spread as widely as possible among those who had hitherto concealed it. For our doctrine, by the grace of God, does not need much improvement, justification, knowledge and judgment of the Concilii; for it would not be based on man's delusion and wisdom (which could and might err and be lacking), but on the hard, strong and solid rock of God's Word, which remains forever, which even the infernal gates and power would never be able to overcome.

Finally, his electoral grace would also graciously accept the papal orator's offer. Finally, his electoral grace would also graciously accept the papal orator's offer; his electoral grace would also be willing and willing to recognize it in turn.

  1. the opinion of the papal orator Vergerius, which he sent in writing to the Elector John Frederick at his request. December 1, 1535.

See No. 1218. Latin also in 6orp. This German translation is in the Weimar Archives in Spalatin's manuscript.

1 Most Serene Prince and Lord! Here I want to present the articles concerning the Concilium, which I have offered to Your Electoral Grace in my own person. Grace in my own person.

1) "you" put by us instead of: "in".

** **1900 Section 2: Negotiations with Vergerius. No. 1222. W. xvi, 2305-2307. 1901

I would also like to put it in writing: considered that Your Electoral Grace desires such from me. Grace desires such from me, although it is entirely unnecessary. For my advertisement is pure and brief, and not overwhelmed with any articles; so faithfully does Pope Paul, of the name of the third, mean it, and so eager is he to raise up again the faith in Jesus Christ.

Therefore I have said that His Holiness has completely decided to reject and prevent a common general council, the division in our faith, and the danger and trouble, which has now for a long time been before one's eyes in the future. In doing so, I have made many words and introduced what a special, faithful, constant, conscripted and wise man the pope is, so that everyone may note from this that he will do and carry out everything that he now undertakes to do in the most honest and faithful way.

  1. that the pope also considers that the city of Mantua, for 1) many reasons, will be the most convenient for the Concilio, that he will also describe the Concilium shortly.
  2. He also said that he did not want to send an article, either to the noble German princes or to the princes of other nations, as had been done in this matter before, but thought it would be much more convenient that a concilium be properly and righteously held when the concilium, assembled in the Holy Spirit according to the Pope's description and request, had already met; for now it is a matter of a concilium being described, appointed and held.

5 Also that His Holiness soon in the beginning of his papacy sent and delivered messages and orators to all Christian princes, also above to the most Sublime Roman, to Hungary and Bohemia King, and all the Holy Roman Empire Princes and other princes and states, which I already touched to advertise to them.

6 About that, too, that the pope would have had the right and power to command and create all this, so that he would have been able to keep it out of his power in this matter (which has always been completely granted to the papacy, and would be granted again), and would not have had the right to declare his mind, will and opinion now through his own orator: so he would have had to do with all of them, and before with the glorious German nation,

  1. "from" put by us instead of: "without".

whom he loves with all his heart. Therefore, his search, desire and remembrance, when they would hear such a request and description of the Concilii, directed to the expansion and greater spread of the faith and glory of Jesus Christ, they would gladly and unanimously dispose of in the manned city of Mantua.

  1. And if I find and ask anyone who might oppose and oppose for reasons, that I indicate the same reasons why the Council should not be held elsewhere than in Mantua, or in another city in Italy, and before also those in German lands, as some desire; which causes of his electoral grace I also verbally reported, and now unnecessary to recover again.
  1. furthermore, I have reported that I have traveled with such an order and advertisement to the most noble roman 2c. King, then to all the princes of the Roman Empire; then also with such an advertisement and order to your princely grace that His Royal Majesty, as the Christian, God-fearing king, would do the best in this matter of his hope everywhere, likewise also the other German princes with whom I have been; although at that time I could not report what would have come from each of them in response.

(9) Of the Most Serene Lord, because in the answer first given to me the occasion required it, I have expressly and clearly said to those of the others; namely, that His Imperial and Christian Majesty, as much as I noted from the Pope's writing, had already consented to hold a concilium at Mantua, which would be no news at all. For Imperial Maj. Majesty also did this three years ago, in addition to the papal orator, through her own orator and deputy, and in this opened his mind and opinion, and indicated that the Emperor, as a constant and prior Christian Emperor, would have no reason at all that he should now be of a different mind in this matter than he was before, indeed, there would be many reasons why he would be of this opinion and mind now, when he had never been of this mind before.

(10) Especially because of so many and ugly Sacramentans, Anabaptists, and other sects that have unholily taken over many German peoples' hearts, from which raving and raging it would be difficult to save and handle some assembly of foreign, pious people who would come to the concilio unarmed, to condemn their ineptitude and godlessness; for it would seem to be a good thing to do so.

1902 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2307-2310. 1903

Everybody can see that several of them are quite mad and nonsensical.

11 About this I have also said that your electoral graces would do Christian and praiseworthy if they consented to such a thing, indeed, your electoral graces could not well do otherwise than that they consented to it. For after Your Electoral Grace had previously received several articles from Pope Clement the Seventh, the same have replied that they are most eager for a pure and unadulterated concilii.

(12) Your Electoral Grace, however, would complain that a concilium should be held with such articles attached, which would easily unite and entangle the princes. For your kinsmen have thus interpreted the same, which answer now carries about everyone from time to time. But now, I say, you abstain from holding a 1) pure and unadulterated concilium without any articles. Therefore, if Your Electoral Grace did not want to agree to it now, they would give the whole world to understand that they did not want to submit to the Concilii's verdict and judgment, in view of the fact that Your Electoral Grace did not want to agree to a Concilium with articles before, nor to a Concilium without all articles now.

(13) I have also said that those who finally hoped for such a dishonest bargain would have quite vain hope that the pope would send about some articles, not only before the judgment and verdict, but also before the appointment of a council, neither himself nor the papal see, and in matters that have now long since been confirmed by permanent causes. That even you many more would have this vain hope, who hoped that the most noble Roman Emperor Carl, of the name of the Fifth, as the most vigorous protector and handler of the Christian faith, against the Pope's will, or even without his consent, would describe and appoint a concilium for you in German lands (as of you much publicly that you thus desire).

Finally, I have also provided that a conducive council would also be with more fruit and benefit, likewise with your great praise and glory, if your Serenity, invited before the call, would mature in Mantua. The pope has also asked you to do this out of paternal benevolence, for the promotion of the common peace of all Christendom.

  1. "one" put by us instead of: "one".

(15) But if Your Lordship would refuse to come to the Concilio (as might happen), His Greatness would not fail to do such a holy work. (as might happen) would refuse to come to the Concilio, his greatness would by no means refrain from such a holy work, and the pope would then rely on the help of our Lord Jesus Christ, whose affairs the pope is in charge of, and also on the approval and help and applause of those whom he knew would stand by him most steadfastly to carry out such a holy work.

16 These are the articles I have spoken about everywhere. And since your Lordships have promised to send me an answer when they have dealt with their fellow relatives in the matters of religion and God's word, of this whole matter, therefore my request is to do this in the most beneficial way possible, and to make me a touched answer to the Roman Royal Majesty, by which I will therefore remain.

17 After Your Electoral Grace had also asked me in this matter. Your Grace, in this action, asked me from whom and what kind of escort and assurance they should have, since they would be traveling in Italy? and thereby avoiding that they might not only desire a written escort and assurance, but also to confirm it with scourges, I will also add the answer I have given to this article: If the Concilium would be in Mantua, because it would be a fief of the Holy Roman Empire and would be on the border of the German Nation (because the nearest cities in Italy are either of the Lord Emperor or of the Venetian dominion, which would hold fast to justice and faith, and would also be friendly to the Lord Emperor), then there would be no danger and no burden to worry about in Mantua. Therefore, no insurance would be needed. However, if someone were to ask for escort and insurance, the Imperial Majesty would give them. Moreover, as far as he is concerned, the pope would not refuse to give ordinary and necessary insurance, which he would like to give out of his power and authority.

May the merciful God alone have so much mercy that your princely grace heartily desires a concilii, as we are to provide for ourselves from many causes; for this matter will soon be settled, and the assurance shall not fail to do so. Given at Prague, on the 1st day of December, in the year of our Lord 1535.

Petrus Paulus Vergerius, Pabst's Paul the Third Orator.

[1904]{.underline} Section 2: Negotiations with Vergerius. No. 1223. W. xvi, 2310-2312. 1905

1223 The joint response of the protesting state at the convention in Schmalkalden, which was sent to the papal orator Vergerius. December 21, 1535.

This writing is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 357; in the Altenburg, vol. VI, p. 506; in the Leipzig, vol. XXI, p. 137 and in Hortleder, torn. I, lib. I, 6np. 20, p. 87; Latin in the Oorp. Lei, vol. II, 1018.

  1. our greeting. The most illustrious, highborn Prince and Lord, Duke John Frederick of Saxony, our cousin, friend and most gracious Lord, has told us what you reported to him at Prague, where you met him approximately; He has also sent us your handwritten document, in which you report that the pope is being summoned to hold a council, but that the council is to be appointed in Italy, and that it has not yet been determined what the form and order of the council should be, and that this belongs entirely to papal authority.

2 Although not all of those who have come here have had orders from the Concilio, for in this hurry no notice of your advertisement may have been given to them, we, the ones described below, have nevertheless considered answering you.

(3) And although an ample answer would have been necessary, for you have thus reported the Concilio, you have also reported several articles, of which we justly complain from our and common Christianity's point of view; nevertheless, since you most favorably desire an answer, we have wanted to briefly and clearly indicate our opinion to you.

First of all, we have often declared our opinion of the Concilium in the Imperial Diet, and in the answer given two years ago to the Imperial and Papal Orators. For we too, for the good of common Christianity and betterment, heartily desire a Christian, free Concilium, which we and other princes and estates in the Empire have requested from Imperial Majesty. Majesty, as they have also considered that such a council would be necessary.

5 We also do not doubt that all God-fearing people wish and desire such a council, which is intended to help Christianity. For it is very painful for pious people that with such unrighteous cruelty in many countries right doctrine and usefulness to the church are suppressed, the members of Christ are horribly torn apart, the ungodly abuses are confirmed.

  1. this cruelty does not belong at all to those who are to govern the church; in addition, it will be an eternal destruction and desolation of the church.

where such does not occur through a Christian concilium.

Therefore, if a council has ever been necessary in churches, it is now necessary to change the old abuses and to prevent unjust cruelty, and in the future to provide salvation and welfare for Christianity in a right way.

For this reason we do not want to let ourselves be lacking, but gladly promote the common good; and with all our will we ask to appear in the free and Christian concilium, which is necessary, as it is often discussed and decided at the imperial congresses; and we ask God to grant such a Christian concilium, which serves the glory of Christ and the salvation of the church.

9 As far as the meeting is concerned, of which you have indicated that the Pope has appointed Mantuam, we have no doubt that His Imperial Majesty will graciously comply with the previous decrees and resolutions. Your Majesty will graciously comply with the previous resolutions of the Imperial Diet and with the request that such a council be held in German lands.

(10) For when it is reported to the Elector that it should be unsafe in German lands, and that for this reason one should not speak freely, we hold against it that for this very reason a court should be appointed in the German lands, so that these matters may be heard legally and properly, and that one may speak freely, so that the interrogation is not prevented by parties and force, and pious people are not deterred in speaking, to judge rightly and freely.

II What danger can there be in German lands, since all princes, cities and assemblies are subject and loyally obedient to the emperor alone? In addition, there is a quite praiseworthy regiment in the cities, where protection and protection is honestly given to foreigners.

12 You also report that the pope alone will give an ordinary escort, and that he can receive for his person; how we are to understand this, we have doubts from the previous Conciliar History.

Furthermore, Christianity needs a common, free, Christian council, and we have appealed for such a council.

14 But you report not to speak or act on the form and order of interrogation, and let it be heard that this belongs entirely to papal authority; that is, not to consent to a free concilium.

15 Two years ago, a concilium was promised, but with several articles dangerously attached; now the most important one, namely, from

[1906]{.underline} Cap. 15: Negotiations for a concilii. W. xvi, 2312-2314. 1907

of the freedom of the concilii, that is, of the form and order of the interrogation, partly dangerously concealed, partly placed on the pope. For you speak thus, that to promote and to hold Concilia belongs solely to papal authority. 1)

Now that the pope has so often condemned our cause, he is publicly our adversary. But where the opponents are to be judges, there can be no free or lawful concilium.

17 For this reason, a free concilium is sought and promised, that is, in which competent, impartial people are elected from all estates by universal suffrage of the emperor, kings, potentates, princes and estates to hear and decide these matters according to God's word.

18 For conciliation is not only to be the judgment of the popes, but also of other people and estates in the church and the holy Scriptures; as the examples of the ancient churches show, in which it can be seen that in conciliation the Christian princes and other Christian honorable people are brought in for questioning. And it is sacrilege and tyranny to raise the Pope's image above the whole church.

For this reason, the Emperor, kings, potentates, princes, and estates, as well as pious, Christian, and honorable people, shall have authority in conciliation, and competent people shall be elected for interrogation, especially in such matters (as also regulated by papal law) in which the vices and errors of the popes are challenged, namely, unrighteous worship and false doctrine.

20 These matters are especially common and concern all of Christendom, and in them kings and princes are obliged to see to it that a lawful hearing is held; as many other bishops have been condemned for their errors by their churches, and some popes by the emperors and the church.

(21) Now it is public that great things are in dispute, of unrighteous doctrine and unrighteous worship, which the pope administers not only with doctrine, but also with cruel commandments; on account of which great cruelty is practiced in obedience to him on those who do not praise such abuses.

22 Therefore it is clear that the pope is our counterpart, and that in this case it is necessary that the church, emperors, kings, princes and estates have understanding and order the interrogation.

For this reason, we ask once again, as before, for a free concilium, that is, in which competent, impartial people are elected from all estates to separate these important matters, which are necessary for the consciences, according to God's Word.

  1. No. 1222, § 6.-

What could be cheaper to look for? And this form of interrogation is according to the Gospel and the Church's previous examples.

(25) Where we understand that by this lawful way, and not tyrannically, things are to be done, nothing shall happen to us; and we hope that in such interrogation, by God's grace, the truth will come to light, and the glory of Christ will be praised, and peace and unity of the church will be restored.

26 If a common, free council is not held as mentioned above, we want to have this testified here, that we desire that which is lawfully and generally useful to Christendom, and also manly desirable in all countries.

27 For it is to be considered that if these things are not heard rightly and properly, as reported above, according to God's words, there is reason to fear that there will be greater disruption and unrest in the church.

(28) But as much as there is in us, there shall be no lack in us to promote the common good, peace and unity.

(29) And as we cannot abandon the doctrine that concerns the glory of God (for Christ says Matt. 10:32, "Whoever confesses me before men, him will I also confess before my heavenly Father"); so in other matters we will show moderation and gentleness, so that it may be felt that we greatly desire common unity. At your request, we do not wish to restrain you on account of ourselves and the common churches. Date at Schmalkalden, December 21, 1535.

By the Grace of God Johann Friedrich, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c. > > Franciscus, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg.

Philip, Landgrave of Hesse.

Together with the other princes, counts, lords and estates, related to > this answer.

1224 Pope Paul the Third's Bull, with which he announced the Concilium and scheduled it for Mantua, June 2, 1536.

This writing is found together with the following in the Wittenberg edition (1553), vol. IV, p. 427b; in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 388; in the Altenburg edition, vol. VI, p. 1054 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXI, p. 143. Also in Hortleder, 1. e. p. 91 and 96. This bull is found in Latin in Lünigs spieib eoel. pari. I, p. 442.

Germanized.

** **1908 Section 2: Negotiations with Vergerius. No. 1224. W. xvi, 2315-2317. 1909

Paul, bishop, a servant of the servants of God, for future remembrance.

  1. Having been required by divine providence and providence to care for and govern the Christian army, we have desired nothing more from our hearts, nor asked more diligently of God Almighty, than that we might cleanse His Christian church, which He commanded us, of so many harmful heresies and errors, which have now long since arisen and grown up in it, by the grace and action of the Holy Spirit and by our diligent insight, and also reformed and improved in good morals, restored to its proper state and righteous character, serving God in holiness and righteousness.

(2) Moreover, we are no less concerned that we find and see before our eyes that the Christian congregation, both inwardly, by the antagonism and warfare of Christians among themselves, and outwardly, by the persecution and wicked cunning of unbelievers, is being distressed, daily torn asunder, and weakened.

(3) Because we, out of Christian concern, as befits a shepherd, would gladly counter such evil with timely counsel and help, and for this reason have diligently considered and considered many and various ways and means, we have found none better nor more convenient than this, which the holy people, our forefathers, and indeed the common Christian church itself, have tried and found to be the most salutary in such serious matters, namely, to assemble and hold a common council.

  1. Accordingly, when we have stepped into the footsteps of the same saints, and so soon in the beginning of our papacy fully considered and intended to hold such a council (which we had also highly desired before, when we were still in a lesser state), we have not only had such a council publicly heard, but also given it to our beloved sons, Carolo and the Roman Emperor and other Christian emperors, we have not only let our constant mind and will be heard and heard publicly, but have also made it known to our beloved sons, Carolo, the Roman Emperor, and other Christian kings and princes by letters and messages; Now, however, to publicly proclaim such a council (by means of divine help), and subsequently to hold it in a certain time and place, as will be reported hereafter, and to bring it to a good end, finally resolved.

(5) And are hopeful and confident, with God's help, that by such a holy and healing remedy, not only will all heresy and error be eradicated from the Lord's field, and the morals of the Christian community improved, but also

To make a common peace and unity among the believers in Christ, and by a common military campaign under the banner of the holy cross, against the unbelievers, to conquer again our kingdom and lands, which are taken by them; also to make the poor captive people, which are innumerable, free and free again, to convert the unbelievers to our holy Christian faith (by divine grace). So that the whole world, gathered into one flock or sheepfold of the Lord, may live in right faith, hope and love, chastely, righteously and divinely, and then wait to receive the crown of righteousness from God Almighty.

  1. Therefore, if we have resolved to hold a common council for the praise and glory of God, and for the salvation, welfare and improvement of His Church, and if we intend to comply with it in our confirmed and constant mind, we proclaim, appoint, command, establish and order in the name of the holy, indivisible Trinity, the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, by the power and authority of God Almighty, and of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, whom we have on earth, and by the advice and consent of the venerable Cardinals of our brethren of the Holy Roman Church, do ordain an Oecumenicum, universal, common Concilium, in the city of Mantua (which is a safe, convenient, fertile place, full of good houses and dwellings), in the year to be counted 1537, on the 23rd day of the month of May. It is to be held on the 23rd day of the month of May, which is the Wednesday after the holy day of Pentecost, and to be concluded and completed by God's help.
  • (7) And hereupon command all and every one, the venerable, our dear brethren, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, and our beloved sons, abbots, and others of all the churches and monasteries prelates, where they are in the world, in virtue of their taken oath, and holy obedience, and under penalty and penalties imposed by law or custom, or otherwise on those who will not come to common concilio, to appear therein in person.

(8) But to the above-mentioned Roman emperors, kings, dukes, princes, margraves, and others, to whom it is due by right or custom to be in such a council, we exhort by the heartfelt love of the Lord Jesus Christ, that for the sake of peace and unity, welfare and improvement of the Church of God, they may also personally, which we would prefer, or, if they cannot personally, by proper and honest messages, at a convenient time, take part in this holy council.

1910 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2317-2320. 1911

lium, to be held in the city of Mantua (as reported above).

(9) Which, if they will consider how pleasant and pleasing it will be to us and to all Christendom that they should be personally present in the aforementioned Council, we have no doubt that then both of them, all the other kings and princes who have been announced above, and especially Carolus, the Roman Emperor, and Franciscus, the most Christian king of France, will appear in it in person.

For the said Emperor Carolus, out of special earnestness and love for our holy faith, both in his name, and on account of his brother, the most noble Roman King Ferdinandi, also the princes, and other princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire, have often vehemently and earnestly requested a common council from our ancestor (of blessed memory), Pope Clement the Seventh.

  1. After, however, due to various incidents, swift, heavy trades and wars, and for other important reasons, especially due to the above-mentioned Pope Clement's fatal departure, this holy work and completely inclined Christian mind, which our forefather carried to it, If the above-mentioned Pope Clement's deathly departure prevented this holy work, which our forefather carried to it, from continuing and remained, then we have to write out and keep our advice and concerns about the above-mentioned Council soon in the beginning of our upcoming papacy (as reported above), and then to give it to the above-mentioned of our brothers, the Holy Roman Church Cardinals. The Emperor Carolo was informed of the decision and the declared sentence of the Holy Roman Church Cardinals in their common assembly; he thanked us most sincerely, as our dear son, as befits us.

12 Thus we have also received from the above-mentioned King Francisco, after he had previously sent a completely Christian writing to our much-mentioned ancestor, Pope Clement, and to the holy gathering of the Cardinals, as we have provided ourselves to the most Christian king, an answer that is conformable and in accordance with our mind (concerning the Concilium).

(13) Nevertheless, at the same time we request and admonish the Roman emperors, kings, princes, and others who have been notified, that they take all possible care and take care that all and any persons who have been seated in their kingdoms, lands, and territories, and who are required by law or custom to be present at the common meetings, go and come there in person. Or else, where they have matrimonial and impedimentary powers, which

that they should credibly indicate that they should then be provided with sufficient authority through suitable messages, commanders and orators to attend the council and remain in the city of Mantua until the end of the council. So that through such a stately assembly of the faithful of Christ, what is conducive to God's praise, reformation and improvement of the morals in the church, and the same elevation, and complete eradication of heresy, and all the faithful of Christ's harmony and welfare, also for common military campaign against the unbelievers, may be salutary and blessedly decreed in the same Concilio, by divine grace and help.

(14) In order that all and any of the above may be known to those whom it concerns, and that no one may claim that he has not had knowledge of it, nor that he has good reason to excuse himself (since even this writing would not be safe and without danger to some persons who are here understood to be personally and specially notified and delivered), we desire and command that the present letters, which are now reported, be publicly read by some of our court messengers, or public notaries, in the high church of the chief apostle St. Peter in the city of Rome, and in the church of Lateranensi (where the people are in the habit of hearing the divine office). Peter in the city of Rome, and in the church of Lateranensi (where the people frequently gather to hear the divine office), and thereafter the copies of such letters shall be posted at the two churches now mentioned, and also at the papal gates and doors, and at the front of the campoflor, and shall remain there thus affixed for some time.

  1. We also want, if such a posting of this letter is done in such a way, that all and everyone, whom the same concerns, what state or dignity they are, after the end of two months (from the day on which it was proclaimed and posted) to accept the same everywhere in the same way, and be bound thereby, and also give the same perfect undoubted credence, as if this letter or the copy thereof had been executed or signed by an open scribe's hand, and possibly sealed with an ecclesiastical prelate's seal, delivered and delivered to them personally.

(16) Therefore, no man shall be permitted to violate this letter of ours, our proclamation, calling, commandment, writ, order, summons, exhortation and request, will and resolution, or to live with unholy thirst against the same.

But if anyone would presume to do so.

[1912]{.underline} Section 2: Negotiations with Vergerius. No. I224f. W. xvi, 2320-2322. 1913

who shall know that he will fall into severe disgrace of God Almighty, and into the holy apostles of Peter and Paul.

Given in Rome at St. Peter's, after the birth of the Lord in 1536, on the other day of the month of June, and of our Papacy in the other year.

I Paul, bishop of the common Christian church, have signed.

Confirma hoc DEus, quod operatus es in nobis, Sanctus Petrus, Sanctus Paulus.

Paul P. P. III

And I

John, Bishop of Öftren, Cardinal Genen sis. > > John Dominic, Bishop Portuensis, Cardinal Tranensis. > > Bonifacius, Bishop Sabinensis, Cardinal Jpporigen. > > Laurentius, Bishop Prenestinus, Cardinal Campegius. > > Anthony, priest-cardinal St. Severini. Augustine, Cardinal Perusinus, > of the Most Holy Father, the Pope, chamberlain. > > Vincentius Carrafa, Cardinal of Neapolis. Andrew, Cardinal Palmerius. > > Franciscus, Cardinal St. Crucis. Franciscus, Cardinal Cornelius. > Nicolaus, Cardinal Campuanus. Jerome, Cardinal de Ghinuciis?) Jacobus, > Cardinal Simoneta. > > Caspar, Cardinal Contarenus. > > Paul, St. Eustachii Diaconus Cardinalis. > > Alexander, S. Mariae in via lata Cardinalis Caesarinus.

John, Cardinal Salmatis.

Nicolaus, Cardinal Rudolphus.

Augustine, St. Adriani Diaconus Cardinalis Trivultius.

Franciscus, Cardinal Pisanus.

Hercules, S. Mariae novae Diaconus Cardinalis. > > Nicolaus, St. Theodori Diaconus Cardinalis de Gaddis. > > Jerome, Cardinalis de Farnesio, Vicecancellarius. > > Guido, Ascanius Sfortia, Cardinal 8th I^lorao. Martinus, St. Mary at > Aquirio Diaconus Cardinalis Caracciolus.

Have all signed with their own hand.

Blasius B. Motta. > > Visu. Joh. de Fortibus.

  1. "Ghinuciis" put by us instead of: "Chinuciis" in the editions. This Jerome is the bishop of Ascoli, whom we have already met in the 15th volume of our edition, Col. 544, § 1; he was Auditor General of the Pope.

In the year following the birth of the Lord 1536, indictione nona, 2) on the Holy Sunday of Pentecost, the fourth day of the month of June, of the Pabstacy of the Most Holy Father in Christ, and of our Lord Paul, by divine providence of the Third, in the other year,

I, John Doliatoris, the court messenger of our most holy father, the pope, have read the papal letters, proclamation, call, command, writ, order, command, summons, exhortation, request, will and decision of the common council, which is to be held in Mantua, according to the same letters, in the church of St. John Lateranensis and in the cathedral of St. Peter in the city of Rome. John Lateranensis, and in the Cathedral of St. Peter in the city of Rome, while masses and other divine offices were being held there, and a large crowd of people were present, read word for word in a loud, audible voice before all the people who were present, as was proper.

Likewise I, John, and next to me Peter Serrano and Peter Gomez, also the court messengers of our most Holy Father the Pope, have posted the above-mentioned papal letters, after they have been publicly read and proclaimed, at the above-mentioned church gate, and thus left them posted for an hour and longer at every church gate, and also let the same copy, against its originals (as is customary), stand there.

On the same day, the above-mentioned, I Johannes Doliatoris, court messenger, and Peter Gomez, after having publicly read and proclaimed the same papal letters, posted them on the gates or doors of the papal registry, and on the front of the campoflor at the time of vespers, and also left them pinned in any place for an hour or more, which copy, as above, is collated with the original (as is usual).

So it is.

John Doliatoris. 1 > > Peter Serrano. > Court messenger. > > Peter Gomez. ) > > Thomas Roger, chief court messenger.

1225 Pope Paul III's bull on the reformation of the city and court of Rome, which he ordered a committee of cardinals and bishops to issue. Sept. 23, 1536.

See No. 1224.

Germanized.

  1. In the Wittenberg incorrect: "noua".

1914 Cap. 15: Negotiations for a concilii. W. xvi, 2322-2325. 1915

Paul, bishop, a servant of the servants of God, for future remembrance.

The most high God therefore let his only begotten Son take on our flesh, also united divine and human nature in one person, so that in virtue of such unspeakable union not only the fall of Ade would be restored, but that also his holy church would be promoted by it, and that the same limbs would be connected among themselves by a very firm bond of love, and so that the Christian people might attain peace in unity, salvation in the power of the spirit, and eternal glory in a firm bond of love. Therefore we (to whom the merciful, though unworthy, in his stead on earth, out of mild kindness, commanded the care and government of his church) have wished to execute such a command usefully and blessedly, and to help that this church, which is one body of Christ, may duly serve its head, our Beatificator; as we then desire that it may be sanctified and cleansed from all stain.

(2) Therefore, because of grave concerns, moving causes of great importance, concerning the present state of the Church and the Apostolic See at Rome, and the complete eradication of the poisonous, pestilential Lutheran heresy, and other heresies, we have resolved to proclaim and hold a Concilium. And for this cause we have sent our own stately embassy to the Christian kings, princes and potentates.

  1. But since such a grave matter cannot soon be brought to an end, in the meantime, while we are engaged in this business, we have also undertaken to reform the holy city of Rome (which is the head and chief of all Christendom, from which all other Christians are to learn good manners and godly good behavior), and to sweep the court of Rome, and its officers, from all abuses, vices, and evil, shameful habits; So that when we have cleansed our own house, we may the more easily sweep the others, and order and arrange all that is therein for the honor and praise of them.

(4) But since human nature is frail and imperfect, so that we ourselves cannot manage this important matter, and at the same time other matters and business in the city and court of Rome, we have appointed some of our brothers, Cardinals, whom the Most High God has ordained to help us in our care and office, to carry out such necessary tasks.

and salutary works and burdens beside us. For this reason, we have called the venerable, our dear brother John, Bishop of Ostia, Sene, and our beloved sons, Antonium, Priest-Cardinal of St. Mary, on the other side of the Tiber, de St. Severino, and Hieronymum, Priest-Cardinal of St. Balbinä, de Ghinutiis, and Jacobum, Priest-Cardinal of St. Cyriaci in Thermis Simonetam, also Paulum, DiaconCardinal St. Eustachii (all these are Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church), and to whom the worthy, our dear brothers, Christophorum Cassaneum, Nicolaum Nuivosicum, and Petrum Aquensem, all three Bishops, residing in the Court of Rome, ordered and set as Reformers of the City and Court of Rome by our apostolic power and command, order and set the same in virtue of this Bull. We also hereby give the above-named and the greater part of the same free, full authority and power to reform, change and improve all things and everything in particular that they find necessary in the reported court of Rome, both in spiritual and secular matters, and to order, provide and decree everything that will be useful, necessary and convenient for this office and matters. They also hereby give them further power and authority, in everything that they will order or reform, to punish the objectors by banishment and excommunication, latae sententiae, by stunting, withholding of the annual pensions and interest, by depriving and disposing of their ecclesiastical offices and fiefdoms, or other penalties and punishments, and to keep those who resist in obedience by all other penalties, penalties and ways of the law, and to call upon secular help and brachium seculare over the same, if necessary.

  1. and hereby command all and any persons, especially those who abstain in Rome, whatever their dignity, rank, degree, order or being, ecclesiastical or secular, to be obedient and obedient to the reported Reformatoribus in all and any matters, especially those which they will create and command in such reformation, with the above-mentioned serious, ecclesiastical ban and secular punishments (as the Reformatores will make such punishments). And hereby command the common Auditori Curiae, Camerä apostolicä, and also the Gubernator of the city of Rome, and the Vicario in Spiritualibus, as such will be our officials at any time, that they assist the reported reformers to order, to execute and to carry out the aforementioned command, if they are required.

[1916]{.underline} Erl. (2.) 2ö, 1SS ff. Section 2 Schmalkaldic Articles. No. 1225 f. W. XVI, 2325 s. 1917

with all favor and encouragement, and shall do due sleeve.

  1. And we do not wish to prevent any privilege, liberty, apostolic worship, such as that reported by the Court of Rome to officials, their colleges or offices in their appointment or direction, or any other persons, whatever their dignity, rank or nature may be or be, by us or by the reported See of Rome, in general or in particular, as to form or substance, with the expression of certain special decrees or clauses, which have been or may be made, and whether they have been confirmed or negated once, twice or several times. For all of these in measure, as if we had expressed their entire content and tenor word for word and clearly here, we hereby wish, as far as the above-mentioned reformation is concerned, to have them expressed and expressis, and to have repealed and revoked them everywhere, as far as this matter is concerned, so that no one can or may protect himself with them, or with anything contrary to this bull.
  2. and all men are hereby forbidden to violate this bull of our statute, order, appointment, commandment, creation, serious prohibition, our will and the above-mentioned abrogation of privileges, or to oppose the same by defiant audacity or outrage. But if anyone should dare to do so, let him know that he will fall into the disfavor of Almighty God and of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul. Given in Rome at St. Marcus, Anno of the Nativity of Christ 1536, on the 23rd day of the month of September, in the first year of our Papacy.

B. Motta.

The above-mentioned Bulla of the Reformation is written and publicly posted at Rome, in Cancellaria apostolica, on Friday, the 27th day of August, in the year and under the Papacy, as reported above.

Fe Gesis, Electus Tudertinensis custos.

Schmalkaldic articles

or "Articles of Christian Doctrine Which Should Have Been Delivered to the Concilium at Mantua, or Where Else It Would Have Been," by D. Martin Luther in 1537.

After Pope Paul III had announced a concilium to Mantua (No. 1224), the Elector John Frederick ordered in a letter of 11 December 1536

(this letter is in Burkhardt, Luthers Briefwechsel, p. 271) Luthern to draw up articles of doctrine and to indicate in which articles one would like to yield and give way for the sake of peace or not. By January 25, 1537, at the latest, "such a list and concerns" were to reach the Elector (Burkhardt, 1. e. p. 272). Luther wrote these articles still in the year 1536 inz December, submitted them, as the Elector had wished, on December 28 and the following days (De Wette, vol. V, p. 45) to Amsdorf, Agricola, Spalatin, and the other Wittenberg theologians, Jonas, Cruciger, Bugenhagen, and Melanchthon (Spalatin's Annals, p. 307), for review, and sent them, signed by himself and the aforementioned theologians, to the Elector through Spalatin on January 3, 1537. Melanchthon had signed with an addendum in which he expresses himself about the authority to be granted to the pope. In a letter to Luther dated January 7, 1537 (Kolde, Vunlsota, p. 287), the Elector expressed his displeasure with this addition. The Jena edition (1568), Vol. VI, p. 522, however, sharply castigates Melanchthon's later behavior on the basis of this addition in a note; not the addition itself. In the Wittenberg edition, the signatures are missing, thus also this addition. At the convention of the Protestant estates assembled in Schmalkalden in February 1537, the articles were approved and signed by them. However, the signing was not done as a solemn act of the convention, but in a free manner; the other theologians also did not sign on the same day or in the same place.

The original manuscript by the hand of Luther is in the Heidelberg University Library Oock. Untat. Osrm. 423 and was published by Marheineke in 1817. In front of it is not the preface, which Luther later prepared for printing, but only a preface consisting of six short lines. The articles were printed only in the year 1538. The editing was done by Luther himself, and in the process there were various changes by additions and omissions, which, however, do not alter the sense (J. T. Müller, die symbolischen Bücher, p. HXXVII). The first edition has the title: "Artickel, so da hetten sollen auffs Concilion zu Mantua, oder wo es würde sein, überantwortet werden, von vnsers teils wegen. And what we accept or give announced or not 2c. D. Mart. Luth. Wittemberg. N.V.XXXVIII." At the end: "Printed at Wittemberg by Hans Lufft. M.D.XXXVIII." Eight quarto sheets. In the same year two other editions in quarto followed, then in the years 1543 and 1545 two octavo editions, which Luther himself arranged. Among many other editions, which were published in Wittenberg in 1550 by Peter Seiz the Younger, in Jena in 1555 by Christian Rvdinger, in 1557 by Thomas Rebart in Jena, in 1559 by Christian Rödinger's heirs, and by the Wittenberg theologians in 1575 and 1576, we mention only one, which originated from Spalatin's copy, which is in the archives in Weimar, was available at the convention in Schmalkalden and was signed there: "Articles of the Evangelical Lere, so da hetten sollen auffs Concilium überantwortet werden 2c. Now everything from Vrsachen in the preface reported, from Fürstl. Order at Weymar by the court preachers there. ÄVIUII." Quarto. This edition was included in the German Concordienbuch in 1580. The name Schmalkaldic Articles was not attached to them until 1553 in this edition (see J. T. Müller I. e. S. I,XXXVIII).

1918 Erl. (2.) 25,168 f. Cap. 15: Negotiations for a Concilii. W. XVI, 2326 f. 1919

during the disputes between the Weimar and the Wittenberg theologians, and has remained ever since. Wherever the Schmalkaldic Articles are mentioned before this time, they are not to be understood as referring to these, but to those of the conventions held at Schmalkalden (1529, 1531 and 1540).

The Schmalkaldic Articles were translated into Latin by a Dane studying in Wittenberg, M. Petrus Generanus, and, with a preface by Veit Amerbach, were printed in 1541 by Joseph Clug in Wittenberg. Probably because of Amerbach's preface, who later defected to the Papists and became professor of philosophy in Ingolstadt (De Wette, Vol. V, p. 629), not this good translation was included in the Concordienbuch, but a much worse one, which is attributed to Selnecker, but is most likely taken from an Allsgabe, which appeared in 1579 at Wittenberg, since Selnecker's text of 1580 reproduces the same conspicuous error 1) that is found in this edition. By the way, Selnecker himself organized a German-Latin edition in 1582, in which the original Latin text of the appendix is given, which was then included in the Concordienbuch. The Generanus edition appeared again in Wittenberg in 1542, but without Amerbach's preface. Another edition also appeared without Luther's name, as can be seen from the Postremus Catalogus haereticor. Romae conflatus 1559 cum Annotati. Vergerii. Pforzheim. 1560. where it is listed among the

Books incerti nominis is cited.

Two counter-pamphlets against the Schmalkaldic Articles were published, one by Cochläus, whose name is not mentioned on the title but in the preface, at Leipzig by Nicolaus Wolrab; the other by Georg Wicel, also at Leipzig, in 1538.

In the collective editions, our writing is found: in the Wittenberg (1553), vol. IV, p. 416; in the Jena (1568), vol. VI, p. 509; in the Altenburg, vol. VI, p. 1227; in the Leipzig, vol. XXI, p. 205; in the Erlanger (I.), vol. 25, p. 109, and in the second edition, vol. 25, p. 163. We give the text according to J. T. Müller, "die symbolischen Bücher," p. 295.

Preface to the original manuscript.

The articles

His satis est doctrinae pro vita ecclesiae^2^ ) Ceterum in politia et > oeconomia satis est legum, quibus vexamur. > > ut non sit opus, praeter has molestias fingere alias ; quas novimus > sufficiunt, et sit malitiae finis....

[Herewith is enough of the teaching for the life in the church. By the way, in the

  1. One can hardly say: misprint, since "the highest and last court is translated by ultiruum ksraulum (court at dinner) instead of sliäioium (decision, judgment).
  2. The manuscript in its present state must be very illegible. Marheineke has in this short preface, moreover, that he has omitted this word,

There are enough laws in the worldly government and in the household with which we are plagued, so that it is not necessary to invent others besides these complaints. There is enough of those we know, and there is an end to wickedness.

Preface by D. Mart. Luther.

  1. Since the pope Paul, of the name of the third, announced a concilium last year, to be held at Mantua on Pentecost, and afterwards moved away from Mantua, that it is not yet known where he will or can put it, and we should provide ourselves on our part, that we would either also be called to the Concilio, or be condemned without being called, I was ordered to put up articles of our doctrine, and to bring them together, whether it would come to action, what and how far we wanted to or could give way to the papists, and on which we finally intended to insist and remain.

Accordingly, I have brought these articles together and delivered them to our part. They have also been accepted by us, and unanimously confessed, and it has been decided that they should be publicly delivered (if the pope with his own should one day be so bold as to hold a fairly free concilium without lies and deceit, as he would be well obliged to do), and that we should present our confession of faith.

(3) But because the Roman court is so frightened of a free Christian council, and the light shines so shamefully, that it has also taken away the hope of those who are of its part, as if it would never suffer a free Christian council, much less hold it itself, so that they are almost angry about it, and have no small complaint about it, when they realize that the pope would rather lose the whole of Christendom and have all the souls of the people lost.

no less than seven question marks with which he doubts his solution. E. Hermann, who has discussed this preface in detail in the Zeitschrift für Kirchenrecht von Dove und Friedberg, vol. 17, 1882, pp. 231-242, remarks here: "Only traces of a strongly abbreviated word, which must have been sooltzsius", and furthermore brings to his solution, which we reproduce here according to the Erlangen edition, several "perhaps".

3i This little preface contains exactly the same thoughts that are expressed in the last two paragraphs of Luther's following preface.

1920 Erl. (L.) 25,169-171. sec. 2 Schmalkaldic articles. No. 1226 W. XVI,2327-2329. 1921

before he wants to reform himself or his own a little, and have a measure set for his tyranny: Nevertheless, I want to publish these articles by public pressure, if I should die before, because a concilium would (as I fully expect and hope), because the light-avoiding and day-shunning scoundrels have such a miserable trouble, and prevent the concilium, so that those who live and remain after me may have my testimony and confession to present, over and above the confession that I have previously made, on which I have remained until now, and will remain, with God's grace.

4 For what shall I say? How shall I complain? I am still alive, writing, preaching, and reading daily, yet such poisonous people are found, not only among the adversaries, but also false brothers, who want to be of our part, who dare to lead my writing and teaching straight against me; let me watch and listen, whether they know that I teach differently, and want to decorate their poison with my work, and seduce the poor people under my name; what will become more and more after my death?

Yes, I should justly answer for everything, because I am still alive. Yes, again, how can I alone shut all the devil's mouths? Especially to those (as they are all poisoned) who do not want to hear or notice what we write, but only practice with all diligence how they may most shamefully pervert and corrupt our words in all letters. To such I let the devil answer, or finally God's wrath, as they deserve.

(6) I often think of the good Gerson who doubts whether one should write something good in public. If one does not, then many souls are missed that one could save; but if one does, then the devil is there with countless poisonous, evil mouths, which poison and pervert everything, so that the fruit is prevented. But what they gain from it is seen in the day. For since they lied so shamefully against us, and wanted to keep the people with lies, God has continued his work, making their pile smaller and ours larger, and disgracing them with their lies, and still continues to do so.

I have to tell a story. Here in Wittenberg a doctor was sent from France, who said publicly before us that his king was sure and certain that there was no church, no authority, no marital status among us, but that everything went among themselves like cattle, and everyone did as he pleased. Now counselor, how will they look upon us in that day before the judgment seat of Christ, who have imagined such gross lies to the king and other countries by their writing to be vain truth? Christ, the Lord and Judge of us all, knows very well that they have lied and lied, and that they will have to hear the verdict again; I know this for certain. God will convert those who are to be converted to repentance! To the others it will be said: Woe and ache forever.

8 And to return to the matter at hand, I would indeed like to see a truly Christian concilium, so that many things and people would be helped. Not that we need it, for our churches are now, by God's grace, so enlightened and equipped with the pure word and right use of the sacraments, with the knowledge of all kinds of conditions and right works, that we do not ask for a concilium here, and in such matters know neither to hope nor to expect anything better from the concilium; but there we see in the bishoprics everywhere many parishes empty and desolate, that one's heart would break. And yet neither bishops nor canons ask how the poor people live or die, for whom Christ died, and they should not hear him speak to them as the right shepherd to his sheep, so that I am afraid and afraid that one day he would let an angelic council go over Germany, which would ruin us all like Sodom and Gomorrah, because we mock it so unjustly with the council.

(9) About such necessary church matters, countless great things would also have to be corrected in the secular state. There is disunity among princes and estates, usury and avarice have been torn down like a flood of sin, and vain law has become, wantonness, fornication, arrogance with clothes, eating, playing, flaunting, with all kinds of vice and wickedness, disobedience of the subjects, servants and workers, of all trades, even of the peasants.

1922 Erl. (L.) 2S, 171-174. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2329-2332. 1923

have so outgrown it that ten conciliis and twenty imperial congresses will not be enough. If one were to deal with such main matters of the spiritual and secular state, which are against God, in the Concilio, one would probably get one's hands full, so that in the meantime one would probably forget the children's game and folly of long skirts, large plates, wide belts, bishops' and cardinals' hats or staffs and such jugglery. If we had first obeyed God's command and order in the spiritual and secular realms, we would find time enough to reform the food, clothing, plates and casel. But if we want to devour such cameos, and for that we want to cow gnats, leave the beams standing, and straighten the splinters, then we would probably also be satisfied with the Concilio.

(10) For this reason, I have set forth few articles, for without this we have so much command from God to do in the church, in the authorities, in the home, that we can never carry them out. What is the point, or what is the use, of making many decrees and statutes about this in the Council, especially if we do not respect or keep these main things commanded by God? It is as if he had to celebrate our jiggery-pokery for trampling underfoot his serious commandments. But our sins weigh us down, and do not allow God to have mercy on us; for we do not atone, nor do we want to defend all abominations.

Oh dear Lord JEsu Christe, you yourself hold Concilium, and redeem your own by your glorious future! It is lost with the pope and his own. They do not want you. Help us, poor and miserable, who sigh to you and seek you earnestly, according to the grace you have given us, through your Holy Spirit, who lives and reigns with you and the Father, eternally praised, amen.

The first part

is from the heights articles of divine majesty, as:

  1. that Father, Son and Holy Spirit, in One divine essence and nature, are three distinct persons, one God, who created heaven and earth.

II. that the Father is born of no one, the Son of the Father, the Holy Spirit proceeding from the Father and the Son.

III. that not the Father, nor the Holy Spirit, but the Son became man.

IV. That the Son was thus made man, that he was conceived by the Holy Spirit without male intervention, and that he was born of the pure holy virgin Mary. He then suffered, died, was buried, went to hell, rose from the dead, ascended to heaven, and sits at the right hand of God, henceforth to judge the living and the dead, 2c. as the Apostle, item. St. Athanasii Symbolum, and the common children's catechism teaches.

These articles are in no dispute nor controversy, because we confess the same to both parts. Therefore, it is not necessary to deal with them further now.

The other part

is of the articles concerning the ministry and work of Jesus Christ or our salvation.

Here is the first and main article:

  1. that Jesus Christ, our God and Lord, "died for our sins and rose again for our righteousness", Rom. 4, 25. and "he alone is the Lamb of God who bears the sin of the world", Joh. 1, 29. and "God has laid all our sins on him", Isa. 53, 6. item: "They are all sinners, and are justified without merit by his grace, through the redemption of Jesus Christ in his blood" 2c. Rom. 3, 23. 24.

002 Forasmuch then as these things must be believed, and otherwise by no works, law, or merit, can they be attained or obtained, it is clear and certain that such faith alone justifies us. As Rom. 3:28, St. Paul says, "We hold that a man is justified without works of the law, through faith." Item, v. 26: "That he alone may be justified, and justify him that is of faith in Jesus.

  1. from this article nothing can depart or yield, let heaven and earth fall, or what will not remain. "For there is none other name given among men, whereby we may be saved," says Peter.

1924 Erl. (2.) 25, 174-176. sec. 2. Schmalkaldic articles. No. 1226**, W. XVI, 2332-23:5.** 1925

Apost. 4:12, "and by his wounds we are healed," Isa. 53:5, and on this article stands everything that we teach and live against the pope, the devil and the world. Therefore we must be absolutely certain of this and not doubt, otherwise all is lost, and the pope and the devil and everything against us will have the victory and the right.

The other article. From the fair.

  1. that the mass in the papacy must be the greatest and most horrible abomination, as it strives straightforwardly and violently against the main article, and yet has been the highest and most beautiful above and before all other papal idolatries. For it is held that such a sacrifice or work of the Mass (even done by a bad boy) helps man from sins, both here in life and there in purgatory; which alone the Lamb of God should and must do, as said above. This article is also not to be deviated from or abated; for the first article does not suffer it.

5 And if there were reasonable papists, one would want to talk to them in such a friendly way, first of all: why do they hold so hard to the mass? After all, it is a mere human folly, not commanded by God. And we may drop all human fools, as Christ says Matth. 15, 9: "They serve me in vain with the commandments of men.

6 Secondly, it is an unnecessary thing, which one can well leave without sin and driving.

Third, the sacrament can be obtained much better and more blessedly (indeed, only blessedly) after Christ's institution. What is the point of forcing the world into misery and distress for the sake of a fictitious, unnecessary thing, when it can otherwise be had well and more blessedly?

(8) Let it be preached publicly to the people how the mass may remain without sin as a human practice, and no one be damned who does not respect it, but may well be saved without the mass by a better way. What does it matter if the mass then will not fall from itself? not only among the mad mob, but also among all pious, Christian, reasonable, God-fearing hearts. Much more, when they would hear that it is a dangerous thing, invented and contrived without God's word and will.

(9) Fourthly, because such innumerable, unspeakable abuses have arisen all over the world with the buying and selling of fairs, it should be left alone to prevent such abuses, even if it had something useful and good in itself. How much more should it be allowed to prevent such abuses forever, because it is quite unnecessary, useless and dangerous, and everything can be more necessary, useful and certain without the fair.

(10) Fifthly, since the mass is nothing else, nor can it be anything else (as the Canon and all the books say), but a work of men (also of bad boys), so that one may reconcile himself, and others with himself, against God, acquire and earn forgiveness of sins and grace (for this is how it is held, if it is held in the very best way; what else should it be?), then it should and must be condemned and rejected. For this is directly contrary to the main article, which says: that not a wicked or pious minister with his work, but the Lamb of God and Son of God bears our sin.

(11) And if someone wants to pretend for the sake of appearances that he wants to report or communicate himself for devotion, he is not serious. For if he wants to communicate seriously, he certainly has done so, and in the best way in the sacrament, after the institution of Christ. But to communicate himself is a human conceit, uncertain and unnecessary, and forbidden. And he does not know what he is doing, because without God's word he follows false human pride and ignorance. So it is also not right (if everything else were bad) for someone to use the common sacrament of the church according to his own devotion, and to play communion with it to his liking, without God's word, outside the church.

12 This article of the Mass will be entirely in the Concilio. For if it were possible for them to yield to all the other articles, they cannot yield to this article. As Campegius said at Augsburg: he would let himself be torn to pieces before he would let the mass go. So too, with God's help, I will let myself be reduced to ashes before I let a sacristan with his work, be it good or evil, be like my Lord and Savior JEsu Christo or.

1926 Erl. (S.) 25, 176-179. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2335-2338. 1927

be higher. Thus we are and remain eternally divided and opposed to one another. They know well that where the mass falls, there lies the papacy. Before they let this happen, they kill us all where they can.

Above all, this dragon's tail, the fair, has spawned much vermin and filth of many an idolatry.

14 First of all, purgatory. With masses, vigils, the seventh, the thirtieth, and annual celebrations, and finally with the common week and the day and bath of all souls in purgatory, the mass is used almost exclusively for the dead, while Christ instituted the sacrament exclusively for the living. For this reason, purgatory, with all its splendor, worship, and trade, is to be regarded as a mere devil's ghost. For it is also contrary to the main article that Christ alone, and not the work of men, should help souls. Without this, nothing else is commanded or ordered by the dead. For this reason, it may well be left alone, if it were neither error nor idolatry.

(15) The papists here cite Augustine and some of the fathers who are said to have written about purgatory, and think that we do not see to what and to what end they are leading such sayings. St. Augustine does not write that there is a purgatory, nor does he have a scripture that forces him to do so, but leaves it in doubt whether there is one, and says: his mother desired that she be remembered at the altar or sacrament. Well, all this is nothing but the devotion of individuals who do not establish any articles of faith (which belong to God alone).

But our papists lead such a human word to believe that one should sacrifice to their shameful, blasphemous, cursed fair of masses of souls in purgatory 2c. They will not prove this for a long time from St. Augustine. When they have finished the feast of masses, of which St. Augustine never dreamed, then let us talk with them whether St. Augustine's word without Scripture may be tolerated, and the dead remembered in the Sacrament. It is not valid to make articles of faith out of the holy fathers' work or word.

otherwise it would also have to become an article of faith, what they had for food, clothes, houses, 2c. as one has done with the sanctuary. It is said that God's Word is to be an article of faith, and no one else, not even an angel.

17 Secondly, it follows from the fact that the evil spirits have caused much evil, that they have appeared as human souls, and have faked masses, vigils, pilgrimages and other alms, with unspeakable lies and mischiefs. Which we have all taken for articles of faith and must live by them, and the pope confirms this, as well as the mass and all other abominations. There is also no yielding or slackening here.

Thirdly, pilgrimages, where masses, forgiveness of sins and God's grace were also sought. For the mass ruled it all. Now it is certain that without God's word such pilgrimages are not commanded, nor are they necessary, because we may well be better off, and leave them without all sin and driving. Why do we leave at home our own parish, God's word, wife and child 2c., which are necessary and commanded, and run after the unnecessary, uncertain, harmful cirrus of the devil, without the devil having ridden the pope to praise and confirm such things, so that people often fall from Christ to their own works and become idolatrous, which is the worst thing about it, over and above that it is unnecessary, unbidden, inadvisable and uncertain, as well as harmful; therefore there is also no yielding or giving in here. 2c. And let it be preached that it is unnecessary and dangerous, and then see where pilgrimages remain.

  1. Fourthly, the brotherhoods in which the monasteries, convents, and also vicars have committed themselves and shared (rightly and honestly) all masses, good works, and so on, both for the living and the dead, which is not only vain human action, without God's word, quite unnecessary and unbidden, but also contrary to the first article of salvation, and therefore not to be suffered at all.
  1. fifth, the sanctuary, in which many a public lie and fool's work is invented, of dog's and horse's bones, which also, for the sake of such superstition, the devil has made up.

1928 Erl. (L.) 25,179-181. sec. 2. Schmalkaldic articles. No. 1226**, W. XVI, 2338-2340.** 1929

The fact that the mass has been laughed at should have been condemned long ago, even if there were something good about it, and without God's word, neither commanded nor advised, it is quite unnecessary and useless. But the most important thing that it also has to work indulgence and forgiveness of sins, as a good work and service, as the mass 2c.

(21) The sixth: Here belongs the dear indulgence, which is given both to the living and the dead (but for money), and the suffering Judas or Pope sells the merits of Christ, along with the other merits of all the saints and the whole church, in it (2c). All of which is not to be suffered, and not only without God's word, without need, unbidden, but contrary to the first article. For Christ's merit is not obtained by our work or penny, but by grace through faith, without all money and merit, not by Pabst's power, but by the preaching or God's word.

From invocation of the saints.

(22) The invocation of the saints is also one of the abuses of the end-Christianity, and is contrary to the first main article, and blots out the knowledge of Christ. It is not commanded or advised, nor is it exemplified in Scripture, and all things would be a thousand times better in Christ if they were equally good, but they are not.

23 And although the angels in heaven pray for us (as Christ himself does), so also the saints on earth, or perhaps in heaven, it does not follow that we should call upon the angels and saints, worship them, fast for them, celebrate for them. It does not follow from this that we should call on the angels and saints, worship them, fast, celebrate mass, offer sacrifices, establish churches, altars, worship, and serve them in other ways, and consider them helpers in need, and divide all kinds of help among them, and assign to each one a special one, as the papists teach and do, for this is idolatry; and such honor belongs to God alone. For you can pray for me as a Christian and saint on earth, not in one need, but in all needs. But for this reason I should not worship you, call upon you, celebrate, fast, sacrifice, say mass in your honor, and put my faith in you for bliss. Otherwise I can honor, love and thank you in Christ. Now when such idolatrous honor is taken away by the angels and dead saints,

the other honor will be without harm, even soon forgotten. For where there is no longer any hope of benefit and help, both bodily and spiritual, the saints will leave them in peace, both in the grave and in heaven; for in vain, or out of love, no one will much remember, respect or honor them.

24 And in sum, what the mass is, what has come from it, what is attached to it, we cannot suffer and must condemn, so that we may keep the holy sacrament pure and certain, according to the institution of Christ, used and received by faith.

The third article. Of foundations and monasteries.

(25) That the monasteries and convents, founded in good opinion in the past, should again be ordered to educate learned men and disciplined women in such a way that they may have pastors, preachers and other church servants, as well as other necessary persons for secular government in cities and countries, and also well-bred virgins for house mothers and housekeepers (2c).

If they do not want to serve this purpose, it is better to let them lie desolate or to tear them down, than that they, with their blasphemous worship, invented by men, should be held as something better than the common Christian state and offices and orders established by God. For all this is also against the first main article of the redemption of Jesus Christ. Furthermore, that they (like all other little human beings) are not commanded, not necessary, not useful, and make dangerous and futile effort, as the prophets call such services Aven, that is, effort.

The fourth article. From the Pabstthum.

  1. That the pope is not jure divino, or from God's word, the head of all Christendom (for this belongs to One alone, who is called Jesus Christ), but only bishop or pastor of the churches at Rome, and of those who have willingly, or by human creature (that is, secular authority), come to him, not to be Christians under him as a lord, but next to him as brothers and companions, as the old Concilia and the time of St. Cyprian also indicate.
  1. but now no bishop is allowed to

1930 Erl. (S.) 25,181-183. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2340-2343. 1931

We do not want to call him brother, as at that time, but must call him his most gracious lord, even if it were a king or emperor. We do not want to, should not and cannot take this on our conscience; but whoever wants to do it, let him do it without us.

From this it follows that all that the pope has done and has undertaken out of such false, sacrilegious, blasphemous, usurped power, has been and still is vain devilish history and business (without what concerns the bodily government, in which God may well do much good to a people through a tyrant and a knave), to corrupt the whole holy Christian church (as much as was in it), and to disturb the first main article of the redemption of Jesus Christ.

(30) For there are all his bulls and books in which he roars like a lion (as the angel Revelation 12:1), that no Christian can be saved, except he be obedient to him and subject to him in all things, what he wills, what he says, what he does. All of which is no different than saying, "Even if you believe in Christ and have everything in him that is necessary for salvation, it is still nothing and everything in vain if you do not consider me your God and are subject and obedient to me. Since it is evident that the holy church has been without a pope for at least five hundred years, and to this day the Greek and many other language churches have never been under the pope and still are not. So it is, as often said, a human poem, which is not commanded, without need and in vain; for the holy Christian church can well remain without such a head, and would probably have remained better, if such a head had not been raised up by the devil. Nor is the papacy of any use in the church, for it exercises no Christian office, and so the church must remain and exist without the pope.

(31) And I suppose that the pope would not want to be supreme jure divino or by God's commandment, but in order that the unity of the Christians against the herds and heresy would be the more strongly preserved, one head would have to be given, to which the others would all adhere. Such a head would now be chosen by men, and it would be up to human choice and power to change the same head, to deprive it of its authority, and to make it a head.

The pope and the see of Rome would like to accept such a thing, which is impossible, because he would have to reverse his entire rule and destroy it. I now suppose that the pope and the see of Rome would accept such a thing, which is impossible; for he would have to reverse and destroy his entire rule and position, with all its rights and books; in sum, he cannot do it. For since one would not have to be subject to such a head by God's command, but out of human good will, it would be despised very easily and soon, and in the end it would not keep any member, nor would it always have to be in Rome or some other place, but where and in which church God would have given such a man who would be capable of it. Oh, that would become a vast, desolate being!

  1. therefore the church can never be governed and preserved more than that we all live under one head, Christ, and that the bishops, all equal in office (though unequal in gifts), diligently hold together in united doctrine, faith, sacraments, prayers, and works of charity. 2c, as St. Jerome writes that the priests of Alexandria governed the Church collectively and in common, as did the apostles, and afterward all the bishops in all Christendom, until the pope raised his head above them all.

This piece shows tremendously that he is the true end-Christ or anti-Christ, who has set himself above and against Christ and has exalted himself, because he does not want to let the Christians be blessed without his power, which is nothing, not ordered or commanded by God. This actually means, "to set oneself above God and against God"; as St. Paul says 2 Thess. 2, 4. Nevertheless, neither the Turk nor the fool do this, as they are great enemies of the Christians, but let whoever wants to believe in Christ, and take bodily interest and obedience from the Christians.

34 But the pope will not let us believe, but says: one should be obedient to him, so one will be saved. We do not want to do that, or die over it, in God's name. This all comes from the fact that he should have been called jure divino the supreme over the Christian faith.

1932 Erl. (L.) L5,183-186. sec. 2. Schmalkaldic articles. No. 1226**, W. XVI, 2343-2346.** 1933

Church. Therefore he had to make himself equal to Christ and above Christ, to make himself the head, then the lord of the churches, and finally also of the whole world, and badly to boast of an earthly God, until he also supported the angels in the kingdom of heaven. And if one distinguishes Pabst's doctrine from the holy Scriptures, or contrasts it and holds it up against them, it is found that Pabst's doctrine, where it is best of all, is taken from imperial, pagan law, and teaches worldly dealings and courts, as his Decretales testify; after that it teaches ceremonies of churches, clothes, food, persons, and children's play, larvae, and foolery without measure, but in all this nothing at all of Christ, faith, and God's commandments.

(35) Finally, the devil is nothing but a vain devil, since he practices his lies of masses, purgatory, monasticism, his own works and worship (which is true pontificalism), above and against God; he condemns, kills and torments all Christians who do not exalt and honor his abomination above all else. Therefore, as little as we can worship the devil himself for a Lord and God, so little can we suffer his apostle, the pope or end-Christ, to be head or lord in his regiment. For to lie and murder, to destroy body and soul forever, that is actually his papal rule, as I have proven in many books.

36 They will have to condemn these four articles sufficiently in the Concilio. For they cannot nor will not leave the slightest limb of the articles to us, of this we must be sure and ponder, hoping that Christ our Lord has attacked his adversary, and will press on, both with his spirit and future, amen.

For in the Concilio we shall not stand before the emperor or the secular authorities (as at Augsburg), who would have issued a gracious decree and would have let the matters be heard in kindness, but we shall stand before the pope and the devil himself, who does not intend to hear anything, but to condemn, murder, and force to idolatry. Therefore we must not kiss his feet or say: You are my merciful Lord, but, as in Zechariah the angel said to the devil: "Punish yourself, God, Satan. Zech. 3, 2.

The third part of the article.

We may discuss the following pieces or articles with scholars, rational people, or among ourselves; the pope and his kingdom do not pay much attention to them. For conscientia is nothing with them, but money, honor and power are.

I. From the sin.

(1) Here we must confess, as St. Paul says in Romans 5:12, that sin is of Adam, the only man, origin, through which disobedience all men became sinners, subject to death and the devil. This is called original sin, or original sin.

  1. the fruits of such sins are the evil works forbidden in the Ten Commandments, such as unbelief, false faith, idolatry, being without fear of God, presumption, despair, blindness, and in sum, not knowing or respecting God. After that, lying, swearing by God's name, not praying, not calling, not respecting God's word, disobeying parents, murdering, unchastity, stealing, deceiving 2c.
  1. Such original sin is such a deep evil corruption of nature that no reason knows it, but must be believed from the Scripture revelation, Ps. 51, 7. Rom. 5, 18. 2 Mos. 33. 1 Mos. 3, 6. Therefore the vain error and blindness against this article, which the school theologians have taught, namely:
  1. that after the inheritance Ada of man's natural powers remained whole and uncorrupted, and man had by nature a right reason and good will, as the philosophers teach such.

Item 5: That man has a free will to do good and not to do evil, and again to do good and not to do evil.

Item 6: That man by his natural powers may do and keep all the commandments of God.

Item 7: Let him by natural powers love God above all things and his neighbor as himself.

Item 8: If a man does as much as is in him, God will surely give him His grace.

  1. item, if he wants to go to the sacrament, it is not necessary to have a good intention to do good, but be enough that he does not have an evil intention to do good.

1934 Eri. (2.) 25.18K-I8S. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2346-234Y. 1935

I have no desire to sin; nature is so good, and the sacrament so powerful.

(10) Let it not be founded in Scripture that the Holy Spirit with His grace is necessary for good works.

(11) Such things, and many like them, come from ignorance and lack of understanding, both of sins and of Christ our Savior, true pagan doctrine, which we cannot endure. For if this doctrine should be right, then Christ died in vain, because there is no harm nor sin in man, for which he would have to die, or would have died for the body alone, not for the soul also, because the soul is healthy, and only the body of death.

II. from the law.

(12) Here we hold that the law was given by God, first of all, to control sin with the threat and terror of punishment, and with the promise and offering of grace and good deeds. But all this has turned out badly because of the wickedness that sin has wrought in man. For some have been made worse by it than those who are hostile to the law, because it reproves what they like to do and reproves what they dislike to do. Therefore, when they can escape punishment, they do more against the law than before. These then are the rough, wicked people, who do evil wherever they have place and room.

(13) The others are blind and presumptuous, making believe that they keep and are able to keep the law out of their strength, as is said above of the school theologians; from them come the hypocrites and false saints.

But the most noble office or power of the law is that it reveals original sin, with its fruits and all, and shows man how deeply his nature has fallen and been corrupted without reason, when the law must tell him that he neither has nor respects God, and worships strange gods, which he would not have believed before and without the law. Thus he is frightened, humiliated, despondent, desperate, would like to be helped, and does not know where to start from, becomes hostile to God and grumbles 2c. This is what Rom. 4, 15 means: "The law arouses anger"; and Rom. 5, 13: "Sin is increased by the law."

III Of Repentance.

15 The New Testament retains such an office, and also practices it, as St. Paul does Rom. 1:18, and says: "God's wrath is revealed from heaven against all men. Item, Cap. 3,10: "All the world is guilty before God. And no man is righteous before Him." And Christ Joh. 16,8.: "The Holy Spirit will punish the world for sin."

(16) This is the thunderbolt of God, that he may smite both the manifest sinners and the false saints in one heap, leaving none to be right, driving them all into terror and despair. This is the hammer (as Jeremiah Cap. 23, 29. speaks): "My word is a hammer that shatters the rocks." This is not activa contritio, a made repentance, but passiva contritio, the real heartache, suffering and feeling of death.

17 And this is called beginning right repentance, and man must here hear such a judgment: It is nothing with you all, you are public sinners or saints, you must all become different and do differently, neither you are now and do, you are who, and how great, wise, powerful and holy, as you want. Here no one is pious.

  1. But to this ministry the New Testament quickly adds the comforting promise of grace through the gospel, which is to be believed, as Christ said Marc. 1, 15: "Repent and believe the gospel," that is, become and do otherwise, and believe my promise. And before him John is called a preacher of repentance, but for the forgiveness of sins, that is, he was to punish them all and make them sinners, so that they would know what they were in the sight of God and recognize themselves as lost people, and thus be prepared to receive grace from the Lord, and wait for and accept forgiveness of sins from Him. Therefore Christ himself says Luc. 24, 27, "repentance and forgiveness of sins must be preached in my name in all the world".

(19) But where the law does its work alone, without the help of the gospel, there is death and hell, and man must despair, as Saul and Judas. As St. Paul says, "The law kills through sin."

1936 Erl. (2.) 25,188-191. sec. 2. Schmalkaldic articles. No. 1226**, W. XVI, 2348-2351.** 193 7

Again, the Gospel does not give comfort and forgiveness in one way, but through the Word, Sacrament and the like, as we will hear, so that salvation may abound with God, as the 130th Psalm, v. 7, says, against the great prison of sin.

20 But now we must hold the false repentance of the sophists against the right repentance, that both may be the more truly understood.

Of the false penance of the papists.

(21) It was impossible for them to teach rightly about repentance, because they did not recognize the right sins. For (as said above) they do not think rightly of original sin, but say that the natural powers of man remain whole and uncorrupted, that reason can teach rightly, and the will can do rightly according to it, that God certainly gives His grace when a man does as much as is in him according to his free will.

22 From this it must follow that they alone atoned for the real sins, as evil thoughts (for evil movement, lust, irritation, was not sin), evil words, evil works, which the free will could have let.

23 And to such repentance they put three parts, repentance, confession, satisfaction, with such consolation and promise: if a man repented, confessed, and satisfied himself, he would have earned forgiveness and paid for his sin before God. Thus, in repentance, people were instructed to trust in their own works. Hence the word in the pulpit when the common confession was recited to the people: "Free my life, Lord God, until I atone for my sin and improve my life.

Here there was no thought of Christ and nothing of faith, but one hoped to overcome and erase sin before God with one's own works. We also became priests and monks of the opinion that we wanted to put ourselves against sin.

(25) The repentance was thus done: because no one could consider all his sins (especially those committed during the whole year), they mended the fur thus: if the hidden sins were remembered afterwards, they would also have to repent and confess them (2c). However, they were commanded by God's grace.

26 Moreover, because no one knew how great repentance should be, so that it would be sufficient before God, they gave this comfort: whoever could not have contrition, that is, repentance, should have attrition; which I may call a half repentance, or the beginning of repentance. For they themselves have not understood either, nor do they yet know what it is said, any more than I do. Such attritio was then counted as a condition when one went to confession.

027 And if it came to pass, that any man said he could not repent nor be sorry for his sin, as if it had been done in harlotry or revengefulness, 2c. they asked whether he did not wish, or desire, that he might repent? Did he then say: Yes (for who would say no here, except the devil himself?), then they accepted it for repentance, and forgave him his sin on such his good work. Here they used St. Bernard as an example 2c.

(28) Here we see how blind reason gropes in the things of God, and seeks comfort in its own works, according to its own conceit, and cannot think of Christ or faith. If one looks at it in the light, such repentance is a made-up thought from one's own strength, without faith, without knowledge of Christ, in which the poor sinner, if he had thought of lust or revenge, would have rather laughed than wept; except those who have either met with the law rightly, or have been plagued by the devil in vain with a sad spirit; otherwise such repentance has certainly been pure hypocrisy, and has not killed the lust of sins. For they had to repent, and would rather have sinned more, if it had been free.

    1. The confession was like this: Every man had to tell all his sins (which is an impossible thing), which was a great torture. Those he had forgotten, however, were forgiven him so far, if they occurred to him, that he still had to confess them. Thus he could never know when he had confessed purely enough, or when confession should come to an end. He was nevertheless pointed to his deeds and thus comforted: the purer he confessed, and the more he was ashamed, and thus disgraced himself before the priest, the sooner and better he would have had enough for the sin, for such humility would certainly earn favor with God.

1938 Erl. (L.) 25,191-193. cap. 15. negotiations for a concilii. W. XVI.23S1-23S4. 1939

(30) Neither was there faith nor Christ, and the power of absolution was not told to him, but to count on sin and to be ashamed was his comfort. But it is not possible to count what torture, evil and idolatry such confessions have caused.

(31) Atonement is still the most common thing. For no man could know how much he should do for one sin, let alone for all. Here they found a counsel, namely, that they set up few penances, which one could well keep, as five Pater noster, one day fasting 2c., with the remaining penance one sent them to purgatory.

32 There was also a lot of misery and distress here. Some thought they would never get out of purgatory, because according to the old canons, seven years of penance is required for a mortal sin. Confidence was still based on our work of atonement. And where the atonement might have been perfect, confidence would have stood on it, and neither faith nor Christ would have been of any use; but it was impossible. If a man had served a hundred years, he would not have known when he had served his penance. That meant always atoning and never coming to repentance.

33 Here the Holy See of Rome came to the aid of the poor church and invented the indulgence; with it he granted and suspended the pardon, first individually, for seven years, then for a hundred years, and divided it among the cardinals and bishops, so that one could give an indulgence for a hundred years, and one for a hundred days. But to cancel the whole pardon, he reserved for him alone.

34 When the money was ready to be paid, and the bull market was good, he thought of a golden year and sent it to Rome, which he called the forgiveness of all pain and guilt. The people ran to him, for everyone would have liked to be free of the heavy, unbreakable burden. This meant finding and raising the treasures of the earth. Quickly the pope hurried on, and made many golden years one after the other. But the more he devoured money, the wider his throat became. Therefore, he sent it out to the countries through legates until all churches and houses were full of golden years. Finally, he also rumbled into purgatory among the dead,

first with masses and vigils, then with indulgences and the golden year, and finally the souls became so cheap that he gave one away for a sword groschen.

(35) All this did not help either. For although the pope taught the people to rely and trust in such indulgences, he himself also made it uncertain. For in his bull he said that whoever wanted to benefit from the indulgence or the golden year should repent and confess, and give money. Now we have heard above that such repentance and confession is uncertain among them, and hypocrisy. Likewise, no one knew which soul was in purgatory, and if there were some in it, no one knew which had truly repented and confessed. So he took the money, and in the meantime put them off to his power and indulgence, and yet again pointed them to their uncertain work.

(36) Now where there were some who were not guilty of such real sins in thought, word and deed, as I and my like in monasteries and convents, monks and priests wanted to be, who resisted evil thoughts with fasting, vigil, prayer, mass, hard clothing and bedding, and wanted to be holy with earnestness and force, and yet the hereditary evil did something in their sleep (as St. Augustine and Jerome also confess with others), which is its nature. Augustine and Jerome confess with others), which is its nature, yet each thought of the other that some were as holy as we taught, who were without sin, full of good works, so that we then communicated and sold our good works to others, as superfluous to us for heaven. This is true, and there are seals, letters and examples.

37 These were not allowed to repent. For what were they going to repent of, because they did not consent to evil thoughts? What did they want to confess, because they avoided words? What did they want to repent of, because they were innocent of the crime? so that they could sell their remaining righteousness to other poor sinners. Such saints were also the Pharisees and scribes at the time of Christ.

38 Here comes the fiery angel, St. John, the right preacher of repentance, and with a thunder he smites them both into one heap, saying, "Repent." Matth. 3,2. That is how they think:

1940 Erl. (L.) 25, 193-195. sec. 2. Schmalkaldic articles. No. 1226**, W. XVI, 23S4-23S6.** 1941

After all, we have atoned. These think: We are not allowed to repent. Says John: Repent, both of you, for you are false penitents, so are these false saints, and may both of you be forgiven of sins, because neither of you yet know what is the right sin; hold your peace that you should repent of it or avoid it. It is not good for either of you to be full of unbelief, ignorance, and ignorance of God and His will: for there is He, from whose fullness we must all receive grace for grace John 3:16, and no man without Him can be righteous before God. Therefore, if you want to repent, repent rightly; your repentance does not do it. And you hypocrites who have no need of repentance, you snake-pullers, who has assured you that you will escape the wrath to come? 2c.

39 St. Paul also preaches Rom. 3, 10-12 and says: "There is no one who understands, no one who is righteous, no one who respects God, no one who does good, not even one, all of them are unfit and apostate. And Apost. 17, 30: "But now God gives all men, in all places, to repent." "To all men" (he says), excepting no one who is a man. This repentance teaches us to recognize sin, namely, that it is lost with all of us, skin and hair not good, and must become bad new and different people.

40 This repentance is not piecemeal and beggarly, like that which expiates real sins, nor is it uncertain, like that. For it does not dispute which is sin or which is not sin, but throws everything into a heap, saying, "It is all sin and all sin with us. What shall we long seek, divide, or distinguish? Therefore even here repentance is not uncertain, for nothing remains for us to think of something good to pay for the sin, but a mere, certain despair of all that we are, think, speak or do 2c.

(41) Likewise, confession cannot be false, uncertain, or piecemeal. For he who confesses that all is sin with him understands all sin, leaves none out, and forgets none. Therefore, the atonement cannot be uncertain, because it is not our uncertain, sinful works, but the suffering and blood of the innocent Lamb of God, who bears the sin of the world.

Of this repentance John preaches, and afterwards Christ in the Gospel, and we also. With this repentance, we push Pabst and everything built on our good works to the ground. For everything is built on a rotten, vain foundation, which is called good works or law, when there is no good work, but only evil work, and no one does the law (as Christ says John 7:19), but transgresses it all. Therefore the building is full of lies and hypocrisy, where it is most holy and most beautiful.

Repentance lasts with Christians until death, because it clashes with the remaining sin in the flesh throughout the whole life, as St. Paul shows in Romans 7:2, that he struggles with the law of his members, not by his own strength, but by the gift of the Holy Spirit, which follows the forgiveness of sins. This same gift daily cleanses and sweeps away the remaining sins, and works to make man truly clean and holy.

  1. pope, theologians, lawyers, no man knows anything about this, but it is a doctrine from heaven, revealed through the gospel, and must be called heresy among the godless saints.

(45) Again, if some of the spirits of the wicked should come, as there may be some already, and at the time of the riot they came before my eyes, who hold that all those who once received the Spirit, or forgiveness of sins, or believed, if they sinned afterward, they nevertheless continued in the faith, and such sin did them no harm, crying out thus, Do what thou wilt, if thou believest, it is all nothing. Faith blots out all sin 2c. Say to this: If anyone sins according to faith and spirit, he has never had the spirit and faith right. I have had many such senseless people before me, and I fear that there are still many such devils in them.

46 Therefore it is necessary to know and teach that when holy people repent and fight daily against the original sin they still have and feel, and fall into public sin, such as David's adultery, murder and blasphemy, then faith and spirit are gone [2 Sam. 11,

1942 Erl. (L.) 25, 195-198. cap. 15. negotiations for a concilii. W. XVI, 2356-2359. 1943

  1. ff.). For the Holy Spirit does not allow sin to rule and gain the upper hand so that it can be accomplished, but controls and prevents it from doing what it wants. But if it does what it wants, the Holy Spirit and faith are not involved. For it is said, as St. John [1 Ep. 3, 9.) says, "He that is born of God sinneth not, neither can he sin." And yet is also the truth (as the same St. John writes), "If we say that we have no sin, we lie, and God's truth is not in us."

IV. From the Gospel.

(47) Let us now return to the gospel, which does not give counsel and help against sin in any way; for God is abundant in His grace, first through the oral word, in which forgiveness of sins is preached in all the world, which is the true ministry of the gospel. Secondly, through baptism. Thirdly, through the holy sacrament of the altar. Fourth, through the power of the keys, and also per mutuum colloquium et consolationem fratrum, Mattii. 18, 20: Ubi duo fuerint congregati etc..

V. From the baptism.

Baptism is nothing other than God's word in water, commanded by His institution, or as St. Paul says Eph. 5:26: Lavacrum in verbo, as Augustine also says: Accedat verbum ad elementum, et fit Sacramentum. And therefore we do not hold with St. Thomas and the preaching monks, who forget the word "God's institution" and say: God has put a spiritual power into the water, which washes away sin through the water. Nor with Scoto and the barefoot monks, who teach that baptism washes away sins by the assistance of divine will, that is, that this washing away is done by God's will alone, not by word or water.

(49) Of infant baptism we hold that infants are to be baptized, for they also belong to the promised redemption made through Christ, and the church is to administer it to them.

VI Of the Sacrament of the Altar.

(50) Of the sacrament of the altar we hold that the bread and wine of the Lord's Supper are the true body and blood of Christ, and are given and received not only by pious Christians but also by wicked Christians.

(51) And that one should not give one form alone. And we have no need of the high art, which teaches us that under one form there is as much as under both, as the Sophists and the Concilium of Constance teach us. For even if it were true that there is as much under one form as under both, the one form is not the whole order and institution instituted and commanded by Christ. And especially we condemn and curse in God's name those who not only leave both forms in place, but also gloriously forbid, condemn, and lust as heresy, and thereby set themselves against and above Christ, our Lord and God 2c.

(52) Of transubstantiation we pay no attention at all to the sophistical sophistry, since they teach that bread and wine leave or lose their natural essence, and that only the form and color of the bread remains, and not really bread. For it rhymes perfectly with Scripture that bread is and remains, as St. Paul himself calls it 1 Cor. 10:16, "The bread that we break"; and, "So he eats of the bread."

VII Of the keys.

The keys are an office and power given to the church by Christ to bind and loose sin, not only the gross and well-known sins, but also the subtle, secret ones, which God alone knows, as it is written Ps. 19:13: "Who knows how much he sins?" and Paul himself complains that he serves the law of sin with the flesh. For it is not up to us, but up to God alone, to judge which, how great and how much the sins are, as it is written Ps. 143, 2: "Do not go into judgment with your servant, for before you no living man is righteous." And Paul 1 Cor. 4, 4. also says: "I am conscious of nothing, but therefore I am not righteous."

1944 Erl. (2.) 25.1W-2W. Sec. 2. Schmalkaldic articles. No. 122";. Lv. XVI, 2359-2362. 1945

VIII. About the confession.

Because absolution or the power of the key is also a help and consolation against sin and evil consciences, established in the gospel through Christ, confession or absolution should by no means be omitted in the church, especially for the sake of stupid consciences, and also for the sake of the young, raw people, so that they may be interrogated and instructed in Christian doctrine.

  1. But the telling of sins should be free to each one, what he wants to tell or not to tell. For as long as we are in the flesh, we will not lie when we say: I am a poor man, full of sin, Rom. 7, 23: "I feel another law in my members" 2c. For since the absolutio private comes from the office of the key, it should not be despised, but held high and valuable, like all other offices of the Christian church.
  2. And in these matters concerning the oral, external word, it is to be firmly adhered to that God does not give His Spirit or grace to anyone without or with the preceding external word, so that we may guard against the enthusiasts, that is, spirits who boast that they have the Spirit without and before the word, without and before the word, and judge, interpret, and stretch the Scripture or oral words to their liking, as Muenzer did, and still does much today, who want to be sharp judges between the spirit and the letter, and do not know what they say or put. For the papacy is also a vain enthusiasm, in which the pope boasts: all rights are in the shrine of his heart, and what he judges and says with his church, that is to be spirit and law, even if it is above and against the scripture or the oral word.

This is all the old devil and old serpent, who also made Adam and Heva enthusiasts, leading from the outward word of God to spirits and conceit, and yet did it also by other outward words. Just as our enthusiasts condemn the outward word, yet they themselves do not keep silent, but chatter and write the world full, just as if the Spirit could not come through the writing or oral word of the apostles, but through their writing and words, they do not keep silent.

he would have to come. Why do they not leave their preaching and writing until the Spirit himself comes into the people, without and before their writing, as they boast that he came into them without preaching the Scriptures? There is no time to discuss this here, otherwise we have done it enough.

(58) For even those who believe before baptism, or who believe in baptism, have it by outward words beforehand. The ancients who came to their senses must have heard beforehand that whoever believes and is baptized is blessed, even though they first disbelieved, after ten years they receive the Spirit and baptism. And Cornelius Apost. 10, 4. ff. had long before heard among the Jews of the future Messiah, by which he was righteous before God, and his prayer and alms were acceptable in such faith (as Lucas calls him righteous and God-fearing), and not without such previous word or hearing could believe nor be righteous. But St. Peter had to reveal to him that the Messiah (in whom he had believed until then) had now come, and his faith in the future Messiah did not keep him captive with the stubborn, unbelieving Jews, but knew that he now had to be saved by the present Messiah, and not deny Him with the Jews nor persecute Him 2c.

In sum, enthusiasm has been in Adam and his children from the beginning to the end of the world, instilled and poisoned into them by the old dragon, and is the origin, power and authority of all heresy, including Pabstism and Mahomet. Therefore, we should and must insist that God does not want to deal with us humans except through His outward Word and Sacrament. But everything that is praised by the Spirit without such Word and Sacrament is the devil. For God also wanted Most to appear first through the fiery Bufch and verbal word 2 Mos. 3, 2.. And no prophet, neither Elijah nor Elisha, except or without the ten commandments got the spirit. And John the Baptist did not conceive without Gabriel's preceding word, nor without Mary's voice leaping into his mother's womb Luc. 1, 19. 45.. And St. Peter speaks 2. Ep. 1, 21.: "The prophets did not receive the Spirit out of human will, but out of the Holy Spirit.

1946 Erl. (2.) 25,200-202. cap. 15. negotiations because of a concilii. W. XVI, 2362-2365. 1947

The Holy Spirit prophesied", but as the holy people of God. But without an outward word they were not holy, much less, as still unholy, would the Holy Spirit have driven them to speak, for they were holy, he says, since the Holy Spirit spoke through them.

IX. From the spell.

(60) The great ban, as the pope calls it, we consider to be a lawful secular punishment, and it does not concern us church servants. But the small one, that is the right Christian ban, that one should not allow manifest, stiff-necked sinners to come to the sacrament or other fellowship of the church until they mend their ways and avoid sin. And the preachers are not to add the worldly punishment to this spiritual punishment or ban.

X. Of the consecration and vocation.

If the bishops wanted to be true bishops and take care of the church and the gospel, they should be allowed to ordain and confirm us and our preachers for the sake of love and unity, but not out of necessity. But put behind them all the grubs and trappings of an unchristian nature and appearance. Since they are not true bishops, or do not want to be, but worldly lords and princes who neither preach, nor teach, nor baptize, nor communicate, nor want to do any work or ministry of the church, and persecute and condemn those who do such ministry, the church must not remain without ministers for their sake.

Therefore, as the ancient examples of the church and the fathers teach us, we ourselves want and should ordain competent persons to such office. And this they have neither to forbid nor to hinder us, even according to their own law. For their rights say that those who are ordained even by heretics shall be called ordained and shall remain ordained. Just as St. Jerome writes of the church at Alexandria, that it was first governed without bishops, by priests and preachers in common.

XI. About the marriage of priests.

  1. that they have forbidden marriage, and have burdened the divine estate of the priests with perpetual chastity, they have neither justification !

nor right, but have acted as the end-christian, tyrannical, desperate boys, and thus given cause for all kinds of terrible, horrible, innumerable sins of unchastity, in which they are still stuck. As little power has been given to us or to them to make a male into a female, or a female into a male, or both into nothing, so little power have they had to separate such creatures of God, or to forbid that they should not dwell honestly and conjugally with one another. Therefore, we do not want to consent to their painful celibacy, nor do we want to suffer from it, but to have marriage freely, as God has ordered and instituted it. And we do not want to tear apart his work or hinder it, because St. Paul says in 1 Timothy 4:1 that it is a devilish doctrine.

XII. From the Church.

(63) We do not confess to them that they are the church, nor are they, nor do we want to hear what they command or forbid under the name of the church. For, praise God, a child of seven years knows what the church is, namely, the holy believers and the sheep who hear their shepherd's voice. For so the children pray: I believe a holy Christian church. This holiness does not stand in shirts, plates, long skirts, and other their ceremonies, by them about the holy scripture invented; but in the word of God and right faith.

XIII. How to become righteous before God, and of good works.

64 I do not know how to change what I have taught so far and so steadily, namely, that through faith (as St. Peter says) we receive a different, new, pure heart, and God for the sake of Christ, our mediator, wants to and holds us to be completely righteous and holy. Even though sin in the flesh is not yet gone or dead, he does not want to count it or know it.

65 And after such faith, regeneration and forgiveness of sin, good works follow. And whatever is still sinful or lacking in them should not be counted as sin or lack, precisely for the sake of Christ, but man should be whole.

1948 Erl. (2.) 25, 202-205. sec. 2. Schmalkaldic articles. No. 1226, W. XVI, M5-23L7. 1949

both according to the person and his works, are called righteous and holy and are spread out over us in Christ out of pure grace and mercy. Therefore we cannot boast much of the merit of our works, where they are considered without grace and mercy, but, as it is written in 1 Cor. 1:31: "He who boasts, let him boast of the Lord," that is, that he has a gracious God, then all is well. They also say that where good works do not follow, faith is wrong and not right.

XIV Of monastic vows.

Because the monastic vows are in direct conflict with the first main article, they are to be considered bad. For they are, since Christ says of Matth. 24, 5: Ego sum Christus etc.. For he who vows a monastic life believes that he leads a better life than the common Christian man, and by his works wants to help not only himself but also others to heaven; that is, to deny Christ. And they boast from their St. Thomas that monastic vows are equal to baptism. This is blasphemy.

XV. Of human statutes.

  1. For the papists to say that the statutes of men are for the remission of sins, or to merit salvation, is unchristian and condemned, as Christ says Matt. 15:9: "They serve me in vain, because they teach such doctrines, which are nothing, but the commandments of men. Item, ad Titum 1:14: Adversantium veritatem. Item, that they say it is mortal sin to break such statutes, is not right either.

(68) These are the articles on which I must stand and will stand until my death, whether God wills it or not, and I know neither to change nor to yield in them. But if anyone wants to give in, let him do so on his conscience.

Lastly, there is the pope's juggler's bag, of foolish and childish articles, as of church consecration, of bell baptisms, altar stone baptisms, and prayers for them, which gave 2c. Which baptisms are a mockery and mockery of holy baptism, that one should not suffer it.

70] Then we consecrate light, palms, cakes, oats, spices, 2c., which cannot be called consecrated, nor can it be, but is a mockery and a fraud. And there is an innumerable amount of jiggery-pokery, which we command their gods to perform, and they themselves to perform, until they tire of it; we will not be sworn to it.

Murtinus Luther D. subscripsit.

Justus Jonas D. Rector, subscripsit manu propria.

Johannes Bugenhagen Pomer. D. subscripsit. Caspar Creutziger D. subscripsit.

Nicias Ambsdorf subscripsit Magdeburgensis. Georgius Spalatinus > Aldenburgensis.

I, Philip Melanchthon, also consider these above-mentioned articles to be right and Christian. But of the pope I hold, if he would allow the gospel, that for the sake of peace and common unity of those Christians who are also under him, and would like to be in the future, his superiority over the bishops, which he otherwise has, is also permitted to him jure humano by us.

Johannes Agricola Eisleben subscripsit. Gabriel Dydimus^1^ ) subscripsit.

Ego Urbanus Regius D. Ecclesiarum in Ducatu Luneburgensi superintendens subscribo meo et fratrum meorum nomine, et Ecclesiae Hanopheranae.

Ego Stephanus Agricola Ecclesiastes Curiensis subscribo.

Et ego Johannes Draconites subscribo, Professor et Ecclesiastes Marburgensis.

Ego Conradus Figenbotz pro gloria Dei subscribo me ita credidisse, et adhuc praedico et credo firmiter, uti supra.

Andreas Osiander Ecclesiastes Nurembergen- sis, subscribo.

M. Vitus Dieterich Ecclesiastes Noribergensis subscribo.

Erhardus Schnepfius Concionator Stugardien- sis subscribo.

Conradus Oettingerus Phorcensis Ulrichi Ducis Concionator.

Simon Schneevveis Parochus Ecclesiae in Crailsheim.

Johannes Schlainhauffen Pastor Ecclesiae Co- tensis subscribo.

M. Georgius Heltus Forchemius.

M. Adamus a Fulda ) Concionatores Hes-

M. Antonius Corvinus Jsiaci .

  1. So also in the Jena edition instead of: Oid^rnus.

[1950]{.underline} Cap. 15: Negotiations for a concilii. W. xvi, 2367-2369. 1951

Rursum ego Johannes Bugenhagius Pomera- nus D. subscribo nomine Magistri Johannis Brentii, quemadmodum a Schmalkal- dia recedens mihi mandavit ore et literis, quas his fratribus, qui subscripserunt ostendi.

Ego Dionysius Melander subscribo Confessioni, Apologiae et Concordiae in re Eucharistiae.

Paulus Rhodius Superintendens Stetinensis.

Gerardus Oeniken Superintendens Ecclesiae Mindensis.

Ego Brixius Northanus Ecclesiae Christi, quae est Susati, Minister, subscribo articulis reverendi Patris M. Lutheri, et fateor me hactenus ita credidisse et docuisse, et porro per Spiritum Christi ita crediturum et docturum.

Michael Coelius concionator Mansfeldensis , subscripsit.

M. Petrus Geltnerus concionator Francken- furdensis subscripsit.

Wendalinus Faber Parochus Seburgae in Mans- feldia.

Ego Johannes Aepinus subscribo.

Similiter et ego Johannes Arnbsterdamus Bre- mensis.

Ego Fridericus Myconius, Gothanae Ecclesiae apud Thuringos Pastor, meo et Justi Menii Isenacensis nomine subscribo.

Ego, Johannes Langus Doctor et Erphurdien- sis Ecclesiae concionator, meo et aliorum meorum in Evangelio Cooperariorum nomine, nempe:

Domini Licentiati Ludovici Platzii Melosingi.

Domini Magistri Sigismundi Kirchneri.

Domini Wolfgangi Kismetter.

Domini Melchioris Weitmann.

Domini Johannis Tali.

Domini Johannis Filiani.

Domini Nicolai Fabri.

Domini Andreae Menseri, mea manu subscribo.

Et ego Egidius Mechlerus, mea manu subscripsi.

1227: Scripture "Von der Gewalt und Obrigkeit des Pabsts," compiled by scholars at Schmalkalden before March 1, 1537; printed in 1538.

This writing is an appendix to the Schmalkaldic Articles. The author of it is Melanchthon, who wrote it in Latin. However, not the original text of Melanchthon, but the German version prepared by Veit Dietrich.

The first translation was presented to the Estates as an official text and approved and signed by the theologians at the Convention in Schmalkalden (J. T. Müller i. e. S. DXXXVIII). Nevertheless, in the complete editions of Luther's works as well as in the Concordienbuch, the text bears the above inscription, which we have placed above it, despite the fact that Veit Dietrich explicitly noted in an edition he organized in 1541: "gestellet durch Herrn Phil. Melanchthonem vnd verdeudschet durch Vitum Dietherich" and Chyträus had this appendix printed in 1571 as a seriptum NÄunoUtUomk. Yes, Selnecker, because he considered the German to be the original text, added in 1580 to his edition of the Concordienbnches a back translation into Latin made from the German, as has already been stated in the preliminary remarks to the previous number. In the edition of 1583, he improved this error and included the original Latin text. Our writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1559), vol. XII, p. 283 d; in the Jena (1568), vol. VI. Bl. 533d; in the Altenburg, vol. VI, p. 1343; in the Leipzig, vol. XXI, p. 230; and in' Walch. The time determination for the adoption results from No. 1237, Z5. We have revised the text according to I. T. Müller, "die symbolischen Bücher der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche", p. 328 ff.

First, the pope boasts that by divine right he is supreme over all other bishops and pastors in all Christendom.

  1. secondly, that by divine right he has both swords, that is, that he may set and depose kings, order temporal kingdoms 2c.

Thirdly, he says that one is obliged to believe this in case of loss of eternal bliss. And these are the reasons that the pope calls himself and boasts that he is the governor of Christ on earth.

  1. these three articles we hold and recognize to be false, ungodly, tyrannical and quite harmful to the Christian church.

(5) In order that our reason and opinion may be the more clearly understood, let us first indicate what it means that he claims to be supreme by divine right. For thus they mean that the pope is common bishop over the whole Christian church and, as they call it, oecumenicus episcopus, that is, by whom all bishops and parish priests are to be ordained and confirmed throughout the world, that he alone has the right and power to elect, order, confirm, and depose all bishops and parish priests. Besides this, he also arrogates to himself the power to make all kinds of laws concerning worship, changes in the sacraments and doctrine, and wants his statutes and regulations to be held equal to other articles of the Christian faith and the Holy Scriptures, as they cannot be relaxed without sin. For he wills such authority on the divine right and hei

1952 Section 2: Schmalkaldic Articles. No. 1227. w. xvi. 2369-2372. 195Z

He wants that one should prefer it to the holy scripture and the commandments of God. And what is even worse, he adds this: All these things should and must be believed at the loss of eternal bliss.

(6) Therefore, first of all, we want to indicate from the holy Gospel that the pope may not arrogate to himself any authority over other bishops and pastors by divine right.

7 I. Luc. 22, 25. 26. Christ declares with clear and bright words that no apostle should have any authority over the others. For this was the very question among the disciples, when Christ had already spoken of his passion, as they disputed among themselves who among them should be lord, and should rot Christ after his death? But Christ punishes such error of the apostles, and teaches them that they should not be lords and have authority, but should be apostles at the same time, and preach the gospel in the same office. Therefore he also says: "The worldly kings reign, and the mighty are called gracious lords; but ye are not so: but the greatest among you shall be as the least, and the chiefest as a servant." Here you can see, if you hold it against each other, that he does not want to have a rule among the apostles.

  1. II. As this also appears from the other similitude, where Christ Matth. 18, 2. f., in the same discourse on rulership, places a young child in the midst of the apostles, so that he may show that, just as a child neither desires nor submits to rulership, so also the apostles and all who are to lead the word should neither seek nor need rulership.

9 Jn 20:21 Christ sends His disciples to preach at the same time, without distinction, so that one has neither more nor less authority than the other. For thus he says, "As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you." The words are clear and plain, that he sends each one as he was sent, so that no one can boast of any special authority or power over the others.

IV. Gal. 2, 7. f. St. Paul clearly shows that he was neither ordained nor confirmed by Peter; he also does not recognize Peter in any way as if he had to be confirmed by him; and he especially denies this, that his calling is not at all based on St. Peter's authority. Now he is supposed to have ever recognized Peter as a superior, where Peter would otherwise have received such authority from Christ, as the pope praises without any reason.

(11) Therefore Paul also says that he preached the gospel freely for a long time before he discussed it with Petro and the others. Item, he says: "He does not care about those who have the reputation of what they were. For God does not respect the reputation of persons and people. But those who had the reputation did not do me any commandment".

12 Because Paul clearly testifies that he did not want to ask Peter to allow him to preach, even when he came to him last, we have a certain doctrine that the ministry of preaching comes from the common profession of the apostles, and it is not necessary that all of this one person have Peter's profession or confirmation.

13 V. 1 Cor. 3, 6. ff. Paul makes all church servants equal and teaches that the church is more than the servants. Therefore, it cannot be said with any truth that Peter had any authority or power over the church and all other church servants before other apostles. For thus he saith, "All things are yours, whether Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas"; that is, neither Peter nor any other ministers of the Word may ascribe to them any authority or supremacy over the church.

(14) Let no man burden the church with his own statutes, but let it be said here, that no authority nor reputation is more valid than the word of God. One must not make Cephas' authority higher than that of the other apostles, as they used to say at that time: Cephas holds this thus, who is the most noble apostle, therefore Paul and others should also hold it thus. No, says Paul, and takes off Petro's little hat, so that his reputation and authority should be higher than that of the other apostles or the church.

From the histories.

The Concilium of Nicaea decided that the bishop of Alexandria should govern the churches in the Orient, and the bishop of Rome the suburbanas, that is, those that belonged to Rome in the Occident. Here the Roman bishop's power grew for the first time, not from divine but from human rights, as it was decided in the Concilio Niceno. If the Roman bishop had been supreme according to divine right, the Concilium of Nicaea would not have had the power to take such power away from him and to turn it over to the bishop of Alexandria; indeed, all the bishops in the Orient should ever have asked the bishop of Rome to ordain and confirm them.

16 VII. Item, in the Concilio Niceno it has been decided that each church may appoint a bishop for itself, in the presence of one or more bishops.

1954 Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi. 2372-2374. 1955

Bishops who lived in the vicinity. This has been held not only in the Orient for a long time, but also in other and Latin churches, as is clearly expressed in Cypriano and Augustino. For thus speaks Cyprianus epist. 4. ad Cornelium: Therefore it is to be kept diligently according to the command of God and the apostles, as it is kept with us, and almost in all countries, that to the congregation, where a bishop is to be elected, other bishops near the place are to come together, and in the presence of the whole congregation, which knows each one's walk and life, the bishop is to be elected; As we see that in the election of Sabini, our fellow bishop, it also happened that, after the election of the whole community and the council of some bishops who were present, he was elected bishop and the hands were laid on him 2c.

17 This way is called a divine way and apostolic use by Cyprian, and testifies that it was held this way almost in all countries at that time.

18 Since neither ordinatio nor confirmatio was then sought from the bishop of Rome by the great part of the world, in all the Greek and Latin churches, it is clear that the Church did not then give such authority and rule to the bishop of Rome.

19 Such supremacy and rule is also quite impossible. For how could it be possible that one bishop should govern all the churches of all Christendom, or that the churches, so far from Rome, could have all their ministers ordained by one alone?

20 For this is ever certain, that the kingdom of Christ is divided throughout the whole world. Even today there are many Christian assemblies of the church in the Orient, which have ministers who are neither ordained nor confirmed by the pope nor his own. Since such authority, which the pope arrogates to himself contrary to all Scripture, is quite impossible, and the churches in the world have now and then neither recognized nor used the pope as such a lord, it can be seen that such authority is not appointed by Christ and does not come from divine rights.

(21) VIII. Many conciliar meetings have been held in the past, in which the bishop of Rome did not sit as supreme, as he did at Nicaea and in other places; this is also an indication that the Church at that time did not recognize the pope as a supreme ruler over all churches and bishops.

22 IX St. Jerome says: "If one wants to speak of power and dominion, then ever orbis is more than urbs, that is, world is more than the

City of Rome. Therefore, whether the bishop of Rome, or of Eugubia, or of Constantinople, or of Rhegio, or of Alexandria, the dignity and the office are the same 2c.

  1. X. Item, Gregory writes to the patriarch of Alexandria, and bequeaths to him that he should not call him the highest bishop; and in the regalia he says: it was offered in the Concilio of Chalcedon to the bishop of Rome that he should be the highest bishop, but he did not accept it.

24 XI. Lastly, how can the pope be over the church according to divine rights, since the election is with the church, and this has even become customary with time, that the Roman bishops have been confirmed by the emperors.

25 Here are some sayings against us, as Matth. 16, 18: "You are Peter, and on this rock I will build my community or church. Item Matth. 16, 19.: "To you I will give the keys." Item John 21:16: "Feed my sheep." And the like. But since this whole business has been diligently and sufficiently traced by ours before, we want to have the same scriptures raised here, and this time briefly answer how the mentioned sayings are to be basically understood.

In all these sayings Peter is a common person and does not speak for himself alone, but for all the apostles. This is clearly proven by the texts. For Christ does not ask Peter alone, but says: "Who do you say that I am?" And that Christ here speaks to Peter alone, as, "To you I will give the keys," item, "What you will bind," 2c., the same he speaks elsewhere to the whole multitude, "All that you will bind on earth," 2c. Item, in John Cap. 20, 23.: "Whom ye forgive sin" 2c. These words testify that the keys were given to all in common, and they were all sent to preach at the same time.

(27) About this it must be confessed that the keys do not belong to one man alone, but are given to the whole church, as this can be sufficiently proved by clear and certain causes. For as the promise of the gospel belongs certainly and without means to the whole church, so the keys belong without means to the whole church, since the keys are nothing else but the ministry, by which such promise is communicated to everyone who desires it; as then it is evident in the work that the church has power to ordain ministers. And Christ speaks at these words: "What you will bind" 2c., and indicates to whom he has given the keys, namely to the church: "Where two or three

1956 Section 2: Schmalkaldic Articles. No. 1227. w. xvi, 2371-2377. 1957

are gathered together in my name" 2c. Item, Christ gives the supreme and final judgment 1) to the church, saying, "Tell the church."

28 From this it follows that in such sayings not only Peter, but the whole group of apostles is meant. Therefore, in no way can such sayings be used as a basis for a special power of authority that Peter had or should have had before other apostles. But when it is said, "And upon this rock I will build my church," it must be confessed that the church is not built upon the authority of any man, but is built upon the ministry which leads the confession which Peter makes, namely, that Jesus is the Christ and Son of God. Therefore he addresses him as a minister of this ministry, since this confession and teaching is to go within, and says, "Upon this rock," that is, upon this preaching and preaching ministry.

Now the ministry of preaching is not bound to a certain place or person, as the ministry of the Levites was bound in the law, but it is spread throughout the whole world, and is in the place where God gives his gifts, apostles, prophets, shepherds, teachers 2c. And if the person does nothing at all for such a word and ministry, commanded by Christ, let him preach and teach it whoever he will. Where there are hearts that believe it and keep it, it happens to them as they hear it and believe it.

(30) In this way many ancient teachers interpret this saying, not from the person of Peter, but from the office and confession, as Origen, Ambrose, Cyprian, Hilarius, Beda. That in other places it is written, "Feed my sheep," item: "Peter, do you also love me more than these?" [It does not follow that Peter should have more authority than other apostles, but he is called "feed", that is, preach the gospel or govern the church through the gospel; this applies to other apostles as well as to Peter.

The other article is even clearer than the first. For Christ gave his disciples only spiritual authority, that is, he commanded them to preach the gospel, to proclaim the forgiveness of sins, to administer the sacraments, and to banish the ungodly, without bodily authority, by word, and did not command them at all to wield the sword, nor to appoint or take temporal rule, to set kings, or to depose them. For thus saith Christ Matt. 28:12: "Go ye, and teach that they keep that which I have commanded.

  1. Here the memorable mistranslation has taken place, which is thought in the introduction to the previous number: tereulurn instead of: sudieiuna.

I have commanded you." Item John 20:21, "As my Father has sent me, so I send you."

32 Now it is day that Christ was not sent to wield the sword or to rule in a worldly way, as he himself says John 18:36, "My kingdom is not of this world." And Paul saith 2 Cor. 1:24., "We rule not your faith." Item ^2 Cor. 10, 4.]: "Our armor and weapons of war are not carnal" 2c. That Christ in his passion was crowned with thorns, and brought forth in purple robes, and thus mocked, was all an interpretation that in time the true spiritual kingdom of Christ should be despised, and his gospel suppressed, and another, external kingdom set up in its place, under the appearance of spiritual power. Therefore the Constitutio Bonifacii VIII. and the cap. Omnes, dist. 22, and other such sayings, are entirely false and ungodly, so that they want to maintain that the pope, by virtue of divine right, is a lord over the kingdoms of the world. How then from such false delusion first terrible darkness in the church, and after that terrible disruption and tumult in Europe have taken place. For there the office of preaching was dropped, and the doctrine of faith and the spiritual kingdom of Christ was completely extinguished, and the outward character and statutes of the pope were taken for Christian righteousness.

After that, the popes also came, seized principalities and kingdoms, installed and deposed kings, and plagued almost all kings in Europe, especially the German emperors, with unreasonable banishments and wars; sometimes so that they could seize the cities in French-speaking Europe, sometimes so that they could make the bishops in Germany their subjects and confer the bishoprics themselves, which the emperor alone has the right to confer. Yes, that is more, in the Clementina it says: if the imperium stands alone, then the pope is the rightful heir to it.

34 Thus, the pope has not only unjustly taken upon himself worldly rule, against God's clear command, but has also wanted to be like a tyrant over all kings. Although such actions of the popes are quite criminal in themselves, this is the most fearful thing about it, that he covers up such willfulness and iniquity with the command of Christ, and the key points to worldly rule, and hangs on such an ungodly and shameful opinion of the blessedness of souls, since he says: "Let the people believe it for the blessedness of their souls that the pope has such power from divine rights.

1958 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2377-2379. 1958

35 Because such abominable errors have completely darkened the doctrine of the faith and kingdom of Christ, there is no way that we should be silent about them, for we see in the work before our eyes what great harm has come to the church as a result.

Thirdly, it is necessary to know whether the pope already has the primacy and supremacy by divine right, that one does not owe obedience to those popes who pretend false worship, idolatry and false teaching against the gospel. Yes, the more is, one should also consider such popes and such kingdom an anathema and accursed being; as Paul clearly says Gal. 1, 8.: "If an angel come down from heaven, preaching another gospel, different from that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed." And in Acts it is written Cap. 5, 29: "One should obey God more than men", as the spiritual rights themselves say: "One should not obey a pope who is a heretic.

The high priest in the Law of Moses had the office from the divine rights; however, no one was obliged to obey if they acted against God's word, as it is seen that Jeremiah and other prophets separated themselves from the priests. So the apostles separated themselves from Caipha, and owed him no obedience. Now it is a fact of the day that the popes and their followers want to maintain and practice ungodly doctrine and false worship. Thus all the vices prophesied in the Holy Scriptures about the Antichrist 1) rhyme with the kingdom of the pope and his members.

For Paul, when he paints the Antichrist 2 Thess. 2, 3, calls him "an adversary of Christ, who exalts himself above all that is called God or worship, so that he sets himself up in the temple of God as a god, and pretends that he is God" 2c. Here Paul speaks of one who reigns in the church, and not of worldly kings; and calls him "an adversary of Christ," because he will devise another doctrine, and that he will presume all these things as if he did them by divine right.

39 Now first of all this is true, that the pope reigns in the church, and under the appearance of spiritual power has brought such dominion to himself. For he bases himself on these words, "I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven." Secondly, Pabst's teaching is contrary to the gospel in all ways. Thirdly, that he pretends to be God is to be noted in three parts.

  1. Müller: "weisgesagt".

(40) First, that he presumes to change the doctrine of Christ and proper worship instituted by God Himself, and wants to have his doctrine and his own invented worship held as if God Himself had commanded it. Second, that he arrogates to himself the power to bind and release, not only in this temporal life here, but also in that life. Thirdly, that the pope does not want to suffer the church or anyone else to judge him, but that his power is to go over all concilia and the whole church. But this means to make oneself a god, if one does not want to suffer the church's or anyone's judgment. In the end, the pope defended such errors and ungodly beings with unjust violence and murders, so that he had all those killed who did not keep it all moderate with him.

(41) Since this is so, all Christians should be most careful not to participate in such ungodly doctrine, blasphemy, and unrighteous ravings, but should depart from the pope and his members or associates, as from the kingdom of Antichrist, and curse it, as Christ commanded (Matt. 7:15): "Beware of false prophets. And Paul commanded Gal. 1:8. that false preachers should be shunned, and cursed as an abomination. 2 Cor. 6,14. He says: "Do not pull on a strange yoke with the unbelievers. For what fellowship hath light with darkness" 2c. It is difficult to separate from so many countries and people and to lead a special doctrine. But here is God's command that everyone should beware, and not be in agreement with those who lead unrighteous doctrine, or who intend to maintain it with desolation.

Therefore our consciences are well excused and assured. For we see before our eyes the great errors that go into Pabst's kingdom, and the Scriptures cry out with all their might that such errors are the doctrine of the devil and of the Antichrist. The idolatry in the abuse of the masses is evident, which, besides being good for nothing else, are abused for shameful enjoyment and profiteering. The doctrine of penance has been completely falsified and corrupted by the pope and his followers. For this is how they teach: sin is forgiven for the sake of our own works. And attach this to it, one should still doubt whether sins are forgiven. They do not teach that sin is forgiven without merit for Christ's sake, and that such forgiveness of sins is obtained through faith in Christ.

(43) With such teaching they deprive Christ of his glory, and deprive the consciences of right and certain consolation, and deprive them of the proper worship of God.

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The most important thing is the exercise of faith, which struggles with unbelief and despair over the promise of the Gospel.

44 Likewise, they have also obscured the doctrine of sin and invented their own statutes about how all sin must be told and confessed, which has led to many errors and finally to despair.

45 Then they devised their own satisfaction, by which the good deeds and merit of Christ were also obscured. From this followed the indulgence, which is a lie, and was devised solely for the sake of money. What abuses and abominable idolatry have followed from the invocation of the saints! What shame and vice have come from the prohibition of marriage! How has the gospel been so darkened by the teaching of vows! It has been taught that such vows are righteousness in the sight of God, and merit forgiveness of sins, so that the merit of Christ is drawn to the ordinances of men, and the doctrine of faith is entirely obliterated.

  1. and have praised their foolish and frivolous statutes for right worship and perfection, preferring them to the works which God requires and ordains of each one in his profession. Now it must not be considered that these are minor errors, for they take away Christ's glory and condemn souls; therefore they must not be allowed to go unpunished.

47 In addition to these errors, there are two great and terrible sins. The first is that the pope defends and wants to maintain such errors by force with unreasonable ferocity and cruel tyranny.

The other is that he takes away the judgment of the church and does not want to have such religious matters judged properly. Yes, he wants to be more than all conciliation, and to have the power to tear up and annul everything that has been decided in conciliation, as the canons sometimes impudently state, and the popes have done so even more impudently, as many examples testify.

    1. quaest. 3. The Canon says: "No one shall judge the supreme see, for neither emperor nor priests, neither king nor people judge the judge. Thus the pope acts like a tyrant on both sides, that he defends such errors with violence and despotism, and does not want to suffer any judges. And this other piece does more harm than all the madness. For, as soon as the church is deprived of the right judgment and knowledge

It is not possible to control false doctrine or unrighteous worship, and many souls must be lost because of it.

Therefore, God-fearing people should well consider such abominable errors of the pope and his tyranny, and first of all know that such errors are to be fled, and the right doctrine is to be accepted for the sake of God's glory and the souls' salvation. Then, that one should consider how a grave sin it is to support such unjust rage of the pope, since so many pious Christians are so miserably murdered, whose blood God will undoubtedly not leave unscented.

(51) Kings and princes, as the most prominent members of the church, should especially help and see that all kinds of error are removed, and that the consciences are taught rightly. As God especially admonishes the kings and princes for such an office in the 2nd Psalm, v. 10: "You kings, let yourselves be instructed, and you judges of the earth, let yourselves be chastened. For this should be the foremost concern of kings and great lords, that they diligently promote God's honor.

Therefore, it would be unreasonable for them to use their power and authority to preserve such abominable idolatry and other innumerable vices, and to murder the pious Christians so miserably.

And in case the pope wants to hold a concilium right away, how can the church be helped against such pieces, if the pope does not want to suffer that one concludes something against him, or others, who have previously been attached to him by terrible oaths, also without excluding God's word, are to judge in church matters?

Since the judgments in conciliar cases are judgments of the church, and not of the pope, it is due to kings and princes that they do not grant the pope such power, but ensure that the church is not deprived of the power to judge, and that everything is judged according to the holy Scriptures and the word of God. And just as Christians are obliged to punish all other errors of the pope, so they are also obliged to punish the pope himself, if he wants to flee or resist the right judgment and true knowledge of the church.

55 Therefore, although the pope has the primacy or supremacy by divine right, he is not to be obeyed, because he wants to maintain false worship and another doctrine contrary to the gospel; indeed, one is to set oneself against him as the right antichrist out of necessity. One sees in the day what the Pabst's errors are and how great they are.

1962 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2382-2335. 1963

(56) In this way, we also see the rampage that he carries out against the devout Christians. This is God's command and word that we should flee idolatry, false doctrine and unrighteous desolation. Therefore, every devout Christian has important, necessary and bright enough reasons for not obeying the pope. And such necessary causes are a great comfort to all Christians, against all kinds of shame and disgrace that they put on us, that we cause trouble, division and disunity.

But those who hold with the pope and defend his doctrine and false worship stain themselves with idolatry and blasphemous doctrine, and take upon themselves all the blood of the pious Christians whom the pope and his followers persecute; they also hinder God's glory and the church's blessedness, because they defend such errors and vices before the whole world and all descendants to their detriment.

Of the bishops' power and jurisdiction.

(58) In our Confession and Apologia, we have generally stated what was to be said about church authority. For the gospel gives those who are to preside over the churches that they are to preach the gospel, forgive sins, and administer the sacraments. And over this it gives them jurisdiction, that those who lie in public vices are to be banished, and those who want to amend are to be released and absolved.

59 Now everyone, even our adversaries, must confess that all who preside over the churches have this command at the same time; they are called pastores or presbyteri or bishops. Therefore Jerome also speaks with bright words: that episcopi and presbyteri are not distinguished, but that all pastors are at the same time bishops and priests, and allegorizes the text Pauli ad Titum, when he writes to Tito Cap. 1, 5.: "I left thee therefore at Creta, that thou shouldest appoint the cities to and fro with priests"; and calls such afterwards bishops: "There shall be a bishop of one wife's husband." Thus Peter and John call themselves presbyteros or priests.

60 After that Jerome says further: "That one alone is chosen, who has others under him, has happened, so that the separation is prevented, so that one does not pull a church here, the other there, and the church is thus torn apart. For in Alexandria (he says), from Marco the Evangelist to Heraclam and Dionysium, the presbyteri always had a

chosen from among them, and held higher, and called episcopum (a bishop); as a

The bishops elect one of their number as captain, just as the bishops elect one of their number who is competent to do so, and call him archidiacon. For, tell me, what does a bishop do more than any presbyter, without ordaining others to the church office? 2c.

  • (61) Here Jerome teaches that such a difference between bishops and pastors comes only from human order, as is also seen in the work. For the office and command are one and the same, and afterwards ordination alone made the difference between bishops and pastors. For this is how it was arranged that a bishop ordained people to the preaching ministry in other churches as well.

62 Since there is no difference between bishops and pastors or parish priests according to divine law, there is no doubt that if a parish priest ordains some competent persons to the church offices in his church, such ordination is valid and right according to divine law.

Therefore, since the ordained bishops persecute the gospel and refuse to ordain competent persons, any church has the right to ordain its own ministers in this case.

For where the church is, there is always the command to preach the gospel. Therefore, the churches must retain the authority to demand, elect and ordain church ministers; and such authority is a gift that is actually given to the church by God and cannot be taken away from the church by any human authority. As St. Paul testifies in Eph. 4, 8, where he says: "He ascended on high, and gave gifts to men." And among such gifts, which are proper to the church, he counts pastors and teachers, and depends on them to be given for the edification of the body of Christ. Therefore it follows that where there is a true church, there is also the power to elect and ordain church ministers, just as in case of need even a bad layman can absolve another and become his pastor. As St. Augustine writes in a history, that two Christians were together in a ship, one baptized the other, and then was absolved by him.

Here belong the sayings of Christ, which testify that the keys are given to the whole church, and not to some special persons, as the text says: "Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them" 2c.

66 Lastly, this is also confirmed by the saying of Peter when he says 1 Cap. 2:9: "You are the royal priesthood. These words actually refer to the true church, which, because it is the

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If the church has only the priesthood, it must also have the power to elect and ordain church servants.

67 The common custom of the church also testifies to this. For in former times, the people elected parish priests and bishops; the bishop, sitting in the same place or in the vicinity, came and confirmed the elected bishop by laying on his hands, and at that time the ordinatio was nothing other than such confirmation.

After that, other ceremonies were added, as Dionysius recounts several of them. But the same book Dionysii is a new poem under a false title, as also the book Clementis has a false title, and long after elements is made by a bad boy.

69 After that, this was also added to the last, that the bishop said to those whom he consecrated, "I give you power to sacrifice for the living and the dead," but this is not written in Dionysius either.

From this it can be seen that the church has the power to elect and ordain ministers. Therefore, if the bishops are either heretics or do not want to ordain capable persons, the churches are obligated before God by divine right to ordain pastors and church servants for themselves.

Whether this be called disorder or division, it is to be known that the ungodly doctrine and tyranny of the bishops is to blame. For thus Paul gives Gal. 1, 7, that all bishops who either teach unrighteously themselves or defend unrighteous doctrine and false worship are to be considered criminal.

Until now we have spoken of ordination, which alone made a distinction between bishops and priests, as Jerome says. Therefore, it is not necessary to discuss other episcopal offices much, but one could speak of confirmation, baptism with bells, and other such games, which are used almost exclusively by bishops. But the jurisdiction is still to be dealt with.

This is certain, that all parish lords should have the common jurisdiction to banish those who lie in public vices, and that the bishops, as tyrants, have drawn them to themselves and disgracefully abused them for their own enjoyment. For the bishops have done so with unpleasant willfulness and, either out of avarice or other willfulness, have plagued the people and banished them without any prior legal recognition. But what kind of tyranny is this, that an official in a city should have the power to plague and force the people with the ban in such a way, solely according to his own will, without legal knowledge? 2c.

Now they have used such coercion in all kinds of things, and not only have they not punished the right vices with it, since the ban should follow, but also in other minor matters, where one has not fasted or celebrated properly; so that they have sometimes punished adultery, and then also often reviled and defamed innocent people. For since such accusation is very important and serious, no one should ever be condemned without legal and proper judgment in the case.

Because the bishops have taken such jurisdiction as tyrants and have shamefully abused it, and because there are other good reasons for disobeying them, it is right that this stolen jurisdiction be taken from them again and given to the parish priests to whom it belongs by Christ's command, and that it be used properly for the betterment of the people and for the increase of the glory of God.

76 After that, there is a jurisdiction in the matters that belong to the forum ecclesiasticum or ecclesiastical court according to papal law, as especially the matrimonial matters are. The bishops have brought such jurisdiction to themselves only by human order, which is nevertheless not very old, as one sees ex codice and novellis Justiniani that the matrimonial matters were at that time handled by secular authority, and secular authority is obliged to judge the matrimonial matters, especially where the bishops judge unjustly or are negligent, as the canons also testify.

For this reason, no obedience is owed to the bishops on account of such jurisdiction; and because they have made some unjust statutes in matrimonial matters, and need them in courts which they possess, secular authorities are also obliged for this reason to appoint such courts differently.

For if the prohibition of marriage between spouses is unjust, it is also unjust that where two are divorced, the innocent party should not marry again. Item, that in general all marriages, which take place secretly and by fraud, without the parents' knowledge and consent, shall be valid and valid. The prohibition of priestly marriages is also unlawful.

79 There are other such things in their statutes, so that the consciences have been confused and troubled, which it is not necessary to tell here, and it is enough that it is known that in matrimonial matters many unjust and unfair things have been commanded by the pope, from which secular authorities have reason enough to order such courts differently for themselves.

80 Because the bishops who are devoted to the pope teach ungodly doctrine and false divine teachings, they have no authority.

1966 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2^7-2390. 1967.

They defended the ministries by force, and did not want to ordain pious preachers, but helped the pope to murder them, and took away the jurisdiction from the parish priests, and used them only like tyrants for their own benefit.

  1. Lastly: Because they also act so inequitably and unjustly in matrimonial matters, the churches have great and necessary reason enough that they should not recognize them as bishops. But they, the bishops, should consider that their goods and incomes are endowed as alms, so that they may serve the church and carry out their office the more nobly, as the regula says: Beneficium datur propter officium.

Therefore, they cannot use such alms with a clear conscience, and thus deprive the church, which needs such goods for the maintenance of the church servants, and to raise learned people, and to provide for some poor people, and especially for the appointment of the marriage courts. For there are so many different and strange cases that a separate court would be needed. But such a court cannot be appointed without the help of the same goods. St. Peter says 2 Ep. 2, 13: "The false bishops of the churches will need goods and alms for their pleasures, and will leave the office. Because the Holy Spirit is terribly threatening them, the bishops should know that they must also give account to God for this robbery.

List of doctors and preachers who have signed the Confession and Apologia. Anno 1337.

De mandato illustrissimorum Principum, et Ordinum, ac Civitatum evangelii doctrinam profitentium, relegimus articulos Confessionis exhibitae Imperatori in conventu Augustano, et Dei beneficio omnes Concionatores, qui in hoc Smalcaldensi conventu interfuerunt, consentientes profitentur, se juxta articulos Confessionis et Apologiae sentire, et docere in'suis ecclesiis, profitentur etiam, se articulum de primatu Papae et ejus potestate, et de potestate et jurisdictione episcoporum, qui hic Principibus in hoc conventu exhibitus est Smalcaldiae, approbare. Ideo nomina sua subscribunt.

Ego Johannes Bugenhagius Pomeranus D. subscribo articulis Confessionis Augustanae, Apologiae et articulo de papatu Smalcaldiae Principibus oblato.

Et ego Urbanus Regius D. Ecclesiarum, in Ducatu Luneburgensi Superintendens, subscribo.

Nicolaus Ambsdorff Magdeburg ensis subscripsit.

Georgius Spalatinus Aldenburgensis subscripsit.

Andreas Osiander subscribo.

M. Vitus Dietrich Noribergensis subscripsit.

Stephanus Agricola Ecclesiastes Curiensis manu propria subscripsit.

Johannes Draconites Marburgensis subscripsit.

Conradus Figenbotz subscripsit per omnia.

Martinus Bucerus.

Erhardus Schnepfius subscribo.

Paulus Rhodius Condonator in Szczecin.

Gerardus Oeniken Ecclesiae Mindensis Minister.

Brixius Northanus Susatiensis Condonator.

Simon Schneeweis Parochus Crailsheim.

Rursum ego Pomeranus subscribo nomine magistri' Johannis Brentii, quemadmodum mihi mandavit.

Philippus Melanthon subscribit manu propria.

Antonius Corvinus subscribit tam suo, quam Adami a Fulda nomine manu propria.

Johannes Schlainhauffen subscribit manu propria.

M. Georgius Heltus Forchemius.

Michael Caelius Condonator Mansfeldensis.

Petrus Geltnerus Condonator Ecclesiae Fran- kenfurdensis.

Dionysius Melander subscripsit.

Paulus Fagius Argentinensis.

Wendalinus Faber Parochus Seburgae in Mansfeldia.

Conradus Oettingerus Phorcensis, Udalrici Ducis Wirt. Condonator.

Bonifadus Wolfart verbi Minister Ecclesiae Augustanae.

Johannes Aepinus Hamburgensis Superintendens subscripsit propria manu.

Id ipsum facit Johannes Amsterdamus Bre- mensis.

Johannes Fontanus, inferioris Hassiae Superintendens subscripsit.

Fridericus Myconius pro se et Justo Menio subscripsit.

Ambrosius Blaurerus.

Legi, et iterum atque iterum relegi Confessionem et Apologiam ab illustrissimo Principe Electore Saxoniae et aliis Principibus ac Statibus Romani Imperii Caesareae Majestati Augustae oblatam. Legi item Formulam Concordiae in re Sacramentaria, Wittebergae cum D. Bucero et aliis institutam. Legi etiam

[1968]{.underline} Section 2: Convente at Schmalkalden. No. 1227 f. W. xvi, 2390-2392. 1969

articulos a D. Martino Luthero, Praeceptore nostro observandissimo, in Smalcaldensi conventu Germanica lingua conscriptos, et libellum de papatu, et de potestate ac jurisdictione episcoporum. Ac pro mediocritate mea judico, haec omnia convenire cum sacra Scriptura, et cum sententia verae χαϊ γνησίης catholicae ecclesiae. Quanquam autem in tanto numero doctissimorum virorum, qui nunc Smalcaldiae convenerunt, minimum omnium me agnoscam, tamen quia mihi non licet exitum hujus conventus expectare, obsecro te, clarissime vir, D. Johannes Bugenhagi, Pater in Christo observande, ut humanitas tua nomen meum, si opus fuerit, omnibus illis, quae supra commemoravi, adseribat. Me enim ita sentire, confiteri et perpetuo docturum esse per JEsum Christum, Dominum nostrum, hoc meo chirographo testor. Actum Smalcaldiae, 23. Februarii, Anno 1537.

Johannes Brentius, Ecclesiastes Hallensis.

1228: The preachers' petition to the Protestant estates assembled in Schmalkalden. February 24, 1537.

This writing is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 369, in the Altenburger, vol. VI, p. III6, in the Leipziger, vol. XXI, p. 194 and in the Oorp. Rsk., vol. ill, 288.

To the most illustrious, noble, highborn princes and rulers, and their > kinsmen of the Christian understanding, assembled at Schmalkalden, our > most gracious and gracious lords.

  1. grace of God through our Lord Jesus Christ before. Most Serene, Most Illustrious, Most Highly Reverend Prince and Elector, Most Gracious and Most Merciful Lords! Since it is public what costs, work and great peril your churonic and princely graces, together with their kinsmen, are bearing for the preservation of the Holy Gospel, from which it may well be inferred that your churonic and princely graces and other estates seek nothing else in this highly important matter than to promote and spread God's glory, we hope that your churonic and princely graces, together with their kinsmen, will support our subordinate cause. G. will graciously pass our submissive reminder (which also concerns the order of the churches and God's honor), as I then ask in submission that your chur- and F. G. graciously accept this document of ours, which is based on a faithful and simple opinion. For although we know to some extent that in some princes

The ecclesiastical servants in the towns and cities are provided for to a certain extent, and it is seriously observed that they are provided for, that the parish priests and schools are appointed from church and monastery properties, and that the hospitals are improved, so that men must confess that such properties are not used for the help of the church in any other way than in a Christian way: Nevertheless, we find that in many places there is a great deficiency in this, namely that the ecclesiastics and schools are very poorly provided for, or are not appointed at all and are desolate, and yet not only the authorities, but also private individuals, take possession of monastery and church properties of their liking. Now, Your Royal and Princely Grace sees that especially at this time, the utmost need is to provide for the churches and schools in such a way that one can have capable persons. In addition, the common people do little by themselves, and such gifts must be and remain princely eleemosyna. As also the holy scripture praises Josaphat and Ezechiam and several other kings because of such provision. And the text clearly says that it should be done for this reason, so that the priests can wait for the teaching.

2 Now your electors and princes will find, as we have learned in several places. Now your electors and princes will find in the works, as we have experienced in several places, that for such an order something proper is needed, that this stock of church and monastery goods is well required for it. Thus, these goods, gifts and donations are assigned to the church for the preservation of religion, even though many are misused out of error. Therefore, even though the authorities are responsible for these goods and may use them with moderation, they should first of all provide the church offices with the necessary funds. For God has commanded the princes and rulers, above all, to manage, protect and promote proper church services, and also to order the provision of the church servants.

  1. it is also easy to understand how difficult it will be to gather new goods after the dispersal of these present goods, and what damage must be done before one can again come to another supply.

4 Therefore, we humbly request that your electoral and princely authorities take heed of the great need in this case. For God's sake, we want to heed the great need in this case, and admonish the estates that the church and monastery properties be used and preserved primarily for the order of the churches and schools, for the praise of God, for the benefit of the land and the people, and to prevent dispersion (which is not only very harmful to the church, but also to the authorities and the lands).

5 God has granted His electoral and princely graces to you. Grace in

[1970]{.underline} Eri. (Z.) SS, 24g f. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2392-2394. 1971

the highest honor that the secular government should have, namely to promote the right doctrine and to protect the right churches, thereby serving many pious Christians throughout the world. This honor and calling is to be considered by Your Electoral and Princely Grace. Grace, and preserve the doctrine and churches all the more diligently. We also ask in submission that you graciously understand this simple writing of ours, which we consider necessary for the sake of our conscience. God preserve your sovereign and princely graces at all times. God always graciously for His praise and for their blessedness, and for the protection and comfort of poor Christianity. Date Schmalkalden, on the day of St. Matthew 24 Feb, Anno 1537.

Ew. chur- und prinstl. Grace.

servants and willing servants prebendaries gathered here.

1229: Joh. Aurifaber's news of the convent in Schmalkalden.

This document is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 378; in the Altenburg edition, vol. VI, p. 1226 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXI, p. 77.

On the 15th day of Februari, a meeting was held at Schmalkalden, where the protesting states were all described for the sake of the Council, and the princes and princes, as well as the cities, brought their most distinguished theologians with them, as D. Mart. Luthern, Philippum Melanchthonem, D. Pomeranum, Martinum Bucerum, Andream Osiandrum, and others in large numbers. On this day, Emperor Carln sent Matthias Held, Vice-Chancellor, to the protesting Estates, who had taken great action with the Estates on behalf of the Imperial Majesty; so the Pope also sent his legation there for the sake of the Concilii.

  1. on this day were in own person: Duke John Frederick, Elector, Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Duke Ernst and Francis, Princes of Lüneburg, Duke Ulrich of Würtemberg, Duke Philip of Pomerania, Prince Wolf, George and Joachim of Anhalt, Count Gebhard and Count Albrecht of Mansfeld, and the envoys of the imperial cities in large numbers, and on the 6th day of March the electors and princes, as well as the envoys of the imperial cities, departed from this day.

The theologians also discussed with the utmost seriousness and diligence what they finally wanted to base the Concilio on and persevere with, and several articles were written by Martin Luther as a summary of Christian doctrine,

and approved by all the theologians assembled there, and signed with their own hand; which booklet subsequently went out in public print in the 38th year, and was called the Schmalkaldic Articles.

4 The theologians were also ordered by the sovereigns and princes on this day to read through the Augsburg Confession and Apology (delivered by Emperor Carln at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg in 1530) again with diligence, and if anything was found in it that was not in accordance with the holy divine Scriptures, or if they did not teach such things in their churches, to change it, and they, the theologians, signed the Confession and Apology again with their own hand. This signature was done on the 24th day of Februarii. And especially Martinus Bucerus signed the Augsburg Confession and Apology on behalf of the preaching ministry and churches in Strasbourg.

  1. council of the church of a committee of several cardinals, written and delivered to Pope Paul the Third by his command. With a preface and glosses by Martin Luther. 1538.

The concilium announced by Pope Paul III for Mantua did not take place, because the Duke of Mantua considered a military garrison in the city necessary for the concilium and demanded a contribution from the pope for its maintenance, which the pope refused. Now the pope moved the council to Vicenza, and it was to begin there in May 1538. In order to avert the suspicion that he was not serious about the reformation of the church, he issued an order to the cardinals, who had signed the final document, in 1537 to draw up a council on the improvements to be introduced in the church. In the same year, this writing came into the hands of Johannes Sturm of Strasbourg, who published it (1537) in Latin with notes; a German translation of it had also appeared before Luther began to publish it (Luther's letter to Hausmann of 23 Feb. 1538). In Rome this writing was printed in 1538 under the title: 6onsüium cko srusncknnckn seelssin nu8pieÜ8 l>nuU III. 6on86riptum, but in 1559 it was placed in the incksx libroruru proüiditoruln. It is reprinted in 1s ?1nt, ruonuin. Irick, torn. II, p. 596. Luther translated the same in February 1538 and provided it with his preface and glosses. The first edition is entitled: "Ratschlag eins ausschus etlicher Cardinel, Bapst Paulo des namens dem dritten, auff seinen befelh geschrieben vnd überantwortet. With a preface by D. Mart. Luth." Below a woodcut: three cardinals sweeping the church with foxtails. Then follow the words: 8ox>Ui8rna 6Ur^8ippi. 8i ruentiri8, vtiuru yuock usrurn <11618, ru6ntiri8. At the end: "Printed at Wittemberg by Hans Lufft. M.D.XXXVIII." 4Z sheets in quarto.

1972 Erl. (2.) 25,251-253. sec. 2 Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1230. W. XVI, 2364-2396. 1973

Jir the same year another edition by the same, in which some printing errors of the first are improved, and from the title added "of the churches". Only the preface is found in the Jena edition (1568), vol.VI, p. 533d and in the Altenburg, vol.VI, p. 1253. The whole writing in the Wittenberg (1553),vol.I V, p.431d; in the Hallischen Theile, p. 443 with the woodcut; in the Leipziger, vol. XXI, p. 229; in the Erlanger (1st), vol.25, p. l48, and in the second edition, vol. 25, p. 251. Also the former papal nuncio Peter Paul Vergerius, having converted to the Gospel, organized an edition in 1555.

Preface D. Mart. Luth.

I. The pope drags himself along with the poor Concilio like a cat with its kittens. In Germany he does not want to keep it, in Mantua he cannot keep it (as he pretends); now it is to become Vincent, since it cannot be, and they do not mean it either. I think he wants to become a Marcolfus, who could not find a tree anywhere to hang on. So the pope cannot find a place where he would like to have a concilium. If my advice were valid, I would almost advise that the holy people be satisfied with the concilium; they cannot suffer one, and will not make one, unless they can do what they want inside. What are they being accused of? They cannot allow themselves to be reformed, nor do they want to, that is known for certain. And yet, if it came to the Concilio, they would have to give feather or let hair, even their own patron, as emperor, kings, princes, etc., as they burned themselves in the Costnitz Concilio, and were well aware of it.

(2) For if they should be found, even in the smallest part, to have erred, the pope would perish with the crown and keys, and this terrible cry would go forth over them, that the pope and the Roman church had erred and were in the wrong. That would be death and hell for such a high majesty, which until then has stood by such an article that the pope and his chair or church cannot err, but what he does and says is an article of faith, to be believed by all Christians at the loss of blessedness. If he should now be punished erroneously in one piece, he would already be suspected in all pieces, as his own rights say: Qui semel malus, semper praesumitur malus, who

once a rogue is invented, it remains suspicious in everything. So it would fall everything afterwards.

(3) Therefore the necessity of their majesty requires that they hold no concilium in which it may be questioned or disputed whether the Roman see has erred or is in the wrong, or may err, but must, as Marcolfus did, find no city in which they wish to hold a concilium or reformation. And they must not hold a concilium, or hold one that they are powerful enough to hold, and in which nothing is done except what pleases them; as was the Lateranense at Rome, under Popes Julio and Leone, in which Pope Julius was highly praised, and nothing else was done.

4 For it is written of the Antichrist, Dau. 11, 16, that he should be such a king, who does what he wants, that is, he should be God, not subject to any right, but a lord and master of all rights, as his flatterers sing to him in their writings: Sic jubeo, sic volo, sit pro ratione voluntas. Et: Omnia jura sunt in scrinio pectoris ejus; that is: This is how I want it, this is how I call it; my will shall be the right; and: All rights are in the treasury of his heart. As we see, then, that the pope's rule is such that 1) he does what he wills, without right, against right, above right, strictly according to his will. So that he also in his decree Cuncta per mundum cries out that the holy scripture is under his chair, and he is not under the holy scripture.

  1. Since he now fetches with such majesty in the guarantee 2) and is an old usage and custom, how should he then let himself be reformed and put under the law, or let himself be instructed by someone who until then has been above all? and has neither been able nor willing to suffer anyone to be judge or master, but has made himself judge of all the world, even of the angels, as the Bulla Clementis testifies, when he commanded the angels of Paradise, as a governor of Christ, that they should lead the pilgrims who die on the journey to Rome into Paradise. Speaks to this: Nolumus, we do not want such pilgrims to be led to hell by themselves 2c.
  1. Thus the Wittenbergers and the Jenaers. Erlanger: "da".
  2. "Warranty" - possession.

1974 Erl. (S.) 25, 253-255. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2396-2399. 1975

6 He was not satisfied with this, but always seized the other part of power, that is, the earthly or imperial authority, persecuted emperors and kings, cursed them, deposed and installed them, beheaded and expelled some of them, according to all his will, against God and right. And now also his learned flatterers saw to call the pope no longer pope, nor summum pontificem (as before times), but prince and pontificem maximum, which names before times the pagan Roman emperors, as Julius, Nero 2c., had. For now they no longer speak thus: The pope is at Rome, but: Princeps est ad Urbem, the prince or emperor is in his imperial city Rome. Thus, after they have long been emperors by deed, they now also begin to use the names and titles of the pagan emperors. For they want to be it all and only, God in heaven, emperor on earth. And their cardinals will no longer be called cardinals, but consuls. For they have become legates in the provinces, just like the pagan consuls.

7 If all this filth should be shaken in a free concilio, what a stench should arise there? They are afraid of this, and seek the most wondrous plots, and yet hope that it will not be noticed. For they have now upset the Concilium three times. They have let the Roman court's reformation go out, so that the Council (if it had to leave without their will) would not find anything to reform in Rome, because they have spoken such good words (impudent lies!) about the reformation, as they want to reform themselves, just as if it were still the previous time, when people willingly believed their letters and words, before they knew their larvae. But because such a time is over, and they are recognized before all the world as impudent liars, it is almost ridiculous, and a fine carnival play, that they still continue to ride along in the same guise, and think that one does not know them, but that one will (as before) always believe what they lie. No, it is said: It is over that one roasts bacon on coals; it does not help, brother, that you are painted, one knows you nevertheless.

8 But now they have devised a rank of the whole church reformation, as this booklet fuchsfchwänzelt, so that, if one believes such a lie, henceforth no concilium.

is necessary. For as the papal court was reformed before by that reformation, so now with this booklet the whole church is reformed. And even if the concilium had to be held (of which they are so dreadfully afraid), it would have nothing more to reform in the church, because the pope has already begun to do so. Accordingly, the concilium and meeting would be nothing else than one saying bonum mane to the other, and then they would go home again, because everything has happened that a concilium might desire.

But look at the desperate boys, how they reform the church with fox tails; where it hits the pope and cardinals, they give everything to the pope, and neither pope nor cardinal has never done anything wrong, are all pious, shall have what they have, and even more, remain as they are 2c. Who then will be reformed? The great prankster no one. For if the pope and cardinals are pious, their servants are also pious; for who will have done it, if the pope and cardinals have done nothing? So then all misfortune has been done by the wretched nobody, and this reformation is nothing but nobody's reformation. Well, one should not curse (that is true), but one must pray that God's name be hallowed and honored, the pope's name be profaned and cursed, together with his god, the devil, that God's kingdom come, the kingdom of the last Christ perish. Such a paternosteric curse may well be prayed, and every Christian should pray it, because the last arch-villains at the end of the world, pope, cardinals and bishops, so shamefully, maliciously, wantonly blaspheme and mock our dear Lord and God. Exsurge Domine, quare obdormis? etc. Sed veniens venit, and should they become nonsensical!

Advice of a committee of some Cardinals, Pope Paulo of the name of the Third from his command written and delivered.

Holy Father, we are so far lacking that we cannot express how great thanksgiving the whole of Christendom owes to the Almighty God for this^a^ ) that He has ordained you to be a pope and shepherd of His flock at this time, and has also given you such a mind and spirit.

1976 Erl. (2.) 28, S55-SS7. Section 2: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1230. W. XVI, 2399-2401. 1977

We are not able to obtain the gratitude that Christianity owes to God for this, not even with a thought.

a) What a seriousness is here the holy chair! is always a pity that > one can believe nothing more to such husks and liars, if someone could > lament it.

For the Spirit of God, by whom the powers of the heavens were created, as the prophet says, has determined through you to lay a hand under the church of Christ, which is now not only tottering, but even close to disintegration, and, as we see, to raise it to its former majesty 1) and restore it to its former respectable and glorious state. And of this divine counsel and decree we can have actual notice, since your Holiness requested us to it, and commanded that we (neither your own, nor ours, nor anyone's own benefit considered) should report to you the grave, great pestilences and abuses with which the Church of God has all along been burdened, and especially this Court of Rome. It has happened that the great, dangerous, pestilential plague has quietly and singularly broken in and taken over, and brought the great fall and decline to Rome, as we see.

b) Show them) Because they are so subtle, secret and invisible, that the Pope could not see them, where these holy Cardinals did not show them, yet the geese and ducks scream about it in all the world.

  1. And after thy holiness, taught by the Spirit of God, which, as Augustine writes, in the hearts of men, without sound and tumult of words, well knoweth and hath known the beginning of this calamity and great harm, that certain popes, having itched ears, as St. Paul saith, they themselves, not that they learned of them 2) what they should do, but that by their deceit and guile they devised a way to do what they would. And so it happened, that with all great lords there are hypocrites, like the shadow with the body, and the truth hardly comes to their ears, that immediately doctors came forth, who taught that the pope of all fiefdoms is a lord. And since every lord has the power to sell his own, it follows from this that the pope cannot be guilty of some simony. Thus, that the mere will of the pope is a rule^c^ ) and guide of all his superiors.

I) Here the Wittenberg edition has the gloss that is missing in the first edition: "Ja stinckt euch dz maul darnach."

  1. Instead of "them" in the editions, it should probably read "him" (the Spirit of GOD).
  2. from which it follows that he may do what he wants without hesitation, as the Latin saying goes: Quod libet, licet, what one pleases, that he may also do.

c) Rule) Fire here, these cardinals have become heretics, who condemn > such an old article of faith, on which the papacy stands. Oh that you > boys 2c.

(4) From this well, most holy Father, have sprung all the abuses in the Church of God, like the heroes from the Trojan horse, and so many serious epidemics, from which, as can be seen, they lie quite ill to the point of death, and these rumors have also spread among the pagans and the Turks. And your holiness should certainly believe us, that they also laugh at our Christian faith and religion for the sake of the cause, so that for our sake, for our sake (we say) the name of Christ is blasphemed among the pagans.

5 But to you, most holy Father, and truly, most holy Father, after you have been taught by the Spirit of God, after you have turned all diligence beyond your former ordinary high wisdom to heal the disease of Christ's church, which is under your care, and to bring it back to health, you have well seen that it is necessary to lift up the medicine,^d^ ) from which the disease has sprung in the first place.

d) For God's sake, say an Our Father for these Cardinals, so that they do not think differently, because people do not understand such Welsh and false Wallitzschier 4) but firmly hope that one does not know their larvae, and believe what they say, as they have been used to until now,

  1. have followed the teaching of St. Paul, and will be a servant and steward, and not a lord, and will be found faithful and diligent of the Lord.

007 Hast also followed the servant in the gospel, whom his lord hath set over his servants, to give them their hire in due season.

(8) And for this cause thou hast determined with thyself to abstain from that which is not proper for thee, neither wilt thou do that which is not proper for thee. ^e^) Therefore you have called us to you, who are inexperienced and unfit for such great things, but not a little unskilled 5) and eager for the praise and honor of your holiness, and especially for reformation and reconstruction.

  1. Thus the Wittenbergers. Erlanger: "which one".
  2. "Wallitzschier" Bellitschier, good reputation, good appearance. Cf. St. Louis edition, vol. XXII, 298.1677.
  3. Instead of: "uninclined" should probably read "inclined".

1978 Erl. (2.) 35,257-260. cap. 15. negotiations because of a concilii. W. XVI, 2401-2404. 1979

of the Church of Christ, and so you have commanded us with all earnest speeches to gather up all abuses and report them to you.

e) not due) What then is this "not", if the pope is nevertheless a > lord over emperor and everything? C. Cuncta etc.

(9) You have also reminded us very highly and faithfully that we would have to give an account of this matter to God Almighty if we acted unfaithfully or diligently in this matter. And that all things among us might be done the more freely, and be reported to thee, thou hast counted us exempt from the oath, that we might be committed to thy holiness, and hast bound us, under penalty of excommunication, that we should not or would not tell any one else of these things.

(10) Thus we have obeyed thy commandment, and have gathered together in the shortest possible time the diseases and pestilences, and the remedies which we of our little understanding have devised. But you, according to your goodness and wisdom, will make up for and carry out all that we, with our little understanding, have devised. But that we may compose all things within a certain limit, because thy holiness is a prince of these lands, subject to the jurisdiction and subjection of the Roman church, and also a bishop of the whole common Christian church, and also a bishop of Rome: so that we have not refrained from speaking something of the things which belong to the principality and supremacy of the Roman church, which principality we see to be best governed and made manifest by thy prudence and wisdom. Therefore we want to attack only these things, which concern the office of the bishop^f^ ) of the whole common Christian church; also some things, which belong to the bishop of Rome.

f) Just as the Court of Rome was recently reformed, this reformation > is also serious.

(11) Now, most holy Father, we must put this before all things and decree it, as Aristotle says in Politicis, that just as in every police and commune, so also in this spiritual administration of Christ's Church, we have this law and right before all, that, as much as possible, the laws and common rights and

be held. And that we hold it for this^g^ ) and respect that it is not due nor proper to us in legibus, and contrary to the decree of the

The right to dispense otherwise than for urgent and necessary cause. For no more dangerous nor more harmful habit can be introduced in every police force than that

not to keep the rights and laws, and to let them come into contempt and dishonor, and not to consider that our ancestors wanted to keep the I^sZs8 and rights sacred and unbreakable, and to call their power venerandam et divinam, venerable and divine.

g) If I did not know you (said the lion to the wolf), I would be > afraid of you myself.

You know all this, most pious pope, and have read it long ago among the philosophers^h^ ) and theologians.

h) Philosophers) For the Scriptures are of no use in the matter.

(13) But this we consider not only the closest to the article next mentioned, but also much more important, greater and more, than the article mentioned, that the pope and Christ's vicars and governors, in the use of the power of the keys, we say of the power, given to the pope by Christ, are by no means to seek the enjoyment of money,^i^ , profit and benefit. For this is Christ's command: You have received it freely, you shall also give it freely.

i) Money) Hold this, and see where pope, cardinals, bishops, priest > and monk remain with their splendor. But one must speak thus, so that > the Reformation is taken seriously. That you boys 2c.

(14) When all these things have been first ordained and established^k^ ), then let your Holiness take care of the Church of Christ in such a way that it may have many ministers through whom it may provide such pastoral care. These servants are all clerics and clergy who are commanded to worship, especially the priests, and most of all the parish priests, and above all the bishops. Therefore, if this administration is to have a proper course, one must first be diligent that these servants are capable and skilled for the office they are to preside over').

(k) erected) That is when the devil goes to heaven. > > l) proficient) That is, to be curtisans, legates and roman > scaffolding.

(15) The first abuse in this part, action and commerce, is the ordination and consecration, and before the priests, in which there is no care nor diligence, that at many ends the most unlearned and inexperienced, who are of the least origin and arrival, who are of evil manners and young men, are admitted to the ordination, and most of all to the priesthood, and I say, to the character and mark, which most properly signifies, signifies, signifies, and is similar to Christ^m^ ); hence

1980 Erl. (2.) 25, 260-S62. Section 2: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1230, W. XVI, 2404-2407. 1981

countless troubles, hence contempt for the clergy; for this reason the reverence for the divine service has not only diminished, but has almost completely disappeared. Therefore, we consider it best that Your Holiness first ordain in this city of Rome two or three prelates, learned and pious, honest men, who have the command to ordain and consecrate clerics.

m) similar) Here let it be taught, O man, that character makes > priests like Christ, similar and images; other Christians may be like > the devil because they do not have the priestly character.

  1. That your Holiness also command all bishops, with censure and ban, to be well aware of this in their diocese.

17 Also, that your Holiness not permit anyone to be ordained and consecrated except by his bishop, or with the permission of the deputies at Rome or his bishop.

That each bishop also keep a magister, by whom the young clerics, according to the laws, are both instructed and taught in arts and manners.

(19) There is also another abuse, which is more than necessary, namely, the granting of ecclesiastical fiefs.

(20) And especially of the pastorates, and above all others of the dioceses, in which this custom has broken down and gained the upper hand, that one thereby helps and serves the persons to whom such spiritual fiefs are conferred, 1) but not the host and church of Christ.

21 Therefore, if one wants to confer such pastorates, but especially the bishoprics, one should be diligent and take care that they are lent to pious, honest and learned people; and for this very reason, that they can administer and care for such office by themselves and their own persons, to which they are obligated.

  1. That one also lend and confer such pastorates to those to whom it can be assumed that they will have their residence and essential^n^ ) maintenance with their parishioners. For this reason, no ecclesiastical fief in Hispania or Britain, or again, shall be lent to a whale. And this is to be kept, both to lend the fiefs, which have been disposed of by mortal departure, and by renunciation, in which case one acts now only to the good and advantage of the one who renounces and cedes such fiefs, and no one else at all. If
  2. To give sense, we inserted "one" and put "lent" instead of: "lend".

If one or two pious men of integrity were appointed to such things, to pardon the ecclesiastical fiefs in a useful way, 2) we consider that they would have done well.

n) Essential) How is this to be done? Should the cardinals and > prelates return the stolen parishes? That would be terrible' But what > is the harm in saying so, even if one does not mean it.

(23) There is another abuse when ecclesiastical fiefs are granted, or when they are given to others through renunciation and cession. For this abuse has crept in secretly, that those who have renounced such fiefs reserve their use, enjoyment and interest, and sometimes even all fruits and income. ^o^)

o) They, the popes and cardinals, have invented such 3) romance > themselves, and will probably remain unreformed.

(24) And in this case one must be careful that for no other reason, and with no other right, pension and interest can be reserved and made, except for alms,^p^ ) for godly exercises, and for poor, needy people. For the pensions and incomes are as much attached to the ecclesiastical fiefs as the body of the soul,^q^ ) for which reason the ecclesiastical fiefs are by their nature due to him who holds the ecclesiastical fief, so that he may honestly have his maintenance from the ecclesiastical fiefs according to his standing; so that he may also endure and bear the expenses for worship, and to maintain the churches and houses of God in structural essence,^r^ ). And what remains over all this, he should put on ad pios usus, that is, to godly custom. For this is the nature and inherent type of the same pension and income.

p) Alms) Cardinal and Curtisans to fatten; is that reformed, if one > suffers such reservations and does not even abhor them? O Cardinals, > how you disgrace yourselves! > > q) Soul) To such bodies, the pope is the soul to which they are all > attached. > > r) How the cardinals in Rome maintain the churches so that not a > mouse dwells inside.

(25) But just as in natural things some things occur and become contrary to common course and manner, as, men and other animals with two heads, and other monsters more: so also the pope, the universalis dispensator, that is, a common steward of the church goods, when he sees that the part of the goods, which is to be turned into godly custom, is better into one

  1. Maybe: "lend"?
  2. Erlanger: "Solchs".

1982 Erl. (2.) 25,262-265. cap. 15. negotiations because of a concilii. W. XVI. 2407-2409. 1983

If the pope wants to turn to another godly custom, he may do so without doubt. For this reason, a pope may justly set a pension and interest on an ecclesiastical fief to help a poor person,^s^ ) before clerics and clergymen, so that he may maintain himself the more honestly according to his status. Therefore, it is a great abuse to reserve and reserve all use of ecclesiastical fiefs, and to take away everything that should be given and given for the worship and entertainment of the owner of the ecclesiastical fief.

s) Yes, I thought the pope wanted to be the soul of the pensions and remain unreformed. Now reform, that God may punish you, you healed boys!

Item 26: The giving of pensions and interest to rich clerics, who can otherwise maintain themselves usefully and honestly from the pensions they have, is truly a great abuse. ^t^For this reason, both of the abuses mentioned should be abolished.

t) Except when the pope does it, who is justly angry when someone else does it and does not let him do it alone.

27 There is also another abuse with the confusion and exchange of ecclesiastical fiefs, which is done with such things, contracts and agreements, which are all simoneous, and directed to nothing else, but only to the shameful profit").

u) Gain) For the pope who was supposed to do it alone with his cardinals is leaving.

28 In all cases, one must also put an end to the abuse that has now become rampant at this Roman court due to the cunning of some experienced people. For although it is provided and forbidden in law that no one may bequeath and bequeath spiritual fiefs to another in his will and last will, in view of the fact that the spiritual fiefs are not of the testator and testament maker, but of the church^x^ ). And in order that such goods may be kept for the common good of all the pious, and not for the special and private use of one alone, human, but not Christian, modesty and discretion have nevertheless invented many wonderful ways and means by which this 1) right is acted against, and thereby mocked and despised. For they hand over the bishoprics and other ecclesiastical fiefs, first cum regressu, that is,^y^ ) that they again have access to them.

  1. Thus the Wittenbergers; Erlanger: "these".

They are able to reserve and reserve to them also the fruits and use; so they also heap upon them the reservation and reservation of administration and management, and by this means make that he must be a bishop who can have neither episcopal power nor right at all; in turn, give episcopal power and right to him who is not a bishop. Therefore, let your Holiness see how far this flattery has been broken down, and that it will finally come about that everyone does what he only desires and wants. Now what is all this but to make him an heir to spiritual fiefs?

x) Church) This is the pope, he alone shall have it, so the church is > reformed. > > y) that is) They sell and barter with the bisthumens, like the rogues > with dice.

  1. over and above this, they have invented another deceit, namely, that when one gives and decrees to the bishops, at their request, more unfit^z^ ) coadjutores, neither they themselves are; that one (unless one will close his eyes) clearly sees that by this way one makes heirs to ecclesiastical fiefs.

(z) more inefficient) For efficient ones are indeed good, but who > wants to find inefficient ones?

Item, Pope Clement^a^ ) has again denied the old right that the priests' children of their fathers should not possess spiritual fiefs, so that the common goods of the church would not become own and private by this way. But nevertheless,^b^ ) is also dispensed and imposed in these honest rights.

a) Clement) Ah, the pious pope! Why does one not follow such a pope, > who has reformed the church so finely? > > b) dispensirt) That is, one reforms how and what one wants. It is > said that clipping is part of the trade.

We do not want to conceal the fact that, if anyone with understanding can recognize for himself the truth, no other thing has made this disgrace and apostasy of the clergy more, from which so much rebellion and indignation have arisen, and still others arise and follow, because of this misappropriation of the ecclesiastical and church goods, pensions and income for their own benefit. Before, all people hoped that these abuses would be corrected. But now they have despaired of it. ^c^) and speak almost evil of this chair.

c) despairing) There it will probably remain, because such cardinal > reformation strengthens such despairing with such Roman, shameful, > false words.

1984 Erl. (2.) 25, 265-S67. Section 2: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1230. W. XVI. 2409-2412. 1985

  1. After this, there is another abuse in the expectations and expectations, also in the reservation and reservation of the ecclesiastical fiefs, so that one also gives cause to desire other people's deaths and to hear them gladly. For by this rank 1) they close the way to those who are more worthy of such ecclesiastical fiefs, if they are transferred, and give cause for dispute and right, and we consider that all these abuses should be abolished.

(33) Another abuse has also been invented and fabricated through the above-mentioned trickery (^d^ ). For some ecclesiastical fiefs are called by right, and are also incompatibilia, which do not like each other. Now our ancestors wanted to warn us by and with the interpretation of the name incompatibilia that these should not be granted to one alone. Now, however, this is also dispensed with, and not only in two or more other ecclesiastical fiefs, but also, which is worse, in many bishoprics. Because this custom has become so prevalent for the sake of avarice, it is rightly abolished, first of all, that one should not lend a lot of bishoprics (^e^ ) to only one.

d) List) Neither the pope nor the cardinal did it, nor do they do it > yet; therefore such reformation does not concern them; the king of > Callicut did it, and the cuckoo of Taprabona, they are reformed here. > > e) Bisthume) because to the pope alone they should remain com- > patibilia.

(34) What shall we say of the unionibus and uniting to one person all their life, that they pretend that it should not hinder, though the spiritual fiefs are given much to one alone, from that two or more fiefs are joined together; shall not this be a vain deceit of right?

35 Another abuse has also become rampant, that the most reverend cardinals^f^ ) are lent or commendated and given bishoprics, not only one, but many. And because of this abuse, most blessed Father, methinks there is much that is wonderful in God's Church: first of all, that the office of cardinal and the office of bishop are incompatibilia, and do not suffer from each other. For the cardinal's office is to assist your holiness, and to keep its essence with it, to govern the whole common Christian church. ^g^) But the bishop's office is to feed his flock and sheep, which he does not do rightly or well,

  1. Wittenberger: ranck; Erlanger and Walch: "rank". We have followed the former reading.

nor how he is obliged to do so, for he has his being with his sheep, as a shepherd with his flock.

f) Ah, the poor cardinals, where do they want to go before this > reformation? Help, infernal 2) Cardinal of Mainz, that it does not > become serious here, along with your peers unpleasant. > > g) Hui, brother! don't deny yourself to death, you can still feed > yourself well.

Moreover, holy father, this abuse harms most with the example. ^h^) For how can this Holy See judge and correct other people's abuses, if the abuses in its most noble members are tolerated? We also consider that because they are cardinals, they should not be allowed to act contrary to common rights, ordinances, and statutes even more, but even less for the sake of such causes. For the life of the cardinals should be a law for the others (^i^ ) and a rule to be followed.

h) I can see in your eyes how serious you are.

(i) law) be stinginess rule.

(37) Neither should we follow the Pharisees and hypocrites, who speak and do not, but the Lord Christ, who began to do, and to speak after that. Furthermore, this custom also does harm in the counsel of the church. For this liberty is a nourishment and abstention of avarice. Above this, the cardinals are stingy with kings and princes for bishoprics, to which they are so attached that they are not allowed to speak their mind and opinion freely in councils; indeed, even if they could do it well, and would like to^k^ ), they would still let themselves be deceived by their weakness to speak right. Therefore, God wished that this custom be abolished and that the Cardinals be so provided for that they might live honestly to their station, and that one might have as much income as the other. Which we think would easily happen if we wanted to leave the service of mammon for the service of Christ alone. ^m^)

k) gladly) for that the great Satan strictly guards them. I) > honestly) that one would have four kingdoms. > > m) Yes, there it is, "if we wanted to"; but the cardinals and popes > say: We do not want to do it, as he said at Salzburg, and they all > say. What then is this Reformation? A Roman larva, which has been > badly belarvetted, and shamefully betrays itself.

  1. In the Wittenberg: "hellischer"; in the Erlangen: "höllischer". The latter is meant, however, written: "hellischer" == hällischer, that is, to Halle.

1986 Erl-5,S-7--70. cap. 15. negotiations for a concilii. W.xvi,Air-r "is. 1887

If then the abuses mentioned were corrected, which belong to and serve to ordain the servants, through whom, as instruments, both worship may be well directed and the Christian people may be honestly instructed, governed and guided in Christian life, then one would have to take hold of the pieces which belong to govern the Christian people.

In which part, most blessed Father, this abuse must first be abolished before all others, that first the bishops before all others, and then the pastors do not live away from their churches and parishes; before the bishops, as they have said to me: for they are the bridegroom^n^ ) of the churches that are commanded to them. For, dear eternal God, what sight can be more wretched and more miserable to a Christian man who is wandering the countryside, than that the churches become so desolate. For almost all shepherds have departed from their flocks, and the parishioners are all ordered to the hirelings. Therefore, a great punishment should be imposed on the bishops before all others, and after that on the parish priests who have departed from their flocks. And this punishment should not only be done by censure and banishment, but also that the absentee bishops and parish priests should not be allowed to receive the rent and interest, the bishops would then receive permission from your holiness, and the parish priests from the bishops for a short time. ^o^) Read the common laws and some conciliar decrees and treaties, in which this provision was made, that the bishop should not be allowed to be away from his church for longer than three Sundays or weeks.

n) Bridegroom) This is what the devil wanted, that bishops should be > the bridegroom of the churches, which is Christ alone. Behold, how > instructed is the pope"! in the Scriptures! > > o) Permission) Yes, if the hole is open, then the reformation is very > well shitty.

40 This is also an abuse, that so many most dignified cardinals do not have their being at this Roman court, and the offices^p^ ) do none at all, which are due to the cardinals. For this reason, though perhaps not all, for we consider it good that some Cardinals have their being in their countries, for through them, as through some roots, interwoven and distributed through the whole of Christendom, the peoples, rations, and regions are preserved under and at this Roman See; yet it would be good that at the least the greater number of Cardinals be required by your Holiness at the Roman Court to have their being all there. For by this means, beyond that that the Cardinals directed their office, so

The honor of the Roman court would also be promoted. And thus would be fulfilled and repaid what had been broken off and withdrawn from the Roman court by the withdrawal^q^ ) of many bishops who had turned to their churches.

p) Offices) How can they all do their office in Rome? There is no > monastery left to eat, but they have to seek their office in other > countries, which is to eat monasteries. Therefore, it is right that > cardinals should take root in all Christendom and keep it under the > pope. > > q) Behold, behold, the desperate jacks want everything gen rom!

41 There is also a great abuse, and in no way to suffer and tolerate, in which the whole of Christendom is annoyed, from which prevention in the matters,^1^ ) which occur to the bishops in the government of their flocks, comes, most of all, to punish, correct and atone for the wrongdoers. ^r^) For first of all, evil men, before the clerics and clergy, make themselves free and exempt from their bishop's and ordinaries' judicial constraint by many ways. After that, if they are not exempt and freed, they soon have recourse to the office of penitentiaries or dataries, at which ends they soon find an opening to remain unpunished, and, which is worst of all, for this very reason, if they only give money. For, most holy Father, this affliction grieves the Christian people so much that words cannot reach them.

r) Who does this other than the pope and cardinals who do not want to > be reformed?

(42) We beseech thy holiness, by the blood of Christ,^s^ ) that he hath redeemed, washed, and cleansed his church and congregation, let such abuses cease; let the shame and vice cease. For if this were given some access in some commune, country and kingdom, it would soon fall off its neck and go to the ground, and no longer be able to stand in any way. And we should let even this seem right and good to us, if we drive such abominations into Christendom?

s) So you shall smear the mouth of the barbarians. Run strase you God > again, you blasphemous liars. For whoever hears such words and does > not know you, should believe that you are serious. But you have done > such lies and oaths many hundred years too much; one believes you no > longer.

43 Another abuse in monastic orders must also be changed, corrected, and remedied, because so many of them have come into such disrepair and disorder that they greatly annoy the seculars by it, and with the example

  1. Inserted by us to give meaning. In the first single issue: "aus den Verhinderung". Erlanger: "from the prevention".

1988 "rl. -70-r7-. Section 2: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1230. W. XVI, r "i"-L4i7. 1989

do a great deal of harm. Therefore we consider that all conventual orders should be abolished, not by doing violence to anyone, but by forbidding the taking in of new monks; for in this form they would soon be destroyed and leave, and pious monks and clergymen would be appointed in their place. Now, however, we consider that all the boys who have not yet taken profession and monastic vows should be driven out of their monasteries.

  1. in our opinion, this should also be improved, and a diligent eye should be kept on the appointment of preachers and confessors from the brethren, so that, first of all, their superiors should have good diligence, that they be capable and skilled for this. Then they should also be presented to the bishops, who are charged with the care of souls and the church before anyone else, to be interrogated and examined by the bishops themselves or by skilled men; they would then be admitted to such matters with their will^t^ ).

t) Will) But once reformed, yet do what they want. There will always be "reservations" that they will be reformed, and yet remain unreformed.')

(45) Most holy Father, we have said that it is not fitting in any way to suffer in the use of the keys, and in matters of confession and penance to seek some profit from the confessor; in which we have the firm word of Christ, "Ye have received freely, ye shall give freely. Now this concerns not only your holiness, but all who are partakers of your power. Therefore we would like it to be observed by the papal legates and nuncios. For just as the custom, which has now gained the upper hand, does dishonor to this See, and makes the common people mislead and grieve, so also, if it were directed to correction, it would be honest to this See, and the common people would be wonderfully improved thereby.

46 Another custom also grieves Christendom in the nuns and nuns' maidens who are cared for by the conventual brothers, since in many monasteries public disgrace of God^u^ ) happens with all male annoyance. Therefore, your Holiness wants to take the same care of all the monks and order either the ordinaries,^v^ ) or others, as it is considered most convenient.

u) God's shame) This is bad to interpret. But he means so much that many nunneries are public whorehouses, when they should be God's own brides; as they well know how things are in Rome, etc., but do not intend to improve anything seriously.

v) Ordinaries) AIS that can better disgrace, neither the monk".

  1. This gloss is missing from the Wittenberg edition.

47 It is also a great and pernicious abuse before the most ungodly and unchristian disputations take place in Italy and in the French lands, where many teachers and philosophers teach the ungodly nature^w^ ). Even if some of them are godly and Christian, they are still very evil and dishonest, and act with no reverence for the common people. Therefore, we thought it advisable that the bishops in the places where universities and high schools are located should be ordered to admonish the lecturers and reading masters who read, so that they do not teach and instruct the young people in an ungodly manner, but that they show them (^x^ ) in questions concerning God, the creation or eternity of the world, or the like, how weak and small the natural light is, and instruct them in godliness, religion, and the fear of God.

w) Thanks be to you, you confess, that you have so ruled, until epicuri preachers have become, whom you yourselves prefer to hear rather than the gospel.

x) Lt ut <io"-rvnt, unimao" essv ilnmortalew, se- vniulnu" IX'vrvtum I^onis Oociwi, in Concilio I^t "raiwusi etc.

48 Likewise, they did not allow public disputation of such questions, not even of such theological matters, which are truly held in great contempt by the common people, but that one of such matters secretly, but non 2) pkvmvis guaskitinnibus and natural questions and matters publicly disputire. This should also be ordered in all other cities, especially in the most noble cities, where such disputations are held.

49 The same diligence should be applied to the printing of books, and all princes should be asked to ensure that not all books are printed in their lands and dominions from time to time. And the ordinaries should be ordered to keep an eye on this. Because children in schools are now taught the Colloquia Erasmi,^y^ ) in which there is much that instructs the young and unrepentant minds about godlessness, it should be forbidden to read this book and others like it in schools.

y) Erasmi) Yes, he must have done it. Would to God that he should live, and pay you shameful knaves, and show how godly you have improved young and old with words and works.

50 Thereafter, as far as instructing your servants is concerned, whom you need for the care of the whole common Christian church, also to administer them, you must keep an eye on the gratuities of your servants.

  1. We suppose that instead of "noo" should be read: "of".

1990 Erl. (2.) 25, 272-275. cap. 15. negotiations because of a concilii. W. XVI, 2117-2420. 1991

and pardon writings of Your Holiness, that over the previous abuses other abuses have also been introduced and torn down.

The first abuse is in the apostate friars or clergy, who, after 1) their vows, leave their order, and find that they are not obliged to wear the clothing of their order, nor even the least indication of the order's garb, but only an honest clerical garb. We will now remain silent about the profit. For we have already said in the beginning that it is by no means proper to seek profit in matters concerning confession and penance, and the power given by Christ. But one should abstain from such graces and gratuities and not give them. For the clothing is a sign of the monastic vow made. For this reason it cannot be remitted by the bishop, to which bishops such apostates and apostates are subject. Therefore, this grace and indulgence should not be given to the apostates^z^ ), even if they abandoned their monastic vows in order to commit themselves to God; thus, they should not be allowed and indulged to have spiritual fiefdoms and administration, and to govern churches.

z) Apostates) Here he does not mean the Lutherans, whom he does not call so honestly, but whom the pope has shorn off for the sake of money and let go in priestly garments 2c.

52 In addition to this, there is also an abuse in the stationaries of the Holy Spirit, St. Anthony, and others like them, which deceive the peasants and the simple, and confuse them with countless superstitions and misbeliefs. In our opinion, the same stationers should also be discouraged. ^a^)

a) abthun) Go on beautifully, holy pope, the chair at Rome has confirmed it, which has never erred.

(53) It is also another abuse to dispense with ordained persons and allow them to take wives. Now this dispensation should not be given to anyone except for the entertainment of a people or nation, in great and most important matters,^b^ ) before these times, when the Lutherans insist on this article to the utmost.

b) Things) He nevertheless wants to keep the power to sell the marriage; that is reformirt!

54 Furthermore, it is an abuse in marriages between blood friends or brothers-in-law to dispense with them. For we hold it there-

  1. Instead of: "after" in the editions, "the after" should be read.

for that one should not give such dispensation in the other degree and member except^c^ ) for the sake of public, important causes. In other degrees and members, however, only for the sake of some causes, and, as we said, without money. They would then already have been given together and enclosed. For in such a case, for the absolution for the sin committed, one would impose a fine^d^ ) or penance on them, and apply it to the expenses that your holiness does for godly custom and to honor God. For just as there is no sin in the custom of the keys, no money may be demanded, so also, where one asks for absolution from sin, a fine may be imposed, and applied in Christian godly custom.

c) except) Dear lords, reform with confidence! But do not hand over > anything that is too close to your tyranny. > > d) Fine) It would not be a big wonder if God with lightning, thunder > and infernal fire turned pope, cardinals and reformers to ashes like > Sodom 2c. How shamefully they mock the wretched Christians. Oh, dear > God, look at them for once!

  1. It is also another abuse, that one absolves the Simoniacos and spiritual usurers. For, unfortunately, this poisonous vice now rules and reigns in God's church so strongly and violently that even some are not at all ashamed to practice simonei^e^ ) and spiritual usury. From that time on, they ask for absolution from the chastisement; indeed, they buy the absolution and also keep the purchased spiritual usury.

e) Simonei) Yes, what is Simonei of this time? All monasteries, popes > and cardinals would have to become desolate, where Simonei would be, > which has existed before times.

(56) We do not say that your holiness does not have the power^f^ ) to relieve simoniacis and spiritual usurers of the penalties imposed on them by human law and de jure positivo, but that your holiness should in no way resist such great evil, considering that there is no more harmful nor more annoying vice than the spiritual usury, simoniacis, and haggling for spiritual fiefs mentioned.

f) Yes, the pope may reserve everything to do.

Nor should the clergy and ecclesiastics be permitted to grant and testify to anyone of the church's property, except for urgent^g^ and great reasons, so that the poor's property would not be used for special pleasure and to build large houses.

g) urgent) That is where and if they wanted, it is called urgent.

  1. confessional also, or confessional letters, also portatel, altar stone to need, should not be easy-

1992 Erl. (2.) 25, 275-277. sec. 2. Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1230. W. XVI, 2420-2423. 1993

and corruptly. For in this way spiritual and church things are held in contempt, and especially the most important sacrament.

  1. Also, the indulgence^h^ should not be given more often than once a year in every excellent city.

h) Indulgences) This has already been reformed by Luther.

(60) Neither should the confusion and alteration of vows be done so unkindly, nor should the vows be changed and confused with other works, for they would be equal in value to the vows. ^i^)

i) Value) Such value shall stand in the will of the pope, according > to which the penny rings.

  1. It is also customary to change the last wills of the testatorum, who for godly things donate a sum of money, which they, by authority of your holiness, use 1) on the heirs or legatees, to whom something has been decided and bequeathed, because of supposed and pretended poverty, 2c. and this for the sake of profit and their own use and enjoyment. A great change would have occurred in the food and housekeeping of the heir through the death of the testator, so that the testator, where he should have lived longer, would probably have changed his will against the heir. For it is unchristian that one changes the last will of the testators. ^k^)

k) But since the hands of the pope are not closed, the reformation > does not harm the bad guys.

(62) We have often spoken of gain and selfishness and usefulness; therefore we hold that one should abstain from touching change in all ways.

  1. Now that we have summarized and briefly recounted everything^l^ ) that concerns the entire common Christian church, as much as we know how to remember, we still have to say about some articles that concern the pope or bishop of Rome.

l) Everything) Yes, indeed, the splinters are stirred a little, the > hideous beams are confirmed; the mosquitoes are set, and the cameos > are devoured.

This city and church of Rome is a mother and mistress of other churches; therefore, both worship and respectability of morals should be at their best. Therefore, most holy

  1. This "they" is deleted in the Wittenberg edition; nevertheless, this sentence remains incomprehensible to us. Perhaps after "use" 2c. "pretend" should be added and the second "they" should be omitted.

Father, all foreigners and foreigners who go to the most holy St. Peter's Cathedral are angry, because some uninformed, unlearned, incompetent priests are dressed in such a chasuble, parament and clothes (^m^ ), which they could not use even in despised, uninformed, lowly houses with honor, and hold mass there. This is a great annoyance for everyone. For this reason, the most venerable archpriest or the most venerable penitentiary should be ordered to keep an eye on it, and to put an end to this nuisance here in Rome, and thus also in other churches.

m) Behold, is it because of garments? but where remain the fairs and terrible fair, and many other abominable, blasphemous abominations and principal things at Rome and in all the world? Such beams must remain.

65 In this city of Rome, the women go as matrons, or ride on mules, and they are followed, even in broad daylight,^n^ ) by the noblest of the cardinals and clerics. We have not seen the same fornication in any other city, although Rome should be a mirror and model for all cities. Also, the same bimbos live and sit in splendid large houses. This shameful abuse should also be abolished.

n) Here they confess right; but it is not a sin to Rom, but great honor against the Welsh and Roman chastity.

66 In addition, in this city of Rome there are also some particular and private disputes, discord and enmity between the citizens. Now the bishop of Rome has the primary responsibility to tolerate, judge and put down such enmity. Therefore, such enmity should be reconciled by some cardinals, before by those who are most capable of doing so,^o^ ) and the citizens should be made one with each other again.

o) ad, Calendas Graecas.

67 There are hospitals, widows and orphans in this city; the care of these is primarily for the bishop and the prince;^p^ ) for this reason, Your Holiness could also arrange this through pious cardinals.

p) Princes) That is, the pope, as a pagan emperor at Rome.

(68) These are the articles, most holy Father, the articles that we have gathered together from this time, according to our little understanding, and what we think needs to be improved and changed. Now you will judge and do all this according to your goodness and wisdom. ^q^)

q) so that nothing is reformed.

[1994]{.underline} Erl. (2.) 25, 277 f. Cap. 15. negotiations because of a concilii. W. XVI.242S-242S. 1995

(69) And though we are too weak and small in these great matters and dealings, and this trade is far beyond our ability, yet we have done with it our consciences, and have a wondrous hope that under you, Princes, we shall see the Christian church purified and beautiful, and as a peaceful dove living with the whole body in the highest unity, with eternal remembrance of your name, praise and glory.

You have taken the name of Paul; therefore we hope that you will follow his love and show love for the church as he did. St. Paul is mentioned as preaching the name and merit of Christ among the Gentiles.

71 Now we hope that you will be chosen to restore the name of Christ, both darkened by the Gentiles and by us clerics,^r)^ and bring it back, and heal the sickness in our hearts and works, bring the sheep of Christ back into one fold, and turn away from us God's wrath and vengeance, well deserved, which we see ready and pressing upon our necks.

r) Even without God's word and right doctrine 2c., of which nothing is necessary to reform nor to remember.

Caspar, Cardinal Contarenus.

John Peter, Cardinal Theatrinus.

Jacobus, Cardinal Sadoletus.

Reginaldus, Cardinal Anglicus.

Friedericus, Archbishop Salernitanus. Jerome, Archbishop Brundusinus. > John Matthew, Bishop Veronensis. Gregorius, abbot at St. Georgen, > Venetus. Brother Thomas, Magister sacri Palatii. 1)

  1. We give here some more detailed news about the members of the Committee of Cardinals: Caspar Contarini was later legate at the Imperial Diet of Regensburg in 1541. John Peter Caraffa became pope in 1555. under the name of Paul IV. James Sadoletus, bishop of Carpentras, is known for his Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. Reginald Polus (kools), formerly Archbishop of Canterbury, had fled England because of the innovations of Henry VIII. Frederick Fregoso, Archbishop of Salerno, published our writing in Rome in 1538 under the above title; later, in 1539, he became a Cardinal. Jerome Aleander, Archbishop of Brindisi and Cardinal, is the well-known Papal Nuncio at the Diet of Worms in 1521. John Matthew Gibertus was Bishop of Verona. Gregorius Cortes was abbot of St. George in Venice. Thomas Badia, papal high chamberlain, the theologian of the Dominican Order; in 1542 he too became a cardinal.

1231: Roman King Ferdinand's (alleged) letter to Luther. The 1st(?) Feb.1537.

This letter was first published by D. Polykarp Leyser in 1607 in his streun uff ilneodum Gretserum, x. 43, stating that he found it inserted in an old volume (eoäiees, which formerly belonged to Luthern. After this, Goldast included it in the Ooustitut. ilux. toru. Ill, p. 561; furthermore, Gerhard included it in the eonkoss. entü., lib. I, xnrt. I., enp. 4, x. 43 and Matthias Hoe in his I,utü. tünurunturA. With good reason Gerhard already doubted the authenticity of this letter a "and so did Seckendorf, llist. I^utü., op. Ill, x. 162, Vää. I. The latter gives even more locations there.

Ferdinandus, by the Grace of God, Roman, Hungarian and Bohemian King 2c.

Honorable, learned, devout one! Although before the time when we arrived in Germany in our youth, and first went into princely, and then, by the gracious grant of the Almighty, royal government, we did not like your writings and teachings that went out then and thereafter, but, according to the report of some of our preachers and confessors, considered them heretical, seductive, and repugnant and inappropriate to the holy Roman Church's statutes and commandments: Nevertheless, for the past two years, as much as our excellent duties, in which we have at times taken little time, may suffer, we have been reading in some of your books, and especially in psalms, which are mostly directed to royal and princely regiment.

  1. In addition, it also occurred to me that one of our confessors, of the Order of the Barefoot, whom we brought with us from Hispania, recently departed from God, who, shortly before his departure, called us to him and confessed how he had deceived us until now and had not shown us the right path to salvation; with the highest request to graciously forgive him for God's sake, and now to immediately accept, with our kingdoms, principalities and lands granted by God, the beatific gospel, which is diligently and faithfully taught and propagated by you, and also to guide and bring our most beloved Lord brother, the Roman Emperor, so that such a thing may also be done by his majesty and love, if he would die all the happier and more willingly.

3 In addition, we have been informed by the noble and well-born, our rulers and the kingdom's faithful, Hans Offling, Chancellor of Bohemia, and Andreas Ungnad, both barons, who listened to your sermon last autumn in Torgau, and who also had verbal conversation and sub-conversation with you, how you had at that time a Christian and a Christian friend.

[1996]{.underline} Erl. 55,168 f. Section 2: Convents at Schmalkalden. No. 1231 f. W. LVI, 2425-2427. 1997

You have made a good distinction between your sermon and especially your works, and you have also given them reasonable information about your doctrine, on which it is based.

  1. From these and other Christian motives, before because we feel the pope and his scholars, whom you, for the sake of their order, doctrine and life, as we have partly found out from your writings, in manifold ways seriously and arduously, against you so faintheartedly, and (as we may well report) uncomposed and unpublished, our royal mind, which was ungracious to you before, has mellowed, and (thanks be to God in eternity) has turned to such an extent that we may now well suffer and tolerate your doctrine, insofar as you remain steadfast in divine and biblical Scripture, and do not do anything rebellious or contrary to Christ. For we have now unfortunately found that the pope and his followers have hitherto sought their own, and have divided and sold us chaff for grain.
  2. Therefore, in a few days, we intend to deliver to the Emperor's Majesty, our dearest lord and brother, a considerable embassy in Hispania, which is favorable to the Gospel, and to diligently act on the things mentioned in our confessor's blessed report, request, and also on our understanding, which we have inquired and comprehended from your books, with his majesty and love, We will diligently act with his majesty and love, according to our confessor's blessed report, request, and also according to our understanding inquired and comprehended from your books, and exhortation, whether we would also move his love, which does not doubt us at all, to that end. And in case it is irrelevant to his majesty and love, then, notwithstanding the Pope's intended council, as Roman king, we shall call a general imperial diet in a convenient place, and unanimously and finally unite and compare ourselves with the estates of the Holy Roman Empire cities, your and other scribes' council, according to divine and reasonable discretion, for the sake of the faith of the Christian 1) religion.

In our gracious opinion, we do not want to save you from this, in order to work and carry out the truth in a more stately manner. Given in our Tyrolean county, in our city of Insbruck, the first Monday of Februarii, 2) Anno 1537, our

  1. "Christian" put by us instead of: "spiritual".
  2. This time determination also makes the letter suspicious. If one takes it like this: Monday, February 1, it is wrong, because in 1537 the first of February was a Thursday. But if one takes it as "the first Monday in February" (5. Febr.s, so the time determination would have been without doubt so: Monday after Mary's Purification (or kuriüeutiouis), Seckendorf and Walch take February 1.

Empires, the Roman in the seventh and the other in the twelfth year. Ferdinandus

Ferdinandus -- Ad Mandatum.

To the honorable and learned, to our and the empire's dear faithful, > Martin Luther, the Holy Scripture teacher at Wittenberg.

1232 D. Martin Luther's Concilii halben, zu Schmalkalden gestellt im Februar 1537.

This concern is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 379; in the Altenburger, vol. VI, p. 1074; in the Leipziger, vol. XXI, p. 149, in De Wette, vol. V, p. 51, and in the Erlanger, vol. 55, p. 168. According to Seckendorf, Ilist. Imtü., lik. Ill, p. 145 it is placed before the arrival of the Papal Nuncio Borst, that is, before February 24.

  1. I see well and fear that it will come to a scuffle at last; one must not be afraid of it, although God is almighty and is called, who has so far sent many things differently, neither we meant.

2 There is no doubt in my mind that the pope or his people are afraid and want to see the council prevented, but that they could boast that they were not lacking because they had announced it. They have sent messengers and summoned the estates to see how they would organize it.

For this reason they have presented us with a devil's head, so that we should only be frightened and flee back, namely, that they have proclaimed such a council, in which they report nothing of church matters, nothing of interrogation, nothing of other matters, but only the extirpation or eradication of the poisonous Lutheran heresy, as they interpret themselves in the Bulla, de Reformatione Curiae, 3).

4 Hereby we have not only already our judgment, which is to pass over us in the Concilio, but the appeal with interrogation, answer and action of all things is added, also all pious, honorable people, who one would like to choose perhaps as mediators, are struck away; but the cursed boys of the devil want to make their pleasure, not only condemn (because they want to be sure of it from the previous bull, issued against us), but to start the execution and extermination and to occupy us.

  1. No. 1225, § 2 in this volume.

1998 Erl. SS, 169-171. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2427-2429. 1999

We are not yet interrogated (as all rights demand), nor have they, the Cardinals, ever read our Scriptures, nor recognized the doctrine, because our books are forbidden everywhere, but only the false writers and liars have heard, and we, on the other hand, are not heard, although in German lands both bishops and princes know, even in their part, that it is lying books and boys, whom the Pope, Welsh and other nations believe.

For we heard at Wittenberg from the Pope's orator, Petro Paulo Vergerio, 1) that he did not mean, and reported much differently, neither he found it with us, in many pieces. Also the King of France's embassy, Doctor Gervasius, publicly confessed before us that his king was thus persuaded, and certainly believed that with us Lutherans there was no marriage, no authority, no church, nor anything. Where the king, pope and other nations got that from is easy to calculate. The villain of Halle and his peers have brought in books, perhaps also writings, in order to defend our books. But God is not caught.

  1. That the pope and his own are in some respects far too eager to believe such disgraceful and impudent lies, therefore they are guilty of interrogating us. Without what else their part will bring up against them than that the pope and cardinals tear apart and devastate the monasteries and convents, the bishop of Halle has three bishoprics and his like canons have many benefices, and countless things, which even without Luther's things might well be subject to a concilii. But the Bulla keeps all this quiet, fearing that it might be stirred up in the Concilio.

007 Therefore they would gladly dissuade us, that we should refuse; and they would be sure, and say that we had hindered it. And

  1. Pierre Paolo Vergerio, Bishop of Capo d'Jstria, who has appeared several times in this chapter as papal orator and legate (No. 1218 ff.), had become acquainted with the Protestant doctrine in Germany, and after his return to Italy in 1541, since he endeavored to refute it, had been converted to the truth by reading Lutheran writings. He left his bishopric and first worked for the gospel in northern Italy. In 1548 he left Italy, preached the gospel in Graubünden and Würtemberg, and died in Tübingen in 1565.
  2. De Wette: "Klöster-Stift".

So we would not be alone in our displeasure, and we would have to hear that with our refusal we could have helped all such abominations of the pope, which otherwise might have been corrected.

8 For behold the devil in his wicked children, that they will not condemn, but exterminate; which is this: they have hitherto diligently practiced the Canonem Si Papa, etc., and in our time have shed much innocent blood, inflicted all plagues on many pious, honest people, chased them away, afflicted them, and dealt miserably with them, solely because they took the Sacrament, knowing full well that it was right.

9th Now they want to judge such bloodshed and persecution in the Council, and not only that, but also first of all start and confirm such devilish rages, forcing us to consider it right and to be their masters, so that their bloodshed, persecution, blasphemy, and the destruction of Christianity, which they committed before, still commit, and eternally intend to commit, are loaded onto our conscience, and knowingly drag into hell with them. Let the devil do this, as he does through them.

10 All this would be sufficient cause that they would have been attacked and torn apart long ago. But because we have the advantage that (as is the case at this time) it will become a lousy despised concilium, in which there will be few potentates; moreover, that the ban (where they wanted to make it) has long been dead, also now the concilium will come into such clamor that it may err, and has often erred, so that it has lost its power and prestige, that they must even show a high apparent justice, so that it may again come to honor. For if this Bulla 3) should come to an end and be struck out, what a mocking, ridiculous concilium it should be held by all pious, honest people, and give a delicious example to the others, as Costnitz Concilium 2c., which foolishness has now also been revealed by God's word:

  1. so I did not want to be afraid of such hemp plasters, but let them go away.
  1. This will refer to the previously indicated Bull No. 1225.

[2000]{.underline} Eri. 55, i7i f. Sect. 2. Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1232 f. W. xvi, 2429-2431. 2001

and pour out their fools and bells completely, and do not give a negative answer to the legate (who would desire his safekeeping), but also do not entrap me; for they will (whether God wills it) also pour out the great fool after the small one. So here, too, there is no need to hurry, and we should learn God's way, which is not to hurry, but to draw out with patience, until he puts a peg in front of the tongue, so that they cannot pull it back into their mouths.

(12) For if we should hasten so without need, and fish for God's glory, we would labor in vain. For we must have his help with us, as we are far too weak for the devil's reason.

(13) This would also cause great annoyance, and perhaps even apostasy among many good people, if we were to refuse the concilium at this time, when the Turk is present and the emperor is at work. Although I believe it to be the case, the Roman boys (because they knew that this would be the case with the Turks and the French) have placed the Concilium in this very year, so that whether the Lutherans would not prevent it, it would be prevented by the Turks and the French. Although they would prefer that it be called hindered by the Lutherans. For that would then have to be called will of courage; that would have been forced by necessity, so that it could not have been held before the Turk. Summa: They cannot suffer a concilium, not even of their own part, where they should not do it as they wish.

1233 The first request of the orator and vice-chancellor of the emperor, as far as the scheduled concilium is concerned. February 15, 1537.

This document, along with the following three, are from a print that came out in 1537 in quarto in Wittenberg under the title: "Wahrhaftiger Unterricht etlicher Handlungen, die sich Pabst Pauli des Nahmens des III. Concilii halben, das er den nechstkünftigen 23. This is what happened between the Roman Chancellor and Vice-Chancellor, Doctor Matthias Held, and the Electors, Princes, Counts, Lords, and also the cities that are related to the true Protestant confession and confection, at the Imperial Diet held in Schmalkalden on the 23rd day of the mowing.

  1. Here we have erased "they".

have. And so that everyone may read, see, and examine that the answers given to the above-mentioned confession relatives, with respect to all the actions on which they are based, are well-founded and true, the same actions as those given one after the other are indicated at the end of this print. According to this, in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 379; in the Altenburg edition, vol. VI, p. 1076 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXI, p. 151, also in Hortleder, vol. I, lib. I, oax. 25, p. 98. The acts themselves, "as they passed one after another," are found in Hortleder, vol. I, lid, VII, 6nx. I. 8^., P. 1231.

  1. Your High and Princely Grace undoubtedly have good knowledge that the Imperial Majesty in her own person, and in her absence through her envoys, has had the religious matters considered and discussed at many imperial congresses, as to how they should be settled peacefully; but after manifold deliberations, it was finally concluded that a common general council should be held. Now Her Majesty has truly spared no serious diligence, effort or labor on her part, and has endeavored so long that she has brought such a concilium to tender, and Her Majesty has been of the final mind, after Her Majesty has come from Africa, to remain in the realm so long until such a concilium would be held, and the disputed religious matters would be settled. And it is not the least trouble that her Majesty had to go to her Hispanic hereditary kingdoms this winter. However, in order that Your Royal and Princely Grace should not think that the Concilium should be prevented due to Her Majesty's absence, Her Majesty has commanded me to announce that she intends to return to Italy this spring and to attend the Concilium in person. That also her Majesty shall not prevent anything, but only the force of war, which they do not want to resist. Just as Her Majesty has sent herself in all other ways with her court servants and otherwise to appear again in Italy at the time in question.

(2) And even if there should be any great matters of war which would prevent Her Majesty from appearing in person at the Concilio, in that case Her Imperial Majesty will take such precautions that, for Her Majesty's sake, there will again be no lack at the Concilio. It will also not be acceptable to His Imperial Majesty. No equity will be found with Her Imperial Majesty for the war between Her Majesty and the King of France to be settled, for the Frenchman has wilfully compelled Her Imperial Majesty to do so through all his promises, treaties, oaths, letters and seals.

  1. and therefore the imperial majesty understands that your royal and princely grace is all-

[2002]{.underline} Cap. 15. negotiations for a concilii. W. xvi, 2131-2101. 2003

The Emperor has shown himself inclined to have the disputed religious matters settled peacefully, and this cannot be done better than by a general council, to which Your Royal and Princely Grace also invokes that Your Royal and Princely Grace and those who are turned towards you will faithfully promote such a council with all diligence. And thereupon, Their Imperial Majesty requests a full report as to what Your Royal and Princely Grace and the same favored ones think of the Concilium, to have it visited personally or by their envoys, and to conduct themselves therein like other Christian members, especially since the Concilium alone is the right way by which such discord of religion may be settled, and other nations are also inclined to do so, that Your Royal and Princely Grace has shown itself to be as Christian, peaceful and benevolent as hitherto, and that Your Imperial Majesty has provided and graciously consoled Yourself, and has faithfully promoted such a General Council, and will not now be moved or persuaded to do otherwise, and will not give cause for such a General Council to be delayed, or for a schism to be practiced therein. And the Imperial Majesty hopes that the Almighty will grant his grace that the discord will not only be settled, but also that the Christian Church will be brought into a good reformation, to the praise and honor of God the Almighty, for which Her Imperial Majesty will not spare any diligence, effort or work, but will, as before, hold and show himself as a praiseworthy Christian Emperor.

  1. consider also your imperial majesty, where your sovereign and princely grace would seek delay or excuse therein, that not only thereby such good conduct might perhaps be prevented, but would also give other nations cause to think, as if one were more inclined to unrest than to peaceful unity.

5 Your Imperial Majesty graciously gives notice of all this, so that Your Royal and Princely Grace may decide all the more wisely and not give cause for hindrance. For Her Imperial Majesty seeks nothing else than that God the Almighty may be praised and honored, and that common Christianity may also benefit from it. And we graciously entreat Your Royal and Princely Grace that these things be done not only for Her Majesty's honor and subservience, but also for the benefit of the common Christians: but also for the comfort, welfare and good of common Christendom. Majesty's gracious confidence. His Majesty will in turn owe this in all graces.

  1. Majesty has imposed this point on him in particular, because it is highly important, where he has

If he finds himself in a blockade or exodus, that he should reject it with diligence to the best of his ability, which he recognizes himself guilty of doing, and he will show himself to be subservient to the cause in everything that is possible for him. Where some explanation is needed in his application, he will also let himself be heard and offered to do so according to Imperial Majesty's command.

This advertisement was made by Doctor Matthias Held, Imperial Majesty's Counselor, Vice Chancellor and Embassy to the Elector of Saxony, and Landgrave Philippe of Hesse, and their Electoral and Princely Graces in matters of religion and faith, who are in the Nuremberg stalemate, at Schmalkalden, Thursday after Esto mihi Feb. 15, Anno 1537.

1234 The Christian confessionals' answer to the imperial orator and bicchancellor's request as far as the Concilium is concerned. February 24, 1537.

See the previous number.

When the Roman Imperial Majesty finally graciously gave us notice of an indicated and scheduled concilium, with most gracious request. Maj. has graciously given us notice of an indicated and scheduled concilium, with most gracious request, since such a concilium would be the way by which the occurred discord in religion could be settled, that we want to visit or attend the same and have our will and mind humbly heard.

  1. thereupon we may not leave her imperial majesty unsubmissive. We will not let it go unreported to Her Imperial Majesty that it has not long since reached us before this time how the present Pope Paul, of the name of the Third, is supposed to have scheduled and indicated in the past Pentecost at Rome a General Council against Mantua, to be held in the near future on May 23, by means of a bulla 1). Which bull and its contents, because we have received copies of it, we have been moved to the necessity of gathering here primarily for this reason; however, we find that the aforementioned Pabst's statements do not compare at all with the most gracious and Christian opinions of the Emperor's Majesty, as the same has been felt and found with some of his ancestors in this most important trade.

3 For Imperial Majesty has in most gracious remembrance, although Pope Adrianus, of the name

  1. No. 1224 in this volume.

2004 Section 2: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1234. W. xvi, 2434-2436. 2005

the Sixth, had his legate at the Imperial Diet in Nuremberg in the second and twentieth year of the few number, and there made the following statement 1) before their Imperial Majesty the Governor, also the Electors, Princes and Estates of the Empire. They had the following denunciation 1) made and presented before their imperial majesty, governors, princes, and estates of the empire, namely, that for some years there had been many abominations in the see of Rome, abuses in the clergy, overreaching in commandments 2) and statutes, and finally all things had been changed into the wrong, therefore no wonder that the addiction had struck and come from the head into the limbs, from popes into the subprelates. That also pope, prelates and clergy had deviated, each in his own way, and now for a long time there was no one who did good, not one, with further appendix, that the said pope's legate should promise the German princes that he would turn all diligence to it, so that first the Roman court, from which such evil all comes, would be reformed 2c.

4 So such a request has almost changed soon after the death of said Pope Adriani, when Clement the Seventh became Pope, as that of his legate 3) Advertisement and action, which he had at Imperial Majesty's other and next following Imperial Diet at Nuremberg. Majesty's other and next following Imperial Diet at Nuremberg. And has Her Imperial Majesty Majesty, through her Majesty's Governor and Orator, as well as the Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire, for excellent reasons, causes and motions, had a resolution made and established there to hold a general universal and free concilio in the German nation. 4)

  1. so that such a concilium, and no other, may be meant, nor can be meant, than that which, according to a right, free, Christian concilium, might be useful for the reform of all errors and abuses in the heads and members of the church, and not according to the manner and form in which it has been carried out and held for some time by the popes.

(6) Such Nuremberg Imperial Decree of a free, universal and Christian Council has been issued by Her Imperial Majesty against us, the protesting Estates. Majesty has, upon the negotiation of our lords Ohm, cousins and most gracious lords, the two Electors, Mainz and Palatinate, in her Majesty's established and prescribed assurance of peace and

  1. See Document No. 718 in the 15th volume of this Annual Report.
  2. The preceding reads with Walch thus: "much abominable been, abuses in the spiritual make over, in commandments" 2c.
  3. Campegius. See No. 738 ff. of the 15th volume.
  4. See in Vol. 15, No. 747, § 5, Col. 2292.

The first year of the second and thirtieth year of the reduced number is graciously confirmed and ratified. 5)

(7) However, contrary to all the opinions determined and approved by Her Majesty Most Gracious, and also by the Empire of the German Nation, the aforementioned Pope Clement, in the third and thirtieth year of the few number, had us, the protesting Estates, hold a concilium through his Nuncium sent, with Imperial Majesty their Orator. Majesty's Oratorem, the contents of several articles submitted, 6) and propose it. Thereupon, we are pleased with all the answers 7) sent to Her Imperial Majesty's Oratori. Majesty's Oratori, with sufficient explanation, why we do not wish to consider such a Concilium as a common, free, Christian Concilium, and that the Imperial Majesty's Governors and Orators, as well as the Princes, Princes and Estates concerned, conform to the agreements, obligations and actions made. To this he has also proposed the Malstatt in Italy, which is why we do not know how to consent to the same. But for the sake of a righteous, free council, we have made Christian, honorable, and reasonable requests, as all of Nunci's advertising and actions, as well as our given answer, sufficiently demonstrate, to which we wish to refer.

(8) We have also given the same answer when the present Pope Paul, in the fifth and thirtieth year, next to some of ours, had a concilium held in Italy, indicated by his nuncium, and not to let us be led out of the kingdom's farewells, as the copy, which is enclosed here, clearly and sufficiently shows.

  1. But about this we find from the said Pope Paul's alleged bulls, so that he proclaims the Concilium at Rome, that he has not only written to conceal the most gracious intention of the Emperor's Majesty, and her Majesty's established and confirmed decrees in the empire, also contrary to and inappropriate to our given answers, but also such a dangerous and fraudulent 9) Concilium, as Pope Clement has publicly given to understand by his articles.

10 For from the same bull it is noted that he is not only not inclined to let speak and act Christianly, even with earnestness and truth, from errors, unchristian complaints and abuses, but irrefutably admits

  1. See the documents No. 1197 ff. in this volume.
  2. No. 1212 in this volume.
  3. No. 1216 in this volume.
  4. No. 1223 in this volume.
  5. "fraudulent" put by us instead of: "unfraudulent".

2006 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W.xvr, 2436-2439. 2007

understand that our Christian confession and our teacher's doctrine, founded in God's words, shall be condemned and condemned with his bull rather than his supposed concilium is begun.

  1. Which is clear from the fact that, among other things, he mentions 1) this cause, namely: "The new heresies and errors that have arisen" 2c. Item, that he does not report anything further or different about any just Christian act of faith, but only that 2) the eradication of all heresies is to be dealt with in such his intended Concilio.
  1. Now it is easy to remember that he does not mean his and the churches of Rome's doctrine and customs, but he wants to condemn our Christian confession (as his leader, Pope Leo the Tenth, did by his bulls, and the following popes by the bull Coenae Domini), with the bull of his supposed Concilii 3) the eternal truth of God and his one Son, Our Lord Jesus Christ's Gospel, condemned and ungodly, and remain in his ancestral footsteps, and let nothing concerning doctrine, error and abuses act in the Concilio, for how such doctrine should be eradicated as a heresy.
  1. And that this is his opinion is further confirmed and clearly shown by his bulla, which he had published almost three months later, when the alleged jndiction of the Concilii took place in Rome, for the pretense of reforming his Roman court, in which he publicly and with expressed words declares, 4) that he was moved by the eradication of half the poisonous Lutherans (so that he may mean nothing but our Christian confession), as well as other heresies, to institute the Concilium as a cause.
  2. Above this, he clearly shows his condemnation of our confession, and proves it in fact by the fact that he kills, murders, slaughters, chases away, and also has others kill, murder, chase away, and slaughter the confessors and followers of our doctrine 5) and the same of our confession, before such a supposed council has ever been written out, or before some Christian, proper action with divine Scripture has taken place or been performed in it, and procures, approves, and sanctions such.
  3. No. 1224, § 1 in this volume.
  4. Here we have deleted "us". See No. 1224, § 5.
  5. In the old edition, only here is the parenthesis closed.
  6. No. 1225, § 2 in this volume.
  7. Added by us.

15 May His Imperial Majesty, as a most praiseworthy, virtuous Emperor and the whole world, consider it dangerous for him, as if it were his opinion and mind, to reform his and his bishops' and clergymen's unchristian abominations, errors and abuses (of which many excellent, God-fearing and learned people have long complained, and have cried and screamed about) in a Christian way and to have them acted upon.

16 Cunningly moves the Catholic Majesty. Majesty, who considers his mind and earnestness to be there, as reported, that her Majesty graciously admonishes us and other estates to such concilio, since undoubtedly her Majesty would not have allowed herself to be moved to promote Pabst's Pauli Concilium at all, if her Majesty had knowledge of such danger and fraud.

  1. To this end, he sends his messengers to other Christian kings and potentates, and also to us, this part of the Estates, on pretense, and yet with concealed deceit, to induce the reported kings and potentates and us to such a concilio by trickery, and to make them and us subject to it, to execute and enforce his unjust and ungodly actions, and to hold our confession condemned and condemned before the concilio, and to help ratify his void Damnation. However, the high imperial, royal, princely and noble souls, as those inclined to virtuous and honest actions, will undoubtedly not participate in any fraud, nor will they allow themselves to be moved into it 2c.

18 But, which is even more dangerous, he thinks by such requests of his nuncii to obtain and bring about unnoticed that we, as Emperor Julianus Apostata did against the Christian men of war, should condemn our Christian confession by approval of the Concilii itself, and like him, and help to conclude its extinction against us and our doctrine, without all action of truth. This, however, is such a wicked deception and abuse that it cannot be excused either by divine commandments or by the world's respectability through Pope Paul.

  1. In addition, although the above-mentioned pope and his ecclesiastical followers (because our confession, including our doctrine, is most opposed to the abominable errors and abuses of papal and episcopal authority and statutes), are the most prominent opponents, he nevertheless wants to reject the same confession and doctrine (in spite of natural equity and the fact that it is not due to him as a part).

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and to condemn them. In this, his clergy have never been repugnant to him, and this dispute affects them as well as the pope, moreover, they are bound to him with hard oaths to preserve his statutes or his status, and otherwise.

20 Such actions, plans and undertakings will undoubtedly be regarded by the Imperial Majesty, as well as by other Christian kings, potentates and estates, not as Christian or just, but as contrary to God's and natural rights, that the pope and his clergy should have jus definiendi ober concludendi in such matters, in which they find the highest, most and noblest opponents, and also be judges and arbiters themselves.

  1. For that the pope publicly introduces, upholds and defends false doctrine, abuses and idolatries (which are not only contrary to the clear words of God, but also to the proven holy councils and the old Christian teachers, that the popes have also made traditions and statutes contrary to God's commandment, thereby certainly and without any doubt obscuring and suppressing true and truthful knowledge), has been proven superfluous by our teachers by the grace of God up to this point. For this reason, together with them and others, we intend to accuse the pope and his attached clergy of this in a proper, free, Christian, common assembly and concilium by means of divine help, and to refer it to the public in case of need. That they also simoniace without proper profession, by evil practices, also violent and dangerous means, subjugate themselves to their estates against God and their own statutes, lead an unchristian, dishonorable and annoying life, being and conduct, of the ecclesiastical, The fact that the people of the Catholic Church do not wait for the most noble spiritual offices, as they owe to God, do not care for the poor and needy in a proper and fair manner, and practice other innumerable abuses, annoyances and scandals, is not known to the whole of Christendom, and there is no need to make a wide-ranging report of it. Therefore, the pope, by virtue of his own rights, cannot declare a legitimate Christian council, much less consider himself head and president of such a council.

22 Because it is in the form of the pope himself, much less may his clergy, who are related to him in all the above-mentioned errors and abominations, and who are bound by duties as mentioned above, be in such a council as co-judges, judges, and discerners, nor may they be given the opportunity to be part of the council.

The Roman Emperor's Majesty and all Christian kings, princes and potentates are aware of this and have undoubtedly sufficient evidence of it. All Christian kings, princes and potentates know this and have undoubtedly sufficient report of it.

Finally, we have also noted that he wants the concilium in Italy to be held against Mantua, since Imperial Majesty and her orators and commanders in their place have decided that it is convenient to hold it in the German nation. Majesty and, in his stead, his orators and commanders, as well as the Electors, Princes and Estates, have considered and decided that it would be fair and convenient to hold it in the German nation. And the pope thinks to change and overturn the decision of the empire, not without contempt of the imperial majesty and the empire of the German nation. Moreover, we are not yet sure that all other kings and potentates are willing or willing to hold a concilium in Mantua, but in Italy they have their most distinguished parties and followers, so that it would be dangerous and dangerous for us to come to the concilium in person and by means of messages sent by us, and it would also be unsafe.

24 For although sufficient and constant assecuration would be set up for us, the protesting states, the Pope's followers and party in Italy are unbalanced, hostile and contrary to us and our teachers, especially because of our Christian confession, so that we and our embassies would not be safe from secret harassment, nor from practices that the places have to deal with more than elsewhere.

  1. In addition, because this is the most important trade that is under the sun at this time, concerning salvation and eternal damnation, it is necessary for us to have a large and good number, together with a considerable number of our teachers, preachers and pastors (who confessed with us at the Imperial Diet held at Augsburg before the Imperial Majesty, and who, like us, also meet each of the estates), to be of our own person, and not to place such matters on embassies or procurators alone, it would be quite burdensome and worrisome for us to dispose of ourselves outside the Empire of the German Nation in Italy, together with our professing preachers and teachers, and to leave our lands and people among our opponents in the Empire for these matters, as well as the people and subjects without preachers and teachers for a long time.

From these necessary concerns and causes, as well as others of this kind, may His Imperial Roman Majesty graciously consider and consider what reasonable, brave and powerful difficulties we may face. Your Majesty will graciously consider and consider what reasonable, brave and mighty difficulties we have to face in order to

[2010]{.underline} Cap. 15: Negotiations for a concilii. W. xvi, 2441-2444. 2011

The Holy Father Pauli has dangerously proclaimed a concilium, which he should be willing to request and provide for outside the Empire of the German Nation in Italy. We also ask Imperial Majesty. Most humbly, as a noble, virtuous Emperor, that we consider the indicated causes and grievances in this matter, not to blame us in disgrace, and as the temporal supreme head, set and decreed by God primarily for the protection and protection of true and Christian worship, to graciously promote these most important matters and actions, so that the eternal, imperishable truth of God may advance, and Christian constant unity may be planted, established, and carried out in the German nation on the right foundation, which is Christ, our Lord and Savior, and His holy Gospel, to His praise and glory, in a common, free, Christian concilio, without all dangerous, partial, suspicious, and unjust actions.

For we may testify from the bottom of our hearts that we want to stand, live and die with God's help in the faith that the true Christian church believes and holds, and that we do not think of ourselves as apart from the unity of the true Christian church, and in this matter seek nothing but the honor and glory of God the Almighty and of His dear Son Jesus Christ, and besides this, the blessedness of all men, so that they may be instructed by God's Word and brought to the right worship of God.

We wish to report this to the Imperial Majesty's Oratori and Vice-Chancellor for an urgent report and answer; we also graciously request and kindly ask him to promote this most humble answer of ours to the Imperial Majesty in the most humble and best way. We also offer ourselves to Imperial Majesty for all obedience that is owed and possible according to God, and we want to earn it for Her Imperial Majesty, as our most gracious Lord and Emperor, in all subservience always willingly, subserviently and gladly, and also graciously and favorably instruct and kindly earn it for the Imperial Orator. Date Schmalkalden, on Saturday on the day of St. Matthew 24 Feb, Anno Domini 1537.

Johannes Friederich, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c. > > Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. For ourselves and other our fellow > relatives.

1235: The Imperial Orator and Vice-Chancellor's Rejoinder and Further Indication of the Answer Given to the Christian Confession, 1537.

See No. 1233.

(1) As far as the final answer of the indicated Concilium is concerned, Her Royal and Princely Graces and those who are attached to them, Their Imperial Majesties have clearly heard the Christian mind and intention of faithfully promoting and personally visiting the same Concilium as before. Majesty's Christian mind and intention to faithfully promote and personally attend the same Concilium, as hitherto, have clearly and loudly heard, and no doubt felt and found beforehand too many times that Her Imperial Majesty's mind cannot be otherwise. Majesty's mind is no other than to promote and attend the Concilium, so that in the same Concilio the discord in religion may be peacefully and Christianly settled, and Christianity brought into a good reformation and being, primarily to the glory and praise of Almighty God, and to the blessedness of all pious Christians. To this end, Her Imperial Majesty, as a Christian Her Majesty, as a Christian head and authority, will not allow anything to be done to her in the future, and would have liked to see a General Council, as this Council has been considered at all Imperial Diets and elsewhere for the right, peaceful and unified Christian way, and Her Imperial Majesty does not know of a more suitable or better means at this time. Therefore Her Imperial Majesty Majesty has taken upon himself to promote such a council, at the request of the common estates of the Empire, and, as her Imperial Majesty has promised to God, he will do so. Majesty had hoped to God, as far as the tender is concerned, has now faithfully fulfilled her promise. Since such a General Council is thus consoling and still in existence, and should be beneficial, Her Imperial Majesty would certainly not have had to make a request. In this case, Her Imperial Majesty would certainly not have had to complain to Her Electoral and Princely Grace and their relatives. Her Imperial Majesty, if the answer given should remain the same, would not bear a little painful pity for this, considering what misfortune might follow from it. Since this article is important and great, and much good may come from it for common Christianity, especially as far as the souls' salvation is concerned, Their Imperial Majesties have not displeased me. Majesty has not unreasonably enjoined me to deal with such an article before Her Electoral and Princely Graces and those who are turned towards them, and to receive a final, clear, compliant answer to it, which I then partly agree with.

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I will gladly perform this task with all due diligence and faithfulness, as much as is in me.

(2) Accordingly, I humbly, diligently, and kindly ask and request of your Supreme and Federal Governments and their allies that they compare themselves differently in this article, and especially with the Imperial Majesty's mind and opinion, and that they do not want her Majesty and other Christian potentates and members to do so. And in order that their sovereign and imperial Majesty's mind and Christian opinion may be compared with that of the Emperor. Majesty's mind and Christian opinion even more truly, I hereby further indicate to your Majesty and the same that Imperial Majesty's mind and Christian opinion have never been the same. Majesty's mind has never been, and still is not, to defend or handle anything in the Concilio that would be unchristian and contrary to the word of God, and much less to protect and denigrate the abuses, vexatious life and scandala, they are found equal in heads and limbs, but want their Imperial Majesty to be in all things completely Christian. Majesty to be completely impartial in all this, and to faithfully promote the same in other Christian heads and members. And since it is divine and proper that in the General Council no partisan and sacrilegious action should take place, but only equity and especially the Word of God and proven Scripture, and that all partisanship and practices should be cut off, as their Imperial Majesty fully respects that the opinion of the other Christian heads and members is also like this, their Imperial Majesty cannot think of what their chur- and F.G. and those who are related to them might do. G. and those associated with them may indicate as a sufficient complaint not to attend or have attended the same council. For if partisanship, advantage, and the like sought-after unfair practices should not nor can take place in the General Council, it follows irrefutably that such a General Council must be considered no other than Christian, free, and unsuspicious, and that for this reason their chur- and F. G. and their relatives should not be allowed to attend the same Council. G. and those associated with them do not sufficiently excuse themselves from the indicated concilium by their given answer; such an excuse might also be regarded as somewhat suspicious not only by the Imperial Majesty, but also by other many nations.

  1. and, as their sovereign and imperial majesty, and their relatives, papal sanctity, interpret something sharply in such a way that, if it were so, it would not be praised by any Christian, honor-loving person, nor would it bring benefit and promotion to the disputed religious matters for a Christian settlement. But the imperial majesty has such a

They have no knowledge of the papal holiness, nor can they assume it, but rather of the contradiction that the pope, as the most distinguished spiritual head before others, would keep himself Christian and unreprovable, as befits his rank and office. If, however, their chur- and F. G. and those associated with them ever want to find fault with the pope and other clergy, and consider them biased and suspicious, they may, as is proper, bring this before the Concilio, and act on it with Christian discipline, without envy and enmity.

(4) Likewise, whether they have a defect or deficiency in form (how and in what manner things and actions are to be performed, acted upon, and decided at the concilium in question) or in other matters, they may with good reason bring up and discuss all this before the concilium in question. For, that their Supreme and Supreme G. and those associated with them should, for themselves, outside of the Council, want to presume to set a form and measure for all the other nations of Christendom, as to how and what should be acted upon and decided at the Council, would not be fair, and would also have to be considered more partisan than Christian. Her Imperial Majesty would also have no authority or power to do so for herself and with all the estates of the Holy Roman Empire, but the matters concerning the General Council would have to be dealt with not by a few heads, but by the general assembly of the Council, where innumerable Christian, God-fearing, learned, and pious men should appear, who are well versed in and grounded in the holy divine Scriptures, and who are of an honorable way of life and conduct. And let their C. and F. Gn. and those who are related to them by no means think that the experience of the holy Scriptures and the Holy Spirit are only with their scholars, but also with many more learned, God-fearing, righteous people in Christendom.

For as far as the venue of the Concilium at Mantua is concerned, it is not without reason that the imperial estates, and in particular their sovereign and imperial representatives, would have liked to have the General Concilium in German lands, which their imperial majesty has not prevented. However, their sovereign and imperial representatives and their relatives must consider that the other Christian nations should have been considered. And therefore perhaps the Papal Holiness has chosen such a place as is most convenient, which is nearest to the German nation, with sufficient lodgings, and to the

[2014]{.underline} Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2446-2449. 2015

Provisions on water and land well provided and skilful. Moreover, it lies in the Holy Roman Empire and in quite good air, and is the property of the same Empire without means, since also the pope and the clergy will neither seek nor find any advantage, since the city of Mantua has its own duke, the feudal lord of the Holy Roman Empire. And in sum, according to the occasion, the place may not be considered inconvenient. And if their sovereign and imperial sovereigns and their relatives should have any doubts, the imperial majesty, as a peaceful, gracious emperor, who would like to see such a work of the general concilii promoted, will for himself duly see to it and give assurance, and will procure and maintain the same with others, that their sovereign and imperial sovereigns shall come to the concilio in question, and from there again to their custody, peacefully, safely and unoffended. For this reason, their electoral and princely graces and their relatives, insofar as they deem it necessary, may make and request reasonable proposals, whereupon they will also decide that nothing reasonable should be done to the Imperial Majesty, and that their Imperial Majesty should not allow their electoral and princely graces to come to the Concilio in question in peace. Majesty does not intend in any way to mislead her Highness and F. G. and their relatives.

(6) After all of this, their electoral and princely graces and their relatives will finally discuss this further report and decide on an explicit, clear, compliant answer to the Emperor's Majesty's request, as equity and great necessity require, and thus show themselves here, as their Emperor's Majesty graciously consoled their electoral and princely graces and their relatives. Therefore, their electoral and princely graces and their relatives will receive the eternal reward from the Almighty God and special favor from their Majesty.

1236 The Augsburg Confession relatives' rebuttal of the imperial orator and vice-chancellor's other claims. Date Schmalkalden, February 28, 1537.

See No. 1233.

  1. As far as the last Pope Pauli indicated Concilium is concerned, we have heard from the Emperor's Majesty's orator that the Emperor's Majesty has no other intention than to promote and attend it, so that the discord in religion may be peaceful. Majesty's mind to promote and attend the same is no other than that in it the discord in religion may be peacefully resolved.

Christianity be brought into good reformation and character, and first of all to the praise of the Almighty and to the blessedness of all pious Christians. It is also not in the opinion of Her Imperial Majesty to uphold or administer anything in the Concilio that would be unchristian and contrary to the word of God, and much less to protect and glorify the abuses, annoying life and scandala. Also, that Her Majesty considers it divine and proper that in the General Council no partisan and sacrilegious action, but only equity, and especially the Word of God and proven Scripture take place, and all partisanship and practices be cut off 2c.

  1. We were pleased to hear that Your Majesty's mind on the above-mentioned Concilii half stands as touched, especially that Her Majesty herself considers it divine and right that in a Concilio no partisan and beneficial actions, but only equity, and especially the Word of God and the Holy Scriptures, should take place. Just as such matters concern the Most High and His eternal, everlasting Word, and the glory and honor of the same.

(3) However, that Her Imperial Majesty Pope Pauli does not have knowledge. Maj. Pabst Pauli's mind does not have knowledge, as we truly and thoroughly indicated in our next answer after the length, we (in moderation, as indicated by Her Maj. Orator) consider this to be true, nor do we have any doubt where Her Maj. would have noted such and would have had knowledge that Her Maj. would not have ordered the same Orator to promote Pabst Pauli's Concilium with us or other estates.

  1. we also humbly leave in its value what imperial maj. to the pope provides cheap and good about this.

5 Because his dangerous plan is publicly inappropriate to Imperial Majesty's gracious and Christian opinion. Maj.'s most gracious and Christian opinion is publicly inappropriate and unequal, and with his Bulla of the Indicted Concilii it is clear that his opinion and will is quite repugnant, and directed to danger, also partisan and beneficial actions, that Imperial Maj. Maj. Orator himself does not know how to approve it; nor does he intend anything else with his indication of the Concilii than to introduce us and other estates of the German nation, which are not of our confession and of this time, to his advantage and opinion (where we should consent to such a Concilium), so we respect that Imperial Majesty will not blame us. Majesty will not blame us for not having placed our minds on any uncertain delusion in this regard.

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We do not want to be a part of it, but we want to find out our unavoidable need for it, which is clear and visible through Pabst's Pauli Bull and other certain truthful circumstances.

(6) That is, that he has already condemned and wants to condemn our and our Confession's and other Christian doctrines by reported and other bulls before the beginning of the Council with words and deeds; nor can we think that he would contradict this if he were personally present. And even if he would subject himself to it, or someone, the contradiction is so bright and public in the day that he had to be found untrue with adverse reports before the world.

(7) Thus it is also known how he and his clergy have for some time (even though many acts in matters of faith and religion in conciliis have been done with kindness, but he and his clergy have not been subjected to their will, even though they have had God's Word and all Scripture against them), nevertheless, finally, in such matters of religion and faith, as spiritual matters, to judge and have reserved jus definiendi. Therefore we cannot think nor may we think, whether we have the whole holy scripture and the holy gospel of our Lord Christ for us, if we did not want to give way to the pope and his clergy on such and such sophistry, as was compiled at Augsburg against our Christian confession founded in God's word, and yet was not allowed to be given to the light by the masters in writing: the said pope and his clergy, as the most distinguished adversary (whom we intend to accuse with the said clergy in a righteous, common, free, Christian concilio about false doctrine, heresy, anti-Christianity, idolatry, un-Christian abominations, abuses and other things, by means of divine help, and to overcome with the truth), would finally want to recognize, be the judge and arbiter in the matters together with the same clergy.

8 For that such is his opinion, his supposed bull of indication brings along in itself, may also according to his rights not be understood differently, nor another understanding be taken from it.

(9) If we should now consent to attend or attend such a concilium on the understanding that its bull gives and clearly brings, we might well consider and accept, if we had once consented to it according to the reported bull's understanding, that after that we would have little of service or fruitfulness of form, measure, and

For the sake of the Church, we need to know how these great matters can be handled impartially, without suspicion, in a Christian and uniform manner, and how they can be obtained or maintained by the Pope and his clergy, as well as by their followers, who are themselves opponents. Especially because we have already granted them (if we should save our need for it) all their unjust advantage and will with the approval of the Concilii.

(10) Whether such a council (in which the pope and his clergy have already condemned our and ours' Christian confession and doctrine before the matters have ever been spoken or acted upon, and since the pope and his clergy, as the highest opponents, finally want to be judges and adjudicators) can or may be created for such a common, free, Christian council, on which Imperial Majesty, through her Majesty's governors and orators, also the princes, princes and estates of the German Empire, decided beforehand, and her Majesty, in the Peace of Nuremberg, has given us the right to a council. Her Majesty, through Her Majesty's governors and orators, as well as princes, princes and estates of the Empire of the German Nation, have decided beforehand, and Her Majesty has graciously promised us in the Nuremberg Peace and Standstill Assurance, Her Majesty, as well as the orators and men, shall graciously and sufficiently hear from this, also what shall be given in case of necessity in the course of time.

  1. For although we note that the Emperor's Majesty's Orator may not approve nor praise such a threat of the Pope, we nevertheless believe that he knows and understands why in the reported and other decrees and acts of the Empire, also in our Appeal and Protestation, and especially in the answers which we have given to the papal nuncios, the words "general, free, Christian concilium" are used, and that with them and the like of the popes and ecclesiastics, dangerous and unreasonable opinions and actions should be cut off and occur. As is undoubtedly due according to all rights, such words and the like are to be interpreted in such a way that they are not set in vain, and stand on paper in vain, but are to have an effect and indicate something further.

For what else would it have been to use the word "free" so often in imperial acts and decrees, if only it had been understood that every state should be allowed and free to express its opinion and need in the Council? For freedom has been granted before to the estates of Christendom, and also at times to private individuals; it would not be otherwise, first of all for the sake of those who are called upon to come to the Council. But in order for the word "free" to have its effect, it is

2018 Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2432-2154. 2019

and must undoubtedly be meant to the effect that the pope and his clergy, who are bound to oaths against each other in their matters, should not, nor must they, as they were previously subject to in some conciliis, themselves be judges and arbiters in such their matters, but that other, impartial means and ways should and must be used therein. Likewise, the word "Christian" must also have a broader meaning, for that alone should be meant that Turks, unbaptized and unbelievers should not be in such a council. For such a thing, without further addition of the word "Christian", would have brought along the word Concilium in itself, since it is supposed to mean an assembly of Christians; but it must bathe the mind, and bring along irrefutably that it is supposed to be such a Concilium, in which procedures are carried out without entanglement, without suspicion, and in a Christian manner, and only the Word of God is to be acted upon, and the doctrines are to be tried. Otherwise, the words mentioned would be completely in vain and in vain in the decisions and actions, without any effect, which may not be, nor should it be.

13 We also know well about the graces of God, and faith tells us that the true, right Christians who have God's Spirit are not scattered in one place, nor in one country alone, but in the whole world. This pleases us not a little that we hope to God and have no doubt that if only the Pope and his spiritual followers have their beneficial ways and opinions broken, so that they do not have the game in their hands and power, the Almighty God will grant grace that not only our scholars, but many more pious, God-fearing, learned people from all nations will be scattered, scholarly people from all nations (who undoubtedly would like nothing better than to see the papal and spiritual abominations, according to the judgment of God's word, changed into a Christian state, and Christianity united) come together, but who have now been conscripted, and some of whom are still not allowed to confess the divine truth for the time being out of human fear.

(14) Why even the Pope's letter and indicative concilium do not compare with the Imperial Majesty, the Princes and the Estates' previous imperial and approving opinions, has been heard by Her Majesty's Orator from our next answer with excellent reasons and circumstances. Orator from our next answer with excellent causes and circumstances. Nor can we once again judge that a common, free, Christian council would be cheaper and more convenient in some nations.

and be held, by virtue of the above-mentioned imperial and imperial treaties, in the German nation. For although other nations are also concerned with such a council, no nation is so important as the German nation, and especially us, and other many in the German nation who belong to our confession, whose unavoidable need requires that they be present and present in their own person, together with our and their preachers and teachers in large numbers, since other kings and potentates, princes and states can decay their place through their embassies, oratores and procuratores; as also the common use has been for some time in conciliis.

(15) And how it is with the city of Mantua, for its convenience, we leave to its value; but it is ever true that now and then there is war in Jtalia. And although the same cause does not hinder us so much, the same city of Mantua is suspicious to us for the indicated reasons, and, which misleads us more, the duke of Mantua is not particularly known. In addition, we are credibly informed that his biological brother is one of the most distinguished cardinals. Therefore, it is not our place to trust in this; we also hope to God that if other nations hear these complaints and concerns of ours because of the place and the way in which we desire Christian actions, they will not blame us for it at all, but may well bring much more consideration because of our part in another Christian nation that we grant such things.

16 Thus the Imperial Majesty also knows that there are many cities in the German nation that are no less comfortable than Mantua. Maj. knows that there are many cities in the German nation that are no less comfortable than Mantua, that have their own authorities high and low, and where security, honor, loyalty and faith are found. And praise God! So far, the secret practices of killing people have been heard little in our German nation, which one hears and hears at times in others.

17 Their Imperial Majesty shall also accept our request. Majesty should not take such a request from us that we stand so hard on the imperial decrees and not let ourselves be led out of them, since such a thing was previously considered fair and right at imperial congresses. Moreover, this is not new at this time, but we find that in the same case Liberius, the bishop of Rome, as a Christian supporter and patron of Athanasius, requested the same from the Emperor Constantine, to place Athanasius a concilium in Alexandria, where the defendant and the plaintiff and the promisor would be. And although such a place is far removed from the Occidental ones, the

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Constantine said that the whole world condemned Athanasius, and decided that whoever had fellowship with him should be deprived of Christian fellowship, but Liberius was the only one who supported breaking the peace of the whole world (to this, (For what had long been in one being should not be abandoned, and the very arguments now used against us were needed by the emperor, his bishops and chamberlains against Liberium), Liberius nevertheless stood by his opinion, and considered it just; And because Emperor Constantine rejected it, the world was kept in such error for a long time. But after that, it finally turned out that Athanasii's opinion was just before God, and will also remain God's truth forever. How many have nevertheless had to die and suffer innocently because of it! Thus, our well-known doctrine shall and will (whether God wills it) also be invented, whether we are allowed the comfortable place or not. For the same reason, the entire Concilium Basiliense refused to hold the Concilium in the city of Ferrara.

18 Item, in this case there are many more reasons why the place of Mantua is suspicious to us; because Pope Clement the Fifth has had against Emperor Henry, because of the place of Pisa, and yet considered it unreasonable that Robertus, King of Sicily, would have been cited there.

(19) Since we do not wish to consent to or attend the much-reported council of Pope Paul at his request, and to the extent that he has done so, and his opinion and intentions are as they are, and since we have not expressly consented to it for the sake of our consciences, we hope that Your Imperial Majesty will blame us and not the Pope. Maj. will assign the blame and cause to the pope, and not to us. Since nothing else has ever been understood or heard by us, as often as we have drawn on a council, than that we expressly and clearly want a common, free, Christian council, by virtue of Imperial Majesty, Elector. Majesty, Princes, Princes and Estates of the Empire. For we have always considered that if the Popes were to prescribe a concilium of their own liking, they would not refrain from instituting it for their own benefit, so that God's word would subsequently, just as before, have to remain condemned for the preservation of the Pope and his errors, abominations and abuses, and would have to yield to them.

20 It may also be the Pope Imperial Majesty. Maj. nor us, that we do not have such a written concilium.

We do not wish to impose anything on you, since we have not only informed his ancestor, Pope Clementis Nuncio, Petro Paulo Vergerio, but also his messengers of our opinion in writing beforehand in this form: Although we desire a concilium as highly as anyone else, for the sake of unity of the Church, we would not consent to anything else, except that a common, free, Christian concilium be held in the German nation, in which, according to God's Word, the divisions that have occurred are to be dealt with, compared, and the errors eradicated. However, this is not found in the aforementioned Pabst's bulls and supposed indication of his concilium, that he is willing to put down his and his clergy's introduced errors, abominations and abuses by God's word and to have them recognized, as yet Imperial Majesty the Holy Roman Emperor has done. Majest. Orator state that Imperial Maj. Maj.'s opinion and mind are to that effect.

21 For if the Pope's will and intention were also to this end, he should not have condemned our and ours' true Christian confession and God's Word, which is to judge, judge and strike down his errors, abominations and abuses in the Concilium, as Christ, the mouth of truth, Himself says that "the Word will judge" 2c. The pope wants to take away our arms and weapons, even the true judge, God's word, with such an unchristian damnation, before we ever come to his concilium and the matters are heard there. What good and Christian, righteous and impartial action would we have to provide for ourselves in his concilium with him and his clergy and other of his followers, if we had submitted to his will and judgment by approving his concilii?

22 For this reason, although we, the Imperial Majesty, take little precaution or doubt that Her Majesty's mind is quite sincere and Christian in this matter. Majesty take little precaution or doubt, for that Her Majesty's mind, as touched upon above, is quite sincere, right, and Christian in this, therefore we are the more grieved that we have not heard from Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty's Majesty's will, so let us nevertheless with Imperial Majesty's will. Majesty. Majesty's good opinion against such dangers of the pope. For as much as His Majesty himself would be at the concilio, no one is concealed from what authority and power they allow their Majesty and other Christian kings, princes, potentates and secular states in religious and spiritual matters, as they give them names, in their conciliis. Namely, if the pope and his clergy do so much as to grant them

[2022]{.underline} Cap. 15 Negotiations for a concilii. W. XVI, 24S7-2459. 2023

They may allow the imperial majesty and the secular estates to consult voces consultativas, but they reserve decisivas for them alone, if the imperial majesty and the secular estates want to go too far with their advice against them. Majesty and the secular estates want to go too far against them with their council proposals, that they nevertheless have the reins in their hands, and may finally conclude and decide as they please. Therefore, His Imperial Majesty will not blame us. Majesty will not blame us for not consenting to such public endangerment of Pabst Pauli. For nature shows in unreasonable creatures that they avoid the set and recognized pitfalls. It is more convenient for us, as Christians, who have been commanded by God to be cautious in the matters of His divine Word, to shun and avoid the obvious danger of Pabst Paul.

23 Thus it is also evident how the Concilium at Constance acted with Emperor Siegmund, this time in Roman dignities: which pious emperor (as is said) is supposed to have given escort and security to Johann Hussen; but the Concilium weakened his imperial majesty in this, and declared to him to great injustice that in cases of emperors, kings and others given escort, he would not be obliged to keep it. Majesty, and declared to him, to his great displeasure, that the clergy would not be obliged to keep escort in the cases of emperors, kings and others. And that therefore the pious king has had to endure his escort being broken, which has undoubtedly been a hearty burden to him.

24 However, this did not help the complainant. From which act of the Constance Concilii it can be deduced what the Imperial Majesty is able to do in such a case, even if she would like to. Majesty would be able to do in such a case, even if she would like to, against the implementation of the papal concilii. Therefore, it behooves us to be cautious in this, as God's honor requires it most of all.

(25) But so that there is no lack of us in this, which is due before God and the world, we do not only want to offer ourselves once again for a righteous, impartial, Christian and reasonable action, but also have asked and reminded the Imperial Majesty most humbly. Her Majesty will graciously consider this most excellent matter and the occasion thereof, and will undertake and promote a true, right, common, Christian concilium in the German nation, in which the Pope and his clergy are not judges over and against God and His Word and us. For we may not help to take away the honor and power that God Himself gives to His Word by the desired, our approval of the Papal Concilii, as we would otherwise do with the deed, nor would we be able to answer for it in God's judgment.

26 But if Pope Paul the Emperor's Majesty will be involved in such an imperial work, he will not be able to do so. Majesty want to be involved in such an imperial work.

If we are unable to prevent the holding of a common, free, Christian council in the German nation, or if we oppose it, we hereby testify before God and all of Christendom that we have not failed to do, promote, and approve everything that faith and love require for Christian unity. Whatever disruptions, unrest, and temporal and eternal harm will occur and result from this, we will be excused, and let Pope Paul and his spiritual followers bear the blame and cause, which the Almighty will not leave unsmelled in his time.

27 And have not wished to leave all this undisclosed to Imperial Majesty Oratori and Vice-Chancellor. Majesty's Oratori and Vice-Chancellor, upon other submissions he has made, for a true counter-report; we also graciously request, and kindly and obligingly ask him, that he may favorably forward the same to our further report to the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, in accordance with his request. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, in accordance with his wishes, and to promote our most humble report to Her Majesty to the best of our ability, and to inform us Imperial Majesty as our most gracious Lord. Majesty, as our most gracious Lord, in all subservience, with the offer of our most humble services. This we are graciously inclined to recognize and kindly and willingly earn for the sake of her Majesty's reported orators. Date Schmalkalden, Wednesday after Reminiscere 28 Feb, Anno Domini 1537.

1237 Philipp Melanchthon's letter to Joachim Camerarius about the deliberations at Schmalkalden concerning the Concilii. March 1, 1537.

In Melanchthon's epist. lib. IV, No. 196 and in the Oorx.

Rec, vol. ill, 291.

Translated from Latin.

To the distinguished and excellent, learned man, Joachim Camerarius in > Tübingen, his highly esteemed friend, (Philipp Melanchthon) sends his > greetings!

When I learned that the meeting had been announced so that the princes could consult about a concilii and we could discuss doctrine together, I came here with an extraordinarily troubled mind. For I saw beforehand what the princes would have to say, and that if a heated dispute arose among the theologians, more frightening things would happen.

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Discord would have to arise from it. For I know what the mind of certain people is set on, and whom each one intends to please with his game.

2 Luther, Pomeranus, Spalatin, Osiander, Veit, Urban Regius, Amsdorf came here. For to name the others is not necessary. Of those who are not supposed to be of the same opinion as ours, as one thinks, none was there but Blarer and Bucer.

(3) There are two reasons why a theological meeting was called: the first, that there might not be a vain but an exact comparison of doctrines, so that the disagreement might be removed and a right unanimous and clear doctrine might exist in our churches. The other, that it should be decided which articles should be held fast, and such should be asserted to the utmost, with restraint of common peace and all human things, and which, on the other hand, should be left to the pope and church police, in order to restore the peace and common harmony of the church, if the matter should be put to the point that anything should be yielded.

Now this was a very good advice, that a disputation should be set up on both sides, and that on our frequent complaining and talking about it. But it has not gone on with any piece; for as for the things in which one should give way, none of the unlearned and fierce heads has been of a mind to think of it. They say that it will not be good for us, since the game is about to begin, to be considered unstable, not only by foreigners but also by our own. They say that the emperor, too, will want more and more once we give way. All kinds of worrying thoughts come to the mind of the pious and the pious. After that, it was expressly demanded that the doctrine not be dealt with harshly, so that no dispute would increase the disunity and tear the covenant apart. Before we came here, I saw that these dangers were hanging over us, and I warned our people in advance, but they still had good hope.

In order that we do not lie here completely silent and, as it were, be mute images, we have been commanded to write something about the primacy of Peter or the Roman pope, and about the power and jurisdiction of the bishops. This I have written and handed over in some measure. 1)

  1. From this it follows on the one hand that Melanchthon is the author of the writing "von der Gewalt und Obrigkeit des Pabsts" (No. 1227), on the other hand the time of writing, namely before March 1, 1537.

We have also been ordered to go through the articles of the confession a little and to hear whoever disagrees with an article or rejects something of it. And the princes expressly assured us that they wanted to stick to the formula of the Concord. The conversation was very short. Bucer spoke clearly about the Holy Sacrament and affirmed the presence of Christ, with which all of us, even those who were otherwise somewhat hard, were satisfied. Blarer taught in a rather general way: Christ is present. Afterwards, however, he added some ambiguous things. Osiander went after him a bit fiercely. But because we did not want to excite too heated a quarrel, I intervened in his speech. We got along so well that, since the others were all in agreement, this one didn't seem to contradict much either. I know well that this is not yet quite certain, but more could not be done at that time, especially in the absence of Luther, who was plagued with terrible stone pains. This is what happened with the conversation of the clergy.

The princes have taken this into consultation: whether one should refuse the Concilii altogether, or promise that we want to let our delegation go there, but under the reservation that the papal part would not be left the judgment at all, but would be asked that on the part of the kings and monarchs, by their command, capable people would be chosen who would recognize these disputes. This was a great and difficult deliberation.

Our opinion has always been not to refuse the concilii altogether, because the pope, although he cannot be a judge, nevertheless has the power to declare a concilium. After that, the concilium has to appoint judges.

9 But astute minds insisted that these reasons of mine were well thought out and right, but in vain, for the tyranny of the pope would be so great that if we had once consented to come to the Concilium, they would accept it for that, as if the pope also had power from us to speak as judges. I have seen that my opinion, though honestly meant and fair, would be somewhat dangerous. But the other opinion has prevailed, after having been violently argued now and then, so that it seems to me questionable. I see that the danger of an exceedingly great unrest is there, if God does not avert it, although I have often said that they would be justified in this refusal alone, if they did not do anything.

[2026]{.underline} Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2462-2464. 2027

nor to give in to the church police. I am most saddened to see that such discord will continue to our descendants and perhaps cause a terrible barbarism and devastation of all arts and secular offices among our people. Behold, how even now some have such an appetite for this barbarism, who ought to defend themselves against it the most! We can finally console ourselves with the good cause. So the emperor's envoy was answered: the concilium scheduled in Mantua would be rejected, and he asked that the emperor have a free concilium announced. The imperial envoy answered much against it: the emperor would provide that at the same concilium a right court would be appointed. But such speeches, which are so common, do not move ours.

There you have everything that has happened here so far. Veit left here quickly because of my suspicions. I will write accordingly if anything further happens. Luther has hardly been able to pass urine, either because of the stone in the urinary tract, or otherwise because of obstruction by viscous and stagnant mucus. Since he had been sick for eight whole days and had given up life, he wanted to leave here, even though he was very weak. Nevertheless, we let him have his way, and the very next night, when he left, he was able, praise God, to urinate well and abundantly again. There had been a lot of rough handling here in the Cur, the consequences of which one still has to be afraid of. Now, however, he has a skilled and understanding physician, Sturtiades; if he had had him from the beginning, he would probably not have gotten into such danger. Farewell. Schmalkalden, March 1, 1537, Philipp.

1238 Causes, so the princes and sovereigns, also estates and cities of the confession of true, divine and evangelical doctrine to all kings, sovereignties and potentates of Christendom by their letter to make known, why they Pabst Pauli, the name of the third, advertised Concilium, which on the 23rd day of May, next scheduled, in Mantua, justly suspicious, also to common Christian unity do not respect and hold serviceable.

March 5, 1537.

This manuscript was published in 1537 in Wittenberg by Georg Rau (Rhaw) in quarto under the above title. It was subsequently printed by Hortleder, toru. I, lib. I, enx. 29,

S. 29 in German, but Latin Lünig in spleil. 6661., tom. I, x. 445 and in the Oorp. reads. Vol. ill, 314. seckendorf, list. I.utü., lib. Ill, x. 147, ^ck. II, says that the writing is published in German as well as in Latin, afterwards also translated into French and Italian.

1 The Pope of Rome, Paul the Third, has recently issued a bull in which he has announced a common council to be held in Italy at Mantua, and to begin next spring, on the 23rd day of May; he also reports some of the reasons for his approval in the reported Roman bull, why and for what reasons such a common council is to be held. In addition, the reported pope has dispatched his orators and messages to the Christian kings, princes, princes and potentates in Germany and other nations and kingdoms, who are to further inform them of the appointed, announced 1) concilium, and to request them everywhere in the name of the pope, remind and admonish them to attend such a council in person, or to send their authorized attorneys, commanders and orators to the place and time indicated, with sufficient mandates and orders to appear at such a council. When the recently reported message of the Pope, with the above-mentioned order of his Lord, also requested and similarly admonished us to appear at the Concilio, or to send our lawyers or commanders then, as then also the Most Sublime and Great Prince and Lord, Mr. Carolus the Fifth, Roman Emperor, our most gracious Lord, Our necessity requires that we indicate and remind manly what danger, trouble and harm, not only for us, but also for common Christianity and divine truth, would be caused if the Concilium of this form, as the Pope of Rome, Paul the Third, has proclaimed and intends to hold it, should be consented to.

(2) And although we give this answer of ours, after having considered and considered it with the greatest diligence, ultimately for our own and the common Christianity's need, faithful and Christian good opinion with a clear conscience, we can nevertheless be aware that the adversaries (as we know them) make a great clamor about it to disparage us, and interpret and interpret all of this to us in no other way than to the worst and most unpleasant.

  1. So put by us instead of: "exposed inscribed". In Latin: Ooneilii inäletionein.

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will be. They can make no greater pretense than this, to the detriment of our whole cause and known doctrine, and to the bitterness of the potentates, if they interpret our answer as if we did not want to suffer an interrogation, a judge and a council. And they will merely pretend that we despise all Christian nations, which have often done great deeds for the preservation of the Christian religion, and have had many famous teachers of the Christian church, and there are still praiseworthy schools among them, in which great diligence is devoted to the Christian religion. This time, too, they will make a fuss about it, as if it were unchristian and contrary to all Christian orders, and refuse to recognize the common conciliar law, since conciliar laws are the highest and most proper courts in the Christian church, and should be considered as such by all Christians.

They will further invent that we are ashamed of this doctrine and flee and shun the light. Or else: as if we had a desire for unnecessary separation and division, and could not bear that these things should be dealt with, and that Christianity should be brought to unity, thus wilfully hindering the common peace and unity of Christianity.

(4) If this were to be reported or presented by us with reason and consistency (as, whether God wills it, should never happen), it would not only be burdensome, but also quite terrible for Christians to hear. Therefore, our need and that of all Christendom, for the preservation of pure, divine truth, requires that such blasphemies and complaints be countered in time with this public notice to all Christian estates, and therein to all Christian kings, princes, rulers and potentates, Princes and potentates our concern, opinion and mind of the Concilio, the comforting hope, if the above mentioned Christian kings, princes and potentates, also all learned, God-fearing, honest, honor-loving people, and German or other foreign nations in all the world, They will not only know and have us completely innocent of all fictitious charges, but will also seek and encourage such things themselves, as is primarily due to the high estates, so that in these most important matters of the most holy religion they will be able to be in harmony with us, and finally against so innumerable abuses, and that the Pope and his followers are not permitted, under the fraudulent, colored and fabricated appearance of a concilii, to violate the public divine truth by force and typhism.

to dampen and suppress rancor. For with God's help we want to show and make true that not only our teaching is right and Christian, but also that we ourselves in this matter seek nothing but God's honor and the salvation of common Christianity, so that no wilful stubbornness or contempt may be justly attributed to us.

First of all, that we do not despise the judgment of other and foreign nations, and of the common Christian church, is to be inferred from the fact that we work to ensure that the pope and his followers do not make themselves the judge, but that this matter is considered and examined by competent, impartial people, as no doubt all God-fearing people in all countries and kingdoms desire and ask of God with heartfelt sighs.

(6) For since there are some ancient writings written in foreign nations long before this time of false doctrine, abuses and other false worship and idolatry, so torn down, we hope that there are still to this day in those same nations some such learned God-fearing people who rightly understand the Christian doctrine, even though they are oppressed by the tyranny of the pope and must remain silent. These should also be admitted to a council, so that they may safely and unabashedly present their opinions, if necessary, for the salvation of divine truth.

(7) For we Christian Concilium do not shun or shun at all, but, as is right, just and necessary, encourage and ask for a free, common, Christian Concilium, in which impartial, God-fearing, learned people may distinguish false doctrine from the right, and eradicate it from the church, and instead plant and preserve right doctrine and the Word of God.

8 On the other hand, this is not called a true Christian council, in which the pope and his followers, who forcefully protect and handle false doctrine and idolatry in the church, want to be judges themselves, and conclude and judge against God's word out of habit or self-confessed human statutes. For when our Lord Christ, the Supreme Judge of the Church, ordains and determines who is to be the judge of infirmities that occur in doctrine and conduct or life, he says Matt. 18:17: "Tell it to the church. With these words he closes the hands of the tyrant and wants the church, that is the Christian assembly, to be the judge, so that reasonable, God-fearing members are not excluded from it, and especially that they judge according to God's word, not by their own human power or discretion.

2030 Cap. 15 Negotiations for a concilii. W. xvi, 2467-2469. 2031

(9) Therefore we ask all Christian kings, princes, and potentates of all nations not to let them imagine that we hold in low esteem other scholars and godly minds who are in foreign nations, or that we hold the Christian concilia in contempt, and not to give credence to our adversaries, who with such fictitious speeches dare to dampen Christian doctrine, and to embitter and incite princes and rulers against us.

(10) Much less can we be charged with shunning the light and being ashamed to bring our doctrine before people of understanding. For we have publicly read and presented our confession to the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, and to other sovereigns and princes 2c. in the Imperial Diet at Augsburg.

(11) Thus the well-known doctrine of the gospel is publicly preached in our lands and diligently practiced daily, that men may hear it and learn it for the glory of God and the salvation of souls; also the scriptures and books of ours are in the day.

(12) And many of those who are intelligent among the adversaries confess that many high and necessary articles of Christian doctrine have been brought to light again, which before had been very darkened for a long time with all kinds of darkness, namely with false worship and idolatry, with monasticism, with sophistry, with all kinds of human statutes and cords of conscience, as can be seen in the theologians and canonists.

  1. Therefore, if at this time God the Lord, out of great mercy, gives grace to poor Christianity for correction, so that pure Christian doctrine again shines in the world, it is public that abuses and errors reported by our known doctrine are punished, and against them right doctrine is planted, namely of right repentance, of faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, how to instruct and comfort the conscience, of the grace of Christ, how to obtain forgiveness of sins, how man becomes righteous and pleasing to God, what good works and right worship are, of the right use of the sacraments, of the authority of the church and keys, of worldly authority and difference and custom of human statutes, and of other many necessary articles. Of these and such things, concerning God's glory and the salvation of Christians, we are not at all shy to speak before all the world, and to report at length. And as St. Paul says: he is not ashamed of the Gospel, so we must not be ashamed of the Gospel either, and wish that we may speak in a free and open manner.

The first is that the Christian Council, before all kings, princes, potentates and nations, may present this doctrine, which is of the greatest need to all Christendom, and speak of it according to necessity. Nor do we doubt that, because it is such an important and useful article, all intelligent and God-fearing people, if they were sufficiently informed, would take great pleasure in it.

For this reason, we heartily desire and request such a council, in which we and other God-fearers are free to speak and conclude about these matters according to God's Word.

(15) For that ours also are charged with having revived old, damned heresies, therefore it should not be necessary to dispute our doctrine, or to have it interrogated: this is a public falsehood, and is soon answered for by all those who read our Confession and Apologiam. For the doctrine which we have accepted and preached is not new, but is actually and certainly the right unanimous doctrine and opinion of the Christian Catholic Church, as can be clearly proved by the old pure church testimony and the holy fathers' writings.

(16) And may say with truth that we do not accept or hold any heretical doctrine, nor any opinion, which disputes with the unanimous Catholic old church doctrine, but in many articles the old Conciliar and Fathers' doctrine is again negated by ours, which had been exterminated by the pope and monks, and in its place other, new, unchristian opinions and services are introduced, in which they unashamedly despise the old Conciliar and Fathers.

(17) Finally, that it should be said in bitterness against us, as if we had a desire for separation and discord; this is laid upon us quite unreasonably. For God is our witness that we are heartily sorry that the nations of the Christian name should be torn apart and separated from one another. Therefore, by the grace of God, we never want to be separated from the true unity of the Christian Catholic Church, and for this reason we desire a righteous council, so that a common, Christian and constant unity may be established and made according to God's Word.

But if the Pope and his followers condemn the true, Christian and necessary doctrine, and for the sake of the Gospel persecute devout, learned people, and give authority to persecute and kill them in all kingdoms and lands, God's commandment compels us and all God-fearers not to consent to such unchristian condemnation. For it is God's commandment and the supreme God-

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The Lord Christ says: "Whoever confesses me before men, him will I also confess before my heavenly Father; but whoever denies me before men, him will I also deny before my heavenly Father. Thus it is also against God that anyone should make himself a party to the tyranny and blood which the pope, in order to extinguish right doctrine, cruelly sheds and gives to others to shed.

19 In addition, it is public that we have always compared ourselves with other princes, rulers and states in the Roman Empire and in common matters of the Empire, and that we have helped to maintain peace; from this it is to be assumed that in religion, if it is possible with God, we also prefer to see and keep unity.

20 Thus we understand well what great burden and danger we have to expect on account of these things. For the popes have often let themselves be heard now for many years that they are practicing and working to the utmost to arouse the kings against us and to exterminate us. We would not burden ourselves and our countries and people with such great danger if we did not recognize our guilt as Christians to be obedient to God's commandments and to put and dare everything in danger for the sake of the Gospel, for the salvation of divine truth. God is also our witness that we do not protect and handle this religious trade with such great daily danger and expense out of any other request, but only out of recognition of our Christian duty before God; therefore, we ask all kings, princes, rulers and potentates not to let our adversaries imagine otherwise.

Now that we have rejected this unfounded suspicion, so that the adversaries would like to accuse us, we hope that all those to whom this writing comes will listen all the more willingly and take note of what we will report from the written Concilio, through Pope Paul the Third.

22 Perhaps some in foreign nations, who have not sufficiently reported these trades, remember that we have contested some minor defects out of presumption, which one might have concealed and tolerated in order to prevent discord, especially because one finds that this human nature and life is still so weak everywhere that abuses and defects always remain in regiments and otherwise, so that one must have patience for the sake of peace.

(23) But these things are much different; therefore we pray that no one may mislead us in this way.

think. For first, we must not be silent about false doctrine and error, as our Lord Christ earnestly commanded, "Beware of false prophets." Secondly, this controversy is not of little abuse. For in this section the doctrine of faith and right knowledge of Christ is dealt with, which is the main part of a Christian being and right worship. Therefore, this article cannot be concealed, but it is most necessary that it be kept pure in the church and preached with earnestness. Now it is undeniable that this article has been completely eradicated in the papal monastic doctrine, and false doctrine has been introduced against it to the shame of Christ. We also punish others for much error and idolatry. For this reason, long before this time, many learned, God-fearing, Christian people cried out for a common, free, Christian concilio, in which to consider and advise all, as to help the whole of Christendom, and at the same time to do away with error and idolatry, so that unity and uniformity would nevertheless be preserved among the nation.

24 Now, in our time, a free, Christian council is much more necessary, because the same old afflictions still remain for and for in foreign lands, and at the same time a discord has occurred, because of which in many places many devout, God-fearing people are tyrannically persecuted and executed solely for the sake of Christian doctrine.

  1. For these highly important reasons, not only we, but also Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, princes, princes, and also bishops in the German nation, have considered and decided, after much deliberation at many imperial congresses held, that the church's highest, unavoidable need requires that a common, free, Christian council be assembled, in which the pure Christian doctrine of God's Word should be preserved, and on the other hand, false doctrine, abuses, and idolatry should be done away with. For the Imperial Majesty and the Estates have well considered that a concilium would bring more discord and disruption if it were not conducted in this manner and form, namely, that it should be free and Christian, that is, in which one should speak according to God's Word, and not according to custom or human statutes that are contrary to God's Word; since also the pope and his followers should not be judges, but the matters in dispute should be considered and examined by impartial, competent people.
  2. such a concilium we have desired, and

2034 Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi. 2472-2474. 2035

We have appealed to such a common, free, Christian council. And if we are in need of such a council, the pope recently issued a call for a council which is quite inappropriate to the aforementioned imperial and imperial concerns and decisions, and has no form of free, Christian council.

  1. Now that this matter of religion concerns the whole of common Christendom, and not only to indicate what danger we, but rather common Christendom, have to fear on account of the aforementioned announced Concilii, we have deemed it necessary to send this letter to all kings, princes and potentates, indicating why we do not consider this Concilium, which the pope has announced and intends to hold with this measure and form, to be equal, nor useful to Christendom, and therefore ask that all Christian kings and potentates, in order to promote God's glory and the salvation and blessedness of Christendom, take pains to ensure that a free, Christian concilium is held, in which the pope and his followers are not judges, but in which learned, God-fearing people may be heard according to need and confess God's word without hindrance, and the matters in dispute are ordered to be examined by impartial, competent people. For where the matters in dispute are not heard and held in a right and Christian manner, Christianity is not helped, and the concilium will bring about more disruption than peace.

The highest judgment in the Christian Church does not belong to the pope and bishops alone, but to the Christian Church. That is, not only to the bishops, but also to all kings, princes and estates, which are all members of the Christian Church. Therefore, even if the pope were not so publicly involved in this present religious matter, he is not to be allowed to be the sole judge with his own, and to deprive the other members of the Christian church and estates of their right, but the whole church should justly use and retain its power.

(29) Much less should the pope and his followers be allowed to be judges in this religious matter, in which he and his followers are publicly involved. For not only written rights, but much more the immutable divine and natural rights, so also formed by God in all men's hearts and reason, teach that no one should be allowed to be judge in his own matters. Now we accuse the pope and his own, and the dispute is not of small matters. For we do not dispute only about his splendor and glory, or about temporal

We punish his doctrine, statutes, false worship, which he invents, handles and protects by force against the Word of God, that is as much as accusing the pope of idolatry and heresy. In these most important cases, the ancient canons themselves state that not the pope, but the common Christian church should be the judge.

(30) Moreover, the pope is not only a part, but has made himself completely suspect by having previously condemned our doctrine in many ways. For the pope Leo decimus has issued a bull in which the doctrine, as we know it, is also condemned, and is condemned annually in the bulla Coenae. So the pope also gives the order to consider all those as heretics and to exterminate them who accept our known doctrine. Since the pope has condemned us and our doctrine so many times before the concilium was announced, it is not probable that such a papal concilium should speak differently or less harshly against its own bulls.

31 There is no way to hope that the pope will allow anyone else to speak and have vocem decisivam, except according to his custom. For the pope, in his proclamation, has no other understanding of the concilium than that these alone have the concilium, and to conclude and vocem decisivam, namely the pope, cardinals and bishops, and that no one else shall have a voice. Therefore the Concilium is written in such a way that it requires only those who are attached to it.

For this reason, we consider this advertised concilium to be suspicious, because the pope does not let himself be heard of the trial in the advertisements, and does not dare to have this most important matter interrogated by unsuspected, impartial persons, but demands such a concilium with clear, expressed words only from his own and from those who are bound to him with terrible oaths and curses. From this it is easy to see what he intends to hold for trial, and that he, even if he is a party, wants to be judge in his own cause.

33 If we now consented to his concilium thus appointed, the pope wanted to interpret this as if we had consented to him as judge and president of the concilium and granted him and his appendix that they should order the processes of their liking, also judge and conclude them.

34 Thirdly, the bulla, in which the concilium is written, gives sufficient cause to refuse and recuse the concilium. For in the same letter we are immediately condemned. For since the pope has shown cause why he should refuse the

2036 Section 2: Convente at Schmalkalden. No. 1238. W. xvi, 2474-2477. 2037

If the pope has called for a concilium, there is no request to have the disputed matters heard by impartial, competent people according to necessity, but it is only reported that he is causing this concilium to be assembled in order to eradicate the heresy that has recently arisen. And even though these are common words, set up for the sake of appearances, there is no doubt that the Pope's opinion touches our known doctrine. For it is to be taken into account that he does not want to call his abuses and errors heresy, that he will also not offer to eradicate the same in a public proclamation.

35 And so that there should be no doubt as to who is meant, he issued another bulla on the reformation of the court after the announcement of the concilii, in which the cause of the announced concilii was explained. In the same Bulla, the Pope states our doctrine in clear words, and says: the Concilium was set up to eradicate the poisonous Lutheran doctrine: Ad exstirpationem pestiferae Lutheranae haeresis. Thus, the pope cunningly concealed the name in the previous bulla, so that the writing would nevertheless have quite a semblance, and yet he gave his mind and prejudice to be understood, and expressed this afterwards in the other bulla. Therefore, without a doubt, this is the final opinion of the pope, that he appointed this council not to allow some disputation of the doctrine, or to hear anyone, but to act alone, as to eradicate our known doctrine as a heresy, previously condemned by him. Therefore, we would have to be completely out of our minds if we consented to such a dangerous proclamation. For we thereby confirmed this falsehood to the pope, and confessed that the Christian doctrine, which we accepted, should be heresy, and committed ourselves to eradicate and exterminate the same. For this is what the Bulla basically means, which is quite dangerously put.

First, it is the opinion of the Pope that all those who accept the Bulla confess with such acceptance that our known doctrine is heresy, as the Bulla basically means and indicates.

37 The pope also wants to oblige the kings, princes and potentates with such acceptance that they want to help to eradicate such doctrine. If one wants to speak the truth freely and without all sophistry, then one must confess that this, and not otherwise, is the bulla of thorough opinion and right understanding. Therefore, if we were to agree to this expulsion, we would be condemning our own doctrine before we could enter into it.

would come to the interrogation. Since these matters concern the whole of Christendom, we ask all kings, princes and potentates to take good note of the pope's cunning and dangerous practices.

38 It is also reasonable to wonder why the form of the Bull is not the same, but rather dangerously so, whether it is perhaps meant to deter us from the Concilio, or to secretly see that we might be reproached for having confessed with the acceptance of the Bull that our doctrine is unjust and heretical. However, we believe that the pope has primarily sought this by obliging and entrapping the Christian kings, princes, potentates and nations, so that they should have confessed with the acceptance of the bull that our doctrine is heretical, and they have agreed to destroy it.

There is no doubt in our minds that the Emperor's Majesty, our most gracious Lord, is of serious opinion and mind, that she would like in these great matters that God's glory be praised and common Christendom be blessedly and rightly helped, and that constant peace and unity be established. Therefore, we take care that His Imperial Majesty has no pleasure in this. Therefore, we take care that His Imperial Majesty has no pleasure in this unequal and dangerous form of the written Concilii, in which the Pope previously condemned us and cunningly undertook to ensnare us.

40 Fourthly, in this bull there is no thought at all as to how the trials are to be conducted. If one should proceed in such a way that those who come to the council should take the verdict from the writ, namely, that this doctrine is heretical, and should not speak of it further according to necessity, but one should conclude immediately that one wants to eradicate and exterminate all of this doctrine of ours by force, then it is public, that we have just and necessary reasons not to consent to such a tyrannical concilium, which is quite unlike an ecclesiastical court and proper concilium, in which one should hear the doctrine and judge according to God's Word, not according to custom or the laws of men, as we have always desired such a hearing in a free, Christian concilium.

41 And because we fully believe that His Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, will be pleased to help and advise Christianity. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, that Christianity be rightly and constantly helped and advised, and that these important matters be explained and right salutary doctrine be planted, Her Imperial Majesty will undoubtedly take no pleasure in this unequal and inequitable form of the Concilii that has been written out.

2038 Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2477-2179. 2039

have. For the pope, as far as we are concerned, has not proclaimed a concilium, but rather has issued a judgment against us, in which he condemns and terribly condemns us. After that, he also issued the other bull about the reformation of the court, in which he condemned our known doctrine by name, so that the opinion of his previous bull could be thoroughly understood. For this reason, he asks us to agree to this letter of his. If we did so, we would have condemned ourselves with our own consent. However, we do not want to talk any further about these weak lists used by the pope, but ask all kings and potentates, and all those who have an understanding, to move how unequal, deceitful and dangerous this letter is.

Fifth, it is also certain that the pope does not want these disputed religious matters to be judged according to God's word and the writings of the apostles, but will judge them from papal statutes, custom, the doctrine of men and some recent conciliarities, and will not allow him to dispute the papal statutes in any way. Now the main point in this dispute is that human statutes that are contrary to God's commandment are to be rejected as erroneous and ungodly and are not valid. We also accept and faithfully uphold the unanimous teaching of the Christian Catholic Church, but the Pabst's error and tyranny should not be adorned with the holy church's name. The common Christian Church of the Holy Fathers did not accept the statutes that are contrary to the Word of God, nor did it give the Pope such inordinate power as he himself ascribes to him. In addition, the crowd that condemns the pure doctrine of the Gospel and cruelly persecutes and murders innocent people on account of Christian doctrine is not called the Catholic Church of Christ, but is the bloodthirsty and accursed Cain's crowd and descendants.

Thus, we have not introduced a new doctrine into the church, but we have renewed and brought to light the old unanimous doctrine of the common Christian church by God's grace. On the other hand, the Pope and the monks have invented and introduced new doctrines and new worship contrary to God's Word and the common doctrine of the old, common Christian Church. For this reason, Christianity needs a concilii, so that one does not judge from custom or human statutes, but from God's Word, which is light and transfigured by the united confession of the common Christian church.

44 Such things have also often happened in the church before, that pious and Christian bishops have not wanted to attend the concilia, which were ordinarily and properly appointed, if they noted that these concilia were not intended to save the truth, but to strengthen unchristian doctrine or the tyranny of the bishops. As namely:

45 The emperor Constantius assembled a large, stately council at Antioch; Maximus, the bishop of Jerusalem, did not want to come, even though Antioch was not far from Jerusalem. For he knew where the emperor's mind was inclined, indeed what some bishops, Arii's companions, practiced, who had brought the benevolent emperor to their side.

46 Athanasius, although he came to Tyro to the Concilium, soon departed from it again to the emperor, because he saw that the nobles in the Concilio wanted to be judges and accusers, and had themselves secretly appointed people who were to accuse him, Athanasius, falsely.

47 At Sirmio in Hungary a great council was held against Photinum, because the matter was important. Although the emperor commanded the bishops to come there, the bishops in the Occident stayed away when they noticed that the Arian crowd had arrived there strong and large, and they suspected that they would want to conclude something to the detriment of the right doctrine. Now there was a bishop in Hispania, Osius Cordubensis, who had a great reputation, so the Arians worked so that the emperor required him in particular. So Osius came, even though he intended to remain outside, and this did not turn out well. For he also consented to the fraudulent Symbolum Sirmiense, from which much disruption followed, and for this reason Osius was severely scolded by Hilario, who was not there.

  1. Cyril, a bishop of Jerusalem, also did not want to come into the Concilia of those who contested the όμοοόσων, and is said to have been the first.

who appealed in writing from Concilien.

In Medio lan a concilium was also started, and the bishops were required by the emperor. Nevertheless, since Paulinus, the bishop of Trier, noticed with a few others that Auxentius, bishop of Mediolan, and his companions were not holding out anything good, they soon broke out, and gave cause to bring the council apart. So these high people fled suspicious concilia, so that they would not be held responsible if something had been done against God's honor.

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50 Therefore, we ask all those who understand that we are not to be blamed for shying away from the suspicious papal concilium, since the pope clearly states that such a concilium should be held to strengthen his power and his abuses.

  1. Sixth, the time when the concilium is scheduled is also difficult for us for many important reasons.

For it is appointed in Italy, where the pope can easily gather many of his followers, to overrule or deter the others, that they may not freely speak their minds. If the Concilium were held in Germany, all nations would have more freedom and security to speak and confess the truth.

Moreover, our adversaries have blasphemed us atrociously in foreign nations, and have forbidden the reading of our Scriptures, so that many people in foreign nations have drawn much evil suspicion of us from such poison poured in by the adversaries, as if all religion and discipline had been done away with in our country. Now such suspicion brings no small danger in interrogation and action, therefore it would also be very useful for this reason that the Concilium be held in Germany, that the foreigners themselves see our church order, regiment and order in churches and cities, so that they do not show themselves more violently against the truth and right doctrine through false suspicion.

  1. So it is with these great affairs, which concern God's honor and the souls' salvation, that the high necessity demands that we, the sovereigns and princes of a good part, as well as some of our kinsmen, counts and lords, be in person at the concilio, if proper interrogation or action were to be taken: If we were to go so far from our lands and principalities, and thus leave them in danger and open to the adversaries, it would be extremely burdensome for us.

Finally, for many great and important reasons, it has been considered in the Empire for the best and most useful improvement and peace of common Christianity that a free Christian concilium should be established and held in the German land. Now we do not yet know the reason why such a concilium should have been requested by Imperial Maj. Maj. and the common misgivings of the churals and princes.

(56) We have shown cause why we consider this concilium, as the pope has written it out, to be reasonably suspect; for although the pope is partisan, and has often condemned us before the matter came up for interrogation, he nevertheless wants to make a statement with his

He will be judge in his own cause in the Concilio. Moreover, he does not let it be known with a word that he wants to let the matters come to a Christian, proper hearing, but has already now condemned us in his writ of unheard and unrecognized matter; therefore we cannot consent to such his writ of concilium.

For this reason, we ask all kings, princes, and potentates of all nations not to believe our adversaries, if they interpret and interpret our answer given by the Council in an evil and hateful way, but to consider and assess the causes we have now explained, because we fully hope that they will sufficiently conclude that our answer is just and Christian.

For it is public that we cannot concede to the pope and his followers that they want to be part and judge at the same time. Thus, we cannot agree to a concilium before we understand how the proceedings are to be held, whether they are to be judged according to human statutes and customs, which are contrary to God's word, or whether God's word is to be preferred.

(59) For if we were to consent carelessly to this concilium, which the pope has written out in this form, we would subsequently have to suffer the pope and his family to be our judges. For he would take this against us, that we had consented to this concilium, when our appeal has been made to a common, free, Christian concilium. And this is not a sought or colored cause, but a well-founded, Christian and most necessary concern. For the reason is that we need to know beforehand how the interrogations are to be held, and whether God's word is to be preferred to human statutes and customs; we also hope that all God-fearing and intelligent people will approve of this reason of ours. In this respect, the form in which the Concilii are written is so unequal that if we had consented to it, we would already have condemned ourselves.

  1. Since this high and most important matter concerns the salvation, blessedness and peace of the common Christianity, and God has seriously commanded the highest heads, kings, princes and potentates, to protect and handle it, we ask that they take up this matter for the praise of God and for the benefit of the common Christianity, will take up this matter, and use all their diligence and work to ensure that such a council is held, thereby helping Christendom, doing away with un-Christian doctrine and false worship, and establishing Christian unity, namely a common, free, Christian council, in which free, according to

[2042]{.underline} Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, E-E. 2043

God's word be concluded and spoken. This is the highest benefit that kings and princes can show to the common Christian church and all descendants. Moreover, it is the most sacred service that God has pleased him to perform.

  1. For that the pope seeks and thinks to maintain and strengthen his unjust power, abuses and idolatry through the kings and potentates, and that the kings and potentates persecute and kill innocent and God-fearing people with unjust cruelty on account of Christian doctrine, All great lords should be justly afraid of this, because they have been raised by God to such majesty that they should praise the divine name and honor, and promote the holy gospel, and protect and save the innocent people, and especially those who are in danger because of Christian doctrine and right faith.

Where such a common, free, Christian concilium is held, and the doctrine according to God's Word is allowed to be examined by competent, impartial people, then, by God's grace, we want to give account of our known doctrine, as we are obliged to do, and show ourselves in all actions in such a way that it will be found that we seek nothing but God's glory and the common Christianity's salvation and lasting peace. To this end, may God grant His grace. Date Schmalkalden, on the 5th of March, in the year 1537.

1239 A question of the whole order of the card players of the Karnöffel 1) to the Concilium of Mantua. Anno 1537.

This writing is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 374; in the Altenburg edition, vol. VI, p. 1087 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXI, p. 162. That it was not to be attributed to Luther was already indicated by Walch through the writing chosen for printing.

After we have learned, Most Holy Father, that Your Holiness has already settled all matters concerning the Concilium, reformed the Roman court (which is supposed to be impossible), made the whole of Rome pious (this is to be believed), well-staffed all churches everywhere (as is evident), and eradicated all heresies, especially the Lutheran one, and thus made vain saints among the people of Rome.

  1. "Karnöffel" (or Carnöffel). This was the name of the "jack" in the card game. See St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 774, amn. 4.

We have considered, so that Your Holiness would have something to do in the Council, and would not come together in vain, to present an important, excellent and highly important question, since the whole world is in need of power. For many a great evil, murder, blood, violence and injustice could be avoided in this, if one were to take a serious look at it. And this is the question:

Why does the spoon sting the emperor and the pope, if he is a bad lansquenet according to the interpretation of many highly competent people, and the head man a traveler, the emperor an emperor, the pope a pope?

  1. Further: Why the pope is called Sees 2) or Sixes, and also stabs the emperor with all the travelers and lansquenets, except for the spoon, that is, the chosen lansquenet?
  1. further: why the devil is devil-free, that neither emperor, pope nor carnival spoon can sting him, when the pope is God's governor, a lord in hell?
  1. Further: Why the chosen Taus, the least and poorest piece on the map, is called the emperor.

Many think that the pope has robbed and stolen too much from him, that he must be a beggar, and yet he is called the emperor, because a chosen six has three times as much as a thousand; therefore it is no wonder that the threefold crown overthrows the simple crown of the emperor.

(7) Further: How is it possible that the pope, who is the most holy and an earthly god (where the jurists do not lie), is so close to the devil and much more than to the emperor. For if the Sees (the pope) still had an Ees, he would be the evil Seven, the wicked devil himself, very far from the Taus, which is the emperor.

8 Here strange opinions are raised among the doctors of our church. Some think that the pope would like to be the devil himself. Others say that he was. The third (with whom more agree) believe that he is without means under the devil, that he rides him and rules according to his will. The fourth (and there are not many of them) say that everything is true, that the pope has been the devil, wants to become or remain the devil, and still lets himself be ridden by the devil, who sits over him like an egg over a tree.

  1. Compare the saying: "Taus Eß hat nicht" 2c. St. Louis Edition, Vol. VIII, 1905 and the note to it.

[2044]{.underline} Erl. (2.) 25,206 f. Section 2: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1239 f. W. XVI, 2484-2486. 2045

Lake. The Lutherans hold such, but they are now exterminated in Mantua before the Concilio. Therefore, their thing is nothing, are also not from our church.

9 Further: And why the lazy fritter stabs the ten or the paneer, about that many heresies and errors have arisen in the holy church of card players (where the glasses are washed and the dead men's legs run over the tables) 1).

  1. some think that the lazy fry are the lazy monks who eat the rich citizens and farmers their goods.

11 Others say that it is the useless, damned canons who shamefully consume and squander the goods of kings, princes and lords.

There are also great errors in the other leaves. For example, why the third stings the upper man, the fourth the lower man. This doctor holds this, that one that. And the little ship of our church is in great danger under such tides and waves that it would almost sink. For some hold that the third means the high cardinals and bishops, who like to hover over kings and princes. The fourth are the abbots and monastery saints, who like to ride above the other travelers, as counts, knights and nobles. Nevertheless, none of them can get above the Taus, the emperor. They are not sorry about that, they know that well. Others interpret it differently, we have to suffer.

(13) And there are many such dangerous questions in the aforementioned holy church of the brethren, called card players, from which many an error, discord, and great trouble arises, up to and including brawling and fighting. And there is no other remedy here than that a holy council at Mantua (because there is nothing else to be done) should take the matter seriously and see to it that such errors are settled and put into certain main articles.

Given at Rome Ala Campana, at the Campflor, behind the Turre de nona, between the other tabernacles, Bullae Coenae Domini, hard before the Eclypsi of the Concilii, by the German Pasquill, called Proteum. Anno 1537. indictione nulla, Anno Pontificatus Pauli III. etc..

The whole holy order of card players.

  1. That is, with the dice players.

1240: Luther's "Articles of the Most Holy Papal Faith from the Donatio Constantini, to the Deferred Concilium at Mantua," published in German with his glosses. 1537.

The first edition of this writing appeared under the title: "One of the high articles of the Most Holy Episcopal Faith, called, Donatio Constantini, By D.. Marti. Luther Verdeudscht, jnn das auffgeschobene Concilium von Mantua. Wittemberg 1537." At the end: "Printed at Wittemberg by Hans Lufft. M.D.XXXVII." 6 quarto sheets. Another edition with the same title, but without indication of the place of printing. Furthermore, in 1540, an edition by Heinrich Steyner at Augsburg. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1553), vol. IV, p. 439; in the Jena (l568), vol. VI, p. 4815; in the Altenburg, vol. VI, p. 1088; in the Leipzig, vol. XXI, p. 164; in the Erlangen (I.), vol. 25, p. 176 and in the second edition, vol. 25, p. 207.

Doctor Martinus Luther.

If I were not so inclined and had not the desire to do what is annoying to the devil and his papacy, before where God's glory can come from it, I would not have undertaken to translate this piece from the holy spiritual law, so disgraceful, desperate, evil Latin it is. But it should have been so, that the shameful, desperate, evil lie would be described with no other than with such shameful, desperate, evil Latin. And it would also be fair to interpret it with shameful, desperate, evil German, as I might have done. But because it is useful for us Germans to know what shameful, desperate, evil abomination under the shameful, desperate, evil papacy we have worshipped and believed to be truth, I must do the best I can and translate the shameful, desperate, evil Latin and lies with good, understandable and clear German, intelligible and clear German, so that we may be all the more certain that we are not acting against God, nor against his holy church, where we attack the papal church with lies and abominations, but against the devil himself, and his damned school of jacks, to defend the truth.

He who has ears to hear, let him hear a female, fat, thick, well-fed, a real papal lie. For so it stands in the ecclesiastical law, Dist. 96. c. Constantinus.

2046 Erl. (s.) 25,207-210. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2486-2489. 2047

The Emperor Constantinus has given to the Apostolic^a^ ) the imperial crown and all imperial glory at Rome and in the French lands, and everything that is against the evening of the Emperor. For in St. Sylvestri Legendis (which the holy pope Gelastus^b^ ) reports in the Concilio, where 70 bishops were in attendance, that it is read by the right Christians, and many other churches, according to old custom, also read it) it says thus:

a) Apostolic) So he calls himself, just as if the other churches were > not apostolic, nor other bishops also apostolic; he alone is > apostolic. > > b) Gelasius) means a ridiculous one, whose name belongs here.

The emperor Constantinus, on the fourth day after his baptism, gave this liberty to the bishop of the Roman church, that all bishops and priests in the whole Roman empire should hold him for the head^c^ ), like the judges hold a king 2c. In the same liberty, among others, one reads thus:

c) Main) as Christ teaches: You shall be brothers, and none shall be > called the greatest, Matth. 18, 3.

We consider it good, together with our princes and all our council, lords and all the people who are subject to the Empire of the Roman Church, that, just as St. Peter is considered to have been set up on earth as a governor of the Son of God, so also the following bishops of the Prince of the Apostles should have higher authority and rule on earth than our imperial gracious Majesty is considered to have, and should have this from us and our Empire. -

Choose us also the same prince of the apostles, or his governors^d^ ) to be certain^e^ ) patrons before God.

d) Governor) As one finds described in the smoke hole, at Babylon, > under the fifth brick. > > e) certain) How can it be uncertain, because Christ does not want to > be a patron!

And just as our earthly, imperial power, so we want to honor his holy Roman church gloriously, and to elevate the most holy chair of St. Peter higher than our emperorship and earthly throne with all glory. Give him imperial power, honor, authority and dignity, and have commanded that he be the supreme prince, not only over the four sees of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem and Constantinople, but also over all the churches of God in the whole world on earth. And that the holy Roman Church bishop, who will be at all times, shall be supreme 1) and prince over all the bishops of the whole world, and that all the

  1. In the old editions: "high".

The court shall decide on matters concerning the worship and faith of Christians, whether to provide for them or to confirm them.

f) Chairs) Which were not yet at that time. Also, who would have > commanded the emperor to do this, and could still command?

And further on:

We have given to the churches of the holy apostles Peter and Paul goods and outworks 2) to maintain the lights, and have gifted them abundantly with various goods for that purpose. For we have provided by our imperial holy order, both in the morning and in the evening, also from midnight and from noon, namely in Judea, Graecia, Asia, Thrace, Africa, Italia and all kinds of islands, that our gifts shall be given to them benevolently,^g^ ) and in such a way that by the will of our most holy father Sylvestri, the highest bishop, and his descendants will 3) everything shall be ordered^h^ ).

g) Also to sell indulgences, bulls, butter letters, and plunder all > monasteries and fiefdoms. > > h) ordered) To be warped, pillaged and most disgracefully wronged, by > the worst of the earth's boys.

And further on:

To St. Sylvestro and all his descendants we now present Lateran, our imperial palace, 4)^i^ ) then the imperial hat, namely the crown of our head, plus the beautiful white hood and the tunic that an emperor is accustomed to wear on his neck, also the purple cloak and rosin-colored skirt, and all imperial clothes. Also, that he may have around him, like the emperor, nobility and travelled stuff; give him also imperial scepters, with all kinds of flags and paniers, and all kinds of imperial splendor, that he may ride and go in all our imperial height, power and honors.

i) Also, the golden rupture, made of pure Arabian gold at the back, > Jewish gold at the front, with two rubies at the back, as large as the > vinegar jars, and two emeralds at the front, like the ostrich eggs, to > be used for the holy of holies in the bath.

Also to the most venerable priests of all ranks, who serve the holy Roman church,^k^ ) we command that they shall have such height, special power and glory,^l^ ) as our noble council is adorned and honored, that they may be the noblest Romans and councilors.

  1. In the old editions: "Vorwerg".
  2. So put by us instead of: "that he by ... all things shall be ordered".
  3. "Palatz" == palutium, palace.

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And we command that they also be adorned with all other imperial dignities. And just as the imperial majesty is adorned with men of war, we also want the clergy of the Holy Roman Church to be adorned. Also, imperial majesty must have appointed various offices, such as chamberlains, priests, and all kinds of assistants; thus we also want to have adorned the Holy Roman Church.

k) serve) Such lies help strengthen.

I) Here the Cardinals are conceived and born.

And in order that the beauty of the Roman supreme bishop may shine forth in the most refined manner, we command that the clergy of the same Roman church ride horses adorned with the beautiful white cloths and deuces.

And as our council wears white fennels on their boots, so shall they also shine in white color, so that the heavenly being may become like the earthly, to the praise of God.

Above all, we allow St. Sylvestro and his descendants by our commandment that whomever he wishes to consecrate to the spiritual state, or to have ordered among the monks in monasteries, this shall be at his pleasure, according to his own discretion^m^ ), and no one everywhere shall presume to set himself proudly against it.

m) discretion) Perhaps he means that no bishop, abbot, provost, or > any other person of spiritual status should be elected or appointed by > anyone, but that the pope should be God and creator alone. Or thus: > Where he would like to have a kingdom or large estates, he may depose > kings and rich people, consecrate them as priests, and thrust them > into the monasteries; against this no one shall complain.

We also command that he and his descendants, in honor of the Most Holy St. Peter, wear the imperial hat, which we gave him from our head, made of pure gold and precious stones. Although he, the most holy pope, does not want to use the golden crown over the priestly crown, which he wears in honor of the most holy St. Peter.

n) crown) plate St. Peter.

But the white hood, which glitters with great whiteness and signifies the resurrection of the Lord, we have placed on his most holy head with our own hands, and in honor of St. Peter we have kept the bridle of his horse and given him the office of a groom. And we order that all his descendants especially need such white hoods when they ride out, as the emperors are wont to do, so that the height of the papal

The kingdom of God shall not be held in low esteem, but shall be adorned with higher power and glory, neither of which is the dignity of the earthly emperor.

Now then, we give and leave to the most holy bishop and pope over all our palace, and the city of Rome, and all the countries, cities, and towns in the country, and what is toward the west; and command with these, that they be governed by him and his descendants. And want that it shall remain all the holy Roman church so.

Therefore, we considered it right to turn our emperorship and the image of the empire toward the east, and to build a city in the country near Byzantium, in the best place, according to our name, and to establish our emperorship there. For it is not right that an earthly emperor should have power in the place where the supreme bishopric and the head of Christendom, founded by the heavenly emperor, is.

All these things, which we have commanded and confirmed by our holy imperial authority and other holy commandments, we want to keep unchanged and unchanged until the end of the world.

Therefore we testify before the living God,^o^ ) who has commanded us to rule, and before His terrible judgment all our succeeding emperors, all princes and lords, also our noble council and all the people in the whole world, from now on until eternity, that no one shall dare to commit or disturb such a thing.

o) That is sanctifying God's name!

But if anyone here (which we do not believe) would be a sacrilegious or despicable person, he shall be bound and subjected to eternal^p^ ) damnation, and shall have both here and there the saints of God, St. Peter and Paul, the princes of the apostles, as enemies, and shall burn and perish with the devil and all the ungodly in the lowest hell).

p) eternal) Behold, can the emperors also cast souls into hell?

Here stands (praise God!) no Amen.

We have confirmed this imperial commandment with our own hand and placed it on the venerable body of St. Peter. Given at Rome, on the thirtieth day of March. r)

r) Martii) That is fifteen miles after St. Christopher's Day, just > in the fifth year after the Last Day.

  1. Erlanger and Jenaer: "higher"; Wittenberger: "higher".

2050 Erl. (2.) 25,212-215. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2491-2494. 2051

(1) This sacred article of the sacred ecclesiastical law has been practiced by the following popes until now in such a way that whoever did not want to believe or doubt such impudent devilish lies and blasphemies, had to be one of the worst heretics. And whoever is still under the Pabst's power, must worship such obvious devils, or be burned to ashes, or must at least keep silent, and not speak anything against it; for the most holy father Pabst is concerned, because he has always sought to become emperor and God, until he finally fulfilled it, and brought this article into pregnancy. Some jurists of imperial law, called Doctores Iegum, have said that such Donatio Constantini has no power, because it is detrimental to the successive emperors. But the donkey lawyers or lawyers of the papal law, who are called "Doctors" äscrstorum, must dance like the pope whistles.

(2) A learned, excellent man, called Laurentius Valla, a Roman, who still lived almost in man's time, opposed it and challenged it in writing, even though he did almost neatly with the bride on the stone path and did not attack the red, murderous, damned whore of Rome as unwashed as Luther did. Nor did the Roman devil and idol set his hellhounds on him, the preacher monks, who are called heretics, and would have burned him if he had not escaped and fled to King Alfonso in Naples, even though he was of a great, high lineage in Rome. For this holy papal lie (like all other lies of the devil) is too tender, does not want to be touched nor touched. For it is gladly worshipped as a god, and now accustomed to sitting in God's place, and to eating feet, it cannot suffer to be called lies, and to be given its proper name.

3 In St. Sylvester's Lying, which was invented by a lying master, it says, among other things, how the emperor Constantine was plagued with an unusual leprosy called Elephantia, which cannot be cured with any medicine but human blood; so he had undertaken to gather children from all the countries and kill them, so that a bath of Elephantia could be prepared.

human blood. But he went back, but was baptized by Sylvestro, the bishop of Rome, where he was healed, and therefore he gave such a donation to the church of Rome, as the text of the holy law says. You may read this further in the same lie; for it is very good, and is probably a papal lie.

The Historia Tripartita says that Constantine, out of special devotion, had intended to be baptized in the Jordan, since Christ himself had baptized him; for this reason, he also postponed the baptism. But the business of the empire and wars prevented him from doing so, so that he finally fell ill, sailed from Constantinople across the sea, and was baptized and died at Nicomedia in the suburbs or village. Which part is right here, I let judge who can. For the two bishops, Rome and Constantinople, have always vied for authority, and each has wanted Constantine for himself, and through him to become emperor of the world and God.

(5) But because the Pope and his followers, such impudent liars, lie otherwise and without all this, I believe them in this much less than the Tripartite Histories, which are otherwise considered true in all things. For whoever is a public liar, even if God sometimes gives him a true word, it is not believed, as the Greek proverb or Chrysippi Sophisma testifies: Si mentiris, etiam quod verum dicis, mentiris: If you deny, it is also a lie, even if you tell the truth. For the devil also often tells the truth, and nevertheless lies in his soothsaying. Again, whoever is a truthful man, even if he speaks something false, it is not considered a lie, because he did not speak it as a liar.

Therefore, since Sylvester's lie is a certain lie, and the whales themselves say that such leprosy did not exist in the French lands at that time, it is reasonable to assume that Constantine was not baptized in Rome, nor was he delivered from such leprosy by baptism, and perhaps Sylvester never saw or heard of it; and therefore everything that the Pope's hypocrites write about Constantine's baptism is false.

(7) Now then, to the lies of the sacred text, first of all, is it true that Constantinus

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gave to the pope the whole Occident, or the best half part of the Roman Empire; why did he not publicly demand and possess it in so many hundred, namely twelve hundred years? (For it is almost so long that Constantinus lived.) Why does he not even today issue letters that he is king in Guelph, France, Hispania, England, Hungary, Bohemia, Poland, Denmark, and across the sea in Africa, Numidia, and in German lands, for such lands belong to the ancient Roman Empire or Occidental Empire? Aren't these tangible lies enough, which have been proven with twelve hundred years, and still with the work in front of one's eyes?

  1. In addition, our German emperors, when the dukes of Saxony, Ottones and Henrici, held Rome and Welsh five hundred years ago, deposed and installed popes, and conferred all bishoprics, as all histories testify, until the twofold archbishops, Pope Bonifacius Octavus, and afterwards John the Twenty-second, and Benedictus the Twelfth, came, and began to take the city of Rome, and deposed the council, and made it Rome, as their brother now does in Halle, the infernal 1) Cardinal.
  2. For it is this Bonifacius, a chief mischief-maker above all mischief-makers, and a cunning knave above all knaves, who first began the golden year at Rome, and set up the indulgences, the shameful, cursed idolatry, so that until now the true indulgence or forgiveness of sins, acquired for us by Christ's blood, has been so miserably obscured and despised; and yet all subsequent popes have held fast to such lies and idolatry until this day, and will not yet let it be a lie and idolatry. For it has carried money without measure; they do not like to lose it. It has also strengthened papal power, which they do not like to leave, and are all good Bonifacist to this day, remaining even where God would not resist.

(10) This Boniface is the one who deposed King Philip of France and issued a decree because the king was not obedient to him against the Columnes, the most holy of the Churches.

  1. Wittenberg and Jena: "infernal"; Walch and the Erlangen: "infernal".

If he had expelled Father Bonifacius out of great courage, but kept and maintained them in disobedience to his holiness, he had to be under ban; and not only under ban, but his whole kingdom would have fallen home to the Roman Church and to the most holy Bonifacio. So he wanted to be hereditary king of France through the ban. Just as if the bishop of Brandenburg would wantonly banish the Elector of Saxony and thereby become hereditary Elector of Saxony. Or the bishop of Meissen banished the Elector of Brandenburg, or Duke George of Saxony, out of pure malice, and thus wanted to become Elector of Brandenburg, and Duke of Saxony. And the priest of Wittenberg would also like to play such a game with the most daring 2) citizens or peasants who were rich or powerful. Truly, one could easily become lord and god of the world!

But King Philip was nevertheless quite a Lutheran in his time; he pursued the most holy father Bonifacio through the expelled Columnesians, until he caught him in his own father's house, in the chamber where he was born, and threw him, in 3) the devil's name, into a dungeon, where he died of suffering in thirty days: so that God showed that he should not go higher than his birth could, and left behind this title, which is written of him: Intravit ut vulpes, regnavit ut leo, mortuus est ut canis, he became pope like a fox, ruled like a lion, died like a dog.

12 This Bonifacius is the one who, in the same golden year that he first lied about and founded, when all the world was running to Rome, so that the city was too narrow and many people were crushed, sat one day in his papal splendor, crown and robe, and let himself be seen as a pope. The next day he sat in imperial splendor, crown and robe. On the other day he sat in imperial splendor, crown and robe, and let himself be seen as an emperor, and before him he showed two bare swords and proclaimed: Ecce duo gladii hic, behold here are the two swords! For this is certainly what Christ meant when he answered the disciples about their two swords.

  1. In the old editions: "gewegenesten".
  2. "in" is missing in the Erlanger.

2054 Erl. (s.) ss, 217-sis. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi. 2497-2499. 2055

This Bonifacius is the one who gathered the previous popes, and also his dirt (Sext Decretal I want to say), in order to raise the papal throne above God's word, worldly rule, body, soul and goods of all people on earth, where it could be possible; and many other praiseworthy papal virtues he left behind him for his descendants as an example, about which they hold quite fiercely. For it is an article of faith among them: What a pope at Rome does or does, the holy Christian church and God Himself did. Cause, a pope cannot err.

  1. From this and similar histories (oh would God that an idle and learned historian would compile such examples of how often the popes have grabbed the imperial and royal crowns) one sees and grasps that nevertheless the most holy fathers at Rome considered this Donation of Constantine, the most diabolical lie of all, for the most important article of the Christian faith, and always thought how they could get it on its feet, God granting that the other articles and all of Christendom would have it their way, if they could only become God and lords of the world through such manifest idolatry. And they have truly gone far, and further, than he meant who first lied about such lies.

15 For he has nevertheless brought it about that he has robbed the emperors and kings and all the world of the investiture or the feudal right of the bishoprics, and also of the benefices, if he has not endowed them nor given them, and has shed countless blood over them, and has inflicted all plagues on emperors and kings. For it was the time of divine wrath, who wanted to punish the world through the pope. Otherwise it would not be right even today that one should take and thus give of his own pleasure, which is not his. For emperors and kings have not given it to the pope, but to the churches, to maintain preachers' chairs and schools; which the pope has snatched for himself, and under the name of the church is most shamefully killing, even to war and rage against the founders.

Item 16: He has brought it about that even emperors and kings and all the world worship him, kiss his feet, the emperor gives him the impromptu

The Count Palatine had to carry the tail of his mule, and such outrageous reverence much, which should be kept by the Christians for the right true God alone. And the right God, on the other hand, gives good and honor. This devil's head lets him do such honors and gives nothing, but robs, steals, takes, and seizes everything that everyone has, in body, soul, goods, honor and power. That is why in Rome they consider the whole world to be nothing but geese and ducks. They laugh that they can so finely mock and fool us under God's name, of which they otherwise think less than of a cleaner.

Item 17: He has managed to write and boast about the kingdom of England, the hereditary lord and feudal lord. I have seen such writing with my eyes, which the pious man (God forgive me) Peter Paul Vergerius brought out to the Roman king Ferdinand and other German princes to incite them against the king of England. And as a sign he took annually from the whole kingdom the St. Peter's penny (that's what it is called) from each head, which carried an incredible amount of money. For the St. Peter's penny is with us a half a coin or a marker: that I have had people from England tell me with truth that the pope had nine tons of gold annually from England. Some say more. Truly, the greeks may make Constantine's heirs in Rome fat.

(18) Should we not be astonished here, and ask: How did St. Peter, the poor fisherman of Bethsaida, come to be hereditary king of England, with his successive popes? They did not buy it; that is certain. They did not fight for it with the sword; that is certain. Nor did they give it as a gift from God or man; that is certain. Although they write that King Adolphus put such St. Peter's penny on his kingdom out of devotion. Those who do not believe are not condemned.

(19) And how often did he banish and depose the emperors, whether he might have become emperor thereby? And where he could not depose them by banishment, he nevertheless caused such division and discord among the princes.

2056 Erl. (2.) 25,219-221. sec. 2. Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1240. W. XVI, 2499-2502. 2057

that they had to depose one and choose another of his liking, so that he would take over the rule of the princes and emperors, and he succeeded several times, failed several times, as the histories testify, but not without a great deal of bloodshed. For this Donatio Constantini first made them drunk, like a sweet wine, and then mad, foolish, furious and insane, until they became emperors and gods over the whole world, unable to digest such poison.

Item 20: He has made it so that whoever holds the kingdom of Neapolis and Sicily must annually present the most holy father with a beautiful white horse, with a silver bridle and the most beautifully polished clothes, which he accepts as a feudal right to such kingdoms. However, it is said that those who give it require that it be a bad gift and not a feudal right. Every pope collects such horses as many years as he lives, and has them led before him alone, when he wants to be resplendent, with a special, splendid splendor, as a sign that he has sunk his claws into such kingdoms, and where fortune would suffer, even such kingdoms, by virtue of this Donatiou Constantiui, would like to capture and take, because he lacks seals and letters. As Pope Leo Decimus, my first Caiphas, did, who installed his cousin at Neapolis as king; But those at Neapolis were unfortunately also anti-Papal at that time, but much more violently and sharply than Luther, and gave the new papal king such strong poison that his body became grass-green, and so hard that one could not pierce the body with a spear, as a sign that they could not believe, and perhaps did not want to believe, the article of the papal faith, of the Donation of Constantine, because of the great weakness of their conscience.

21 Item, he brought it with his roguishness that he got much more money from the countries than the emperors ever had in former times. What the emperors took from the lands, they had to use to cultivate the lands and to keep peace. This wicked man took it and squandered it, leaving kings and lands to themselves to cultivate and keep the peace. Daniel says in the eighth chapter of the end of Christ: "Dolus prosperabitur in manu".

ejus, it will succeed the Schalke all its Schalkheit. Otherwise it would not have been possible, where God's wrath would not have wanted to punish the sin of the world in such a way, that he should succeed.

First of all, he devised the pallium over the archbishops, from which immeasurable money fell to the Roman robber. For Mainz alone must give twenty thousand guilders to Schalke for the pallium. Some say that, with the expenses, it amounts to thirty thousand. Other bishoprics give less, up and down. Yes, what devil has given him the power to plunder the foreign monasteries in such a way and to sell his four bailiwicks at such a high price? But it is all to become Constantine's heir and to bring the world under him.

Item 23: After that, he devised the annals, with an impudent public lie, but under such a pretense (as he boasts), that he wanted to collect a treasure, to get against the Turk; that he never had a right thought, as the work on the day proves. But everything was directed so that he would first bring the world's goods under him, then become their lord and god through their own money and goods, and be called Emperor Constantine's heir. As it was said long ago that the end Christ would raise the treasures of the earth. And Daniel saith, He shall divide the lands unto his Mahusites in vain, 1) For he hath gained it all in vain, like a thief, and by all manner of lies and deceitfulness.

24 He also invented the indulgence for the sake of money against the Turk. He was just as serious about this as he was about reforming the Roman court and city and holding a concilium; nevertheless, it cost him an unspeakable amount of money, and all the world was cheated with it, without him having strengthened his divinity and Constantinity a bit. Now, of such robberies, stealing, lying and deceiving, I have written quite a bit in the beginning, to the German nobility. Whoever wants to, may read it further, because it is not necessary to repeat everything here. I have told this, however, as they have done it up to our time.

  1. "Mahusite" follower of his god Mausim (Dan. 11, 39.). From this we can see that Luther wanted the word Mausim to be spoken in three syllables.
  2. In 1520. Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol.X, 266 ff.

2058 Erl. (S.) SS, SSI-SS3. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2502-2505. 2059

that one might see how the papacy was founded on vain lies and idolatry, born and grown out of it, and is a true, real devil's empire, not only to destroy the holy Christian Church (of which I will speak further in the following writings, and paint you devil, if I can, with God's help, as you have painted me), but also the worldly empire, so that he might become a much greater Constantine than the same great Constantine ever was.

(25) What is he doing in our time? Because he will not succeed in all things, even though he has succeeded all too well, as Daniel says Cap. 8:24, he cannot rest nor celebrate, nor suffer any offense. In former times the cardinals in Rome were under the pope, like canons under a bishop, and stayed in the city. But that was too spiritual, and not imperial splendor. For the emperor of old sent consules or praesides into the countries, so the pope invented legates from his cardinals, so that he would become similar to the imperial regiment in deed, but would not have the name consulum or praesidum, but would be called legates, until he cunningly obtained the Donation Constantini, and overcame powerfully.

26 Well, this has begun and has been accepted by all the world. The legates have brought to the countries letters of butter, seals, indulgences, liberty, graces, and such a fair that has almost sucked the countries dry.

27 After that, in countries, like the bishop of Salzburg, and now also Mainz, he makes legates nothos, natos I should say; these are hereditary legates, or, as they stammer, born legates, who sit to hold the bishoprics of the rat king of Rome, and yet are canons of the church of Rome, so that finally all bishoprics and cathedrals come to Rome. As he has eaten up all the rich monasteries and convents in Welsh-speaking countries, especially in Rome, by such a rat's mess of cardinals, so that finally all the clerical estates in the whole of Christendom will come home to the pope's canons. In time, he will certainly send a cardinal to Cologne, Trier, Bamberg, Würzburg, and whatever other good monasteries there are, which will then also become Legatz natz, the

is rats, who help their rat-king in Rome to take over and eat up the monasteries. Just as the present Legatz natz of Mainz has eaten up, drunk up and sucked up his monasteries, especially Magdeburg, so that he may hold his Roman canonry in honor.

Item 28: What did Pope Clemens Septimus, my third Caiphas, support himself for: he had stolen all the money that Julius Secundus left behind him under his cousin Leo Decima, whose chamberlain he was; he is said to have known about the fifty tons of gold, as they say, and poisoned many cardinals whom he suspected of big money. And when he became pope, he did such evil in Welsh land that it was unpleasant, and was again afflicted with poison for the seventh time. For six times he overcame it; but in such a way that all teeth, 1) nails and hair of the whole body came off, that he was to be regarded as a bad lump of meat. For it is said that he was the highest, most skilful master of giving poison and driving it out at that time on earth, without anyone being so evil at the end (as they say), a more evil one came over him, was also dug up after his death by some, and nose, ears and privates cut off, found lying early in the morning before his grave, with the title: Perduellio maximus, the greatest villain.

29 This Clement, while he was still Leonis' court master, intended to satisfy his avarice (which was impossible), and issued a bull that one should take the tenth penny from the clergy, the twentieth from the secular, high and rich, and the fiftieth from the common man, as a treasury against the Turk. O great earnestness was there against the Turk! that is, to scoop out all the world purely. For there were people at that time who reckoned with him and concluded: Where such an estimate should have stood for three years, not a penny would have remained in German lands. But the donkey started his song too high and thought that the Germans would not notice. But it was struck down at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg, under Maximilian in 1518.

  1. In the old editions: "zeen". Whether this is to be resolved by "teeth", as Walch has done, or by "toes" (with the Erlanger), we leave undecided.

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(30) But he did not cease after he became pope; he devised another little fund to exhaust the world's goods. Then came the bulla, which he called Mons fidei, in which he offered all kings to sell the interest of his own papal chamber, so that he could raise a great deal of money against the Turk. The Holy Father was very serious about raising money against the Turk, that is, about raising money from the kings. But it did not work out, because he could not be lucky enough to redeem the world from its money because of his great mischievousness and malice, even though he was a notorious son of a whore, his own sister's natural son, and the proverb says that the children of whores are blessed. It is also said in Jtalia that he has never been baptized in his life. That is why he is most worthy of being pope at this time, because no pious man should be pope or cardinal, but the worst boys on earth now belong to such ranks. As they themselves confess, that in Rome is the basic soup of the very worst boys on earth.

Summa: There have always been enough learned, wise people, as the histories show, both in the secular and ecclesiastical classes, especially those who have appreciated the pope's mischievousness and tyranny, and have spoken and acted against it. But Pabst's hour has not come, therefore they have done nothing, but the saying of Daniel must be fulfilled, when he says Cap. 8,24. 25.: "The truth will be struck down in the streets (that is, publicly)." And again, "The shalke shall succeed until the wrath be out." And Christ says Matth. 24, 22.: "These days will be cut short, otherwise no one would be saved." Such an hour will be here now, if God wills it; but that they should not believe it, if they felt it so hard that their hearts would fall into their shoes and even deeper. For they try a variety of strange plots and schemes, and yet nothing helps; they do not lack people, but the little hour wants to overthrow this Troy.

32 Therefore, since all that has existed under God has endured and resisted, the pope must be emperor, and through his god, the devil, bring this false Donatio Constantini into being. For he is

Certainly the Most High, above emperors and kings and all temporal rulers (I am not talking now about how he became the final Christian in the Church, soon, God wills it), also has greater goods than all emperors, greater honor, greater power, and everything that is high in the world. He is, next to God, completely. As they also pretend to him: he is king of kings, lord of lords and an earthly god, and more of the horrible names that are painted on the forehead of the red, insolent whore Revelation 17:5. But nevertheless he preaches nothing, does no apostolic nor episcopal office to comfort the souls, is nevertheless Servus servorum Dei, and is true when Dei here is called deus mundi. For he is the right and highest servant of the devil, and destroys everything, as Daniel says: Mirabiliter omnia vastabit, he will destroy everything horribly.

33 Now, in the Donation Constantini, there is this beautiful, delicate lie, which has subsequently given rise to many other decrees and great books, namely, that the four patriarchs, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, are to be under the pope of Rome. Such a lie is also an article of the Holy Papal Church, and we do not want to let the text be seen here as the Donatio Constantini hits itself in the cheeks. For, count it on your fingers, it says: Constantinus gave such a donation on the fourth day after his baptism in Rome; at which time Constantinople was not yet built, much less a patriarch might have been there; likewise in Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem there were still bad bishops, as the parish priests are now, and the patriarch's name was invented long after. It is also obvious that these four bishops, together with all the other bishops in all of Greece or in the morning, have never been under the pope, and still are not. And thus also the work on him himself makes such lies enormously disgraceful.

34 And what is more, neither Cyprian nor Augustine, the most famous bishops, along with other bishops in Africa, were under the bishop of Rome; Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, in particular, is like the bishop Cornelio of Rome, and calls him brother. And the Christians at that time

2062 Erl. (2.) SS, sss-SS7. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2507-2SW. 2063

The bishops were all called Papa, as is found in St. Cyprian, and St. Jerome also calls St. Augustine in his letters, until the devil then took such a name for the end-Christ in Rome alone. Just as he stole the power, property and honor of all bishops and churches and took them to him. And St. Ambrose of Milan, along with many other bishops in the French lands, has not been under the pope. And as a sign, the same diocese of Milan still keeps the ecclesiastical laws or ways of singing and reading masses, as St. Ambrose kept them, much differently than Gregory at Rome and the Roman Church kept them afterwards.

35 And what may it be much words? St. Jerome, one of the four teachers, whom they made a cardinal even after his death, writes that the Roman bishop is nothing more than the bishop of another city, but all are equal, and says: Si quaeritur autoritas, major est orbis urbe. For the whole world held it at that time (as the truth is) that all bishops are equal. And further, the same man may say that at Alexandria there was first no bishop, but the priests (which are now called the preachers and caplains) ruled the churches in unity and equally with each other. But afterwards, to prevent sectarianism, lest any one should seize the churches and divide the people, one was drawn from among the priests and called a bishop. Therefore, he also writes about the epistle of St. Paul that priests and bishops are one thing, and proves it clearly from the text, as everyone can read for himself in the epistles of St. Paul, especially in Titum.

Now St. Jerome lived around the same time, and after Constantine lived with ten emperors, as the histories testify, that he would have known about such a donation of Constantine and the bishop of Rome, especially because he was a priest of the church in Rome, and the pope's Damascus scribe, as he himself says. And it is a wonder that such arch-heretic is not still in the present day.

Burn the bishop of Rome, who speaks so dryly and freshly of the bishop of Rome, how he is equal to all other bishops and above none, so that he makes this Donation of Constantine such a shameful and tangible lie. And show how desperate, mendacious, disgraceful boys and villains the following popes and papists have been, who not only invented such cursed lies (which would be a human folly), but also imposed them on the whole of Christendom as an article of faith, thereby robbing and stealing all the world's goods, honor and power; so that they also dare to kill, burn and damn into the abyss of hell those people who do not worship such devil's filth for God. This is the devil himself with his mother.

What do you think? If St. Jerome had lived to see such a time, that the Roman bishop wanted to exalt himself not only above all bishops and clergy in Christendom, but also above the emperor and all the secular class, just as if he were God himself, oh, how he should have washed the pope! For if he would not let it be right that the Roman bishop should be higher than another bishop, how should he let him be God and Lord over all Christendom and over all the world? Yes, the pope should have let him. As he should have done at the time when the true bishops and fathers lived, as Cyprian, Martin, Hilarius, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine and their like, who were different people than the Roman bishops.

38 For we read in the Ecclesiastica historia that Pope Victor wanted to banish the whole of Christendom on the morrow, with all the bishops in Greece, because they did not keep the Easter feast on the same day with him and with the Roman Church (this is how the bishops of Rome seized the high authority over the churches). For this happened two hundred years after the birth of Christ, when the pagan emperors still ruled in Rome): then a priest of Lyons in France, called Irenaeus, also one of the oldest teachers, came to Rome, and punished the same Victor for wanting to cause such misery and confusion in the

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Christianity for the sake of the Easter Day, and also prevented the pope from his harmful presumption.

39 Seeing that this Irenaeus is not a bishop, nor a priest of Rome, but of another church in another country, he nevertheless punished the bishop of Rome, and refrained from his foolish banishment and iniquity. Whereas he would have considered the pope to be the highest bishop by divine word, and emperor, to whom no one should say, "What are you doing? He would certainly have spared such majesty, and would not have interfered with his office against the papal authority. But since the time that such Jrenaei and Hieronymi no longer existed, the devil has exalted his rat king and hemp cleaner so high that he does not want to hear any father or teacher, neither old nor new, nor any council nor church, but wants to be above council and above everything, and one should hear him alone. He also wants to hear neither emperor nor imperial law, neither reason nor reality, but all rights shall be in the shrine of his heart, and spring forth, as he roars in his books, also shouting vehemently, as that all thrones and the highest judges shall be judged by him, and no one shall judge him, perhaps not even God Himself. For how can God judge him, since he has all rights sitting in his heart's shrine, and cannot do wrong, even if he would like to, since everything he does flows from his heart's shrine, in which all rights must be, and all right, since it is the shrine of all right.

40 And this is still more: He also wants to be undirected by the holy Scriptures, the Word of God (which is God Himself); but here again he roars in his book: that not the Roman See has its power from the holy Scriptures, but the holy Scriptures from the Roman See. This means to exalt oneself above God and against God. God must disgrace you, you shameful, cursed liar and blasphemer! How insolently you lead up to the heights! But so it was written by the end of Christ through St. Paul, so it had to be fulfilled, for the plague and punishment of the unbelieving world, which always preferred to believe lies and did not accept the love of truth.

Now this is the holy article of the papal faith, of the Donation of Constantine, that is, of the desperate, impudent lie; which I have wanted to set in the light, so that all pious Christians may see how the desolate abomination of the papacy is based on vain lies, and that his church is the church of the devil. Whoever wants to read further about this, may read the pope's law, especially in c. Cuncta, item c. Solite, item c. Pastoralis; then in the beginning, middle and end of all and every decree. For in the beginning he always boasts that he is the supreme of God's providence. In the middle he judges and gives, what and how he wants, as a God. In the end, he threatens the disobedient with God's wrath. So that all his writing, speaking and doing is said: "Look, all of you, I alone am emperor, lord and god, I cannot do wrong, but without me everyone is wrong. For the devil has poured these lies into him, when he became so full and mad that he köcke and spit so horribly in his rights that his God, the devil, might even be afraid of it. But we have had to be his swine, and eat everything that the devil has swarmed through him above and below.

However, the most holy father and mother of all churches humbles himself and calls himself Servus servorum Dei, after St. Gregory, who used such a title for the first time and never thought that it should be a hereditary title or titulus natus. Just as every Christian, the emperor himself, should have such a title, or rather fulfill it. For Christ himself also calls himself a servant of all servants of God, and the least in the kingdom of heaven, according to which all Christians are to wash one another's feet and be servants, and through humility to hold one another higher than themselves, as St. Paul teaches everywhere, that one should precede the other with reverence. This is called Servus Servorum Dei. And this is how Gregory meant and held it.

But St. Pabstus wears such sheep's clothing and covers himself with such a title that his wolfishness should not be noticed. For as he is a servant of the servants of God, his works prove that he wants to be

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everyone must have served him even against and above God, or whoever does not, must be eternally damned. It has never been heard that the pope has kissed the feet of an emperor, king or prince, as he has his feet kissed by emperors, even though the emperors were Christians and servants of God. And even if they were sometimes evil, and thus not servants of God, the pope has never been pious, and yet remained a famous servant of God, and nevertheless let himself be kissed. Therefore, as he allows himself to be kissed, the holiest servant of all servants of God, so he should also kiss the feet of all servants of God, at least his chamber servants, if he considers them to be Christians, or should not suffer his feet to be kissed by anyone, since he wants to be the holiest among Christians.

  1. such things, and such other articles of the holy papal church, would be necessary to act in a Christian free concilio, if we were worthy before God, and if they deserved that God would give this grace, so that they would recognize themselves, and would have to atone for and amend such unspeakable evil: then they would, like me, judge of themselves that they should all, pope, cardinals, bishops, 2c, should be hanged on the gallows, drowned, beheaded and burned, as the arch-thieves, robbers, seducers, traitors, murderers, bloodhounds, and beginners, mediators and executors of all wickedness. For I, too, have unfortunately been among the blasphemous mob of the papal church (I must confess, as St. Paul does, and do it cheerfully and gladly), helping to blaspheme and profane the holy blood of Christ and his power, through our own holiness and wisdom. But I did not know better, thought it was so right and well done; but now they know it, and nevertheless remain in such a nature, defending it with all power and persecution.

45 Therefore they will not be worthy of the merciful punishment of being hanged, drowned, beheaded, burned; which would be desirable for them, and I would like to see God's wrath turned away or alleviated, which they must otherwise bear eternally in hell. For St. Paul says 2 Thess. 2, 8: that our Lord Christ Himself will judge the end-Christ; first killing with the Spirit of His

That is, by his word, destroy it with his bright future. Therefore neither church nor concilium, neither emperor nor human power will punish the papacy and pay it according to its merits. They have it too high, too low, too thick, too coarse, too long, too far overpowering, with all mischievousness, superstition, lies and blasphemies, that it cannot reach human punishment and wrath, but their judgment is Matth. 25,41.: "Go, you cursed, into the eternal fire, which is prepared for the devil and his angels." For the devil's angels are called not only the spirits or other devils, but also the popes, bishops and cardinals, as the Revelation of John testifies, just as Christ's angels are not only the heavenly spirits, but also the pious, holy bishops, pastors and preachers on earth in Christendom, as he himself says that St. John the Baptist is his angel.

46 But it is a fine thing how it should be with such people, that they should not believe it, but also laugh at it and mock it, as they did before the flood, and afterward the oaths of Lot. How ridiculous it was to them that Sodoma should perish! But soon after, the laughter became an eternal howl, and they had to sing the jester's song: Non putassem, I would not have meant that! So now the papists also laugh when they hear God's wrath, of which they know themselves guilty in their conscience, convinced by their own shameful, blasphemous, damned life. But they will also have to sing with weeping and gnashing of teeth: Non putassem. But unfortunately too slowly. The world wants it that way, no Enoch, no Noah, no Abraham, no David, no Elijah, 1) no prophet, no Christ, no apostle helps. So go on; it is valid, whom the game repents.

47 Since the papal abomination shall not receive its punishment here on earth, but is reserved for Christ Himself at the Last Judgment, just as the devils are all kept in chains of darkness for the same judgment, as St. Peter says: "We must let it go as it goes, and let it go as it goes, and let it go as it goes, and let it go as it goes.

  1. The words: "no Elijah" are missing in the Erlanger, but are in the Wittenberger and in the Jenaer.

[2068]{.underline} Erl. (2.) 25,232-234. sec. 2 Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1240 f. W. XVI, 2515^-2517. 2069

They will also be brought home to the same judgment, since there is no hearing and no crying of their own conscience will help against them. But that we nevertheless always continue, hard against hard, and expose the abomination's butt and shame (as the prophets use to speak), so that all the world, and they themselves, have to see their own shame, so that we serve God at least in the part where he kills his adversary by the spirit (or breath) of his mouth. For such breath and the spirit of his mouth is powerful, and it is necessary for the holy church to recognize such an abomination, so that it may know how to guard against it and pray against it, amen.

  1. D. Martin Luther's writing: "The Lying of St. Chrysostom, to the Fathers of the Concilium at Mantua." Before May 20, 1537.

The first edition of this writing appeared under the title: "The Lie of S. Johanne Chrysostomo, to the Holy Prayers in the supposed Concilio of Mantua, by D. Marti. Marti. Luther. Wittemberg. M.D.XXXVII." At the end: "Printed at Wittemberg by Hans Lufft. M.D.XXXVII." Thereafter in the collections: in the Wittenberg (1553), vol. IV, p. 438; in the Jena (1568), vol. VI, p. 499d; in the Altenburg, vol. VI, p. 1103; in the Leipzig, vol. XXI, p. 187; in the Erlanger (1st), vol. 25, p. 202, and in the second edition, vol. 25, p. 233. The closer time determination results from the words of the inscription: "now on future Pentecost". - The legend itself is found in "Der Heiligen Leben," Nuremberg, 1488, col. 326; in the Strasbourg edition of 1517, toi. 158 and from a manuscript in des Vulpius "Curiositäten," vol. ill, p. 161.

To the holy and ecclesiastical lords, Pope Paul the Third, the > cardinals, archbishops, along with other prelates of the church (to > speak with Laube), who now suspect to come to the Concilium at Mantua > on future Pentecosts and are suspected of Martinus Luther, unworthy > preacher and doctor 2c.

  1. my friendly greeting before! Let not your holiness and spirituality's ears or noses be surprised that I, a damned, cursed, unclean, stinking heretic, should dare to come before your holy purity with such a foul, stinking writing of mine. For your holiness know that

St. Paul says: "To the pure all things are pure", just as no impurity harms the shine of the sun. And even if my stinking uncleanness were so great that your pure holiness could not suffer it, but would have to hold its nose, think that you have necessitas legem non, and in German: Nothes break iron 2c. As one must otherwise suffer an accidental stink.

For the bulla has also come before me, in which you, through your most holy head, the pope, have announced a concilium to Mantua, truly (as no one else can easily think) with great earnestness and zeal to advise and help the poor consciences, as you have always done until now. And almost nineteen years ago I appealed from Pabst Leonis, infelicis memoriae, freventlichem, devilish ban and Sentence to a common Concilium, such appeal also never yet deserters, but the same always and always, as the right principal, adhäriret, and to prosequirir willing been and still am. For this reason, I have had to accept such a written out Concilii, out of necessity, as is the case today. I had also planned to appear personally and bodily myself, and to make you bonum vultum, as I promised Petro Paulo Vergerio, Papal Holiness Oratori, here in Wittenberg orally; regardless of the fact that your God is the consuming fire by which you are used to overcome the heretics.

But if I have fallen into great weakness this year, so that it is not possible for me to make such a journey to the Council in my body, nor do I have the money and property to be able to order my needy procuration or legation. For of course there will be no one among you who would and could lead my cause and word before your terrible, fiery God as well as I do, so I must come as I can; if not on foot, horse or carriage, then on paper and ink. But I have managed to get this John Chrysostom (whom you undoubtedly know well) sent to your Holiness as a precentor and credence, because he is called Chrysostom, that is, Golden Mouth; for your Holiness likes to hear beautiful, sweet, golden words and prefaces.

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Besides you 1) may also taste and smell what great things I have to do against the popes, cardinals, bishops and other prelates of the church in the Concilio.

(4) For they have not only taught such unspoken, desperate lies and idolatry, but have also confirmed them with grace and indulgence, and filled the whole world with them, so that now, praise God, the whole world takes hold, and you yourselves also understand and know that these are true lies, conceited, devilish lies, and vain seductive idolatry. They not only tore and devoured the sheep of Christ like wolves, but like the apostles and prophets of the infernal Satan, they destroyed and devastated the holy church, made a horrible, infernal pit of murder out of it, for which they took, robbed and stole, as the most desperate evil-doers, all the world's goods, in which they, and you also now, are resplendent and triumphant, as I will further indicate hereafter. For after this my preaching I will come, I will show God, and the golden mouth by the silver mouth, and what your golden and silver men have preached and earned; for it is not for nothing that the great Saint Chrysostom is called by such poets. Meanwhile, be in command of your dear God.

From St. Johanne Chrysostom.

  1. There was a pope in Rome, who rode^a^ ) one day, and many rode with him. Now the pope had a tit that he often united 2) and said his prayer; but he did so, 3) and when he was at the unification, he heard a voice cry out piteously. Then^b^ ) he thought to him: O woe, what is this?

is the mournful voice? and rode for bass, but there it cried 3) mournfully. Then thought he unto him, I must know what it is: and he turned back against the voice which he heard, until he was nigh unto it: and seeing nothing, he said against himself, How is it that I hear, and see nothing? And he said, I command thee by GLT, that thou tell me what thou art. Then said the voice most pitiful: I am a poor soul, O woe is me always! for I am as a

  1. "their" is missing in the Erlanger.
  2. "united" retreated into solitude. Immediately following. "Unification" solitude (Dietz).
  3. but again, again.

I have never been without pain for a long time, when one eyebrow wants > to come after the other. So great is my purgatory. ^c^)

a) rode) into the land of sleeping monkeys.

b) And who could conceive of such a thing if it were not true? > > c) Purgatory) You must believe that, or the devil will cheat you. > > 002 And when the pope heard it, he wept greatly, and said, Tell me, > poor soul, if I may not help thee? The soul said, No. Then he said, > "I am heartily sorry for this. Now God has given me much power, that > I may bind^d^ and release sinners; tell me, if anyone may help thee? > Then the soul said, "Something has been made known to me today that I > have hope for; for there is a blessed man in Rome who has a good wife, > who today became pregnant with a child, who will be blessed, and will > be called John, and will become a priest, and when the priest has his > sixteenth mass, I poor soul will be done with my torment. And he told > him by what street the man and the woman were sitting, and what their > names were. With that the priest departed from her; then the soul > cried out as before. > > d) tie) Also in hell, and four weeks under hell. > > 003 After this the pope came to the servants, and durst not ask him > where he had been. Then he rode sadly back to Rome, and sent for the > same man and for his wives, and received them amicably, and said to > the women: Dear wife, you must be blessed; I have been told by you > that today you have conceived a child, who will be called John, and > the child will be holy. Then the woman said, "I cannot know this; may > God's will be done for me. Then the pope said, "I beg you both, when > the child is born, to let me know, and I will baptize him, and I will > submit myself to the child, and I will be his father^e^ for ever. They > both thanked him, and he gave them his blessing, and they departed > from him. And when the child was born, they delivered it to the pope, > and he was very glad, and commanded his chaplain to ride with him to > the baptism, and they baptized him, and called his name John, and took > the nurse and the child.

to his court, and often visited the child. And when he was seven years old, he was sent to school, where he learned very badly; the others often mocked him; he was very ashamed of this, and every day he went to a church in front of Our Lady's image, and earnestly begged her to help him so that he would learn well.

e) Father) The mother may have been beautiful.

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4.^f^ ) One day, St. John was praying before the image with devotion, so that he could learn well, when Our Lady called to him and said: "Kiss me on my mouth, and you will learn all the arts and be taught better than anyone on earth. Then he was very afraid and could not do it. But Our Lady said, "Go safely to me with my escort. So he went and kissed Our Lady at her mouth, and sucked from it all the heavenly arts, so that he interceded for God, and spoke of all things, and all things well, as no teacher. And when he went out of the church, and came into the synagogue, and wished to learn, he could do more than all the rest together. Then they all laughed and said: How did it happen to you that you were so well taught, and that they could not teach you with hard blows, and now you can do more than all of us? Then they looked at him and saw that he had a golden rice around his mouth, and the gold shone like a bright star of true clarity. Then they asked him, "What happened to him? Where did the gold ring that was around his mouth come from? Then he told them what had happened to him. And they learned from him, for no one knew his art, and so they called him John the Baptist with the golden mouth, and said: Thou art called thus, because thou speakest golden words, which proceed out of thy mouth. So^g^ ) he wore the ring all the time he lived, and the name remained for him.

f) it wants to become, there the lie goes pastidlich therefore.

(g)) Before he kissed the emperor's daughter afterwards, he was bent.

Now the pope was very fond of St. John, and where a benefice was vacant, he gave it to him. Then he became very rich, and lived virtuously and holy. After that, the pope ordained him priest by the will of the poor soul, so that it would be comforted by it.) And when he was sixteen years old, he was ordained priest, and the priest told him to prepare for the first mass, saying: "You should not pray any longer," because he was sorry for the poor soul. Then St. John sang the first mass with great devotion, and thought to him during the mass: Oh Lord, I am still too young, and it is very contrary to God that I should be a priest now, and should deal with God; and he said: Lord, I am sorry that they have consecrated me to the priesthood. For I am not worthy that I should deal with thee with my childish hands,

  1. beiten wait.

that must always repent me. And he said: I know well that temporal goods harm the soul,^k^ ) therefore I will be poor through God. What good is that which is against God to me? As soon as we have eaten, I will go into the forest and be there as long as I live. And while he was singing the mass, he thought to himself, Oh, if the mass were over, and the mass seemed so long to him. And when the mass was over, they went with joy to the table, and received the young priest beautifully, and had all that they should have.

h) See, were there already benefices at that time, when there was no > pope? > > i) Ei nun, taunt you God once again, you sorry devil, with your > Pabst. > > k) harms! The pope doesn't believe that, if he knew it right away.

6th Now when they had eaten, Saint John did as he had thought, and stole away from them secretly, and put on evil garments, that he should not be known, and took bread with him, and went into the woods, where he was many a day, that he might have a good rest. And when the pope was inside, and the other lords, that they had lost him, they were very sorry, and looked for him everywhere, and wondered greatly where he had come. Then Saint John walked for a long time in the forest, and asked God to be with him with his graces, and to see him. Then he saw a little spring, and went by the water, and was very glad, and came to a hollow stone, and under the stone the water went; and he thought to him, Here shall thy dwelling be. And the little water was very merry. And he took grass and bark, and covered his cell therewith, and made a door^m^ thereon for the beasts. And when he had eaten the bread, he sought herbs and roots, and fed himself therewith, and ate also the leaves and the grass, and looked up to God often, and lived very poorly, until he found out which root was good. He served God day and night with prayer, fasting, vigilance, and many other good practices.

I) Brod) This was a bread roll as big as Mount Sinai.

m) Thür) of nettle seed.

In those days there was an emperor,") who loved God, who had a beautiful castle, in which was his wife and his servants, and the castle was in front of the forest, in which was Saint John. And one day the emperor's daughter went before the

  1. "lützel" - little. See St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 639, § 9. col. 685, § 86.

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Hag, in the summer, with many beautiful maidens, through Kurzweil, and wanted to look at the flowers and the green clover. Then a great wind came among all the maidens, and they were very afraid; and the wind was so great that it took the emperor's daughter, and carried her up from the maidens into the air, that they knew not whither she was come. ^o^) Then they were sorry, and said: What shall we give unto Caesar for an answer? And when they were come home, the emperor asked them, where his daughter was? Then they told him that a wind bride had taken her away. Then he was very sorry.

n) Emperor) who had no name, just like the Pope above.

o) Ever that must be true, who could conceive it?

(8) Then the wind made the virgin lie down by the hollow stone, by St. John's cell, so that no harm would come to her. There she stood before the stone, well dressed, with a crown and a robe, and did not know where to go, and looked around everywhere to see if anyone saw her. Then she saw St. John's cell, and she looked in; then she saw him lying on the ground at his prayer, as he often did. Then she was glad, and cried with a loud voice, saying, Lord, let me in by God. Then St. John was frightened and got up and looked around. Then she called to him, and besought him diligently to let her in; and he held his peace. And she looked in, and besought him the third time to let her in, and said: I see that thou art a Christian, therefore thou shalt help me. If I were to lose my life here, it would be your fault, and if the beasts were to eat me, I would complain about you at the last day, and you would have to repent before God at the last day.

9th After the virgin had cried out for a long time, he went to the door, and when he saw her, he opened it and asked her who she was and how she was dressed. Then she said, "It is God's will, and I will tell you no more. Then he thought to him, If she loses her life here, then I am guilty of it before God, and let her go into the cell, and made a line^p^ ) into the cell with his staff, and said to her, If thou art in that part, then I will be in the other part, and come not over the circle unto me, and pray with diligence. Then she said: This I will gladly do. And she slept very little, and had no chamber. When day came, she thought to herself, "What shall I eat today? Now my dear host has nothing to give me; I must suffer grief here. Then St. John got up and prayed with great devotion. ^q^) Then the dear virgin also got up, and learned his

good custom. Then he said, "We should go with each other for food. So they did. But their food was nothing but cabbage, which they ate many a day for hunger, with great humility, praying and watching, and serving our Lord with great diligence. The enemy envied the exercises, and bore them both hatred, and advised them, and gave them evil counsel, and made St. John go over the circle to the virgins, into their half part, and embraced them sweetly, and won great love^r^ ) for her, and made the virgin fall into great sin by his will. After that they both felt great remorse for their sin, and were sorry that they had sinned against God. St. John said against himself, "All the good I have ever done through God is now lost. Then said the virgin, Alas, I have lost my honor, O Lord, that I have ever committed the sin, and have offended God my Lord with it, I am sorry with all my heart. ^s^)

p) Stroke) So that no fly could have crawled over it, not to mention > a young moth. > > q) Devotion) That is believable that one thought of the other in such > proximity. > > r) Love) That makes the great devotion, so they had in prayer. > > s) sorry) Yes, why do you eat cabbage and grass? that made you so > horny.

010 One day after, St. John thought to him, If the woman should be longer with me, I would sin more with her; and he led her up to a high stone, and thrust her down, and went back into his cell, saying, Alas, I wretched man! Now I have committed murder against the good women. Now she would never have thought of sin if I had not brought it upon her, and now I have taken her life. The unfaithfulness and the sin God will avenge on me forever. And he went out of the forest, thinking that he would never serve God, that all would be lost, and he said, O Lord God, you have forgotten me. But he gained hope in God, and thought: I will confess. And he came to the pope to Rome, who was his dod^t^ ), and said to him, Dear father, I am a great sinner, and confessed all his sin with great contrition. Then the pope did not recognize him, and said to him angrily, "Get out of my sight; you have done evil to women, and yet it is all your fault. Then he was sorry, and thought to himself, "I will not despair of God. And he went again into the forest into his cell, and repented him, and thought unto him, God's mercy is greater than my sin. And he said, Lord, receive repentance graciously from me. For I will

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walk on hands and feet until I earn your grace,^u^ ) and when I have atoned for my sin, let me be inside by your grace. He crawled on all fours like a beast in the forest, and when he wanted to rest, he crawled into his cell, and crawled many a year after his body food, so that he never rose up, and his robe almost rotted away from him, and became rough all over his body, so that no one could recognize him.

t) Dod) his pathe.

u) Fie your time on. 2)

011 And when he had been fifteen years in the forest, the empress obtained a child, to whom the wind had given a daughter; and when it was desired to baptize the same child, the emperor sent for the pope, and for many bishops: and when the pope and the bishops, and a great company, were come to baptize the child, the pope took the child out of his hand, and the child said, I will not be baptized of thee. Then said the priest, Tell me thy will, whether I baptize thee? And the child said, I will not be baptized of thee. Then the priest was very much afraid, and said, "Hear, all of you; the child promises himself. What do these things mean? And said unto the third time, Child, wilt thou receive baptism of me? And he said, I will not be baptized of thee; I will be baptized of St. John the Holy; God will send him forth out of his misery. Then the priest gave the child back to the nurse, and came back to the women, and asked, "Who is the John who should baptize the child? No one knew anything about it.

Twelfth Then the emperor commanded the hunters to ride into the forest, that they might catch him game for the christening and for the court. When the hunter had gone about a mile, he heard the dogs almost barking, so he rode up to them and saw a hideous animal before them, which he did not know. Then he thought to him, "Now you are so hideously shaped that I am not allowed to punish you, you could easily tear me apart; I want to go home empty. Then he thought to him, "If I come home to my master empty, he will be very angry." So he took God as his helper and found the beast alone, which lay still before him, so he threw his coat over it and tied all its fours together, and was very happy when the beast was tame.

  1. at hand - immediately.
  2. For this idiom, compare St. Louis Edition, Vol. XX, 2397 8. v. "mal an".

(13) Then many people came and wanted to see the strange, horrible beast, so it crawled under the bench. Then the emperor's nurse came with the little child and said, "Show me the beast. There were also many knights and women who wanted to see it. Then one came with a pole and pushed it in front of the bench, and it ran down again. Then he pushed it forward, and it ran down again. Then he pushed it down a third time, and it stopped. Then the newborn child said, "John, my dear Lord, I am to receive baptism from you. Then said he, If it be the will of God, and if thy words be true, speak it once more. And the child said, My dear Lord, what doest thou? 3) I will be baptized of thee.

014 Then St. John called upon our Lord with devotion, and said, Lord, tell me out of the mouth of the child, whether I have repented of my sin? Then said the child, John, thou shalt be glad, for God hath forgiven thee thy sin. Therefore arise, and baptize me in the name of God. Then he arose from the earth, and at once the herb and the moss 4) that had grown on his body fell from him, and his body became as beautiful as that of a young child. Then they brought him clothes, which St. John put on. Then the pope and all the lords received him. He baptized the child with great devotion. Then the priest asked him to sit down with him. Then said St. John: Dear father, knowest thou me not? Then said the priest, No. Then said St. John, I am thy doddle,^x^ whom thou baptizedst, and didst make me go to school, and gavest me many benefices, and didst ordain me to the priesthood very young; and when I sang my first mass, then thought I to myself, it were not fair that I should deal with God in my childish hands. And when I had sung the mass and had eaten, I went into the forest, where I suffered many mischiefs. And told him all the things that had happened to him, and how he had fared with the virgins, when he had confessed to him before.

x) Dodt) Your 5) Pathe.

015 And when the emperor heard it, his heart was heavy, and he thought, It may have been my daughter: and he said, If any man will direct me to the stone where the woman lost her life, that we may find her bones, and commit them to the ground. Then said St. John:

  1. "betten" == to wait, to forgive.
  2. In the Erlanger: "Müeß"; in the Wittenberger and in the Jenaer: "myess".
  3. Erlanger: "Mine".

2078 Erl. (2.) 25,244-246. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2527-2530. 2079

If the hunter could come to the place where he found me, I would show him the stone. Then the hunter said, "Yes, indeed. Then they rode together into the forest, and St. John rode first to the stone, where they all saw the woman alive and well with their eyes. Then he said to her, "Why are you sitting here alone in the stone? And she said, Know ye me not? And he said, No. And she said: I am the woman that came to thy cell, and whom thou didst cast out of the stone. Then said he, Who helped thee that thou livest yet? Then she said: Then God of his goodness kept me safe, that no harm came to me. And the woman was so beautiful when she was before, and her garments also. He was astonished at this, and he sent her away with him, and brought her to her father and mother, to whom she was well known, and they received her joyfully, and thanked God that they had found their daughter.

016 Then the emperor asked the daughter, saying, Had she lived? Then she said, "No thing is impossible for God to do. I was not hurt by wind, rain, snow, heat, frost, or thirst, nor was I hungry. I will tell you no more. After that the pope rode home again and said to him, "Dear Dodt, I want to tell your father and mother that you are well. And he sent his servant to them: I tell you good tidings that your son John is well. And they were glad, and went unto him, and received him with great joy. Then the priest said to him, "Dear Dodt, how many masses have you said? He said, "Only one. The priest said, "Alas for the poor soul who suffers so much pain for so long! Then he said, "Father, what do you mean by this speech? Then the priest told him how miserably he had heard the soul crying in the forest, and how it had said, "Today a woman became pregnant with a child to be named John, and when the child reaches sixteen masses, I, the poor soul, will be done with the torment. I am comforted, dear Dodt, that God has made it known to me. Therefore, I immediately called you to the priesthood, so that the poor soul would be helped. Therefore, come to her aid. Then said he, Father, I will do what thou wilt.

017 And he said, Thou shalt say mass every day until they be sixteen, and the soul shall be saved. This he did with earnestness for the soul. Then she was delivered from all her torment. Then the pope made him a bishop and sent him to his diocese. There he was humble, and served God with diligence, and preached such sweet words, that he was called John, with

the golden mouth. After that he was expelled from his bishopric and came into a wild wilderness; there he wrote much about God, and when the ink ran out of his mouth, it became like golden letters. That is why he was called John with the golden mouth. And when God wanted to take him from this world, he became infirm and died blessedly. ^y^) Now we pray to the dear saint that he may grant us eternal life, amen.

y) And praise God that the lies have an end here. One lie after > another is a lie. But one has to believe it.

End of the Lying St. John Chrysostom.

D. Martinus Luther.

There are two kinds of lies on earth (although St. Augustine makes three: officiosum, jocosum, perniciosum). Some lie jokingly to make people happy, and do it so crudely that it should be noticed and laughed at. These liars (shall mau call them so cruel) do not desire that the people be deceived or damaged, but their final opinion is shame and jest. The others are real liars, who lie in earnest, and knowingly want to deceive and damage people. Let there be no one (who has come to his years) who has not experienced such liars and become aware of their harm, especially those who live in high places and offices. For they also, where they are burning, cry out and complain how the world is false and full of unfaithfulness, that even (as the prophet Micah says) married people, parents and children, landlords and servants, are unfaithful and false to one another. What then is one to think of neighbors and strangers?

2 Now such lies are not to be complained about so highly, because they do only physical harm, and the harm finally reveals and exposes the lies. But where it gets into the spiritual things, there would be well to complain who could come to it. These lies may be twofold: one is a human lie, which lies for the sake of temporal good; the other is a devilish lie, which lies in spiritual matters. For the latter remains covered and unrecognized (without God's word enlightening the hearts) until it reaches the eternal and unconquerable...

2080 Erl. (2.) 25, 246-24S. Section 3: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1241 W. XVI, 2S30-2533. 2081

The people who have done this terrible harm have no consolation or help for ever.

Now the holy papacy or papal church is full of all human lies, as they themselves confess at Rome, and is also publicly in the open, so that no one can deny it. But that would not be the pity yet; but this is the lie that does the harm, that such a church and holy papacy is founded and established on devilish lies, which no one knows, nor notices its harm, until it brings all the world into the eternal hellish fire, since there is no salvation nor return, and no one can atone for the harm, but that the pope with his indulgences, purgatory, holy service has so shamefully deceived, lied to and cheated the world out of its goods and money; that could be overcome, because money and goods are restored by God every day; but that he has deceived the souls by such lies, and has drawn them away from Christ to his and their own works, that is the devil, devilish lies, and the hellish fire with eternal death.

4 One of such lies is this lying John Chrysostom, which was invented by a desperate devil's head to pretend to the pope and to confirm his devil's church (as well as many others), and everything in it was directed so that the masses and purgatory (on which the papacy stands) would be held high, and all goods would be given to it; as it happened and has happened. And even though they now know and realize that these are such shameful lies, they not only do not want to improve anything, but knowingly defend the recognized lies, force people by force to believe and worship such obvious lies, and kill, chase away and burn them. With such lies they also do the harm that reasonable people, who notice such obvious lies, begin to doubt even the right main articles of the true Christian faith, and think: One is like the other; if this is a lie, then that is also not true. And become epicurean. Such miserable, unspeakable damage is done by the devilish, cursed, lying papacy in the church with such sorry liars. But God knows how to preserve His own.

5 Now people laugh at such lies, and no one wants to believe them. But farewell to you, dear

You young people who now have the light and have not been under the empire of lies of the pope, like me and my peers. If, twenty years ago, someone had thought that some part of this lying Chrysostom was a lie, he would have been burned to ashes without any mercy. Neither emperor, king, prince, doctor, 2c. art nor force could have helped. So severely did the scoundrels, preacher monks, inquisitores haereticae pravitatis deal with the matter; so earnestly did we have to believe the lies, and fear and worship their father, the devil, and celebrate his scoundrels and platitudes. Laugh now and mock confidently at these lies that have been uncovered (for you do right and well in them); be glad also that you now recognize them. But also be thankful for the grace of God, and pray that you will not again fall into temptation and be deceived.

(6) For of this you must be sure, when a council is held, nothing happens in it except that such lies are confirmed in all letters, and all those are condemned to death and hell who will not believe them. For they do not want to have erred, the holy fathers; of this only be sure. And how should they revoke or change such small lies, which nevertheless have a little appearance, if they praise the very greatest, largest, most impudent lie, which is so tangible without any appearance, even in their own conscience, an impudent lie, in all their writings, and throb the whole world with it, namely, that the pope at Rome is the bishop over the whole Christian church in the whole world. Which they know well that it is a lie, never has been, never will be, and never can be. And such a name belongs to no man, but only to the one man, who is called Jesus Christ.

Now they do not only lie against their conscience, but also lead the scripture falsely to it, Matth. 16,18: "You are Peter" 2c. This is the greatest deception that has come upon the earth, and should and must be the last time before the last day. I want to talk about it further in writing (if God gives me time and strength) with the holy fathers at Mantua, where they also did not lie about the Concilium. For the plate

[2082]{.underline} Erl. SS, 56-58. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2533 -2535. 2083

rich came from lies, built on lies; it must do nothing but lie with words, works and all its strength. Christ our Lord, the blessed dear truth, keep us in his faith and knowledge, amen.

1242 D. Martin Luther's preface to the writing: "Ein alt christlich Concilium zu Gangra in Paphlagonia, vor 1200 Jahren gehalten", published by Joh. Kymeus in German in 1537.

The text to which Luther wrote this preface is entitled: "An Old Christian Concilium, Held for Twelve Hundred Years in Gangra in Paphlagonia, Against the Highly Eminent Holiness of the Monks and the Resisters. Item an old miraculous history and recollection of those who wanted to revenge Christ on the Jews and the Gentiles. And of many other things, most recently recorded. By M. Johannem Kymeum, parish priest at Homberg jnn Hessen, verdescht vnd ausgelegt. With a preface by D. Mart. Lutheri." At the end: "Printed at Wittemberg by Joseph Klug. M.D.XXXVII." 9z sheets in quarto. In the editions: in the Wittenberger l 1559), vol.XII, p.364; in the Jenaer (1568), vol. VI, p. 495; in the Altenburger, vol. VI, p. 1098; in the Leipziger, vol. XXI, p. 174 and in the Erlanger, vol. 65, p. 56.

Preface by D. Mart. Luther.

Because I must now be a prefatory writer, I make this preface to this fine booklet: that I almost like to see it, and it is also useful and helpful to our Gospel, as harmful and unpleasant to the shameful papacy, as a proper Concilium, that one may draw forth the right old Concilia, and the right Fathers' Scriptures. For this Gangrense Concilium is the best of all. Although it was not a general, but a small, national concilium, it is nevertheless better in every respect than all the concilia that the pope has ever held. For here you see how these right-minded bishops reach for the right things. But in the pope's conciliis, the most necessary trade is which cardinal should be above the other, which bishop should be the highest, and of the jugglery without number and measure.

Yes, should these holy bishops want to act or conclude such things in the Pope's Conciliis, which they act in this Concilio of theirs, when devils, how thin ashes they should become through the fire! But praise be to God,

Honor and thanks, who through such and their like holy bishops so long ago condemned the shameful pope with his false holiness, in food, clothing, celibate unchastity, 2c. In it one sees how the papacy has accepted almost all the heresy that raged against Christ, and has gathered a basic soup from it to deceive all the world, since those alone have deceived some parts in countries.

(3) But I praise the most holy papists that they can rage so firmly and constantly against the Spirit of God, when such testimonies of the true councils and fathers are led, that they do not ask anything about it, but rather leave their strong insistence that the pope is above all councils and cannot err, and also above all holy Christianity in the whole world. And so that nothing remains equal to him, but also passes over God, he roars in his decrees, c. Cuncta, that is: All Christianity in the world knows that the Holy Scriptures have their authority or power from the Roman See**.** Yes, yes, says Luther, all Christianity in the world knows the hellish fire on your head, chair and idol, the devil. This little holy council at Ganga bears ample witness to this. And I would, if I had time, also bring more to light. For what shall I now say of the secular state, which is the pope's footstool and stable boys, and the pope's mules must wipe the back of their mouths? as it is in the daytime.

4 This Concilium Gangrä is also referred to several times in the sacred spiritual law, as are several more fine sayings of the fathers, but in such a way that the pope's mouth always retains the supremacy. For the most holy father does not want to rule according to such conciliarities and sayings of his, but he sets and commands: one should keep the Roman bishops' laws and letters equal to and more than the holy scriptures, all conciliarities, and all sayings of the fathers. And if this is not done, then no one can be saved, even if three Christ died for us again. For the pope is the right savior of all bets; Christ is nothing, except the cap. Cuncta and his like. Of it once further. May Christ, our dear Lord, accomplish the work he has begun, amen.

[2084]{.underline} Erl. 85,59f. Sect. 2. Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1243. W. XVI, 2535-2537. 2085

1243 D. Martin Luther's Preface and Postscript to Several Letters of John Hus, Written from the Prison at Costnitz to the Bohemians Anno 1415. Beginning of 1537.

A single print of this manuscript appeared under the title: "Etliche Brieue Johannis Huß des Heiligen Merterers, aus dem gefengnis zu Costentz, An die Behemen geschrieben. With a preface by Doct. Mart. Luther." At the end: "Printed at Wittemberg by Joseph klug. Anno. M.D.LXLVij." 5^ quarto sheets. In the editions: in the Wittenberg (1559), vol. XII, p. 277; in the Jena (1566), vol.VI, p. 496; in the Altenburg, vol. VI, p. 1099; in the Leipzig, vol. XXI, p. 175; and in the Erlangen, vol. 65, p. 59. - It should also be noted that in the Jena and Altenburg editions, only Luther's preface and postscript are printed, with omission of everything in between. In the Wittenberg and Erlangen editions, Hussen's letters are included in a different translation than in the Leipzig edition and Walch. In the latter two editions, a "description of the last action taken with Hus" is inserted after Hussen's letters. - In the heading of the editions the year 1416 is wrong. Hus was burned on July 6, 1415.

These letters of M. I had them written in Latin from the Bohemian language so that I could have them printed, especially in this year, when the Concilium has been announced by our dear Lord, Emperor Carol; not so much that I aroused hostility and enmity against the Costenzer Concilio (which I otherwise gladly did, and from now on I am ready to do with all my heart's desire, for the sake of his shameful, damned deed, also out of my and the whole holy church's need and right), but that I admonished, who should let themselves be reproached, if God wanted the said Concilium to proceed, to beware and beware of the example of the Costenzer Concilii, in which the truth was disputed and contested with great violence, and afterwards for a very long time. But now it has the victory, and carries its head high, and leads the same Rottenconcilium to the spectacle publicly by itself, and has taken from it its power and tyranny with all joy.

In the same Council, the most important thing, especially among the cardinals and the high estates, was to stop the division of the church, and in the meantime let the things of faith be commanded to the desperate and shameful people, which we call the monks.

and Sophists. From them, as the elders, came forth (as the prophet says) the wickedness of Babylon, which was followed in Germany and Bohemia by misery, war, battle, bloodshed, and such hatred as can never be quenched.

Nevertheless, the papacy, then supplemented by the schism, did not celebrate, and filled all churches in the whole world with enormous lies, indulgences, purchase fairs, and all kinds of fair of good works, which priests and monks offered and had for sale. Such was the fruit of the Most Holy Conciliar.

Therefore, it will certainly not do to order such devil-heads to do the things of faith, but the kings, princes and bishops must see to it themselves, so that nothing similar or troublesome will result from this Concilio. God has indeed shown at the Costenzer Concilio how he resists the trustworthy, and scatters all those who are of a trustworthy mind, and asks no one how great he is and who he is.

This is the reason why I let these letters go out, namely this admonition: Whoever does not want to be burned so many times, let him always go to the devil, he corrupts without my fault. Our dear Lord Jesus Christ give us his spirit to pray, and to those who are to govern the Concilium, to seek what is God's, and to forget or despise what is their own, amen. 1)

  1. This preface by Luther is found in Latin according to the "Fortgesetzte Sammlung von alten und neuen Theologischen Sachen, 1732," p. 997 f., in the Erlangen edition, opp. vur. urZ., torn. VII, x. 536, where the title of the book from which it is taken is thus given: Dros Lpistolae 8nn6ti88iini umrt^ris Ic>lmnrÜ8 IIussü 6 enrosre Oou8tariti6N86 ucl Loernos 86riptu6. Ourn xruolutione Älurt. lmtüsri. ViiisniderMo 1536. at the end: vitexenciodut loMpüus HuZ. 1536. octav. (Ok. Schütze, Ungedruckte Briefe Luthers, III, p. 364.) It is noted that, although the title says only of three letters of Hussein, four letters of Hussein are included, along with the letters of 57 nobles of Bohemia and Moravia addressed to the Concil at Constance on Sept. 2, 1416. Luther's postscript was missing in this booklet. - That this is not an edition organized by Luther himself (for Luther had the Bohemian letters of Husfen translated into Latin in order to be able to publish them in German), can be assumed: partly from the false title of the booklet, partly from the absence of Luther's postscript. The printer Klug, who printed the German copy, will, while Luther had the postscript

2086 Erl. 65, 61-63. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2S37-2539. 2087

M. Johann Hussen's letters.

Copy of the first letter from Joh. Hussen. 1)

I, Magister Johann Hus, in the hope that I am God's servant, wish the grace of God to all faithful Bohemians who love God with all their hearts.

(2) I have thought, my dear brethren in Christ, that it is necessary to exhort you to consider how my books, which I have written in Bohemian, are condemned as heretical books in the Concilio of Costence, which is full of pride, avarice, and all kinds of abominations, which have neither been seen nor read, and even if they had been read, no one understood them. For at this Concilio there are all whales, Frenchmen, Englishmen, Spaniards, Germans, and people of other languages; unless Bishop John Litomistius 2) had understood it, who was in the same assembly, together with some other Bohemians and priests of Prague, who at the first desecrated and accused both God's truth and our Bohemian land; which I respect and trust in God that it is full of pious Christians, since they hold God's word and all honorableness dear and valuable in it. If you yourselves had been present at Costenz, you would have seen such a concilii (which is called holy, and wants to be considered as such, as if it could not be mistaken) abomination and shameful being. For even the Swabians themselves, as I have heard from them, say that their city of Costenz will not be able to atone for all the sins that were shamefully committed in this concilio in thirty years; in sum, everyone is angry about such a concilio, and it hurts the people that everything is done so shamefully.

(3) When I first stood in such a council to answer against my adversaries, and saw that it was so completely without any

The German manuscript of the Schmalkaldic Articles was published in a hurry, before the subsequent speech had come into his hands. From this we can see that the German copy went out at the beginning of 1537, probably immediately after the production of the Schmalkaldic Articles.

  1. The Erlangen edition has this Brie in the first place, but with the note to the second letter: "The date shows that this was the first letter and the first was the other one. The Wittenberg edition has accordingly rearranged the two letters. In fact, the third letter of June 10 is the first, the second of June 24 the second, the first of June 26 the third, the fourth of June 27 the fourth.
  2. Instead of "Litomistius" the Wittenberg and Erlangen editions say: "zu Lytomiß".

I said, "I was wrong, it should have been more honest, better and more orderly in this council. Then the highest Cardinal attacked me and said: "Do you let yourself be heard here? in the castle you spoke more modestly. But I said to him, "In the castle there was no such shouting about me, but now you are all shouting at once.

(4) Since there is no order at all in this Council, and more evil than good has been done in it, do not be alarmed, my dear Christians and brethren, by the judgment that has been pronounced against my books. You will see and learn that they will be scattered like moths, and their doctrine and judgment will endure like cobwebs. They tried to deter me from the truth of Christ, but they could not overcome God's strength in me. Thus, they never dared to contend with me in the Holy Scriptures, as many well-born gentlemen will testify, who were willing to suffer all disgrace for the sake of God's truth and stood by me; especially the well-born Lord Wenceslas of Duben and Lord John of Chlum 3); for Emperor Sigmund allowed these two into the Council. Afterwards, when I said: I wanted to be expelled, if I had erred, the aforementioned gentlemen heard that the highest Cardinal had answered and said: If you want to be expelled, then you must first recant all your teachings, as fifty Doctores Theologiä (they were great sophists) will tell you. What do you think of him? Doesn't that mean finely taught? In the same way we read about the holy virgin Catharina, that she should deny the truth and the faith in Christ, because fifty masters stood against her; but the pious virgin did not want to, but held on to the faith of Christ until death, and still converted the same fifty masters to the faith; but I could not convert them.

(5) I have written all this to you, brethren, so that you may know that it was not with holy scripture, nor in any other proper way, but with terror and dread alone, that I was put to the task of recanting. But the merciful God, whose word I have considered glorious and great, has been with me, and still is, and will continue to be with me, as I have confidence in Him, and keep me in His grace even unto death. Amen.

  1. Wittenberger and Erlanger: "Clüm".

2088 Erl. 65, 63-65, Sect. 3**,** Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1243**, W. XVI, 2539-2541.** 2089**.**

Given on Wednesday after St. John the Baptist June 26, 1415, in prison, as I await death, although God keeps His judgment so secretly that I must not say that this is my last letter, for Almighty God can still well save me. Amen.

Copy of the other letter.

I, Master John Hus, in the hope that I am God's servant, wish all believers who love God and His Word knowledge of the truth and the grace of God.

(2) Dear brethren, I have admonished you not to be dismayed or alarmed at the fact that my adversaries have decided to burn my books, but to think how the prophet Jeremiah was also met by his people, and yet his sermons were not suppressed with it, for when they had burned it, God commanded that it should be written again, and more completely, as has happened. For when the prophet Jeremiah was in prison, he had his scribe Baruch with him, who recorded such sermons again from his own mouth; as can be seen in the prophecy of Jeremiah, either in the 35th or 45th chapter. It is also written in the Book of the Maccabees how the Bible was burned and those who were found strangled.

3 The same is found in the histories, that the tyrants, after the birth of Christ, burned the saints together with the books. Some cardinals burned many books of St. Gregory, and would not have left any if God had not prevented it through Peter, Gregory's servant. Item, two Concilia have condemned the holy teacher Chrysostom as a heretic, and nevertheless their wrong judgment has come to light after the death of the holy man.

4 Let such histories be a warning to you, that you either do not read my books out of fear, or give them to my adversaries to burn, but remember the word of our Savior, and strengthen yourselves with him, when he says Matt. 24: "Before the last day there shall be a great tribulation, such as never was since the beginning of the world: neither shall there be, that, if it were possible, even the elect should be deceived into error; but for the same those days shall be shortened." Remember this admonition, dear brethren, and be

  1. It is Jer. 36, 28.

undaunted; for I trust in God that the school of the Antichrist will fear you and leave you well satisfied, and the Concilium at Costenz will hardly come as far as Bohemia; and I am sure there are many of them who will die before they take my books from you. Yes, they will be scared away from this Concilio now and then, like storks, and in winter they will learn what they have done this summer.

Behold, they have condemned their head, the pope, to death for some heinous sin. Where then are the pope's preachers? Let them answer to this, who cry out from the pulpit that the pope is a god on earth, that he should not sell what is holy; as the lawyers say: he is the head of the holy Christian church, for he governs it, he is the heart of the Christian church, for he makes it live spiritually, he is the fountain from which all virtue and all good springs, he is the sun of the holy Christian church, he is the treasure to which all Christians should have a refuge. Behold, this head is cut off by the sword. The earthly God is bound, and his sins are manifest in the day. This fountain is dried up, this sun is extinguished, the heart is torn out of the body and thrown away, so that no one shall have recourse to him.

They also condemned the pope in the Concilio for selling indulgences, bishoprics, benefices and the like for money; but many have sat in such judgment, who themselves bought such things from the pope and sold them to others. For Bishop John Litomistius (who was also present) twice wanted to buy the bishopric of Prague, but others beat him to it. Are these not naughty boys? They do not pull the beam out of their eyes, but their own rights say: Whoever buys a prelature with money, it shall be taken from him. Now buy, or sell, or act in between, whoever wants to, they shall be publicly condemned. In this way Peter condemned and banished Simon, because he wanted to buy the Holy Spirit for money.

That is why it happened here in this council that the pope was condemned and banished for having done such business; but they, who bought it from him and let such action happen, go free. Yes, just in the Concilio, they have gone around with such cruelty; 3) for here in Costence there are two of them, one has sold the bishopric, another one has sold the bishopric, and another one has sold the bishopric.

  1. In the other relation: "desperate".
  2. Gremplerei == Krämerei.

2090 Erl. 68, p5-68. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2541-2544. 2091

bought it, but the pope took money from both of them and confirmed such a purchase. You know that this also happens in Bohemia. But if God wanted that in such a concilio God would have said: He who is without sin among you, let him pronounce judgment against Pope John; without a doubt, one after the other would have turned away. Why did they bow down to him before that time, kiss his feet, and call him Most Holy, because they knew and saw that he was a heretic, a murderer, and a damned sinner, as they brought all this upon him publicly? Yes, why did the Cardinals choose such a one, knowing that he had killed the previous pope? Why did they allow him, since he was already pope, to make and do such a business with the saint? For this reason they are his advisors, that they should tell him the best and keep to it; but since they do not do so, are they not just as guilty as he is, especially since they themselves have helped him to many things? Why was no one allowed to reproach him with this before the concilium began, but feared him as the holy of holies? But now, because the secular regime, by God's providence and decree, has imprisoned him, they all help each other to kill him. I ever think that one can see in the Pope and others at this Concilio that the abominable, shameful nature of the Antichrist has come to light, and the devout Christians will undoubtedly now understand what Christ meant by this, since he says: "When you shall see the abomination of desolation; for Daniel said of" 2c. Matth. 24: "Whoever ran this, let him take notice of it." I mean ever, the overbearing hopefulness, avarice and simony is the right abomination in the desert, that is, among the prelates, since one can feel neither piety, humility or other virtue at.

  1. I would have a good mind, if I had time enough, to write to you about all the mischievousness and wickedness that I have now experienced among the people, so that the pious Christians would be the more careful; But I trust in God, that he will raise up others after me, who will do more nobly, as there are already some of them, and bring the evil of the Antichrist clearly to light, and will gladly give their lives to death for the sake of the truth of our Lord Christ, which Lord Christ will give me and you eternal life, amen. Given on the day of St. John the Baptist June 24, 1415, in prison and in chains, with the thought that St. John was beheaded in prison for the sake of the word of God.

Copy of the third dispatch letter.

I, Magister Johann Hus, in the hope that I am God's servant, wish all faithful Bohemians who love God that they may live and die in the grace of God, and finally be eternally blessed, amen.

(2) Ye mighty, rich, and poor, I beseech and exhort you to be obedient to God, to magnify His word, and to live according to it.

  1. I ask you to abide in the truth of God, which I have preached and written to you from His Word and the holy teachers.

4 I also ask that if anyone among you has heard anything from me in public preaching or otherwise, or has read anything in my books that is contrary to the truth of God, that he not accept it, even though I am not aware that I have written or spoken anything of the kind.

  1. I also ask that if anyone has ever noticed any levity in my words or behavior, that he not indulge me in such, but ask God for me, that He may hold such levity against me.
  2. I pray that you will hold the priests, who are well kept in their profession, dear and valuable above others, but especially those who labor in the Word of God.

(7) I beseech you, beware of the wicked, and especially of the ungodly priests, for the Lord hath said of them that they walk in sheep's clothing, but within they are ravening wolves.

8 Gentlemen, I beg you, take good care of your subjects and keep a good regiment.

(9) Citizens, I beseech you that each one may live in his state in such a way that he may have a good conscience.

(10) Ye craftsmen, I beseech you, work faithfully, and gain your sustenance with godliness.

(11) Servants, I beseech you, serve your masters faithfully.

(12) Schoolmasters, I beseech you, let the youth be commanded to you, that you lead an honorable life, and teach them diligently and faithfully: first, that they fear God and have Him before their eyes; then, that they study with all diligence, not for the sake of avarice or temporal honor, but for the honor of God, for the common good, and for their own salvation.

(13) Students in the university, and all other students, I ask you to be obedient to your masters in everything that is honest and praiseworthy, and follow their good conduct, and study diligently, so that God's glory may be increased through you, and you and other people may be improved by it.

2092 Erl. 65, 68-70, Sect. 2**,** Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1243**, W. XVI, 2544-2546.** 2093

  1. Finally, I ask you all to diligently thank the well-born gentlemen, Mr. Bohuslaw of Duben, Mr. Johann of Chlum, 1) Mr. Heinrich Plumlau, Mr. Wilhelm Zagetz, 2) Mr. Niclasen, and other gentlemen from Bohemia, Moravia, and Poland, and to put up with their diligence, for they have repeatedly set themselves against the whole Council, and have defended the truth manfully, and with all their might have set upon them to set me free; Especially Mr. Wenceslas of Duben and Mr. John of Chlum, whom you may well believe in all the report they will make of this action, for they have been present many days while I have been answering before the council, and know who the Bohemians are who have so unreasonably and grievously accused me, and how the whole assembly has cried out against me, and I have answered everything that has been asked.

15 I also ask you to earnestly pray to God for the Roman king and your king, together with his spouse, your queen, that the merciful God may be with them and you here and there forever, amen.

(16) I have written this letter in prison and on the chains, and I await the verdict of the Concilio tomorrow that I should be burned. But I have complete trust in God, that He will not abandon me, nor admit that I deny His truth, or confess the errors by conspiring, which have been attributed to me with falsehood by false witnesses. But how kindly God, my Lord, deals with me, and stands by me in wondrous temptations, you will know then, when we shall see each other again in the joy of the life to come, through the help of Christ.

(17) I hear nothing from my dear companion, Magistro Hieronymo, except that he lies imprisoned and awaits death, as I do, for the sake of the faith that he has shown honestly against the Bohemians; but they, the Bohemians, our worst enemies, have given us into other enemies' custody and prison; I ask you to pray to God for them.

  1. About this I ask you in Prague especially to love the churches of Bethlehem 3) and to be diligent, as long as God gives grace for the Word of God to be preached in them; for the devil is especially hostile to the same church, and has against it the priests and the bishops.
  2. Here also the Wittenberg and Erlangen editions: "Chlum".
  3. In the external redaction: "von Zatz".
  4. This is the name of the church where John Hus preached.

because he realizes that his kingdom is very much broken by it. But I hope to God that He will keep the same church as long as He wants, and let His word increase in it through others more than has happened through me, a poor man.

19 I also ask you to have love for one another, and do not deny the truth to anyone, and take care that the pious are not oppressed. Given on Monday at night, before Saint Vitus' Day June 10, 1415, 4) by a righteous messenger.

Copy of the fourth missive.

God be with you, my dearest in God! I had much cause to think that the letter I wrote next would be the last, because the goal of death was so close to me. But now, because I hear that it has passed, it is a joy to me that I should write you more, and now I write once more, so that I may show myself to you as a grateful one. As much, however, concerns my death, God knows well what the cause is that I and my dear brother, Magister Jerome, are not yet judged; who, as I hope, will die holy and innocent, and knows that he is now much more willing to suffer and die than I poor sinner. God has therefore kept us in prison so long that we might the more carefully consider the sin we have committed and the more confidently repent of it, and has given us time enough for the long and difficult trial to eradicate the great sins, and for the consolation to become all the richer. For this reason he has also given us time enough, so that we might better consider the shameful weaknesses and the horrible death of our dear King, the Lord Christ, and so that we might become more confident in suffering, and so learn that one cannot come to eternal joy through the joy of this world, but that the saints have entered the kingdom of heaven through much tribulation and anguish. For some of them were cut in pieces, some were speared, some were boiled, some were roasted, some were maltreated alive, some were buried alive, some were stoned, some were crucified, some were ground between millstones and dragged to and fro until they died. Some have been drowned, burned, hanged, torn apart, and before they were

  1. The time of the other relation reads: "Monday on St. Vitus' evening". This is incorrect, because in 1415 St. Vitus (June 15) fell on a Saturday; the vigil therefore on Friday. - The words: "by a righteous messenger" are given in the other redaction: "by a good angel".

[2094]{.underline} Erl.ss,7vf. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2S46-2549. 2095

died shamefully and miserably in prison. But who would dare to recount all the tortures and torments that were inflicted on the saints in the Old Testament and afterward, especially those that were inflicted on the clergy and revealed their wickedness? Therefore, it would be a miracle if not all misfortunes were inflicted on those who punish evil, but especially on the clergy who want to go unpunished. I am glad that they have had to read my books, in which I have fairly painted their wickedness, and I know that they have read it much more diligently than the holy gospel, but that they have found something to blame. Given on Thursday before St. Peter's evening 1) June 27, 1415.

True description of the last action, so with the holy man Johann Hus is made, recorded a hundred years ago by one who has been with and has seen everything himself.

When the verdict against Johann Hussen was read, he contradicted several points and answered them, although he had been forbidden to answer before, and especially when it was read to him that he was stiff-necked in his error and heresy, he answered with a loud voice and said: I have never been stiff-necked, but I have always desired, and still desire to this day, better instruction from the holy Scriptures, yes, I say to this day, if I could destroy and overcome all error with one word, I would most gladly do so. And when all his books, both in Bohemian, Latin or German language, were condemned as suspicious of heresy, and were recognized by the verdict to be burned, which then also some were burned afterwards, as the booklet of the church, and against the Paletz, 2) also against the Stanilaum: then Johann Hus answered their verdict and said: Why do you condemn my books? I have always desired and asked that you show me better writing than I have put in mine, and I still desire this to this day, but

  1. Here we have been forced to accept the time of the other redaction. Walch offers: "Thursday before St. Peter's chain celebration", that is, July 29, 1415. But already on July 6 Hus had been burned. Therefore "St. Peter's evening" is to be taken as the vigil of St. Peter's and St. Paul's day; the day before it was a Thursday.
  2. "Paletz" is the former friend and college of Husen, Stephan von Palecz. He had resigned from Hus out of fear.

You have never brought up any righteous writing against him, nor have you shown me any of my words to be erroneous; but my books, written in the common Bohemian language or in other languages, how can you condemn them when you have never seen them? But they would not hear his word, but continued to proceed against him with the verdict. And when they read this sentence against him, he lay on his knees and looked up to heaven and prayed, and especially he prayed for his enemies, saying, "O Lord Jesus Christ, I beseech thee, forgive all my enemies their iniquity for thy great mercy's sake, for thou knowest that they have falsely accused me, brought false witnesses against me, and fabricated false articles against me; these things thou wilt forgive them for thy immense mercy's sake. When John Hus had said this, the bishops and the others in the Concilio looked at him quite angrily and ridiculed him. After that, the seven bishops had the measuring device brought and dressed him as if he were to say mass. And when he had put on the alb, he said thus with a loud voice: "My Lord Jesus Christ, when he was led from Herod to Pilate, he was mocked in a white garment. 2c. When he was dressed, the seven bishops who were to desecrate him stood with him and admonished him that he should still recant and abjure. Then Master John Hus got up and stood on the table that had been prepared before him, and with great pain he turned against the people and all those who stood by him: Behold, these bishops exhort me to recant and abjure, but I fear to do so, lest I be false in the sight of God, and lest I violate my conscience and God's truth, because I have never kept these articles, which falsely testify against me, but rather have kept, taught, written and preached the opposite in those which are false. Also, lest I give offense to such a multitude as I have preached, and also to others who faithfully preach the word of God. And when he had said this, the bishops, and the rest, their fellow members of the Concilii, said, "There we see and still hear how obdurate he is in his wickedness and heresy, and commanded him to depart again. And as soon as he came down from the table, the said bishops began to profane him, and first took the cup from his hands, saying thus, "This is a curse; O cursed Judah, why hast thou forsaken the counsel of peace, and hast contended with the Jews? we, the bishops, have not heard of him.

2096 Section 2: Convente at Schmalkalden. No. 1243. W. xvi, 2549-2551. 2097

take from you this cup of salvation. John Hus answered with a loud voice and said: I believe in God the Almighty, for the sake of His name I will bear this shame patiently, so I know that He will never take the cup of His eternal redemption from me, but I hope constantly that I will drink it today in His kingdom. After that they took from him also all the other chasubles, as Casel, Stol 2c. And to each of them they spoke the words of the curse, as reported above, according to their way. And John Hus always answered that he would willingly suffer such blasphemy and shame for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. When they had taken all the chasuble from him, as I said, they wanted to take the plate from him as well: then they quarreled among themselves, some wanted it to be cut off with a shearing knife; the others said it would be enough to make a scab for him with a pair of scissors. When they could not agree on the matter, John Hus turned to the king who was sitting on his chair and said to the king, "Behold, most gracious lord, what is happening here, but these poor people cannot agree on this blasphemy against me. Finally they took a pair of scissors and cut off his hair completely, behind and in front, and said: Now the holy church has taken away all her right from you, and the church has henceforth nothing more to do with you, therefore we will now hand you over to the secular hand. And they put a paper hat on his head, and said to him in other words, "We now commit your soul to the devil. But John Hus, with fallen hands and open eyes, said to heaven, "I commend it to the most gracious Lord, Jesus Christ. And when they put on him the crown of blasphemy, he said, "My Lord Jesus Christ has worn for me a much, much harder, heavier crown of thorns innocently to his death, therefore I, a poor sinner, will willingly wear this crown of blasphemy for the sake of his name, even though it is lighter. But there was a round paper hat, close to an elbow high, and on it were painted three horrible devils, and the title, which concerned his cause, was written on it in Latin: Hic est Haeresiarcha. This is interpreted: This is the arch-heretic. And when they had done this, they cried out loudly and said: This holy assembly at Costenz, considering that it has nothing more to do with John Hussein in the Church of God, hands him over to the secular court, and has recognized that such a secular court is henceforth.

The king said to Duke Ludwig of Bavaria, who stood before him, holding the golden apple with the cross in his hands. Then the king spoke to Duke Ludwig of Bavaria, who stood before him holding the golden apple with the cross in his hands: Go, accept it. And he went and received it, and delivered it into the hands of the officers, and accompanied him also unto death. And when John Hus, thus crowned, was led out of that church, at that very hour they burned his books in the churchyard. When John Hus saw this and was led past, he smiled at their foolishness. And when he was thus led, he admonished all bystanders that he had been guilty of death because of the errors that had been falsely attributed to him, and because of false witnesses who were also his mortal enemies. Almost the entire townspeople living there were in armor and escorted him to his death. And when he came to the place of torture, he fell on his knees, and lifted up his hands and his eyes to heaven, and began to pray devoutly some psalms, as Miserere mei, Deus etc. and In te Domine speravi. In the same prayers he said especially heartily and with a joyful countenance, so that it was heard by many bystanders: O Lord, today into your hands I commend my spirit. The place of his torture was on a meadow in front of the city, between the gardens, as one goes from Costenz to Gottlieben 1). Some laymen, however, who were standing around, said: This man may have done what he will, we do not know, but yet we now hear holy words from him, which he speaks and prays here. Some said, "It would be good for him to have a confessor. But a cowardly priest was sitting on a horse, dressed in green and lined with red silk, and he said to them: He is not to be heard, nor is a confessor to be admitted, for he is a heretic. But he had previously confessed to a doctor and monk, who had also heard him kindly and absolved him, as he himself confessed in a note that he sent to his friends from prison. And as he lay on his knees praying, the blasphemous hat fell from his head, on which, as mentioned above, three devils were painted; and when he saw the hat lying before him, he smiled. Some of the mercenaries said to the others who were working around: Put the crown back on him, so that it may be burned here with his lords whom he served. After that the executioner called him like-

  1. In the old edition: "Gottleben". Hus was imprisoned there in the castle from March 24 to June 5, 1515. On the same day, the deposed Pope John XXIII captured his dungeon.

2098 Erl. 65,71. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2551-2554. 2099

who got up from prayer. And when he arose, he said with a loud voice, so that everyone who was around could hear, "O Lord Jesus, I will patiently suffer this shameful, horrible death with your help, for your name's sake and for the testimony of your saving word. Immediately he was led around to the bystanders; he asked them and admonished them that they should not think and believe that he had taught or preached such articles, which were put on him by false witnesses. When the executioner had stripped him of his clothes, they tied him with their hands behind them to a pillar which the beadles had previously dug into the ground and firmly set in place. This was done by the executioner and his followers. Then they put rusty chains around his neck. And when he saw them, he smiled and said to the executioners, "My Lord Jesus Christ, our Savior and Redeemer, was also bound with a hard, heavy chain; therefore I, poor, meager, sinful man, will not be ashamed to wear these chains for His name's sake. And they had put under his feet several bundles of straw and wood; and when he was thus bound to the pillar, he still had his shoes on, and an iron fetter on his feet; and they put straw and wood of the lowest kind about him, even unto his knees. And before the executioner lit the fire, the emperor's marshal, called Pappenheim, and Duke Ludwig of Bavaria came to him and admonished him that he should spare his life and recant what he had preached and taught and renounce it. But Master John Hus looked up to heaven and answered with a loud voice, saying, "O God, you are my witness that I have never taught or preached the things that are laid to my charge by false witnesses; but the most important thing in my preaching and in my mind has been that I alone might save men from sin. But in the truth of the gospel, which I have written, taught and preached from the sayings and interpretations of the holy teachers, I will die happily today. When they heard this, the marshal and the duke of Bavaria clasped their hands together and rode away. Then the executioners lit the fire, and Johann Hus said with a loud voice

once: Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy on us. And once more, Christ, thou Son of the living God, have mercy on me. And when he began to sing the third time, the wind struck him in the face. So he prayed within himself, and moved his head as if he were praying three Our Fathers, and so he passed away. When the wood and straw had burned completely, the body still hung by the neck on the pillar; then the executioners cut the body down with the pillar, and stirred up the fire so that the body should burn so much before; and when they found the head, they smashed it to pieces 1) with a club, and threw it back into the fire. They also found his heart under the entrails; then they sharpened a rod and stuck it on like a roast, and roasted it, and smashed it, and burned it. Finally, when they had burned the whole body to ashes, they took the ashes with all the fires and put them on a cart and led it into the Rhine River that was flowing by.

Public writing of several gentlemen from Bohemia and Moravia, addressed to the Concilium at Costenz, after the innocent death of the holy martyr John Hus.

September 2, 1415.

To the worthy Fathers in Christ, Cardinals, Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Embassies, Magistrates and Doctors, and to the whole Concilio of Costence, the noble Lords of the Christian Kingdom of Bohemia and Margraviate of Moravia wish grace and observance of the commandments of our Lord Jesus Christ.

  1. Since not only the Word of God, but also the natural law, commands all men to do to others as each one would have them do to him, and since it is against the commandment of God and nature to do to others what each one would gladly do to himself (for Christ says: "Do to others as you would have them do to you; this is the law and all the prophets," and Paul says: "Love fulfills the law," and again: "The whole law depends on loving your neighbor as yourself: "Love fulfills the law," and again: "The whole law depends on your loving your neighbor as yourself"), we take our neighbor and dear brother, Magister Johann Hussen, of holy memory, who was a Christian preacher of the holy gospel, in all justness,
  1. "on pieces" put by us instead of: "on sticks". For the idiom, compare No. 1247, § 81: "they tore the notes on pieces.

2100 Erl. 65,71-74. sec. 2. Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1243, W. XVI, 2554-2556. 2101**.**

and was sentenced to death by you a few days ago 1) in your Concilio (from what spirit, we do not know) as a stiff-necked heretic, and after the verdict with a cruel and ignominious death, our Kingdom of Bohemia and Margraviate of Moravia to eternal disgrace, because he did not want to confess to the errors, which were falsely laid on him, but yet could not be brought on him. For his and our kingdom's and margraviate Moravia's enemies and traitors, with all untruth, have led nothing but vainly fabricated and wantonly false complaints and accusations against him. Therefore we were caused to write from the aforementioned innocent man, Johann Hussen, and your ungodly judgment to Costence to our most noble prince and lord, Lord Siegmund, Roman and Hungarian king, our hereditary and future lord, which writing was publicly read and recited in your assembly, and then burned to our shame and disgrace, as we credibly report.

  1. For this reason, we have also now wished to send to your Highness in general this public writing by the aforementioned magistro, Johann Hussen, in which we confess and testify with heart and mouth before you and everyone that he, Johann Hus, was a pious, just and Christian man, and has kept himself honest and well in our kingdom, and with all diligence has faithfully taught the Old and New Testaments to us and our subjects, and besides has preached with all seriousness against all heresies and heresies, and has warned us that we (as is due to all Christians) should flee and hate them. Item, to unity and Christian love he has directed everyone with all diligence by preaching, writings and his own walk and being, so also that we cannot have noticed anything else about him (because we had great respect for it), but that he is Christian and right, He taught and lived among us in a Christian and righteous way, without any offense, and by his godly and quiet conduct he encouraged everyone to keep God's commandment and to follow the holy life of the holy fathers, so that the Christian church would be increased and the people improved, by preaching and by his own examples.

4th Now you have not been content with this, that you have so unjustly condemned and miserably judged the same magistrate, Johann Hussen, to the shame of us and our kingdom and margraviate, but have also condemned the honorable Hiero-

  1. This passage proves the time determination assumed by us.

nymum of Prague, a particularly well-learned man, a magistrate of the seven liberal arts, and a skilled philosopher, before you have seen him with your eyes or interrogated him, or convicted him of some error, solely because of unfounded false accusations of his and all our enemies and traitors, captured, bound and miserably tortured without any mercy, and perhaps 2) now also, like Johann Hussen, cruelly strangled.

  1. About all this we are also informed, as we can well assume from your writings, and cannot write without pain, that some hostile people, enemies and traitors of our kingdom and margraviate, have grievously accused before you and the whole Concilio of our kingdom and margraviate, and have carried them within you, although without all truth, that in said kingdom and margraviate many errors and sects arise, and grow daily, thereby poisoning many pious hearts; Therefore, if severe punishments are not taken against them in time, it is to be feared that in this kingdom and margraviate irreparable harm will come to souls. We cannot suffer such cruel and burdensome injustices, which are imposed on our kingdom and margraviate unreasonably and without truth, especially because by the grace of God, from the time our people first came to the Christian faith, we have kept ourselves so well and unrepentantly in our kingdom and margraviate, that the holy mother, the Christian church, has never had any complaint against us, and we have always diligently adhered to her through cheap obedience, since this has otherwise often happened in other kingdoms, that they have wavered in the faith, and have adhered to the parties of the unbelievers and the godless pope 3). We hope that the effort and expense we have put into it, and the honor and adornment we have bestowed on our Holy Mother, the Christian Church, and her shepherds and pastors, together with our princes and subjects, will be as clear in the day as the dear sun, and that you yourselves, if you wish otherwise, will have to help bear witness to this.

(6) In order that we may keep our honor before God and man, not for our own sake alone, but for the sake of the aforementioned highly praised kingdom and margraviate, as we are obliged to do toward our neighbor, we have, out of Christian, right trust in our

  1. Jerome of Prague was therefore not yet executed at the time of this letter.
  2. In the other relation: "the godless popes".

2102 Erl. SS, 74-77. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2556-2559. 2103

Dear Lord Jehovah Christ, and of pure good conscience and heart, with this writing we wish to denounce our opinion and mind to Your Highness and to all believers in Christ, and speak freely to testify our innocence: that all and only men, whatever their rank, power and dignity, who say and claim for a truth that in the former kingdom and margraviate some kind of heresy or error has arisen, and that we or others have been tainted with it, that such lying and disloyal boys are traitors and enemies of our kingdom and margraviate, yes, that they themselves are such heretics, for which they accuse us, full of all evil, and children of the devil, who has been a liar from the beginning and is still a father of lies. And we do not want to exclude anyone from such accusation, except for the most noble prince and lord, Lord Siegmund, Roman and Hungarian king, our hereditary and future lord, to whom we are sure that he will think much differently of us, than to make out such boys on us. But we want to stick to ourselves and complain about such unfortunate disgrace to our righteous God, who has reserved all punishment for him and can well pay for all pride and hopefulness. We also want to let this reach the future pope, whom God will decree to be the unanimous and right shepherd of His Church, and for God's sake, as it is the duty of pious children, honor and obey him in everything that is just, honest and divine, with humble request that he help our kingdom and margraviate in everything we will report in our letter, according to the gospel of our dear Lord JEsu Christ, and according to the statutes of the holy fathers, where necessity will require it; But in this way, so that nothing may be broken off from what we have now confessed and have already committed ourselves to. For we do not only want to lay down our goods, but also life and limb for our preachers, who faithfully proclaim the testament of our Lord Jesus Christ, and are godly, quiet and constant, regardless of all suspicions or other human statutes and rules that are not in accordance with the Holy Scriptures. By God's command. Date at Prague, in the year after Christ's birth 1415, 1) on the second of September, from a whole council of well-born lords.

  1. In all editions: "1416". On May 30, 1416, Jerome of Prague was burned. At the time of writing this letter, this had not yet happened. Moreover, in 8 2 it says that Hus was put to death "a few days ago". Therefore, this letter will have to be shredded into the year 1415.

of the Crown of Bohemia and the Margraviate of Moravia, with attached ours of each own seal.

The gentlemen who have signed themselves with names, have sealed together, have been 54, and has always been written at each seal the name, although one has not been able to read some names, because that the writing was even faded. 2)

The first sigil. Alsio kabat by Wyskowitz.

  1. Ulricus of Lhota.
  2. John of Kzymicz.
  3. Joßko von Sczitowicz.
  4. perdus of Zwiranowicz.
  5. John of Ziwla.

7. John of Reychenberg.

  1. wldko Skitzynye.
  2. drliko from biela.

10th Kus of Doloplatz.

  1. John of Simusin.
  2. dobeßius of Tyssa.
  3. Drazko of Hradeck.
  4. Stephen of Hmodorkat.
  5. Johan. Dern from Gabonecz.

16 Barso, dictus Hloderde Zeinicz.

  1. john hmrsdorfar.
  2. psateska of vikleck.
  3. Peter Mg. of Sczitowicz.
  4. n. Studenika.

21 N. Brischell.

  1. n. of Cromassona.

23rd Arannsick Donant of Polonie.

  1. John Donant of Polonie.
  2. John of Cziczow.

26 Wenceslaus of N.

  1. n. v. n. (deest Sigillum.)
  2. N.
  3. josseck from n.

30 Henricus of N.

  1. waczlals of Kuckh.

32 Henricus of Zrenanowicz.

  1. bacsko from Conuald.
  2. Peter, dictus Nienizck of Zaltoroldeck.
  3. czenko from mossnow.
  4. N.
  5. Zibilutz from Kleczam.
  6. Johann von Peterswald.
  7. Parsifal by Namyescz.
  8. zodoni from zwietzick.

41 Raczeck Zawskalp.

42nd Jon von Tossawicz.

  1. In the Wittenberg edition the list of names is missing, but to the previous letter the marginal note is set: "The interpreter writes to me that the names are 57 who have signed and sealed themselves, but have willingly omitted them in Latin."

2104 Erl. 65, 77-7S. Section 2: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1243**, W. XVI, 2559-2561.** 2105

  1. diwa from spissnia.
  2. steffko from draczdw.
  3. jessko from draczdw.

46 Odich of Hlud.

  1. wosfart von paulowitz.
  2. pirebbor of Tirczenicz.
  3. Rynad from Ticzewicz.
  4. Bohunko from Vratisov.
  5. Vlricus of Racdaw.
  6. deslaw from Nakli.
  7. bonesb by Frabenicz.
  8. Eybl by Roissowan.

Follow-up speech by D. Martin Luther to Johannis Hussen's letters above.

To the clergy, who would like to come together at the announced Concilio, to beware of the example of the Costenzer Concilii.

Mart. Luther.

  1. There is no doubt in my mind that whoever reads or hears these letters, if he is otherwise in his right mind or has a conscience before God, must say that there was an excellent, great spirit in this man, John Hus, who writes and teaches so Christianly, who fights so chivalrously against the temptations of death, so patiently and humbly suffers everything, and finally so manfully accepts the most shameful death for the sake of truth, gathered among such mighty, great, many, high people from all over the world, and he stands alone among them, like a little sheep among many lions and wolves. If he is a heretic, then certainly no true Christian has ever come to earth. For by what fruits can one recognize a true Christian, if these fruits of John Hus are not to be?

(2) He has done nothing wrong except that he has taught: If the pope is not pious, he is not a head of the holy church. He lets him be a head of the church, but not of the holy church. Just as a wicked pastor is a pastor, but not a member of the right saints in his parish. John Hus also said: "If the pope is a prankster, he is not pious, even though he is the head of the church. As if you or I would say: If Judas is a thief and a traitor, he is not pious, even if he is an apostle. But he should have said thus:

If the pope is a prankster and a villain, he is still holy, cannot err, and everything he does and says is holy, vain articles of faith and right. This is what the gentlemen in the Costenzer Concilio wanted to hear. Regardless of the fact that they themselves condemned and deposed three popes for husks, no one had to burn them yet. But since John Hus had said it, he had to suffer.

For there was a game about it: The pope had given indulgences to the world, and a golden year to Rome to build the church of St. Peter 2c. And among other Roman and papal covenants, the pope had promised in his bull to all those who died on the way to Rome that they would be led to heaven by their mouths, and he had also commanded the angels (as an earthly god and God's governor) to lead the souls of the dead to heaven without delay. Just as Tetzel, who led the Cardinal's indulgence in Mainz, also taught: When the penny is in the box, lead the soul out of purgatory to heaven. Which whistle they drew in at that time, and still draw in, until they can whistle such a dance again.

Because no donkey or sow could suffer such an abominable sermon if they were human beings (let alone Christians), John Hus sat down in Prague (since he was a preacher in the little church of Bethlehem) and punished them as if the pope had no power to do so, and did wrong in this and other things. And since he had gone so far as to preach that the pope could do wrong (which at that time must have been much worse heresy than if you had denied Christ), he had to go away and defend this saying: If the pope is a prankster, he is not pious. Then all the swine cried out against him, bristled on their backs, sharpened their trunks, and ran together until they burned him treacherously and maliciously. For this was the highest article of one: the pope cannot err. As also the Jurisperditi from the smoke hole at Rome say: Non praesumitur tantae celsitudinis apex errare, one does not understand oneself that such high head errs. Unfortunately, such non-understanding is all too common.

  1. but you have made him so bold and

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They were so clumsy in their handling of the matter that they did him violence and injustice in such a crude, tangible and insolent way. For a heart that knows itself innocent of a deed before God and the world gives a man courage. But if it happens for God's sake, the Holy Spirit, the Comforter of the wicked, is there to help against all the world and the devil, as the Lord Christ promises in Matth. 10, 20: "It is not you who speak, but the Spirit of your Father who speaks in you. And Luc. 21, 15.: "I will give you a mouth and wisdom, which all your adversaries shall not withstand."

(6) I have heard from credible people that Emperor Maximilian used to say about Hus: Hey, hey, they have wronged the pious man. And Erasmus Roterodamus in the first treatise, which I still have, publicly writes in print: John Hus is exustas, non convictus, that is: John Hus is burned, and never overcome. And there has always been talk among honest people that violence and injustice had been done to him. But I must tell you here that I heard from Doctor Staupitz himself how his ancestor, Andreas Proles, an excellent, famous man in his time, once talked with him about the rose of Doctor Johann Zachariä. (Because the same rose they painted now and then in our monasteries to Zachariä on his parret,*) in honor of the order, and to the disgrace of Johannis Hus). Now that Proles had looked at the picture: I would not like to wear the rose with such honors. Doctor Staupitz said: How so? Proles gave him this answer:

7 In the Costence Concilium, when they acted against the Hus, that no one should nor could punish the pope, Zechariah recited the saying Ezek. 34,10: Ecce, ego ipse super Pastores, et non populus, Behold, I will myself over the shepherds, and not the people. But John Hus denied that such a word "non populus" was in the place; then Zacharias referred to Hus' own Biblia, which he had brought with him from Bohemia. For Zacharias had come to him before (as many others had done to persuade him), and had read about the same

  1. "Parret" -- beret.

Biblia read with him in the place. When such a Bible came, it was found to be as Zachariah had said. Here Johann Hussen did not help that he said: This Biblia is wrong, others have not so, but was overwritten, and must have lost. But Zacharias brought the rose of honor from it, which gave him the Concilium to the eternal memory. Proles continued: "Now it is true that even today such a word is not found in any proper Biblia, neither in printed nor written ones, but they all testify against Zacharias. Haec Proles.

8 And it is true; it is found no other way than as Hus said, in all the bibles, they are German, Latin, Greek or Hebrew. But at Costenz they did not want to look at any of the other bibles, otherwise they would not have given the rose to Zacharias, nor would he have carried it, but John Hus would have kept the victory. Although this would not have helped him, because he did not want to keep an evil pope pious, which they themselves did not keep; as John Hus testifies in these letters. But it can be seen from this that Psater Andreas Proles nevertheless also believed that John Hus had done wrong, and that Zacharias, if he had not atoned, had gone to the devil, even though he stood for a great saint; as D. Staupitz also believed, and I also.

9 However, it is evident everywhere that even his opponents have confessed (whom I myself heard 30 years ago, of great standing in theology) that he was very highly learned, and more learned than all the doctors in the Concilio, which is also well proven by his books de Ecclesia and Sermones. And I once in Erfurt, a young thevlogus, fell in the monastery on the library into a book, where Johannis Hus' Sermones were excellent and written in it, out of curiosity lusted to see what the arch-heretic had taught, because the book was kept unburned in the public library, then I truly found so much that I was horrified, why such a man was burned, who could lead the Scriptures so Christian and mighty. But because his name was so horribly condemned that I thought at that time that the walls would turn black and the sun would lose its glow, who of the

2108 Lrl. 65.81-ss. Section 2: Convente at Schmalkalden. No. 1243 f. W. XVI, 2S64-2S66. 2109

I closed the book and went away with a wounded heart. But I consoled myself with these thoughts: Perhaps he wrote this before he became a heretic, because I did not yet know the history of the Costenzer Concilii.

The last is the best: They themselves, his adversaries, testify quite splendidly, although very carelessly, that they should be ashamed of themselves, if it were possible that they could see with blind eyes. For the scribe who wrote the German Acta of the Concilii with the many shields, who would have liked to make it evil against Hus, says: that John Hus smiled undauntedly when he was degraded; and when he was led to the fire, he always had in his mouth: O JEsu, thou Son of GOD, have mercy on me. But when he saw the tree on which he was to be burned, he fell on his knees and cried out: O JEsu, thou Son of GOD, who hast suffered for us, have mercy on me. He also saw a poor peasant carrying wood, and with a gentle smile he spoke the word of St. Jerome: Sancta simplicitas, O holy simplicity. And a priest approached him and asked if he wanted to confess. Yes, said Hus, I would like to confess. But the priest: "You

but must recant first. No, said Hus, so I know that I am not guilty of any mortal sin.

  1. But now that he has been burned, the island, 1) made of paper, which was put on him for shame, on both sides devils painted with the name Haeresiarcha, still remained; the executioner had to take them especially, and push them into the fire. They write this themselves, and anyone who wants to may still read it; the book recently went out of print again. They interpret it to mean that John Hus was such a poisonous heretic that the devil received the jnfel in the fire; just as the Jews attributed Christ's miraculous signs to Beelzebub.

(12) But whosoever therefore shall earnestly suffer in death the Lord Jesus, the Son of God, for us, can call upon such things, and go into the fire with such faith and confession, if he be not a great martyr of Christ, no man shall be saved. For he says:

  1. "Island", inculs, headgear.

"Whoever confesses me before the world, him will I confess." Summa: the pope makes many saints, who knows if they are in hell? This one he has cast into hell, that one must surely be in heaven. Be the devil your saint, and you the devil's saint, dear pope.

(13) I have said this once again as a reminder to our spiritless lords who may be in the concilium. For if they commit a Costenzer Concilium, it will also happen to them that afterwards it will be said what they have done and forbidden to say.

14 For those in Costence were also certain that no one could ever speak or write against them, much less canonize or praise John Hus, or condemn them, as they have also so horribly forbidden. But John Hus prophesied otherwise, as many others have done, and I have done in part. But if they think: There is no need, we are the heads: well, this is true in the name of God, as it was true in the time of John Hus. He still sits who sat at that time; but they will have to get up and vacate the chair. This is not lacking, amen.

1244 (Of Urban Rhegius), writing why and how a Christian concilium > should be free, to which some oath formulas of the papists are > attached with annotations. 1537. > > This writing first appeared in Latin under the title: Onr et; yuowoäo > Obristianum Oonsilium (lebest 6886 liberum. Item äs soniurations > kapistarum. Huss in tenebris äixistis, in lumine auäisntur, st yuoä in > sursm losuti estis in oondsvibus, prasäisabitur in teetis. b-uo. 12. > at the end: lxsurxs, vomine, iuäisa ssussm tusm, Vinäiss sanZuinsm > ssrvorum tuo rnm, hui eKusus est. ^.men. Imprint Vitebergae per > losepbnw LIu^. 1537. octav. Darnach in the Latin Jena edition (1570), > tom. IV, col. 580b and in the Erlanger, opp. vsr. sr^., tom. VII, p. > 434. German in the Leipziger, vol. XXI, p. 196 and in Walch. In all > these editions this writing is attributed to Luther, and only the > Erlanger notes that in its copy by old hand is remarked: Ilujus > libslli sustor est Urbanus Ns^ius. Köstlin, Martin Luther(3.), vol. > II, p. 671 sä p. 407, *), says: One has no right to attribute this > writing to Luther; it might rather be written by Urb. Rhegius, cf. > Knaake a. a. O." sin der Zeitschrift für lutherische Theologie, > 18761. Also we hold that this otherwise excellent writing does not > have Luther's kind in itself. > > Translated from Latin by bl. I. I. Greis.

** **2110 V- a. VII, 135-437. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2566-2569. 2111

(1) Since St. Paul, of this name the third, Roman pope, has appointed a general council to be held at Mantua in this year, which is the 1537th from the birth of our Lord Christ, I perceive that some simple-minded people have great hopes for a church reformation and restoration of the pure doctrine. However, I do not doubt in the least that these, according to their simplicity and insincerity, are miserably mistaken and dangerously deceived. For almost all of them everywhere, teachers of law as well as of the Holy Scriptures, likewise notaries, abbots, vicars general, servants and superiors of the orders, bishops, archbishops, primates, patriarchs and all cardinals are so utterly devoted to the Roman pope, and to his obedience and slavery with illicit and the most appalling, even obviously ungodly oaths, They are so completely forced and firmly bound to his obedience and slavery with unauthorized and the most horrible, even obviously ungodly oaths that there is no hope at all that one of them will make an effort with seriousness and zeal for Christ's honor, for the truth of the Gospel, for the purity of the Church, and for the salvation of souls; and that because of the infinite danger they have to fear, if only a suspicion can be brought upon them that they have broken their oath or have not kept it right.

(2) Since they are afraid of such things for fear of papal tyranny (before which even the mightiest kings tremble), they pay more attention to what the pope shouts than to what is right in the sight of God, with the exception of a very few who have recently returned to Christ as if from error and from a foreign land, and have truly and sincerely repented of their errors and ungodly oaths. However, since their hearts are weak in and of themselves, they are even more depressed by the shame of those who are of the same rank, order and dignity with them; they reproach them for having broken the common oath, and thus force them so that, although they are safe in their conscience before God, they are nevertheless shamed before the world, turn pale, and must fear the stain of infidelity and perjury. The rest, however, who are learned, honest and pious men, who could judge and judge correctly and according to God's word, if a statement is to be made about controversial matters and doctrine in the Christian religion, are by no means admitted to any concilio, since they alone would be worthy and skilled to be entrusted with such important matters.

  1. Therefore, where the Concilium will not be free, and therefore truly and purely free, that is, where such illicit, ungodly, and unethical practices will not be used.

and horrible oaths publicly, abhors them from the bottom of his heart, and abolishes them completely, and admits several honest and pious men, who are not tainted and infected with such godless and abominable oaths, to judge and pass sentence: it is impossible that the truth should prevail, and the Church of God be advised and its best promoted. For who does not understand that a group of such people is not a Christian concilium, but an open nest of robbers of the most wicked servants of the pope, who have conspired together against Christ and his church? And this is clearly testified by the most shameful death penalty, which was quite innocently inflicted on Johann Hussen and Hieronymo of Prague, and since the public peace was broken on him, to the highest shame of all descendants.

But so that you, my dear Christian reader, may understand that what I have said so far is true, and may be able to judge the matter from a sample, just as one recognizes a lion by its claws: behold, I hereby present to you several formulas of such abominable oaths. The first formula is that oath which the school teachers of almost all public, or, to be correct, papal schools, who wish to accept the title of doctor, must swear before they become licentiates, as they call it, that is, before they are permitted to accept the title of doctor. The other formula is the oath which all those who become notarii publici by papal power and authority take. The third formula is the oath which all elected bishops must not only swear, but also make in writing and send to Rome before they are consecrated; and this oath is changed and made more difficult now and then, at the discretion and tyranny of the pope. If one goes through these and considers them diligently, one will easily be able to judge why the doctors, although they are the most unlearned, and the notaries, although they are nothing but clods and pure stupid asses, likewise the bishops, although they are useful to the church neither with their life nor with their doctrine, nevertheless in the kingdom of the pope they are preferred to all other learned, honest, honorable, respected and pious men for such a long time and are worshipped as gods. For they have learned the art in the short time of a single hour, which brings them a great deal of profit, and is highly pleasing to the Roman court, but highly unpleasant to the poor, oppressed and suppressed church.

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harmful and detrimental to the whole common being, namely, to serve the pope, to flatter, to do divine honor, to pervert justice and equity for his sake, and to betray all the secrets of all men when the pope's benefit requires it. I am not talking about the honest and upright men who are still left among such people.

  1. From this we can also understand why only a few unlearned and washy doctors and sophists, of whom there are many, who are the stains of the present learned world, so brazenly defend the abuses, errors, lies, superstitions, heresies and idolatries of the papal realm, and nonsensical (though in vain), or, to put it more correctly, they quarrel about it more than they argue and wage war, while otherwise so many learned and eloquent men either keep silent altogether, or at least act more sensibly and milder. For who can doubt that the violence of some jurists against the Word of God and its servants, together with the bishops, who are otherwise the most cowardly sissies, flows from the very source of barbaric tyranny? But it is now time for us to pull the formulas of the most heinous oaths, which have been diligently concealed out of deceit enough, out of the darkness, just as Hercules pulled Cacus out of his cave, into the light of day. If, then, Christian reader, you find these oaths detestable and cursed (as they are), pray to Christ our Savior that He Himself will take care of the best of His Church. For nothing good can be hoped from this harmful conspiratorial group if it is not abolished.

Now follows the ordinary oath which those who wish to become Doctores of Laws or of Sacred Scripture in the Pontifical Schools must swear before they are given the liberty to accept the title of Doctor, with annotations.

I, N., scholar at Ingolstadt, Eichstadt diocese, will from this hour henceforth^a^ ) be faithful and obedient to St. Peter,^b^ ) the holy apostolic^c^ ) Roman Church, and to our Lord,^d^ ) Mr. Paulo III, as well as to his canonically elected successors. I will not be found in any such counsel, applause, action or deed, by which they might lose their life^e^ ) or a member, or what might be done against any of them, or their

Church,^f^ ) or the authority of the apostolic see, honor, privileges or apostolic statutes,^g^ ) orders, reservations, institutions or commands to harm, advance, practices, or gatherings. ^h^) And when or as often as I shall know,^l^ ) that something of the kind is being done, I will prevent it to the best of my ability, 1) and, if it can be done, I will report it to the named our Lord, or to another, through whom it can come before him. I will not reveal to anyone to their detriment^k^ ) the advice they will entrust to me myself or through messengers or letters: For the protection and preservation of the Roman papacy^l^ ) and the regalia of St. Peter I will be helpful against all men^m^ )^n^ ) The authority, privileges and rights, as much as is in me, I will rather increase^o^ ) and promote, such statutes, ordinances, reservations, decrees and orders to hold^p^ ) and be willing to give attention to it. I will honor the envoys^q^ ) of the apostolic see and help them in their needs. The heretics^r^ ) and schismaticos, and those who oppose one of our lords or their said successors/) I will pursue and fight against to the best of my ability. So help me God^u^ ) and this his holy gospel.

Notes.

I have placed this oath at the top because it is clearer and more explicit than all the others, since in it the pope unashamedly recounts all his atrocities with the greatest diligence and insists that they be approved, promoted and defended. And it is, as it were, a picture in which the entire papal realm is artificially depicted, in which one can recognize the character and deviousness of the Romans. For since there are far more doctors than bishops, and they have the upper hand in the public schools, in the churches and parishes, and the bishops are officials and vicars of princes and councillors in free cities, they easily saw that if they had made themselves subservient to them, they would easily suppress the entire Roman Empire by their assistance. Which has also happened. Therefore, in former times, the title of doctor was so hated that if a nobleman became a doctor, nothing was thought of him, just as if he were a nobleman.

  1. Also from the ear confession. For the seal of confession, since everything that is confessed is to be kept secret, is a pure fraud, so that the mouth is greased for the laity. - This remark is written in the margin in Latin.

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The first question was whether he had lost his nobility, and even today no doctor is taken into the council in most cities.

a) The pope suspects him of having been faithful to Christ and obedient to his word before; since this is flatly repugnant to the pope, he is forced to abjure it covertly and by circumlocution, and to conspire with the Roman beast.

b) He does not understand this of the apostle Peter, who left everything for the sake of Christ, but of the fictitious Pxtrus, or, that I say correctly, of Simon, of whom it is said that he had a very large and important inheritance in Rome, which was brought together by lies, frauds, perjuries, murders, poison soups and robberies, and is said to consist of nothing but theft, robbery and theft from the church.

c) How the beast endeavors to make the Roman church out of the apostolic church, since the apostolic church is scattered throughout the world and is not attached to any particular place!

d) O you slaves, who are more shameful than your most shameful master! If you were Christians, you would not recognize any lord in the spiritual kingdom except Christ, and everything would be yours, also Paul and Cephas, but you would be Christ's. But now, what nonsense is this, that you yourselves of your own free will give yourselves over to the Antichrist into his slavery, which is harder than death! By serving him, you make yourselves guilty of all the abominations that are committed in Rome.

e) Here you see how the Roman beast of the Pabst loves and cares not only for himself but also for the least part of his being, namely his flesh, more than for Christ, the gospel and the church. That is why he despises it, tramples it underfoot and suppresses it, and is first concerned with his own stomach.

f) Mark this well: the pope invents and roars that the church is his, and not Christ's. O about the beautiful shepherd, yes rather the thief and murderer! The church says of Christ, her head, and not of the pope, her persecutor and oppressor, in the Song of Songs: "My friend is mine, and I am his."

g) On the other hand, he is intent on how to make money and sets up nets and traps for this purpose. For therein lies the strength of his tyranny, from which the means of indulgence are presented to the tender and feminine welfare of the papists.

h) You wretched man, you will probably prevent everything that will be done against the pope. You say: I will prevent it to the best of my ability. But, dear journeyman, tell me, will you also prevent it if something is done against the pope with the best of reason and according to divine right? even if it should be for the good of the whole church and Christianity? even if those who do such things are your superiors? and if you have sworn an oath of loyalty to them? and if you receive an honest salary from them under this title? God have mercy, I hear that none of this is exempt. Now, now, let yourselves be instructed, you kings, and chastised, you judges on earth, and let it be known what loyalty you can give to such rulers, who have received the title of doctor from the pope, and whom the pope has committed and trained to your ruin with such ungodly and frightening oaths.

i) O poisonous betrayers and accomplices of the betrayers, you are far more wicked than Judas the betrayer. For Judah may have done as he pleased, but he betrayed Christ openly and openly; but you betrayed him most secretly, and concealed it very deeply. He repented of his treachery and immediately brought back the money, the reward for his treachery, and threw it into the temple. But you act as if you had done your cause good; you rejoice in yourselves about it, and the reward of your treachery, namely the high offices, prebends and prelatures, you hold on to, and boast with it, and live from it in all pleasures. You would be worthy to be hanged like Judas.

k) Thirdly, he is preparing his clandestine and cunning plots. It should be noted, however, that if a papal doctor takes an oath of allegiance to a prince or a republic that has something against the pope, then he will either betray his master or break this oath. What a "freak" is a papal doctor who cannot be faithful without malice, nor an honest man without perjury!

I) Fourthly, he endeavors to fortify and establish his tyranny, for the preservation of which he fights only for life and limb, for house and court, and mixes, blends and perverts all divine and human things at the same time. He rightly calls it the Roman papacy, because in fact and truth it is nothing else than a papacy, not an apostleship. And that is why he calls it only the Roman, but not also the Christian papacy. The regalia of Peter are to be taken in the same way, since they are not given by Christ, but the popes have taken them from the kings either by trickery or by force.

m) Is it also against Christ himself? For he too, as he is true God, so he is also true man. But why do we doubt this, since he excludes no one at all, and Christ has forbidden the papacy by name, saying: "The worldly kings rule, but you do not so rule. So now the papacy would be defended in vain, if it should not also be defended against the man Christ. O abominable abominations! O wickedness! O infernal furies!

n) With lies, deceit and fraud, with conspiracies, treacheries and riots, with poisoning, murders, robberies, unjust wars? What do you ask for a long time? Since the papacy is against Christ's word, it cannot be defended in a lawful way. Therefore it is necessary that all unlawful and evil ways of help from his helpers and defenders are understood by it. Oh, this is a conspiracy that has unfolded with the help of the infernal furies, in which Christ is not only denied, but also a public war is announced against him.

o) Fifthly, he thinks about the growth of his tyranny. And notice that no doctor can really and emphatically increase the authority, privilegia and rights of the pope. For no one can do this except by gifts or the granting of new rights. Only kings and emperors can do this, but the doctors, because they are too weak and too small, are not in the habit of doing it. Therefore, all that is left is that they cannot accomplish this point in any other way than by perverting the laws and the holy scriptures, and

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that they pronounce unjust judgments in courts and conciliis to please the pope.

p) Sixth, he was concerned with the tranquility and security of his tyranny. But since the statutes, ordinances, decrees and commands of the pope are in part contrary to the word of God, it is certain that whoever walks according to them renounces the word of God. For no one can serve two masters.

q) To the seventh he is provided for his satellites, as companions of his tyranny. And in the past, as for the envoy, he prescribed it thus: That messenger of whom I shall know for certain that he is a messenger of the apostolic see 2c. But now, when the licentiousness has increased infinitely, he forces that all envoys without exception should be helped. For he would rather help the wrong ones than leave the certain ones in distress.

r) Finally, he also pretends to his human statutes, lies and seductions. For he does not respect the heretics who are truly heretics, if only they do no harm to his tyranny. But he alone persecutes as heretics those who undertake to confront his vices and errors, idolatries and blasphemies and to deny them with the word of God. Just as he calls only those schismaticos who pay nothing and do not submit to his tyranny. But the others, who are truly schismatic, who say: I hold with Paul, I with Apollo, I with Cephas, I with Benedictus, I with Dominicas, I with Franciscus, I with Bernhardus 2c., and moreover wretchedly disrupt the church with their dissensions and divisions, as the wretched so-called Dominicans of Bern have done, he accepts them as his beloved sons with great love, and encourages them all.

s) He calls those rebels who defend Christian freedom in spiritual matters against the papal ordinances, and in worldly matters seek to protect their right, although lawfully, against his tyranny. For those who truly oppose Christ and the church, that is, who trample on his commands with knowledge and will, are held in high esteem by him.

t) As far as I hear, the papal doctors are not to overcome the heretics, schismatics and rebels with disputes, not with explanations of the law, not with instruction from holy scripture, not with the pronouncement of just verdicts in courts and conciliis and bring them to better thoughts. For none of these things can be done against those whom the pope mendaciously scolds for heretics, in that they have divine right and the Word of God for themselves, but rather he holds that they must be persecuted and disputed by force, as you hear, by force, I say. But since such teachers are not permitted to wage a public and lawful war, I do not see how they can persecute anyone according to ability, unless they either put him out of the way with poison, or kill him by a secret and deceitful assassination. What wonder is it, then, that there is such a large number of poisoners, assassins and bandits in the Papal realm, since even the Papal teachers are nothing but poisoners, assassins, bandits and highwaymen conspiring together (so much is clear from this oath)?

u) O thou threefold and fourfold wretched and desperate wicked one, who thus swears. O wretched are thy

Parents who have spent their fortune and expenses on you: End to you, that you should swear and curse your soul's salvation in such an ungodly way. For if thou wilt keep this oath, thou shalt contend against Christ for the Antichrist, and become a betrayer of the sacrament by which thou wast brought and joined to Christ in holy baptism. But if you do not want to keep the oath, then you admit that you neither want God for your support, nor his gospel for the means of your salvation. Therefore, wake up once, and see what great danger you are in; repent, and ask God to set you free again by his power, and to annul such an ungodly oath and bring it to eternal oblivion, so that you will not be eternally damned, amen.

End of notes.

Here I want to remind you, first of all, not only those doctores who have received their doctorate at those schools where such oaths are not required (as at this time in Germany the universities of Wittenberg and Tübingen, in England all of them, and in Italy, if the rumor is otherwise true, one and the other are free of them, and are therefore truly blessed), but also those who, although they have been deceived and ensnared by the cunning and deceit of the papists, and have sworn this oath either unwillingly or without deliberation, yet now heartily detest and abandon it as something ungodly and accursed, and publicly display this in words and deeds. All these, I say, I will have reminded that all this that is said here is none of their business.

I would like to ask all other honest and pious men to despise none of such people because of the title of doctor or that he has taken such an oath in the past, but rather to love him or at least to forgive him his mistake. For those are worthy of praise and love who have combined useful and necessary scholarship with public authority, if they use it only for the glory of God and the common good, and contribute nothing to the consolidation of the tyranny of the pope. Rather, they should direct all the disfavor and the entire curse of this frightful and abominable conspiracy only on those doctors who, as they have sworn with good forethought and deliberation, thus also persist in the resolution to maintain such an abominable oath, and pour out all their venom against the rising Gospel for their Roman idol.

Moreover, if anyone afterwards, having already been reminded of this abomination and made sure of it, swears with knowledge and deliberation

2118 V. Ä. VII, 445-447. Cap. 15: Negotiations for a concilii. W. XVI, 2580 -2582. 2119

He will not be able to invent a reason that he should not be considered a most harmful, horrible and cursed man by all honest and pious people. Therefore, beware, for you do not know if it will not change before evening.

Now follows the formula of the oath, which the public notaries created by the pope must take, and which is mostly the same as the preceding oath formula.

I, N., will henceforth be faithful to St. Peter and the Holy Roman Church, and to our Lord, Pope Julio the Other, as well as to his canonically elected successors. Nor will I allow myself to be found in any such counsel, aid, applause, action or deed, by which they may lose life or limb, or be maliciously imprisoned. I will not knowingly reveal to anyone to their detriment the advice they will reveal to me themselves or through letters or messengers. If, however, I should receive news or knowledge of something that would be a danger to the Roman Pontiff or the Roman Church, or cause it great harm, I will do my utmost to prevent it. And if I cannot prevent it, I will faithfully see to it that our Lord Pope receives news of it. I want to help that the Roman papacy and the regalia of St. Peter, and the rights of his church, especially, 1) if it has such in the church, in the city, or in the country from which I am born, are defended, maintained, and regained against all men. I will faithfully exercise the office of notary, the contracts, for which the consent of the contracting parties is required, I will faithfully draw up, do nothing in addition nor of it, the

  1. Marginal note of the Latin edition: In addition to the other abominations that it has in common with the previous one, this oath contains two new ones that are peculiar to it. The first is that he must swear in particular against his fatherland, which is a great impiety. The other is that, when the papacy or other papal void things have been lost, he mentions the restoration of them, which is an unbelievable obstinacy against Christ and his word. For he alone wants to put an end to the papacy by his word and spirit.

could change the essential parts of the contract. If, however, the will of one part alone should be required for the execution of an instrument, then I will execute the same; but such a contract, of which I know that something unlawful or fraudulent occurs therein, I will not execute. I will enter the contracts in the minutes, and when I have entered them, I will not maliciously delay, against the will of those who will be interested in setting up a public instrument about it, without prejudice to my ordinary fees. So help me God, and this his holy gospel.

It follows the old oath formula of the bishops, and is written in Decretalibus de jurejurando C. Ego.

I, N., bishop, from this hour on, will be faithful to St. Peter and the Holy Apostolic Roman Church, and to my Lord N., Pope, as well as to his canonically elected successors. I will not be found in any such counsel, action or deed, by which he may lose his life or limb, or be maliciously imprisoned. I will not reveal his advice, which he will make known to me either himself or by letter or by messenger, to anyone to his detriment. I want to help that the papacy of the Roman Church and the rules of the holy fathers are defended and maintained (but without harm to my order), against all men. If I am called to a synod, I will appear, if I am not prevented by a hindrance permitted by canon law. To the envoys of the apostolic see, if I know for certain that one is such, I will do all honor in their journeys back and forth, and help them in their needs. I will visit the borders of the apostles every year either in my own person or through a certain delegate, unless I receive a dispensation. So help me God, and this his holy gospel. 2)

  1. Marginal note in the Latin edition: Also this oath formula agrees largely with the first one; and has a special clause of annual visitation of the borders of the apostles. Seek the understanding of it after the next oath formula.

2120 L. V. L. VII, 447-449, section 2: Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1244. W. XVI, 2582-2585. 2121

Seeing that the doctors were forced to take such a frightening oath, I began to doubt whether the pope was satisfied with the oath taken by the bishops at the present time. This doubt of mine became stronger as I read the gloss on the words: Singulis annis indicto, C. Ego, where it was written: or more rarely, according to his handwriting. Therefore, I looked into the Pontificiale and librum ceremoniarum, where I certainly perceived that they were swearing according to the Pope's prescription, but whose content was nevertheless not expressed in either of them. Therefore, I asked pious and learned friends, also from foreign nations, to provide me with a credible copy of such jurament. This was also done. But I have found it good to append this here from word to word.

The new oath of the bishops follows.

In the name of God, Amen. I, N., elected bishop N., will from this hour henceforth be faithful and obedient to St. Peter and the holy apostolic Roman Church, and to our Lord, Lord Hadriano the Sixth, pope, as well as to his canonically elected successors. I will not be found in any such counsel, applause, action, or deed, by which they may lose life or limb, or be imprisoned, or have any violent hand laid upon them in any manner whatsoever, or be subjected to any injustice whatsoever, under any pretense whatsoever. However, to their detriment, I will not reveal to anyone, with my knowledge, the advice and counsel that they will entrust to me, either myself or through messengers or letters. I will help them preserve and protect the Roman papacy and the regalia of St. Peter against all men. I will show all honor to the envoy of the apostolic see on his journey back and forth, and assist him in his needs. I will endeavor to preserve, defend, increase and promote the rights, honor, privileges and authority of the Roman Church, of our Lord the Pope, and of his aforementioned successors. I will not allow myself to be found in such a council, act or treatise, in which against our Lord Himself, or against the said Roman Church, something adverse, or detrimental to persons, to its

If I learn that such a thing is being done or instigated by anyone, I will prevent it to the best of my ability, and as soon as possible I will report it to our Lord, or to anyone else who can bring it to his attention. The rules of the holy fathers, decrees, ordinances, pronouncements, dispositions, reservations, events and apostolic commands I will observe to the best of my ability and urge others to observe them. The heretics, schismatics, and recalcitrants against our Lord or his aforementioned successors I will pursue to the best of my ability and fight against them. If I am called to the synod, I will come, unless I am prevented from doing so by an obstacle permitted by jure canonico. The borders of the apostles, if the Roman court is on this side of the Alpine mountains, I will visit every year; if it is on the other side of the Alpine mountains, once every three years, either in person or through my deputy; unless the apostolic see dispenses me from it. However, I will not sell, give away, or pledge the goods that belong to my table, nor will I give them to anyone else, nor will I dispose of them in any way, even with the approval of the chapter of my church, without the prior knowledge of the Roman Pontiff. So help me God, and this his holy gospel.

You see, Christian reader, that this oath of the bishops is even harder and more gruesome than the oath of the doctors. Therefore, it is no wonder that learned and prudent canons refuse a bishopric, even if it is offered to them of their own free will, or, if they accept it, after taking this oath, they become beasts altogether. For how much is still lacking in the sin against the Holy Spirit, if one is nevertheless not unaware of the papal abominations, and yet he has no hesitation in taking such an oath with knowledge and deliberation?

But this oath (especially) contains the incomparable article of visiting the borders of the apostles, which has its use first of all in the fact that if the bishops live too long, and thus prevent too long that the pallia are solved more often, one can grant them the dispensation from the bishops.

2122 L.V.Ä.VII, 449-451. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI.2585-2588. 2123

The people of the city could refuse to visit them, so that they would either die on the journey, or be poisoned out of the way in Rome, or, if they did not come, would then be deposed as perjurers.

First of all, they are given the freedom to refrain from such a journey in exchange for the annual payment of a sum of money, as long as it seems convenient to those at the Roman court. And so that they do not have to give something certain for this freedom once and for all, but have to pay a fine every year, they are allowed to visit the borders of the apostles through deputies. Afterwards, the boys at the court in Rome will find out everything they want to know, especially the best prebends, so that the pope, when they become open, can give them to his stable boys.

Finally, and most unfortunate of all, by this oath all bishops are deceived, trapped and entrapped, and under the Antichrist, the most despicable tyrant, they are dragged into the heaviest and such slavery that they cannot get out of it. For no bishop can fulfill this article by being held back either by important business, or weakness of body, or danger due to travel and wars. Therefore, a bishop is forced to seek remission of the oath from the pope. If he does so, he confesses not only in words but also in deed that the pope has the power to issue all oaths. This the Roman bishop eagerly seizes upon, when he has thought out this article to the end. And if afterwards a bishop contradicts the Roman tyranny by which he is oppressed, and wants to set its aim and measure, he is banished, deposed, and his subjects are absolved from the oath of their obedience.

Furthermore, if a bishop wants to assert that the subjects cannot justifiably be absolved from the oath of their obedience, he contradicts himself, and makes himself a perjurer, as he himself also believed that he could be absolved from the obligation of his oath by the pope, and also asked for it. And by relying on this acquittal, he has broken his oath with knowledge and good sense. But if he wanted to pretend his ignorance, it will follow that he is still obliged to visit the borders of the apostles annually. If he does so, he will meet his certain death.

From this it now follows that I repeat everything briefly together: Whoever invokes this Clausel is compelled to submit to the Papal tyranny and will of courage in all, even the most unjust and insufferable

If his subjects are disenrolled from obedience by the pope, he must lose his bishopric, or run the risk of committing perjury and thereby rendering himself unfit for the bishopric; or, if he keeps the oath, present himself to the cruelest tyrant for an ignominious death penalty. O, are these not more than diabolical frauds? O, are these not effeminate bishops who have suffered such a cruel tyranny for so many years, in such a slavish manner? They should rather have endured a thousandfold death than abandoned the Church so shamefully and left it to the Antichrist to destroy and oppress.

From this, the Christian reader should consider for himself what good one should hope from a papal concilium, in which such doctors will debate, in which such notaries will draw up public acts, such bishops and cardinals will write the final judgments. For apart from such people, no one is admitted to a concilio, as is clearly written in the Book of Papal Ceremonies with these words: "We do not read that anyone came to the conciliis, when something was to be concluded and agreed upon, except bishops and elders, and these alone signed the conclusions. Bishops, however, we also call the most distinguished among the bishops, for this is the highest office and authority in the Church of God. But the ecclesiastics of lower rank and the secular princes were present only because they gave good counsel and instruction, but not because they made a pronouncement, since they have, as the jurists say, at the conciliis vocem con- sultivam, not (definitivam, but deliberativam, that is, they only give good counsel, and help to consider the matter, but do not make a conclusion with their vote."

Accordingly, at the Conciliis, to make a conclusion, will appear: the Roman Pontiff, as the head and governor of the whole Church, the shepherd of the Lord's host and bishop over all the bishops, the holy College of Cardinals, the patriarchs, the primates, archbishops, bishops and abbots, to whom are also not unreasonably added the patres generales of the orders; Finally, all prelates, who are required to come to the Synod by virtue of the oath they must take when they are promoted to their offices. Others, however, as I have said, may be present to give their opinion. They may be present to give instruction and good counsel, but they will not be seated in the public sessions in holy garments, nor will they make any pronouncements.

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1245 King Henry VIII's misgivings in England and France, and of the whole realm of England, about the Mantuan Concilio, which had been invented, written out, and then postponed.

Pauli, the Roman bishop. Anno 1538.

The two following documents first appeared separately in quarto in 1538 (von der Hardt, autoK. Dutü., Mrt. II, p. 213), then in Hortleder, torn. I, lib. I, eap. 30. 31, x>. 111.

Since all the world is well aware that we have lain in the fact that the Holy Scriptures alone have regained their honor and dignity, we take it for granted that it is not only proper and due to us to restore the Christian religion, to use all our diligence, but also to counter the cunning attempts of the bishops of Rome, who have not neglected any time to confuse the truth. We are driven to this by the love we bear for the truth and the protection of religion, which we have long since accepted for ourselves here.

2 Because the Roman bishop, Paul, in all places, for a great reward, is trying to suppress the truth among learned people, and is making everyone a cardinal from whom he thinks he will get comfort and help, we have been distressed and have often thought, what does such a preparation of all things and ordering of people mean? And what it is, we have guessed. Namely this: since we are well accustomed to the popes' deceit and warfare, we could easily assume that a concilium of those who are attached to the pope and are his friends (which they, however erroneously, call a general, common concilium) should exist in the future, before a concilium was thought of or mentioned.

3 And what shall I say much? At last, when all things were prepared for deceit, a concilium is proclaimed, to which no Christian king could come, or even a little (as Pope Paul actually knew well), because the time when it was to begin and the place where it was to be held made it certain and certain that no king would come there. The bull has come to all places, has demanded all kings, bold enough for the kings to take upon themselves all the causes of deceit, and to promote the fabricated Concilium. For who does not know that Paulo and his cardinals have never been serious about holding a general concilium? Who is less desirous of a public, common assembly of Christians than those who despair of their affairs, unless they be judges and pronounce judgment on their own behalf?

4 We cannot come to this council, nor send our message there for the sake of our affairs, because we are hardly required by our kingdom and regiment, and yet we do not want to be suspected of accusing ourselves. For who can accuse us of not appearing at the request of someone who has no authority or right to demand us? And we suppose that he has power and right, and admit that no one can admit him, except he who is unlearned in the Holy Scriptures: for what use is it to go to such a council, since no one has room and place, except he who condemns the truth and defends lies? Everyone can see with what respectability, faith and godliness they interpret the erroneous and contentious articles, which now in this dangerous time they have promised to discuss.

Because they have chosen Mantua for this council, it is obvious that Christianity may not expect any benefit or piety from it. For which Christian prince outside Italy, or even a whale himself, who does not immediately agree with the pope, may come there? because no one may go there who may give his voice to the suppressed truth, because that would be handing over his life. Thus it would be no wonder that the patrons of the pope (since the pope is the judge, since no one is allowed to strive or speak against him) would obtain that the pope's prestige and authority, which has long since fallen and almost disappeared, would be re-established and replaced in such a concilio. Does this mean to advise and help the afflicted hearts, the confused religion and the shattered truth? And you, Pope Paule, or any of your own, have you ever dreamed (if in this way it should befit you to pronounce judgment in the erroneous and controversial articles, without any plea of your opposition) of advising and helping the church error or the spiritual infirmities that have crept into the church, by other ways than by false concilia? It is truly believable, since you seek nothing but your own benefit, that you do not like to drop or make obsolete what your forefathers decreed and set against Christ and the holy Scriptures some hundred years ago, for the sake of your own benefit. For as often as one has wanted to act from their position, benefit, honor, authority and primacy, they have always wanted to advise and help by suppressing divine commandments, by wickedness of their honor, and that I say right, their unpleasant hope. Is it not yet certain that you are not naughty children, who follow in the footsteps of their fathers and make new friends?

2126 Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi, 2591-2593. 2127

What do we care about what you have set before, or what you will set hereafter, since England has given you leave and leave forever? But what is it to us, what you have set before, or what you will order and set hereafter, since England has long since given you leave and the last forever. The pope has nothing to do or to do with England; he shall certainly do nothing more to us, nor shall he shower us with his goods or merchandising. But what he shall command or forbid, that we will not accept at all, and truly nothing more than what any bishop sets or gives.

(6) And lest we be accounted by the orthodox as moved by the will and pleasure of our hearts, and not by reason with right understanding, we will bear witness before all the world that we confess and accept the right faith, the Christian doctrine, and all that may adorn or promote it, and will confess it forever. The whole Christian doctrine is so dear to our hearts that we would much rather put our kingdom in danger than let some article of the Christian faith suffer danger. We testify that we have not relinquished the Christian faith, nor do we ever want to relinquish it, and would rather die before an article of this Christian faith should fall or perish among the English. And we testify to ourselves, since we regard nothing but Christ's honor and the world's benefit and peace, that we can no longer suffer their deceitfulness, and have been moved for several reasons to refuse and reject the Pope's authority, Sentence, Decreta and Concilia.

Finally, we testify that we have not refused to appear in public, Christian assembly from now on. Even now we want to promise and pledge all our diligence, effort, faithfulness and belief that the disrupted religion may be restored to its dignity and status, and also that other discord, which for a time has made the world restless, may be changed; but we want to remind all Christians diligently that we can no longer suffer that they should be considered as wanting to purge out and abolish all errors, who are diligent to ensure that no one overthrows the errors at the loss of his neck.

(8) We want to hold a council, we desire it and ask for it, but such a council as is proper and fitting to be held among Christians. Namely, a free one, in which each one may fearlessly speak the truth. A

Christian, in which all take pains to restore Christian godliness, not to suppress the truth. A common one, in the place and time where anyone seeking Christ's honor may appear without danger and speak his mind freely. Then it may be considered a common concilium, if none of the Christians who disagree with the pope may remain outside, or if those present are not deterred from saying what they think right, freely and without all timidity. For who is it (the pope, cardinals and some papal bishops excepted) who would not gladly come to such a concilium? And again, who would be so foolish as to come there, who would see the pope's things acting almost alone, and in a concilio the pope ruling and reigning as a single judge? Yes, he who can defend his cause nowhere before any judge but himself? who much sooner executes ungodly errors than decides quarrels and disputes? What can you think of in Christianity that is more harmful than common concilia?

(9) And that I should say something of their iniquity: Whence hath the pope power and right to require the kings to a concilio? And since in the past all concilia were held by the consent and command of emperors, kings, and princes, would it not be fair that it should be done now? or that you should show cause why it should not be done? You probably say that it is more probable that the popes embrace the Christian religion more than the kings. But the world has seen, to the great detriment of Christianity, how faithfully and diligently the popes act in this matter. We all see how honestly Pope Paul takes cause to defend his tyranny. We ever see the time that the holy man has chosen for a concilio.

(10) Can it be believed that he seriously intended to re-establish the religion, because at the time when the Emperor and the King of France, the two most powerful princes, are so embittered with wars against each other that neither they nor any Christian king have room or place for a concilio? Now then, Pabst, the cause which you and yours so fervently desired many years ago has come. Now that it has come, suppress it, or use it for vice and deceit. Call to thee the cardinals, thy creatures, and show them that it has now come to pass in due time to ape and fool the princes and the Christian people. O fools! (which we hate to say) and you despairing ones

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Peel! (You have long been suspected by the princes and Christian people that you can suffer nothing less, and would much rather give in to anything than a Christian concilium, even though you pretend to be much different and are hypocritical in all things. Shall you also be so foolish that you should publicly state that you have nothing in mind with your conciliabulum or Rotterei, but to cut off the Christians their hope, which they carry to a free, common, Christian concilium? Do you then have such a hatred against the truth that you do not cease from your presumption that it should be cast out into a little misery? God still lives, and because he lives, the truth shall never again come to such shame, scorn, disgrace and injustice.

(11) Who would not be grieved that people are so insolent and publicly hostile to Christ? Again, who would not rejoice greatly that they are at the same time so foolish in their ungodly nature? The world, Pabst Paule, does not have such a small suspicion now, as it did before. Yes, it sees your deceitfulness before its eyes, and it condemns your unquenchable hatred against truth. They all see well what tumult has been introduced into Christendom from your pretended appearance of harmony and unity. They can see that your efforts to make peace are nothing else than to cause turmoil against the common good of peace. They see well that you never storm more fiercely against the truth than when you pretend to defend it. It grieves them that such wise people have suffered your hidden deceit so long. It grieves them that reason has shown all its power to help wickedness, hope and idolatry. It grieves them that virtue has served vices, a holy life has served hypocrisy, prudence has served guile, and justice has served tyranny with such diligence. They rejoice that God now does not oppose God, that Christ does not oppose Christ. They rejoice that in former times guile did not do such great violence to truth as it now does, so that hereafter iniquity against religion may do no more than permanence for truth. You see that all concilia are held for the sake of common benefit, that you have sought your own benefit by suppressing the truth, and would much rather let the gospel perish than let something of your honor and dignity, that is, of your impudent outrage, fall.

  1. And truly, Pope Paul does nothing different today, because he, as the princes with

If a more convenient time and city for dealing with religion should arise, and he did not want to come to it, he would consider it fair to repay him equally with equally, that he should not come to it, because the kings do not come to his concilio now.

  1. May God grant that we do not forever quarrel and bicker among ourselves with such insults, nor, when we are most vehemently at odds, may each of us boast on his own side that he has the best cause. God grant that the immovable and confirmed truth may break the only pretensions of the deceivers. God grant that once there is peace in the world, there will be time and time to act on the Christian religion. Unless the kings are at one among themselves, drop the wars and strive for peace, we do not see what good it would do to set up a concilium, even if it is highly desired, because effort and work are lost. Indeed, since they are busy with wars and weapons, and think of nothing else but war, that the pope would not turn everything to his advantage and confirm all errors, if he were to hold a concilium in the absence of the kings; and no wonder, since they cannot be present, who would otherwise come to it, and do not yield so much of our rights to the pope: would not the pope, for his advantage and to handle the errors, arrange and set everything in order?

How could one of our people not refuse to go to Mantua if he were senseless? where one must travel with great danger, and it is convenient for us to do so, which is surrounded everywhere, O Paule, with your cousins, friends, brothers-in-law, who are related to you by fatherland, by nature, for profit, or elsewhere? Is he not worthy of death who throws himself into the fire alive and sighted? Since your enemy (that is, a heretic, as the heretics say) puts his life in danger at this time, who travels to Cremon, which is close to Mantua, could one of ours be safe in Mantua? How, if Mantua were not big enough to accommodate so many guests, if otherwise all those who belong to a Concilio come? How that the way from there to Mantua is full of danger? Do you not know that

2130 Cap. 15 Negotiations concerning a concilii. W. xvi.Mv-Mu. 2131

of all laws is opinion that no one may travel by unsafe ways to a Concilio? How that he has not yet obtained for us a safe conduct to travel now and then from those under whose power the cities lie? And even if he had obtained it, we would be presumptuous if we ourselves (because we may and should be justly afraid) set out on such a dangerous way. For truly, as things now stand, he who travels from England to Mantua cannot be safe, for he would be foolish. It is obvious that the popes have never kept faith in such matters. How many times have the pope's cunning, deceitfulness and malice caused the death of those who were traveling with a safe escort to a concilium? It is not new that the popes are faithless and do not keep their promise, but against their oath have sullied their hands in innocent blood of pious people.

(15) But we insist too long on what is common to us with other nations; we will no longer speak of it, but only say more about it, which should especially move the king of England, all Englishmen. Is there anyone who does not know that Pope Paul is hostile to the king, and secretly seeks his life with all cunning, because he has expelled the tyrant? Likewise he seeks to destroy the bishops and the nobility, by whose diligence and counsel he was expelled. Who does not see that the pope is so completely inflamed with hatred, and that he can no longer contain his impetuous anger, nor his malice? He is a public enemy, do not hide it; he moves everyone against the king, and strengthens them to destroy the kingdom. All this year he has provoked the English to revolt with money and offered honors. We will not say how with greater diligence and equal malice he has managed to incite the Christian princes against us. Without a doubt, the governor of Christ proves by his life how he understands what Christ said. He thinks that he is a governor of Christ, because it behooves him to say: "I have not come to send peace, but the sword", not that Christ wants his Christians to be armed, but that the cruel murderers abuse the blood of their neighbor to the death. We are almost astonished that they often rage against others, because they show and prove us, who have received no small benefit from us, scorn and ridicule for gratitude, and violence for charity with all diligence. We have no desire here to recount how many benefits we have shown to the popes.

are lost. They may go, the ungrateful people, they are not worthy to be called or to be called men, and truly, such people that one does not know whether God or men should hate them more fiercely, when we would not have learned to grant good also to the enemies. What evil should we wish them that we would not be respected for it, that we would have wished too little for their wickedness shown to us? Only this we wish for them, that God may give them a better mind.

  1. thanks be to god! we have put an end to their rebelliousness, but in such a way that we will be on guard against the enemies forever; indeed, because they are at enmity with us, we will not leave the herd, lest they tear the bloodthirsty wolves. Yea, all holy list, because they do not harm any but the deceivers themselves. Do harm, disappear, and indicate how they wish us harm, and with great eagerness would like to harm us. But the recognized enemy cannot harm anyone but a fool or a careless one. The judgment of Clem entis the Seventh and Paul the Third, which we have despised, remains and persists in our hearts. They are concerned that, if we escape without harm and punishment, the other princes of Christendom will no longer tolerate or suffer the Pope's power and authority, which is unjust. It grieves them that the way in England should be closed to their tyranny, pride and avarice. They can ill suffer that they are deprived of our ancestors' privilege, that is, of the power to charm and rob our citizens, even ourselves. They think it is unreasonable that we want to demand cheap things from them, who do not want to be subject to any law. They think we do them an injustice when we do not want to allow them to do injustice to other people. They can see that they have lost a large sum of gold because the indulgence fair has fallen. They cannot sell any more bulls. And no wonder, because England has come to understand. Everyone knows that those who give gold for lead are foolish, even though St. Peter's and St. Paul's faces are set on a fraud. It grieves everyone that they are so wicked and bold, and use the face of the saints for their own benefit. Truly, if God were to be ungracious to us and take away our reason and understanding, the pope in England would not only no longer have any authority or prestige, but would also no longer be remembered in a short time. Certainly he shall exercise his power against us and our citizens.

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no longer use it. We want to get advice from him, if we want to be mistaken, deceived and betrayed; whether you can expect anything else from him (because one can assume from the fraudulently laid foundation that the whole building must be fraudulent), than that they will see the Christians, torture and burn them, and falsify the truth, even destroy it completely? If anything else is ordered in the Mantuan Assembly, remember with us that this is not a low praise of the popes, that they always misuse the appearance of respectability to exterminate respectability; if it pleases them, they want to be seen to have abated something to our liking, and yet they are never more to be feared than if they live to please us; they will allow themselves to be deceived, and will yield some of their doctrine, and will also moderate and drop some abuses, and just so, if they allow such things, they will demand much greater and heavier things of us. It cannot well happen that you can be sufficiently guarded against them. Truly, let whoever wants to go to the cunning and deceitful fair, we will not give in to our right, we will not come ourselves, nor will we send any of our people there.

So far we have spoken of this matter as if the Concilium at Mantua were going on. Now we want to say a little about the Bulla, which the Concilium has scattered on the first of November, unnamed some Malstatt.

18 It is to be believed that the Concilium will not be held anywhere, if the pope does not find a place where his relatives can go and attend, and that no decrees against the Christian religion will be made in it. It has happened as if God loves the Pope and his relatives, and it is well that the Mantuan Concilium is postponed to another time. Why then? For what reason, since there are now those in the city of Mantua who think that your will must be obeyed? Why, Paule, do you not keep your promise? Why don't you assemble a concilium?

19 The Bulla answers us well: We hear that Duke Frederick of Mantua, when he gave us an answer, made himself difficult about it, and said that there wanted to be a large army and money to pay it; and the same is nothing else than that he has denied his city to the Concilio to us. What should go to the heart of great lords, if this great disgrace does not move, embitter nor enrage all their minds? Do you not properly mock and despise the emperor and the other kings of the world, that you should make them angry with their great aftermath?

Do you call for a concilium in a city where you yourself are not allowed to hold a concilium? If kings have ever been mocked, you mock them by asking them to go where you cannot go, or by extending the concilium and not naming a place. If they had obeyed you and come to Mantua, where you had demanded them all, they would have had to return home with scorn and derision.

020 Thou hast cause why thou shouldest accuse the princes, when they shall not appear at thy bidding, seeing thou now demandest of them, and laughest at them so shamefully, and mockest them. Let it be that they all recognize you as their master to be obedient to you; would it not be to fear that they would depart from obedience, if you would so abuse your power against them? Now that they are not to obey thee in any way, and that thou art commanded to obey not only the king, as the chief, but all his captains in order and command; how canst thou wonder that the kings should hereafter be at thy will, whom thou so openly apeest and dissemble? Who has ever been so impudent, bold, and insolent as to require the kings to a concilio, and not to indicate a certain place there for counsel? But Pope Paul requires the kings to a concilio: Where to? Nowhere. Is it not that the kings ape and fool, what is ape and fool?

But at last he remembers "how much he has disgraced them all, or ridiculed and mocked them," and pretends to be sorry. Indeed, it is a great art to him to pretend to be sorry, who can pretend to all things. He says that he had hoped, but was deceived, that the Duke of Mantua would have willingly and gladly allowed his city of Mantua to have a concilio; now the Duke did not want to do it, because he would be sufficiently provided with footmen and pay to maintain them. Therefore, the pope is concerned that some might have set out on their journey to Mantua at his request, and that they will have to return home with their great loss. And so that all men may hear how the popes have nothing to fear, he says: such great injustices, done to all the world, because it is not his fault but someone else's, he must tolerate and bear all the more easily.

22 So, is it not enough that you mock and revile the absentees, you also trouble Duke Frederick of Mantua with your guilt? What wrong has he done, that he should have brought such a great multitude of people without an addition of men-of-war?

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will not take him into his city? But thou banishest thy brethren and thy children, patriarchs, archbishops, abbots, and others, prelates of churches and monasteries, that they come not into the place where they cannot be. Will the arrows of thy thunderbolts, which are shot, be revoked by thee according to thy pleasure, as often as it pleaseth thee? But thou mayest excuse thyself, and easily discharge all blame, because thou sayest it is not fair, but a wicked example, to hold a concilium with men of war. Is that not his thing, quite good papal? If you do not order the duke's protection, he will not trust his city to you and yours; but if you order warriors there, no one will come there except those bound to you by oaths; with the lists you easily give day, so that all the world suspects you beforehand that you do not want to suffer a general concilium.

You want them all to be present with you on the first day of November, and you yourself do not yet know where you want to be. But what matters where you ask us to be, since it is the same: to be nowhere, and to be in the place where the council cannot be held. No city serves you as well as any city, since you have decided not to hold a council anywhere. Yes, it is more useful for you, because you do not want to be there, not to appoint a city, but to indicate a certain place, you can also easily free your faith, if you promise nothing. It is a great honor to the pope that he has not mocked and made fun of the princes more than once. And certainly, if he finally sets up a place, there is no doubt that he will give us one in his cities (although they are not his, but are only respected and considered to be his), which his ancestors brought to themselves by force and cunning, and which he owns and has with an evil conscience, against justice and all equity, (And if he should ask us to go there, he himself cannot go there, for he has an army with him.) Whether these are not great fools, but they are not the only ones who have the right to go there. Would these not be great fools, who once were mocked or driven about, and now at another time would be led about and deceived? Is it not believable that we are deceived when we believe him who promises us that he cannot keep us, even if he wants to? Now he would not, if he could.

24 But we insist on things for too long,

which do not concern us. If he chooses a city which he wants, which is safe, where everyone can come without fear and danger, we will never come to a council to which he calls us. Yes, we want to publicly declare to Pope Paulo and his followers, which we have often said before, that they have no right nor power in England; we do not give them any, nor do we want to grant them any, and everything that they have valued and demanded from us by force and trickery in the past, we want to demand again by right, and by good right. We have given you primacy in the past. If now your power over us has had a beginning with our consent, it shall now also have an end with our consent. Since we gave it, why should we not have taken it away again? In former times we wrote that we were less than the popes; and as long as we let ourselves think that we were less, we were obedient to them. But now we write much differently. Therefore, if we are not obedient to their decrees and commandments afterwards, they have no reason to be very astonished; worldly and divine rights are for us. A freeman does not abandon his freedom, and even if one writes himself a servant, he has not violated the cause of his freedom. If they want to impose the habit on us, they may answer Cypriano: Where truth is not in the habit, the habit is nothing but an old error. What is it that Christ says, "I am the way, the life, and the truth"; he never said, "I am the habit. Will you quarrel with us that you have custom for yourselves, and we have the Scriptures for ourselves? How often does Christ exhort you (if you are otherwise his disciples, who are wiser than your Doctor, Christ, that you reject his laws, and lift up your own traditions) that you should not be chief, nor exalt and exalt yourselves above the other 2c. But in this public and bright matter we will no longer persist.

We desire and wish, by order of the Emperor and the Christian princes, a safe and free concilium, so that truth and religion may be advised, which are no longer suppressed by any other thing than the concilia of the Roman bishops, even Rotterianism. Now, recently, errors, abuses and idolatry have increased excessively. Therefore become wise at last, you princes who rule the world, so that you may find counsel and help against so many pestilences and errors of the sick church. For all wise men despair of a general council. We respect-

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that it is best, however, because we rather desire a concilium than hope that each one will eradicate the errors in his realm by his orders. We have communicated our advice to all, and if we have given good advice, we consider that there is no need for an admonisher to demand it. I have a good hope that any king will help the kings' majesty, which has now been completed again, so that they will no longer raise wolves, and if they want to hear us, they will not subscribe to the popes' cunning suggestions. O princes, help the work begun! Your honor, dignity and majesty have returned to their rightful place; remember that this one thing is most proper and due to your office, that you help and assist the truth and the Christian religion. Beware that the enemy's cunning is no more powerful than your might; help us wage an eternal war against the vices of the popes.

  1. so far be obedient to their decrees, where they now at Mantua, at this or another Concilio, set, order or command something that will help the Christian faith and declare the truth; this accept willingly, not for the sake of Pabst and his Cardinals, but that such honor will be given to the Christian faith and the truth cheaply forever. The truth and what is honest we gladly learn, even from a pagan; and in the same way, as we gladly want to allow everything that will be useful and conducive to the Christian faith, so again, if they will order, set or command something, to the detriment of the truth, to the advancement of its primacy and to confirm its power, or that the right, power and majesty of kings will be diminished, insulted, or weakened, so we hereby proclaim to the whole world that we have not accepted it, nor do we ever want to accept it.

So you believers in Christ of the whole world have heard what we wanted to write about the General Council; we also believe that it is known and obvious to you that the pope, bishop and cardinal do not desire a council for the sake of truth, but so that truth and Christ may be suppressed. You understand that it is not convenient to hold a concilium at this time, that even Mantua, the city, is not convenient, indeed no city anywhere; you see that there is even a small hope for a general concilio. You see how you are admonished in what way every prince should restore peace to the disrupted and divided religion. If anyone among you

If anyone knows better advice, we will gladly follow it, especially with regard to religion. We do not want to use our advice if someone better will advise us. May God Almighty increase the desire of our hearts to pour out the same advice that He has given us according to His goodness, or a better one, not only in us, but in all people. To him be glory and praise at all times, amen.

1246 Henry the Eighth, King of England and France 2c, writing to the Imperial Majesty, to all other Christian kings and potentates, in which the king shows cause why he will not come to Vicenza to the Concilio (which is called with a false title general), and how dangerous it is for all others who have accepted the Gospel of Christ to appear there. London, April 8, 1539.

See the previous number.

Translated from the Latin by Justus Jonas.

By the Grace of God, Henry the Eighth, King in England and France 2c., the Roman Emperor, all kings, princes and all Christians 2c.

(1) A book was recently written and published in our name and in the name of all our subjects, in which sufficient and superfluous reasons were given why we rejected the concilium which the Roman bishop, boasting and pretending to his stolen and usurped power (which is neither commanded to him by God nor to be suffered any longer by other rulers), invented: first, as if it were to be at Mantua; then, without expressing any place or certain place, he extended his favor to Calend. Novembris, as he has thereby sufficiently given to understand that all that would be decided in the same concilio and assembly of the people, who are all of one opinion and sworn into one sect, or also in any such synod, which the Roman bishop sets up by his false, arrogated, supposed power, may not bring harm or damage to our things.

2 And we have considered it unnecessary to protest so often anew with new work and to refuse the Concilium, as often as the Roman bishop, and those whose art and intellect he always needs to adorn his deceit, invent their own way to ape the people through Romanist pieces.

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(3) However, if at this time, due to both change of place and location, and also for other reasons, some misgivings have occurred to us, which it may be useful for all the world to know and hear, we have considered that we have not acted inappropriately to the inclination and love that we bear toward the Christian religion and faith, if by this writing of ours, as by an addition, we have confirmed our previous opinion and refusal of the Concilii.

  1. And we hereby wish to confirm the same, but nevertheless protest that we have let the reported book and its attached preface go out with the opinion that we are not as eager as any other Christian princes and potentates for a public common council, or that we do not want to appear willingly and gladly; For we hereby most diligently admonish and request all Christian princes and potentates, all cities of Christendom, that they will certainly consider that we desire nothing more than that such a council may finally be held, which may truly be called a common, general, free, Christian council, as we have in our previous protestation of the council at Mantua somewhat designed.

For truly, as our forefathers invented nothing more holy, more Christian, than that in important matters the Christian estates should thus come together, especially if the Concilia were so held, and finally directed, as it was meant at first: so also there is nothing that brings greater danger, more terrible harm to Christendom, to the faith, to religion, than the Concilia, if they are misused for avarice, vain honor, self-interest, and confirmation of all errors.

(6) Conciliation is called general and common from the beginning, and this word of his implies sufficiently that not only the bishops or the like, but all Christians who are in doubt about an article among themselves, may publicly, freely, and without all danger and timidity, express their doubts and opinions. For if what is decided in a common council concerns all those by whose consent it is done, it is also reasonable that everyone whom it concerns should speak his mind freely, without fear or hindrance.

7 There is no doubt that such a council cannot or may not be called general, since only those are heard who have decided among themselves to applaud the pope at all times and to hold publicly against the Holy Scriptures.

8 It cannot be a general council, nor can it be called one, since the Pope's part is both advocate and adversary, both plaintiff and judge. Yes, it is against all reason, against all natural rights, that we should suffer ourselves to be burdened with such an unjust law and burden; if we were deprived of all protection and salvation, there would be no refuge or consolation left for us to flee to, if we were highly offended and burdened by the pope. The pope and his followers are completely hostile to us, and would like to ruin us and our kingdom to the ground and turn back, of which we have much public evidence, and which is before the eyes of almost the whole world.

(9) Therefore we have acted contrary to all reason and nature, if we grant men power alone to judge us. His, the pope's, honor and glory are first sought through false worship, through unjust violence and tyranny and vain deceit, wicked trickery and deceitfulness; his sovereignty is introduced through the deceitful use of a spiritual appearance against God, against the old true religion, against the holy Scriptures, and thus established with the passage of time. His primacy, that he alone wants to be the supreme before all our bishops and churches, has come to the time when all the world was in ignorance, through ambition of bishops and church shepherds, through ignorance and misunderstanding of some necessary sayings of the holy scriptures. All this, when the mists and vapors of such errors are dispelled by the sun and light of the Gospel, has not only fallen in our country, but it is to be expected that it will soon fall everywhere.

(10) But would not all this be restored? Would not his majesty and honor be completely restored to him? Would not such papal Roman power, which has neither measure nor end, trouble great kings, all potentates? Wouldn't the primacy want to rule everywhere? if such a completely suspicious judge wanted to or should take such a well-founded, public honor, divine and good cause, of his own bad will and pleasure, out of our hands. There is truly no one without wit or completely blind who cannot soon realize here what this most important, most necessary religious matter, of which all high disputations are, would have for an outcome and end if such a bitter, harmful, public enemy of all truth were to pass judgment on it.

(11) Therefore, if it may be, and always is possible to obtain it, we want to and we do not want to....

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We are holding such a council in the hope that the necessary things and articles may be reformed and made right, which are erroneous and perverted by the pope; without which reformation the whole Christian religion might finally perish.

  1. As we heartily desire such a free, Christian council, and consider that everyone should seek and ask for it through diligent prayer: We therefore consider that it is proper and proper to our royal office to prevent and avoid with all diligence that such cunning and various frauds of the Roman popes may not be detrimental to any of our subjects, and also to diligently warn and admonish the other Christian princes and potentates, that the pope may not abuse the power of kings, princes and great lords to eradicate the blessed root of the implanted gospel, that he may not deprive the princes of their authority, the kings of their sovereignty and majesty, as he pleases.

We have no doubt that any God-fearing, reverent reader will easily like what he reads in the following book, which we have not only written and sent out on our account, but that all the world may hear of the great infidelity, cunning and deceit of the papists, and also understand how highly we desire and wish that the discord in the matter of religion may come to a good, blessed end. What was said about Mantua at the time when the local council was appointed, may well be written and said about Vicenza now, for everything rhymes with each other. And it is not believable that more suitable persons should come together in Vicenza to speak of the great things of the Christian faith than were in Mantua last year. He who has been deceived twice, and has been deceived out of unfaithfulness, and comes back the third time, is truly mocked and ridiculed. After some first hurried to Mantua, and only found out halfway that nothing would come of it, so that they had to turn back, we take care that they will not soon be so foolish again, once they have gone such a long way in vain, that they will set out again on the journey, or let themselves be laughed at again. So is such speed and all the burdensome occasion of the present time, and of all things, that the religious trade should be harmed, but that it should be done conveniently and easily.

14 For in all the world all sorts of swift dealings with wars, even driving the Turk.

If this is the case, it must be an enemy of religion who would consider this a convenient time to assemble concilia. For, truly, the high, great affairs and matters that we have with and against the pope or bishop at Rome are much, and much more important to be respected than that they can be carried out in these troubled times, or in our absence, even if it were quiet peace, without great difficulty and danger, be ordered to lawyers.

15 We do not really know what the other princes and potentates intend to do. We, for our part, do not know at this time how to leave our kingdom or to be absent, nor do we know our most important matters to anyone, except that we are in our own person to command and to trust; and unless other and more convenient judges are set down, also a more convenient place where our cause may be acted upon. If the other things were there, of which we complain, we do not intend to attend such a council; we do not want to make in any way the judge of these things of ours, who before, many years ago, in an unheard matter, had passed judgment against us. We desire and want that this doctrine, which we lead and confess, be heard according to all necessity and held against the holy Scriptures, as the right touchstone. What has not been discussed and considered we will not allow to be dismissed; we will not allow this matter to be suppressed unheard; we will not allow the truth to be trampled underfoot so publicly, and we will not admit it, suffer it, or tolerate it; and there shall not be one jot or one tittle of Christ's teaching, we will, with God's help, dare to preserve and protect it with our lives and kingdom, and all those who challenge or oppress this blessed teaching we will eternally consider as our enemies. Just as we have eternally eradicated and abolished in our kingdom all the traditions and statutes of the popes of old, which strengthened their tyranny, exalted and increased their splendor and court, so we, by the grace of Christ, will eternally watch and diligently guard that no new traditions be made by our consent, which might bind us or our kingdom. And is it ever true that where there are people who are not willingly blind themselves, there is no doubt that the Spirit of Christ teaches the godly. And even a heathen can judge by common natural reason how the sovereignty and power of the pope is not at all founded nor to be respected.

16 The noble Prince Frederick, Duke of Mantua, has also given a notable example of this;

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and as he then had the good right to deny the pope the place and location for the concilium in Mantua, thus in a way he offered the pope checkmate 1). But if the pope was serious about holding a council in Mantua, and if he has jure äivino, or by God's command, right and authority, power and authority, to summon the princes wherever he pleases, why did he not use his high authority here to choose a place that he wants? The pope chose Mantua, but the duke would not allow him to do so. If Paul the Third has such authority as he claims, why did he not force Duke Frederick to grant the concilium in Mantua? The duke did not want to allow it, and, what is even more, he forbade to admit anyone to Mantua. Where are here the thunderbolts of the pope, and terrible commandments and bulls? Why did he not force the one from Mantua? How is it that plenitudo potestatis and sovereignty fail? Does not the pope summon the kings and princes in vain and in vain, if they will not be admitted to the place where he summoned them?

Would not the kings, princes and potentates also say that they have good reason and right not to come, if the Duke of Mantua refuses the place and location that the pope has chosen? If the other princes and potentates act in the same way with the pope, where will the pope finally find a place for his concilio? Again, if the princes grant the pope this power to assemble the council, they must necessarily also let him choose a place where he cannot use such his power; or shall he thus have power to assemble the council, and yet always be uncertain of the place?

Truly, the pope does not use his own cities much in place of the concilii. The pious man is so faithful and kind to others that he does not use much to host princes in his cities. And if he required us to have one in his cities, how could we be safe under such a great enemy's authority? We would not have much room or time to deal with religion; we would have to take care how to avoid all kinds of secret treacheries; we would not be able to deal much with articles of Christian doctrine; we would have to take care how to be safe of life.

19 Therefore, through this shows his own That,

  1. In the old edition: "Schmachmatt".

The pope says enough that he has no sovereignty, power or authority in places subject to foreign sovereigns; and therefore, if he were to promise a concilium in such places in the future, he promises that which is to be held with other people, and will deceive us again. But if he asks us to come to him, we do not know how to trust the host and his table; we would rather stay hungry than eat at the host's table.

20 But if they say that a place has been found in Venice, they should not look for another one; as if the same thing could not happen in Venice as happened in Mantua; as if it were plausible that the Venetians, being wise, experienced, and highly knowledgeable people, would not spare and take care of the same thing that the duke took care of in Mantua. And if we consider the present situation of the Venetians, we cannot believe that they would entrust their city of Vicenza to so many foreign nations without a united army and a goodly garrison, or that they would provide it with warriors for such a long time at such great expense. And although the Venetians wanted to bear the expenses with provisions and other things, Paul the Third himself confesses that it is an annoyance and a bad example to hold such a concilium that it is similar to a military camp.

  1. Be it as it may, we have requested, and all of you have asked, that you do not complain about reading and considering the letter that we made before the concilio that was to be assembled in Mantua: We have no doubt that you, as honorable and honest people, will easily applaud us against the adversaries' deceit and fraud, and will note here that in this matter we did not give in too much to our own feelings, did not seek anything self-serving, but for very important and urgent, frugal reasons, we suspiciously refused concilium, coercion and resolution.

But that this letter of ours may please everyone and all, we take care not to be too harsh to urge or request; if that which we have not unreasonably indicated here pleases those who understand. If what we have indicated here is not unreasonable, it is enough to please those who understand; evil and dangerous people's slander and false statements do not move us or move us only a little.

(23) And if anyone should think that we have written too harshly against the pope's cunning and deceit, let it be considered that we are hostile to great vices, and that we have not done this out of a bitter and evil spirit.

  1. and so that the pope and his may ver-

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that we may not only fight against them, but against their great vice, we pray, and have exhorted all men to earnest prayer, to call upon God to open their eyes, to soften the great hardening and hardness of their hearts, that in the end they may also all join with us in promoting the praise and glory of the eternal true God, our Lord Jesus Christ, and forget their own vain glory.

We wish God's grace, salvation and all good to the Roman Emperor, to all Christian kings, princes and potentates, and to all people who desire to hear and spread the Gospel of Christ. Date at London in our palace, 6 Iäu8 Aprilis 8 April, of our empire in the 39th year.

1247 D. Mart. Luther's writing "von den Conciliis und Kirchen," in which he shows that the pope is only mocking Christianity with the concilio, which has been scheduled here and there and has been postponed so many times. Completed in the first half of March, published in April 1539.

This writing belongs to the most learned and most carefully elaborated writings of Luther. He worked on it as early as 1538 and, as we learn from a letter from Luther to Melanchthon dated March 14, 1539 (De Wette, Vol. V, p. 172), completed it in the first half of March 1539. On March 16, Spalatin, who was present in Wittenberg, wrote to Wenceslaus Link that the book was already in print and would go out at Easter Mass (in April). On May 7, Justus Jonas was already busy translating this book into Latin. The first edition appeared under the title: "Von den Concilijs vnd Kirchen. D. Mart. Luth. Wittemberg. 1539." At the end: "Gedruckt zu Wittemberg durch Hans Lufft. M.D.XXXIX." 33 sheets in octavo. In the same year, an edition in quarto appeared by the same; also a reprint in Strasbourg by "Crafft müller". In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1554), vol. VII, p. 501; in the Jena (1568), vol. VII, p. 218; in the Altenburg, vol. VII, p. 235; in the Leipzig, vol. XXI, p. 242; in the Erlanger (1st), vol. 25, p. 219 and in the second edition, vol. 25, p. 280. - We have left the headings, which Walch set according to the Wittenberg and Jena editions. - The third part of our writing appeared in a single edition under the title: "Von der Kirchen, Was, wer vnd wo sie sey, vn wo bey man sie erkennen sol. D. Mar. Luther. 1540." No place given, 4 quarto sheets. A writing published under a very similar title is not to be confused with this, a large section from Luther's writing "Wider Hans Wurst," which in the Wittenberg edition (1554), vol. VII, pp. 553 d to 565, has the title: "Von der alten rechten Kirchen, Was, wo und wer sie sey, vnd wo bey man sie erkennen sol." The entire writing is then reprinted in the Wittenberg (1559), vol. XII, pp. 310 ff.

D. Mart. Luther's Preface.

I. I have often laughed myself when I have seen dogs being offered a morsel of bread with a knife, and when they snatched at it, beaten on the snouts with the handle, so that the poor dogs had to suffer not only the damage, but also the pain; and it is a fine laugh. At that time, I did not think that the devil would also laugh at us humans and consider us to be such poor dogs, until I learned it from the most holy father, the pope, both in his bulls, books, and daily practices, since he also practices such a dog's joke with Christianity; but Lord God! how with great harm to souls, and mockery of the divine majesty. Just as he is doing now with the Concilio. All the world has cried out and waited for it, the good emperor and the whole empire have been working for it for twenty years, the pope has always been put off and put off, and the emperor, as a dog, has always been offered a morsel of bread until he sees his time, and then he beats him over the muzzle and mocks him as his fool and juggler.

For he is now writing out the Council for the third time, but first sends his apostles into the countries, and has kings and princes sworn in that they should remain with the Pope's teachings. The bishops and their clergy agree to this, and do not want to give in to anything or allow anything to be reformed. And so the concilium has already been decided before it begins. Namely, that nothing is to be reformed, but everything is to be kept as it has been customary until now. Is this not a fine concilium? It has not yet begun, and has already determined what it should accomplish when it begins. That is to say, it has beaten the Emperor to the punch, yes, it has overtaken the Holy Spirit and is far ahead of him. But I have worried about it and have often written and said that they would not and could not hold a council unless they had first captured the emperor, kings and princes and had them in their hands, so that they might be free to do whatever they wanted, to strengthen their tyranny and to press Christendom with a much heavier burden than ever before.

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  1. In the name of God, if you, lords, emperors, kings, princes, like it that such desperate, damned people trump you on the mouth and beat you on the snouts, then we must let it happen, and think, They have done worse before, when they deposed kings and emperors, cursed them, chased them away, betrayed them, murdered them, and played the devil's will with them, as the histories testify, and still intend to do so. Christ will nevertheless know how to find and preserve his Christianity, even against the infernal gates, even if emperors and kings could not and would not do anything about it. He can more easily get their help, nor can they get his help. How did he have to do before kings and emperors were born? And how would he have to do if there were no emperor or king now, even though the world was full of devils raging against him? He is not unaccustomed to eating sour food, and can cook much more sour food. Woe to those who have to eat it!
  2. But we poor, weak Christians, who must be called heretics by such saints, should be cheerful and of good cheer, praise and thank God, the Father of all mercy, with all joy, that he takes care of us so warmly, and strikes our murderers and bloodhounds with such Egyptian blindness and Jewish madness, that they must reproach them for not giving way to anything bad in any pieces, and want to let Christianity perish before they want to reform the least idolatry (of which they are full and overflowing). They boast of this, and they do it. We should be happy (I say). For in this way they make our cause better than we ever desired, and their cause worse than they may now think. They know and confess that they are wrong in many things, and that the Scriptures and God are against them, and yet they want to go headlong against God, and knowingly defend wrong for right. Let a poor Christian go to the sacrament for such consolation, even without confession, and dare to touch a hundred necks where he would have them if he saw, or even had to grasp, that God reigns here and the devil there.

5 Thus we now have the final decision of the future Concilii on Vincent, and the

The strict judgment of the most recent Conciliar (which is to be considered as good) that all the world should despair of the reformation of the church, and that no interrogation can be permitted, but they want to let Christianity (as they boast) perish, that is, to have the devil himself as God and Lord, before they have Christ, and want to leave a small piece of their idolatry. Not enough of this, but they want to force us poor Christians with the sword, so that we should also knowingly worship the devil with them and blaspheme Christ. Such defiance has never been read or experienced in any history or time. Other tyrants have the poor honor of ignorantly crucifying the Lord of Majesty, such as the Turks, the Gentiles and the Jews; but here are they who, under Christ's name, and as Christians, even the highest Christians, boast and arm themselves, speaking against Christ: We know that Christ's word and deed is against us; nevertheless we will not suffer his word nor yield to it, but he shall yield to us and suffer our idolatry; nevertheless we will be and be called Christians.

Since the pope and his followers refuse to hold a council and do not reform the church, nor do they offer any advice or help, but rather defend his tyranny with iniquity and let the church perish, we can go no further and must, as the pope has so miserably abandoned us, look elsewhere for advice and help, and first seek and ask our Lord Christ for a reformation. For the sake of such desperate tyrants' wickedness, which force us to despair of a concilio and reformation, we must not also despair of Christ, or leave the church without counsel and help, but do what we can, and let them go to the devil as they will.

7 And herewith they testify and shout about their own neck that they are the right antichrists and autocatacrites, who want to condemn themselves and be condemned stubbornly. They thereby exclude themselves from the church and publicly boast that they want to be and remain the worst enemies of the church. For whoever says that he would let the church perish before he would let himself be reformed or give way in some measure, he confesses that he is a man who is not a man.

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He clearly and publicly declares that he not only does not want to be a Christian, nor does he want to be in the church (which he would rather let perish, so that he remains and does not perish with the church), but he also wants to do that the church should perish; as they also terribly prove all this, about such words, and let so many hundred parishes become desolate, and the churches perish without pastors, preaching and sacrament.

  1. in former times the bishops, even every Christian (as well as still) let themselves be tortured, and they perished with thanksgiving and joy for the dear church, and Christ himself perished for his church, so that the same would remain and be preserved. But the pope and his followers now boast that the church should perish for them, so that they may remain in their tyranny, idolatry, evil, and all kinds of wickedness. What do you think of these fellows? They want to stay, the church shall perish. Where do we want to go in or out? But if the church is to perish, Christ must first perish, on whom it is built, as on a rock against the gates of hell. If Christ is to perish, then God Himself must perish first, who laid such a rock and foundation. Who could have imagined that such great power would be with such lords, that the church would have to perish so easily, together with Christ and God Himself? They must be far, far more powerful than the gates of hell and all the devils before whom the church has remained and must remain.

(9) They cry out against themselves that they do not want to be the church, nor in the church, but want to be the worst enemies of the church and help it to perish. They have plagued us so well up to now with the words: church, church! and there has been no end to the screaming and spouting that they should be taken for the church; and they have miserably heresied, cursed and murdered us, so that we do not want to hear them as the church. Now I think we are honestly and powerfully absolved that they no longer want to call us heretics, nor can they, because they no longer want to be called the church, but want to "let the church perish" as enemies, and also help to suppress it. For it

It does not add up that they could be the church at the same time, and yet let the church perish before they would perish, even let a hair's breadth of them perish. That is out, and is called: Ex ore tuo te judico, serve nequam.

(10) If the Day of Judgment were not near, it would not be surprising that heaven and earth would fall over such blasphemy. But because God can suffer such things, the Day must not be far away. Yet they laugh at it all, and do not think that God has blinded them, made them insane, mad and foolish, but must consider it great wisdom and manhood. I would also be safe with them if they were alone in their raving. But the great wrath of God, which is shown in them, frightens me very much, and it would be high time and need that we all meant and prayed with earnestness, as Christ did over Jerusalem Luc. 23, 28., and forbade the women not to weep over him, but over themselves and their children. For they do not believe that the time of their visitation has come, and will not believe it, though they see, hear, smell, taste, touch and feel it.

(11) How should we now continue to attack it, because the pope does not want to give us a proper concilium, nor does he want to suffer some reformation, but wants to let the church perish with his own? And has therefore turned himself out of the church, so that he may remain and not perish in or with the church? He is gone and has given the valete to the church. How should we now (I say) attack or deal with it, because we must be without a pope? For we are the church, or in the church, if the papists want to go to the ground, so that they remain. We would nevertheless gladly remain, and with our Lord Christ and His Father, God of us all, do not want to perish so miserably in the face of the papists' defiance; yet we think that a concilium or reformation is necessary in the church, because we see such gross abuses that, if we were oxen and donkeys, silent as men or Christians, and could not notice them with our eyes or ears, we would have to feel them with our paws and claws and stumble over them. How? if we subordinate church against the abiding lords, without the pope and

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Without their will, they themselves held a concilium and carried out a reformation, which would be very inconvenient for the remaining Junkers, and they would have to suffer the same? But we want to get to the point, because we have now lost the most holy head, the pope, and must advise ourselves, as much as our Lord will give.

That the church cannot be reformed according to the Fathers and the Councils. 1)

(1) Therefore, for some years, many among the papists have labored with the Conciliis and Fathers, until they have finally brought together all the Conciliis in one book: which work did not please me badly, since I had not seen the Conciliis together before. And among them (in my opinion) are some good, pious hearts, who would like to see the church reformed according to the same conciliar or fathers' ways and measures, as they are nevertheless also moved by the fact that the present state of the church in the papacy rhymes quite disgracefully (as is evident) with the conciliar and fathers' ways. But in this case their good opinion is completely in vain. For they undoubtedly intend such an opinion, that the pope with his own would or would have to enter into such a reformation. But this is in vain. For there the pope stands with his permanent masters, and defiantly says, against them as well as against us: they want to let the church perish before they want to give way a little, that is, they want to let Concilia and Fathers perish before they want to give way a little. For where one should follow the Conciliis and Fathers, help God, where do the Pope and the present bishops want to stay? Truly, they would have to become the subordinate church, and not be the abiding lords.

2 I will be silent about the old years, which may be counted as a thousand or fourteen hundred after the birth of Christ. It is not yet more than a hundred years that the holy way of the pope began, that he gave to a priest two fiefs, as cathedrals or parishes, of which the theologians of Paris and their comrades cried out many terrible things.

  1. This superscription is in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

and have murmured. I am not yet sixty years old, nor do I know that in my memory it has come to pass that one bishop has more than one foundation. But the pope has eaten everything, stolen annals and everything, and divided the bishoprics into threes, monasteries and benefices into tens and twenties. How can he spit all this back and let his office be torn apart for the sake of the fathers or concilia? Yes, you say, it is an abuse. Well then, take your old concilia and fathers before you, and reform all this. For it was not so a hundred years ago, or even sixty years ago, when thou wast not born.

What is the use of your reformation according to the Fathers and the Councils? Thou hearest that the pope and bishops will not suffer it. And if they can't stand the state of the church, as it was fifty years ago, when I and you were children: Dear, how do they want or can they stand that we want to reform them with the state of the church, as it was six hundred, thousand, fourteen hundred years ago? Such an undertaking is badly impossible, because the pope sits in the possession and wants to be unreformed. Therefore, both Concilia and Fathers must be in vain in such matters, along with everything we can think or say about them. For the Pope is above Concilia, above fathers, above kings, above God, above angels. Let me see, bring him down, and make the fathers and Concilia masters over him. If you do this, I will happily fall on you and assist you. But as long as this is not done, what is the use of your talking or writing much about conciliis or fathers? There is no one to take care of it. For if the pope does not want to be with us in the reformation, and to be thrown with us among the conciliis and fathers, together with his immortal lords cardinals and bishops, neither is concilium of any use, nor can some reformation be hoped for with him. For he pushes it all to the ground and makes us keep silent.

(4) But if they ask that we, according to the councils and fathers, let ourselves be reformed with them and help the church, even though the pope with his own would not do so nor suffer: I give two answers to this: either they are bitter, poisonous,

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evil, and do not mean it well; or are kind-hearted and mean it right, as much as they can. Let it be said to the first, that they first take themselves by the nose, and pull the beam out of their eye, together with the pope and cardinals, or immediately without the pope and cardinals, 2c. win and hold the concilia and fathers dear. If this happens, then we, following such a holy example, want to be there quickly and become much better than they are. For we are not such desperate people (praise and thanks to God) that we would let the Church perish before we would give way, even in great pieces, if it is not against God, but are ready to perish until there is neither skin nor hair, before any harm or damage should befall the Church, as much as is in our knowledge and ability.

(5) But if they themselves do not respect the fathers and conciliarities, and yet want to force us to do so, that is also too crude, and we would have to say to them: Medice, cura teipsum, and as Christ says Matt. 23:4: "They lay upon men's necks infallible burdens, which they themselves do not want to touch with a finger. This is no good, and we have no small cause to refuse it, especially because they pretend such great holiness of the fathers and conciliarities, which we do not keep, and they themselves keep and show us nothing but in words and out of paper. For we confess and must confess that we are quite poor, weak Christians, and that in many ways.

First, that we have so much to do day and night on the faith, with reading, thinking, writing, teaching, exhorting, comforting, both ourselves and others, that truly neither time nor space is left to us, even to think whether concilia or fathers have ever been, let alone that we should concern ourselves with the high pieces of plates, chasubles, long skirts 2c. and their high holiness. If they have risen so high and become even angelic, if they have faith so abundantly that they must be satisfied by the teusel, if they do not cause error in them, nor frighten stupid consciences: we weak Christians have not yet attained this, nor do we fear that we will not attain it on earth. Therefore they should be merciful to us.

and be merciful, and not condemn that we, according to their holiness, cannot be equal. For if we should go from our work, as we have in matters of faith, and, as the weak, submit to their strong holiness in clothing and food, we would leave our weak holiness, and yet not attain their high strong holiness, and thus sit down between two chairs.

But if they will not be gracious and merciful to us, we must let them be angels, and dance in paradise among the flowers, as they have long since torn the faith in their shoes, and in their heavenly holiness have no challenge from either the flesh or the world; we, however, labor and scrounge in the mud and mire, as they who are almost poor in the faith, and are beginning disciples, cannot be such high doctors and masters in the faith. For if we had as much faith as they seem to have, we would carry and hold plates, cassels, concilia and fathers much easier than they do. But because this is not the case, they carry it easily (for carrying nothing is carrying it very easily), meanwhile boasting that we do not want to carry it.

(8) Likewise, we poor Christians also have to do with the commandments of God, so much so that we cannot wait for other high works that they boast of in them spiritually, conciliatory and paternal. For we do and practice both ourselves and ours with the greatest diligence, that we love God above all things and our neighbor as ourselves; that we be humble and patient, merciful and mild, chaste and sober, not stingy nor envious, and what are the commandments of God more. We would like there to be no greed, avarice, usury, envy, lust, gluttony, adultery or lechery among us, but it is so weak and puny that we can do little of these good works. The great house remains as it is, and grows worse every day. Now you reckon, because we do such necessary works commanded by God so weakly, how can we leave them and give ourselves over to the high, strong, unnecessary works of which they tell us? If we had done these godly, low, contemptible (or as they destroy it) civil works, then, whether God wills it, we would also do

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to do their spiritual, ecclesiastical works from meat eating, from clothes, from days 2c.

(9) But they have done well, because they have indeed obeyed God's commandment, love God above all things, have neither avarice nor usury, neither adulterers nor fornicators, neither drunkards nor drunkards, neither pride nor envy, 2c. but do all such lowly, good, godly works so easily that they go badly to idleness. Therefore it is fair that they, above such our civil works, do stronger and higher works, according to the church or fathers obedience, as they are much too strong to practice such low good works with us, have jumped far beyond and preceded us. But they should nevertheless, according to their high, strong mercy, and according to St. Paul's teaching, have compassion on us weak, poor Christians, and not condemn us or mock us that we go so childishly to learn at the pews, even crawl in the mud, and could not with such light feet and legs leap and dance above and apart from God's commandments, as they do, the strong heroes and giants, who can do greater and higher works, neither being God above all and loving the neighbor as themselves. Which St. Paul calls the fulfillment of the law, Rom. 13, 10, and Christ also, Matth. 5, 19.

(10) But if they will not have compassion on us, ask only for respite and time, until we have done the commandments of God and the lowly works of children, then we will gladly join in their high, spiritual, chivalrous, manly works. For what is the use of forcing a child to walk and work like a strong man? Nothing comes of it, the child cannot do it. So even we poor, weak Christians, who walk in God's commandments and His little good works as children at the pews, sometimes barely crawling on all fours, yes, even slipping on the ground, and Christ has to control us as a mother or maid controls a child, cannot walk and do like their strong, manly walking and doing; and God protect us for that, too. Therefore, let us spare ourselves from ecclesiastical and conciliar holiness (as they say) until we have nothing more to do in God's commandments and divine works.

and do not suffer such reformation as we cannot either. This much is to be answered this time to the first who in bad opinion desire such reformation in us.

(11) To the others who think it right and good, as those who hope, though in vain, that perhaps such a fine reformation, of their liking, could still come from the Fathers and Conciliis, whether the pope would not or would hinder it, I will again answer in good opinion: that I consider it an impossible undertaking, and truly do not know how it is to be attacked. For I have also read the fathers, even before I sat down so stiffly against the pope; I have also read them with better diligence, neither those who now defy and pride themselves against me through them. For I know that no one has tried to read a book of the Holy Scriptures in the schools and to use the Fathers' Scriptures for this purpose, as I have done. And let them take another book before them out of the holy scriptures, and seek the glosses of the fathers, and it shall be unto them as it was unto me, when I took the Epistle ad Ebraeos with St. Chrysostom's glosses, and Titum, Galatas with the help of St. Hieronymi, Genesin with the help of St. Ambrosii and Augustini, the Psalter with all the scribes that can be had, and so on. I have read more than they think, I have also gone through all the books, so that they are too presumptuous, who think that I have not read the Fathers; and they want to make me believe that this is a delicious thing, which I had to hold in low esteem 20 years ago, when I was supposed to read the Scriptures.

12 St. Bernard boasts that he learned his understanding from the trees, as oaks and firs, which were his doctors, that is, he practiced and received his thoughts from the Scriptures under the trees; he also says that he holds the holy fathers in high esteem, but does not respect everything they have said; he puts such a cause and equation: he would rather drink from the spring itself than from the booklet. As all men do, when they drink of the fountain, they forget the little book, because they need the little book to come to the fountain. So Scripture must remain master and judge; or if we follow the little book too closely, it will lead us too far from the spring, and we will lose both,

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The result is a new, more powerful, and more beautiful form of life, which will be lost in the salted sea, just as it was under the papacy.

But enough of that. We want to show the reasons why such a presumption is an impossible thing. First of all, it is obvious how the Concilion are not only unequal, but also opposed to each other; likewise the Fathers. If we should now want to bring them together, there would be much greater quarreling and disputation than there is now, from which we could never come. For since they (in such) are quite unequal and often against each other, we would first have to work out how to pick out the best and leave the other. Then things would be settled; one would say: If you want to keep them, keep them at all, or keep nothing. The other would say, "Yes, you pick out what you like and leave what you don't like. Who wants to be a shepherd here?

14 See the decree in which Gratianus had just such nobility that the book is also called Concordantia discordantia- rum, that is, he wanted to compare the fathers' and conciliates' disparate sayings, to tolerate the repugnant ones, and to pick out the best, and he got off like a crab; he often left out the best and kept the worst, and yet neither compared nor tolerated. As the lawyers themselves say, it stinks of honor and avarice, and a canonist is a pure ass. How much more should it be for us, then, if it came to this, that we wanted to harmonize all the fathers' and concilia's sayings or ways? Effort and work would be lost and made worse. And I do not want to enter into such disputation, for I know that there would be no end to it, and in the end we would have to keep a vain, uncertain thing, with damage to the futile, lost work and time. They are too yellow around the beak, the young paper clickers, and even too untried, that they think what they read and imagine, that must be so, and all the world adore, if they still do not know the ABC neither in the Scriptures, nor in the Conciliis and Fathers have tried; scream and spit therefore, do not know what they say or write.

15 I will be silent of the Gratiani. Sanct

Augustine writes lamentably ad Januarium that in his time the church was ready, that is, three hundred years after the birth of Christ (for he died in 1539, eleven hundred and two years later), and that it had been so well weighed down with the bishops' essays from time to time, that the Jews' nature had also become more unbearable and lazy. And puts clearly and dryly these words: Innumerabilibus servilibus oneribus premunt Ecclesiam, that is, with innumerable burdens they press the church; if the Jews are weighed down by God alone, not by men 2c. He also says there that Christ has burdened his church with few and light ceremonies, namely baptism and sacrament, and indicates none more than these two, as everyone can read. The books are there, so that no one can blame me for inventing such things.

16 But he also puts a feminine tear into it, and says in the same place: Hoc genus habet liberas observationes, that is, no one is obliged to keep all these things, but may leave them without sin. If St. Augustine is not a heretic here, I will never be a heretic, who throws so many bishops, so many churches, into the fire in one heap, and points to baptism and sacrament alone. Eighth, that Christ did not want to burden the church with any more burdens, if it is to be called burdens in another way, which is nevertheless vain comfort and grace, as he says: "My burden is light, and my load is pleasant" Matth. 11, 30., that is, my burden is peace, and my load is pleasure.

17 However, the fine reasonable man does this honor to the great (or as it is called) universal or main conciliarities, separates them from the other and all bishops' essays, and says that they should be held in high esteem, and writes in the same place that one should keep such great main conciliarities in order, as it is very important, and that I need his words, saluberrima autori- tis, that is, it is very useful that one respects them splendidly. But he has never seen any of the same great conciliums, nor gained any in them, would perhaps have written differently or more about them. For there are no more neither four great Hanptconcilia in all books almost famous and known, so that the Roman-

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The bishops compare them to the four Gospels, as they cry out in their decrees. The first is Nicenum, held at Nicea in Asia, in the fifteenth year of the great Constantine, almost 35 years before Augustine's birth. The other at Constantinople, in the third year of Gratiani the Emperor, and Theodosii the First, who reigned with each other. At that time, St. Augustine was still a pagan and not a Christian, a man of about 26 years, so he could not have taken care of all these things. He did not experience the third at Ephesus, much less the fourth at Chalcedon. All this can be found in the history and account of the years; that is certain.

18 I must say this for the sake of St. Augustine's word that the great principal conciliarities should be held in high esteem, as it is very important for his opinion to be understood, namely, that he alone spoke of the two conciliarities at Nicea and Constantinople, which he had not seen but learned from writings, and at that time no bishop was above the others. For the bishops, Roman or otherwise, could never have brought about such conciliarities if the emperors had not brought them together. Just as the particularia or small concilia show, so without the emperor's profession now and then in countries the bishops themselves have held among themselves. That I respect it, after my foolishness, the great concilia, or universalia, have such a name from the fact that the bishops are called together from all countries by the monarch, the great head or universal.

19 For the history will have to testify to me, and all papists should become mad, that the bishop of Rome, Sylvester, if the emperor Constantinus had not done it, the first Concilium at Nicea would have had to remain unconvened for his sake. And what did the wretched bishop of Rome want to do, since the bishops in Asia and Graecia were not subject to him? And if he had been able to do it without the Emperor Constantine's power, he would not have taken it to Nicea in Asia, so far across the sea, since no one gave in to his power (as he well knew and had experienced), but would have placed it in the Welschland to Rome, or close to it, and forced the Emperor to come there. Just so

I also say about the other three great concilia (as mentioned above): if the emperors Gratianus, Theodosius and the other Theodosius and Martianus had not assembled the same three great concilia, they would never have been held in Rome and all the bishops for the sake of the bishop. For the bishops in other lands gave as much to the Roman bishop as the bishop of Mainz, Trier, Cologne, one to the other, for the sake of supremacy, and much less.

(20) But it is seen in the histories that the Roman bishops also before always pestered, sicked, coughed and crowned for the rule over all bishops, but could not bring it about before the monarchs. For they wrote many letters, now in Africa, now in Asia, and so on, even before the Niceno Concilio, that nothing should be ordered publicly without the Roman See. But at that time no one complied, and the bishops at that time in Africa, Asia, Egypto, as if they did not hear it; although they give him fine good words, and humble themselves, yet they conceded nothing. You will find this if you read the histories and compare them diligently. But you must not turn to it and its hypocrites' cries, but keep the text and history in the face or mirror.

Since the word Concilium was highly exalted among Christians all over the world, also by the above-mentioned St. Augustine's Scripture, and since such fine monarchs or emperors were there, the Roman bishops always sought how they could bring the name Concilii to themselves, so that all Christendom would have to believe what they said and secretly become monarchs themselves under such a fine name (what does it matter, I am hitting the truth and their own conscience here, where they could have a conscience!) And so it has happened, they have experienced it and heard it, that they have now become Constantinus, Gratianus, Theodosius, Martianus, and much more than the same four monarchs, together with their four great main concilia. For Pabst's Concilia are now called: Sic volo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas. But not in all the world, nor in all Christendom, but in that part of the Roman Empire which Carolus Magnus had; through him they have almost much

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until, possessed by all the devils, they have shamefully killed and trampled underfoot several emperors and betrayed them in many ways, as they still do wherever they can.

Of the Fathers' Scripture Authority. 1)

But this time, let that be enough, what Saint Augustine writes about the Conciliar. We also want to show what he thinks of the fathers. So he says of them in the letter to St. Hieronymum, which also Gratianus ciist. 9: I have learned that I alone do not hold the holy Scriptures to be erroneous; I read all the others as being as holy and learned as they can be, so I do not consider it right that they have taught thus, when they do not prove to me by Scripture or reason that it must be so. Item, in the same place in the decree there is also St. Augustine's saying from the preface librorum de Trinitate: Dear one, do not follow my writings like the holy Scriptures, but what you find in the holy Scriptures that you did not believe before, believe without a doubt; but in my writings you shall not have anything for certain that you had uncertain before, unless it is proved to you by me that it is certain.

23 He writes many more of these sayings in other places, as he says: "As I read other people's books, so I will also have read mine 2c. I will leave the other sayings for now; the papists know well that such things are written in Augustine from time to time, and several of them are included in the decree. Still they do against their conscience that they pass over such sayings or suppress them; put the. The Fathers, Concilia, and even the bishops of Rome, who were generally very unlearned people, are above all this. St. Augustine must have sensed many shortcomings in the fathers who preceded him, because he wanted to be uncaptured, but to have subjected them all, including himself, to the Holy Scriptures. What would have been necessary for him to oppose his ancestors in this way, so that he also says: they are as holy and learned as they can be? He could have

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

say: yes, everything they write, I hold the same as the holy scriptures, because they are so holy and learned. But he says: No; as he also says in another letter to St. Jerome, who was very angry that St. Augustine did not let him like the commentary on the Galatians in one piece: Dear brother (as he has been a fine friendly man), I do not hope that you would have kept your books like the apostles' and prophets' books 2c.

(24) If only a pious, fine man would not ascribe such letters to me and ask me not to respect my books like the books of the apostles and prophets, as St. Augustine ascribes to St. Jerome, I would be ashamed to death. But that is how we act now, that St. Augustine has well noticed how the fathers have also been men at times, and that Cap. Rom. 7, 18. ff; therefore he does not want to trust his ancestors, holy, learned fathers, nor himself, much less the descendants, who should become less, but wants to have the Scriptures as master and judge. Just as it is said above about St. Bernard that the oaks and firs have been his masters, he would rather drink from the spring than from the booklet. He would not have said this if he had considered the fathers' books equal to the Holy Scriptures and had found no deficiency in them, but would have said thus: It is the same whether I drink from the Scriptures or from the Fathers. He does not do this, but lets the little books flow and drinks from the source.

25 What shall we do now? If we are to restore the church to the doctrine or manner of the Fathers and the Councils, St. Augustine stands here and misleads us, making us find no end to our opinion, because he does not want to be bad neither to the Fathers, Bishops, Councils, be they how holy and learned they may be, nor to have trusted in him himself, but directs us to the Scriptures; if not, he says, it is all uncertain, lost and in vain. But if we exclude St. Augustine, it is contrary to our intention, namely, that we want to have a church according to the teaching of the fathers. For where St. Augustine was chosen from the number of the fathers-

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The others are not of much value, nor will it be said or suffered that St. Augustine should not be considered one of the best fathers, since he is regarded as the highest in all of Christendom, and has kept both schools and churches at their best, as is the case today. And yet you force us to such endless toil and labor that we should hold conciliarities and fathers against the Scriptures beforehand, and judge according to the same? Before that happens, we are all dead, and the last day comes long before.

Of the first Concilii, namely the Apostles, statute. 1)

(26) Let us put aside St. Augustine, St. Bernard, and others like them, and consider the Conciliarities and Fathers ourselves, and see if we can live our lives according to them. But we want to take the very best ones before us, so that we do not make it too long, especially the first two main concilia that St. Augustine praises, namely, the one at Nicea and Constantinople, even though he did not see them, as is said above. Yes, so that we can play our games with the utmost certainty and not miss or worry, let us take the very first council of the apostles, held at Jerusalem, of which St. Lucas writes in Acts 15:28 and 16:4. There it is written that the apostles boast that the Holy Spirit ordered such things through them: Visum est Spiritui sancto et nobis etc., "It pleases the Holy Spirit and us to lay no more burden upon you than these necessary things, that ye abstain from things sacrificed to idols, from blood, from things strangled, and from fornication; from which, if ye abstain, ye do well."

(27) Then we hear that the Holy Spirit (as the Conciliar preachers boast) commands us not to eat things sacrificed to idols, nor blood, nor things strangled. Now if we want to have a church according to this Concilio (as it is the highest and first, also held by the apostles themselves), we must now teach and enforce that no prince, lord, citizen or peasant shall henceforth eat geese, deer, stags, pork in the

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

Eat blacks, also have to avoid the fish gala speeches of Karpen. Because there comes to blood, or, as the cooks call it, color. And especially the citizens and farmers must not eat red sausage or black pudding. For this is not only thin blood, but also delivered and cooked, a very coarse blood. Similarly, we must not eat hares or birds. For they are all suffocated (as the hunter's law deals with them), if they were not boiled in blood or black, but roasted alone.

(28) If we are to abstain from blood after this Council, we shall let the Jews be masters in our church and kitchens. For they have a particularly large book of blood-smoking, over which no one could jump with a stick, and they search for blood so carefully that they do not eat meat with any Gentile or Christian, even if it is not smothered, but slaughtered in the purest way (like oxen and calves), and washed and watered with blood, they would much rather die. Help God, what afflicted Christians we should become over the Concilio, even with the two pieces alone, eating blood and choking! Well then, look at whoever is willing and able, and bring Christianity to the obedience of this Concilii, then I will almost gladly follow. If not, then I will be overpowered by the shouting: Concilia, Concilia! you do not keep Concilia nor fathers. Or again I will cry out: You yourself hold no Concilia nor Fathers, because you despise this highest Concilium and the highest Fathers, the Apostles themselves. What do you mean that I should or must keep concilia and fathers, which you yourself will not touch with a finger? Then I would say, as I told the Sabbath keepers to keep their law of Moses before, so will we keep it. But since they cannot keep it, nor can they keep it, it is ridiculous that they should presume to keep it.

29 You say that such a council is not possible now, because the contradiction is too far torn. This does not help, because we have undertaken to be guided by the concilia, and it is said here that the Holy Spirit has ordered it. Against the Holy Spirit, no tearing down far nor deep is valid, and no conscience is safe with such an evasion. If we want to conci-

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If they are not, we may not hold any of the other concilia either, and are thus rid of all concilia. For in this Concilio there are not bad bishops or fathers, as in others, but the apostles themselves, as certain of the Holy Spirit, and supreme fathers. Nor is it so impossible that we should avoid blood and suffocation. How would we have to do if we had to eat only grain, cabbage, turnips, apples, and all other fruits of the earth and trees, as our ancestors did before the flood, when it was not yet permitted to eat meat? We would not die of hunger if we did not eat meat or fish. How many people still have to live today, who rarely eat fish or meat in the year 1) and yet do not die in the year? So the impossibility of strengthening our conscience against the Holy Spirit does not help us, because we could well bring it again, without harm to body and soul, so that we not only lived without blood and suffocation, as Moses teaches, but also fed ourselves without fish and meat, as before the flood of sin. I am also very surprised that the devil has not brought to light these beautiful thoughts of avoiding the flesh 2) among so many of the spirits of the mob at this time, which have such excellent examples or scriptures for themselves.

30 Let us say that all this is not only impossible, but also has fallen from itself, and has come into disuse or disuse, as I am accustomed to call the canons, which no longer have any use 3) mortuos; this will not hold the sting either. I am well aware that the pope and his followers seek such a remedy from this, and that the church has had the power to change such a concilium of the apostles, in which they lie. For they can produce no testimony of the church, which has done or commanded such a change. So also it does not belong to the church to change the order of the Holy Spirit, nor does it ever do so.

  1. The words: "in the year" and following: "and yet therefore the year does not die?" are missing in the first edition, but are in the second and in the Wittenberg and in the Jena.
  2. "to avoid from the flesh". See the previous note.
  3. Thus the Jenaer. In the other editions: "Bruch.

But they do not see, the blind leaders, how they tie a rod on their own skin with such speeches. For if we allow that men have power to change the order and commandment of the Holy Spirit, then we will quickly trample the pope underfoot with all his letters and bulls, and say: "If the apostle's first decree is not valid, since we are sure that the Holy Spirit has made it, as they boast: Visum est, how much less should the Pope's authority and decrees be valid, since we are nowhere so certain that the Holy Spirit is with them as with the apostles. For we must nevertheless allow the apostles to be something; and even if they were not above the popes (as the heretic D. Luther holds), they must nevertheless be allowed to sit next to the popes. And to be sure, the popes have often been obvious, desperate knaves, and still, 4) even one has rejected the other's decree for and for, yet the Holy Spirit cannot be so against himself, and the apostles have not been such popes or knaves. Therefore, one must speak differently about this, such lazy jokes will not do, because one would want to say that the church is built on a reed, which the wind weaves back and forth, after which the priest or man would be in trouble. For the church must not float on a reed, but lie on a rock, and certainly be founded. Matth. 7, 26. and Cap. 16, 18.

But as we began to say, it fell from him, without the change of the church, therefore it must no longer be kept. Yes, dear friend, the jurist says. If a right is not to be kept, or if it is to become wrong because it is not kept or has fallen: let us be of good cheer, let us not keep any more law. Let a harlot say that she is right, because the sixth commandment has fallen among adulterers and adulteresses and is no longer in use. Yes, we children of Adam, together with the devils, want to hold a concilium against God and conclude: Do you hear, God, with us men and devils all your commandments have fallen and are no longer in use; therefore we should no longer keep them, but must go against them; you should let that be right, and not condemn us, because there is no

  1. "and still" is missing in the first edition.

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Sin is where justice has fallen. So may robbers and murderers also make themselves blessed and say: We are no longer obliged to be obedient to you princes and lords, but do justly that we fight against you and rob you, because your right has fallen with us 2c.

  1. Now consider this, how shall we do? It does not help that such an apostolic concilium has fallen (which is the truth), or has been changed by the church (which is a lie), what harm is it to scratch out the word "Holy Spirit", and let the apostles have done it alone, without the Holy Spirit, so we might help things? Is that ridiculous? Think better of it. For if the Holy Spirit is not scratched out of the Concilium, then one of the two must happen, either that both we and the papists think and hold such Concilium; or, if it is to be free and not held, that we poor heretics are left satisfied with the cry: Concilia, Concilia, Concilia! For where this Concilium is not to be kept, there is none to be kept for the others, as has been said. Otherwise they shall hear this cry again: Medice, cura teipsum, house, take thyself by the nose; let them keep it first, they that cry so, we will gladly tread after. If not, it is found that they do not shout and spout this word: Concilia, Concilia, with earnestness, but trumpet it at people's mouths, scare the poor consciences treacherously and wickedly, and only want to corrupt the simple souls.

34 I show all this about this council because it is the first and highest thing that we think about things before we let the church live or govern according to the councils. For if this Concilium gives us so much confusion, what would it become if we were to do the same? It is true, and I confess it, that the word Concilium is soon named, and this sermon, that one should keep the Concilia, is easily done. But how one should stand to it, that it should be set up again, where now? where there, dear friend? The pope is well wise with his own, soon gets away from it, and says: he is above all concilia, and may hold what he wants, and allow others to hold as far as he wants. Yes, if one can advise the matter in this way, then let us use the word concilium and the sermon "one should

Concilia hold" silent, and for that shout: Pabst, Pabst! and: One should keep the Pabst's teaching! So we all soon get away from it, and become fine Christians as they are. For what is the Concilium good for, if we cannot or will not keep it, but only praise the name or letter?

35 Or, which seems to me to be even better (because we are now talking so much, and also have to joke a little on this Shrovetide), if it is only about the letters, "Concilium", without the fact and consequence that we made the chair writers pope, cardinals, bishops and preachers; because they could write such letters finely. They could write such letters finely, large, small, black, red, green, yellow, and however one wanted it. Then the church would be finely governed according to the conciliis, and it would not be necessary to keep what is ordered in the conciliis, but the church would have enough of such letters: Concilium, Concilium. But if we do not like the chair writers, let us take painters, carvers and printers, who paint, carve and print us beautiful Concilia, then the church is deliciously governed. And let us make the painters, carvers, printers also popes, cardinals and bishops! What else may one ask, how to hold the Concilii Decree? There is enough of letters and images.

  1. About this, let us think: How? if all men were blind, and could not see such concilia, written, painted, carved, printed? How then would the church be governed by the concilia? Is it my advice to take the choir students in Halberstadt and Magdeburg, when they sing the Quicunque, and let them shout for it: Concilium, Concilium! that the church and the vaults shake, they could be heard even far across the Elbe, if we were all blind. Then the church would be well governed, and vain popes, cardinals and bishops would be made out of such choir students, as they could easily govern the church, which otherwise became impossible for the most holy fathers at Rome. But I will soon say more about this Concilio, it is too much for me; I must not forget the Concilium of Nicea, which is the best and first universal after the Apostles' Concilium.

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From statutes of the other Conecilii, to Nicea. 1)

37 The same Council, among other things, decrees that Christians who have fallen should be accepted again for repentance for seven years. 2c. However, if they die, they are to be released and not denied the sacrament. Which, however, the Conciliators do not keep now, but do against it, and relegate the dying Christians to Purgatory with the rest of the penance. For where the pope should keep this piece, devil! what a poor beggar he should become with all the monasteries, if such mines, finds and trade, namely purgatory, masses, pilgrimages, foundations, brotherhoods, indulgences, bulls 2c. would have to go to ruin? Of which pieces of the same time fathers knew nothing, also never dreamed. 2) May the devil protect the pope together with all cardinals, bishops, monks and nuns, so that the church is not governed according to this concilio. Where did they want to stay? But because this piece affects me alone, who has hitherto done this against the pope, and thinks very well how they might turn and interpret the word of the Conciliar against me, I will now let it go, and must now do what concerns us both in common, to the praise and honor of the Conciliar clergy.

38 The same council decrees that those who leave war for the sake of religion and then return to war shall be admitted to the sacrament for five years among the catechumens, and then for two years. I now take the word "religion" to mean the common Christian faith; more of this hereafter. I also do not want to dispute now, lest I get off the road and have my course hindered by such incidental questions as whether the Concilium forbade war, or had power and right to forbid or condemn such (where the warriors otherwise do not deny the faith, of which the previous piece speaks).

39 But this is our business, whether such article is also held until then, or still to be held for and for, by right that

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.
  2. This sentence is missing in the first edition.

no man of war can be blessed or a Christian? For that the same article has fallen and is impossible to restore, much less the apostle's decree on blood sausage, black pudding, and the like, as said above, the pope himself will have to testify with all his own. Thus, the Concilium does not speak of murderers, robbers, enemies, but of militia, that is, of ordinary wars, where a prince, king or emperor lies freely in the field with his ensign, since God Himself has commanded that one should be subject and obedient to them, Rom. 13:1 ff, even if they were pagans, provided they do not force us to war against God, as St. Moritz and many others have done.

40 Let us now govern the churches according to this council. First, put the sword to the Emperor, then command all the world to keep the peace, and no one to make or suffer war. For war is forbidden with seven years of penance in the Nicea Conciliar. What more do we want, the church is now ruled, no warriors are allowed, the devil is dead, and all the years, since the time of this Council, have been golden years, even eternal life in the highest peace, where otherwise the Council's statute is right and must be kept.

But here we must have excellent, good painters who can paint such churches for us, so that we would like to see them. Or if we were blind, we would have to have much larger screamers than the choir students in Halberstadt, so that we could still hear them. The chair scribes could perhaps also write the letters "Concilium", as they have more color, and could make better letters, neither we poor Christians. But because the work is no longer there, we cannot be saved by letters, images and cries. We must speak of things differently, and leave the letters, images and shouting to the papists. It is our duty to live according to the Concilium, and not to praise the letters "Concilium" alone, because we want to be Christians.

  1. If you say that the Concilium is to be understood by such Christians, who of themselves run after war for the sake of money, they should be condemned so highly, otherwise it would be

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a mockery that a concilium should so highly condemn ordinary war or worldly obedience. In the name of God, I will gladly be an incomprehensible fool and ass, who of course also holds the Concilia high. Interpret it as best you can, I am well pleased. But tell me this, whether you were present in the Concilio at Nicea, where such an article was placed, that you can so confidently claim such an interpretation? If not, where else did you read it? For the article says arid militia, of wars, does not say of unjust wars, which without necessity would have been condemned by Concilia, because they are also highly condemned by all pagans according to reason, who are not Christians nor Concilia.

(43) If a king or prince has to fight and defend himself by right war, he has to take what he can have. But if such warriors are to be condemned, where will emperors, kings and princes stand now that there are no other warriors but warriors? Tell me, shall the lords fight in their own person, or weave straw men against the enemies? and ask the council of the Concilium, if it is to be done. Yes, my dear, it is easy to say that Concilium has commanded this, if one looks at the letters as a cow looks at a gate, and does not think what belongs to it, and how one must keep it, and do it accordingly. And why did the popes and bishops themselves not keep it afterwards? who have caused so much war and bloodshed all over the world, and are still doing it without stopping, and are still crying out: Concilia, Concilia! Fathers, fathers! but that they may freely do against it, and pick out what they have done from us.

(44) Luther, you should almost make the Nicea Concilium suspicious with this manner, as if it had been seditious! For if we now taught that the emperor and the men of war (who had right things) were condemned, we would be considered rebellious, according to our own writings. I am now (I say) and must be well conciliar, afterwards I will say further of it and explain myself. Now I say, as above, the Concilium cannot speak otherwise than of proper warfare, which at that time is in use by the Roman Empire.

But there the footmen or foot soldiers, at that time called milites, were established citizens, who had their annual pay forever, so that where the father died or became too old, the son had to be a warrior in his father's place, and was forced to do so, as the Turk now also still holds in custom. I have been told that the king of France does almost the same in Switzerland, and also gives the children pay. If it is true, let it not be a lie.

45 So also the Reuters were eternal and hereditary warriors, and keeping their pay, were called

Nowadays, such knights are almost our noblemen, who have to be equipped with horse and armor, from which they have their feudal estates. So that the Roman Empire has always had a certain number of both foot soldiers and cavalry, paid for eternally 2c. I say this in order to understand the Concilium correctly, namely, that it cannot be understood in any other way than of ordinary wars, because it must speak of Roman soldiers, in whom, according to the teachings of St. Paul, many Christians had to be obedient, as St. Moritz with his companions, also Jovinianus, Gratianus, Valentinianus, Theodosius 2c. before they became emperors. But if it was right before baptism to serve the pagan emperors in war, why should it be wrong afterwards to serve Christian emperors after baptism?

46 If ReIigio in this place were not called the Christian faith, but monasticism? Then I would be imprisoned, and would have to crawl back into my cap even after this concilio, wherever I wanted to do otherwise; and I would not know how to find St. Peter in heaven, because he had been a fisherman before, and after the apostleship he again needed a fisherman's office, which he had left for the sake of Christ.

47 It is now called monasticism, but at that time there were no orders, nor such monasteries or monks, although it soon and quickly came to an end. St. Anthony and his followers existed around the same time, whom they call the father and the beginning of all monks. But at that time monk was called, which we call now Klausner or Einsiedel, as also the Greek word Monachus is.

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Solitarius, that is, a solitary, who dwells alone from the people, and lives in a wood or wilderness, or otherwise alone. I do not know of any such monks now, nor has there been one in a thousand years; one wants to call the poor prisoners in towers and dungeons monks, who are unfortunately real monks, because they sit alone among the people. The monks of the papacy are more among the people, and less alone, neither are all the people. For what state or office in the world is more with and among the people, and less of the people, neither such monks? Unless the monasteries, which are in cities and in the countryside, should not be called built among or with the people.

48 But the Grammatica go on, want to talk about the matter. If here ReIigio means monasticism, which existed at the same time, then why does this Concilium condemn militia, that is, obedience to worldly authority, that monks should not be saved in such obedience? But this would still have to be suffered, so that monasticism would be praised. But that the ordinary militia, on the other hand, is condemned, as if St. Anthony could not serve the emperor in war with a good conscience, that is too much. For where would the emperor take people if they all wanted to become monks and pretend that they are not allowed to serve in war? Dear, tell me, how far is such a doctrine from rebellion, especially if we teach like this? We know that God does not command the same kind of monasticism, but obedience. If the monks wanted to flee from the people, they should flee honestly and truthfully, not leave a stink behind them; that is, they should not make other estates and offices stink with their fleeing, as if they were vain damned things, and their self-chosen monasticism should be vain balm. For so it is, when one flees and becomes a monk, as if he said: Fie on you, how people stink, how damned is their status; I will be blessed, and let them go to the devil. If Christ had also fled and become such a holy monk, who would have died for us or done enough for us poor sinners? Perhaps the monks with their fleeting austere life?

  1. it is true. St. John the Baptist

was also in the wilderness, but not among the people; but after that he came again among the people, having reached the age of a man, and preached. Christ (like Moses on Mount Sinai) was forty days without people in the wilderness among the animals, and neither ate nor drank; he also came again among the people. Well then, let us take them for hermits and monks; yet they both do not condemn the rank of paid warriors, though they are not such warriors, but John says to them Luc. 3, 14: "Be content with your pay, and do neither violence nor injustice to anyone else. Christ went to the centurion of Capernaum to help his servant, who undoubtedly also served in the army Matth. 8, 10. Christ did not call him to leave such a position, but praised his faith over all Israel. And St. Peter let Cornelium remain captain in Caesarea after his baptism, together with his servants, who were under the command of the Romans. How much more should St. Anthony with his monks not have challenged such order of God with his new and own holiness, because he was a bad layman, completely unlearned, in no preaching office or church office. I do believe that he was great with God, and many more of his disciples, but his presumptuousness is annoying and dangerous, in which he is preserved, as the elect are preserved in sins and other misfortunes. But the example of his nature is not to be praised, but the example and teaching of Christ and John.

50 Now, if ReIigio is called Christian faith or monasticism, it follows from this concilio that militia, which was obedience at the time of the secular order, is to be considered disobedience to God, or a stinking obedience to human chosen monasticism. But St. Martin's legend says that ReIigio was called Christian faith. For wanting to become a Christian, he surrendered his hereditary militia, in which his father had been, and now too old, had his son Martin enrolled in his place, as the Roman Empire's commandment and way forced, and was interpreted to him such evil, as if he had been timid before the enemies, therefore he would flee and become a Christian, as one can read in his legend.

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that it nevertheless seems as if at that time the delusion had already arisen among the people (not without the preaching of some bishops) that militia was a dangerous, damned state to hold, and must flee from it, who wants to serve God. For St. Martin was not long after the Concilio Niceno, when he was a man of war under Juliano.

(51) If we wish to keep or restore the council, we must flee into the wilderness after St. Anthony, make monks of emperors and kings, and say that they cannot be Christians nor blessed; or preach that they live in dangerous and stinking obedience, and do not serve God. But if we do not keep this concilium, we must keep none at all. For one is as good as the other, because the same Holy Spirit governs them all alike, and I do not want the concilium painted, nor in letters, but in deed and consequence. It seems to me, however, that the dear holy fathers did not set such an article, as they would certainly have spared the Emperor Constantine, who had delivered them from the tyrants, not with St. Anthony's monasticism, but with war and sword. It seems as if the other loose bishops have clicked it in, or afterwards patched it under.

Item, that same Concilium states that the Roman bishop should, according to ancient custom, have the suburbicarian churches ordered to him, as the bishop of Alexandria had the churches in Egypt. I do not want to and cannot interpret what suburbicariae mean, because it is not my word, but that it reads, the churches, which until then were located in the foreign country around the Roman churches, like the churches in Egypt around the churches in Alexandria. However, I understand that this Concilium does not give the bishop of Rome dominion over his surrounding churches, but commands him to see to it, and does the same, not as if it had to be jure divino, but out of old custom. But custom is not called Scriptura sancta, or God's word. About that it takes the churches in Egypto (as well as from old custom) from the bishop to Rome, and, commands them to the bishop to Alexandria.

Likewise, the churches in Syria are thought to have been commanded to the bishop of Antioch or Jerusalem, and not to the bishop of Rome, as they are farther from Rome, neither Alexandria nor Egypt.

(53) If this concilium is to be valid in our churches and come into force, we must first condemn the bishop of Rome as a tyrant and burn all his bulls and decrees with fire. For there is neither a bull nor a decree in which he does not boast with great roar and dread that he is the supreme head and lord of all churches on earth, to whom everything that is on earth must be subject if it wants to be saved. Which is nothing else but this: The Concilium Nicenum is false, cursed and damned, that it takes away such glory above all, and puts the bishop of Alexandria on a par with me. But the Turk and the Sultan have long since interpreted and taught such an article of the Concilii by destroying Alexandria in such a way that neither the pope nor we should not worry about it; so that we learn that the articles of the Concilium are not all to be kept eternally the same as the articles of faith.

  1. item, this Concilium decrees that those who lust after themselves, against the great unpleasant heat of their flesh, shall not be admitted to clerics or church office. Again, it decrees that bishops shall not have a wife around them, or live with them, unless it be a mother, sister, wasen (that is, father's or mother's sisters), or such close friend. Here I do not understand the Holy Spirit at all in the Concilio. If those are not fit for church office who get horny because of unpleasant heat, and again, if those are also not fit who take or have wives against such heat, according to St. Paul's Council, 1 Cor. 7, 2, what will that become? Shall a bishop or preacher then remain stuck in the unpleasant rut, and neither by marriage nor by dehydration be able to save himself from such a dangerous nature? For what much may one command a man who has a wife, that he should have no other wives with him? Which is not proper for laymen and husbands? So it would be appropriate with the mother, sisters, and wives themselves, where the bishop has a household.

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The Holy Spirit has nothing else to do in the conciliarities. Or has the Holy Spirit nothing else to do in the churches, but to entangle and burden his servants with impossible, dangerous, unnecessary laws?

55 The histories say that St. Paphnutius, the excellent man, in this council, had warned the bishops that they should forbid marriage, including those who had taken wives before ordination, and wanted to forbid them the obligation of marriage with their own wives. But he advised them not to do so, saying that it would also be chastity if a man were to require his wives to marry him. It is written that he received it. But these two decrees say that the bishops continued and forbade the wives badly. For there were also many unskilful, false bishops among the pious crowd and holy Concilio, such as the Arians with their mob (as the histories clearly show), who may also have done something to it; of which more hereafter. We want to stop a little from the conciliarities and also look at the fathers; although St. Augustine misleads us, because he does not want to believe anyone (as said above), but has caught and forced all under the Scriptures, so we also want to look at them.

Whether the church may be reformed according to the Scriptures. 1)

St. Cyprian, one of the oldest fathers, who was in Nicea long before the Council, at the time of the martyrs, and who was himself an excellent martyr, taught and also firmly maintained that the baptized should be baptized again by the heretics; he remained on this until his martyrdom, although he was strongly admonished by other bishops, and St. Cornelius, bishop of Rome, who was also martyred at the same time, would not stand with him. Cornelius, bishop of Rome, who was also martyred at the same time, would not stand with him. Afterwards, St. Augustine had great difficulty in excusing him, and in the end he needed help so that such error would be washed away by his blood, which he shed for the love of Christ. Thus St. Augustine speaks and condemns St. Cyprian's doctrine of regeneration.

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

baptism, as it is then condemned for and for (as well as justly). But we would easily be satisfied with Cyprian, as in him Christ comforts us poor sinners that his great saints must nevertheless also be men; as St. Cyprian, the excellent man and holy martyr, stumbles more or less roughly, of which now is not the time to speak.

But where will we remain before the fathers who grounded such teaching on St. Cyprian? You may read Ecclesiast. Histor. lib. 7. the first and other pages, what the excellent bishop Dionysius of Alexandria writes about it to the bishop Sixtum of Rome, and besides that he himself says: it had been done before, before the bishops in Africa did it, by great, excellent bishops, and had been decided in the Concilio of Jconio; therefore such an important trade should be considered, before one condemns them. In the Concilio Niceno, there is a clear article that the heretics, Paulianists or Photinians, should be baptized again. Augustin, Libro de Haeresibus, because he had been struggling with the Anabaptists, Donatists, for a long time and a lot; but he turned out with such words, for the sake of the Concilii Niceni decree: that it is to be believed that the Photinians have not kept to the baptismal form, as other heretics did. Yes, who could also believe, since there is no word or 2) proof. For the Photiniani had nor made any other gospel, neither had the whole church, therefore more to be believed, they used the common form. For the heretics always want to boast of the Scriptures. So the rebaptism wants to be right against St. Augustine and all of us, because the Nicene Concilium, and before that other Concilia and Fathers agree with Cypriano.

58 The Canons Apostolorum, the Apostles' writings, have now also gone out about this, through the printing of many, so that the church may be well governed again. Among them is also this canon: one should not consider the heretics sacrament and baptism, but should baptize them again. And it is easy to count where the apostles have ordered this,

  1. "Word or" is missing in the first edition.

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that afterwards it came through the previous fathers and Concilia (as Dionysius says above) up to St. Cyprianum, and from there to the Concilium at Nicea. For Cyprianus was at Nicea before the Concilium. If the apostles have established this, then St. Cyprian is right, and St. Augustine is down with all of Christendom, and we also with him, who hold with him. For who wants to teach against the apostles? If the apostles did not set it, then such books, writers and masters should all be drowned and erhenken, that they spread such books under the names of the apostles, print, shout; are also worth that one believes them in no other books nor things, because they always bring forward such books, which they themselves do not believe, and yet charge us with these letters: Concilia, Fathers, which a choir student at Halberstadt could probably shout better to me, if it were only about the letters, since they alone deal with and fool us.

59 If St. Cyprian had such a rule of the apostles for himself, and the Concilium of Nicea and others, how shall we compare the fathers? The apostles with Cyprian want to baptize again. St. Augustine with the whole church afterwards wants it to be wrong. Meanwhile, who preaches to Christians until such a rift is settled and compared? Yes, it is a good jugglery with conciliis and fathers, if one alfenzet with the letters, or always consumes concilium, as has now happened twenty years, and does not think where, however, the souls remain, which one should feed with certain doctrine, as Christ says John 21:6: Pasce oves meas.

60 I excuse St. Cyprian, first of all, because he has not been such an Anabaptist as ours are now. For he believes that heretics have no sacrament; therefore they must be baptized like other pagans, and he is mistaken in his heart that he does not rebaptize, but baptizes an unbaptized pagan. For he knows and holds of no rebaptism, but only one baptism. But our Anabaptists confess that with us and under the papacy baptism is indeed right, but because it is given or received by unworthy persons, it is not baptism; such would be

St. Cyprian did not suffer, much less do.

61 I want to have said this about the holy martyr St. Cyprian for me, of whom I think highly because of his person and faith. For the doctrine is subject to the saying of St. Paul 1 Tim. 5, 20.: Omnia probate etc.. But our concern now is not what I say, but how to rhyme the fathers together, so that we may be sure what and how to preach to poor Christians. For here the apostles and Cyprian disagree with St. Augustine and the Church about baptism. If we are to follow St. Augustine, we must condemn the apostles with their rules, and the Concilium Nicenum with the previous fathers and concilia, along with St. Cyprian. And again, if St. Cyprian is right with the apostles, St. Augustine is wrong with the Church. Who preaches and baptizes until we become one? And where are the Christians who died in time and remained in such error? Does this mean governing churches according to the doctrine of the fathers? 1) And after the papists boast of the Canons of the Apostles and Conciliarity with the Fathers against us, and some are embodied in the spiritual law of Gratian, and if the dam should break, that some of these Canons and Conciliarities should be found heretical, as this one is of rebaptism, who could prevent the flood from overflowing and overflowing? and with its roar would also once cry out: You are lying in everything you write, say, print, speak and shout; not a word should be believed, even if you use concilia, fathers, apostles.

(62) But though we gather from the fathers or conciliarities, they what they please, we what we please, and cannot become one, because the fathers themselves are not one, any more than the conciliarities: But who preaches to the poor souls who know nothing of such gathering and quarreling? Does this mean that Christ's sheep are pastured, if we ourselves do not know whether it is grass or poison, hay or dung? And meanwhile shall we pam-

  1. The words: "And where are" 2c. to hither are missing in the first edition.

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and hang until it comes to an end, and the concilium decides. Oh, how badly Christ would have provided for his church if it were to happen this way. No, it must be otherwise, neither we from Concilium and the Fathers pretend, or there must have been no church since the time of the apostles; which is not possible. For there it is written: "I believe a holy Christian church", and: "I am with you until the end of the world" Matth. 28, 20.. These words must not be missing, and should also be missing all concilia and fathers. The man must be called: Ego veritas; fathers and concilia should be called against him: Omnis homo mendax, where they would be against each other.

I do not say this for the sake of our people, whom I will show later what Concilia, Fathers, and Church are, if they do not know (for which God has protected them), but for the sake of the screamers who do not think otherwise, because we have not read the Fathers and Concilia. Although I have not read all the Concilia, I do not want to read them all, nor do I want to 1) waste so much time as I have tried, because I have read the four main Concilia almost well, and much better than all of them, that I know; I also want to be so presumptuous that, after the four main concilia, I want to consider the others all inferior, even if I would consider them good, (hear me) some of them; the fathers, I hope, shall be well known to me, neither such crybabies, who fork out what they want, leaving the other, which they distort. Therefore we must go to the matter in another way.

64 And what do we fence? If we want to compare the sayings of the fathers, let us take Magister Sententiarum, who is exceedingly diligent in this work and long precedes us. For he also had such a challenge of the inequality of the fathers, and wanted to remedy such a thing. And in my opinion he did it better than we would do it. And you will not find so much in any Concilio, nor in all Concilia, nor in any Fathers, as in the book Sententiarum. For the Concilia and Fathers deal with several pieces of Christian doctrine, but none deal with them all as this man does,

  1. In the first edition: "and".

or at least most of them. But of the right articles, as fides et justificatio, he speaks too thinly and too weakly, although he praises God's grace highly enough. Thus, as said above, we may have left Gratianum to work for us in the comparison of the concilia, in which he almost makes an effort, but is not as pure as Magister Sententiarum. For he gives too much to the Roman bishop, and points everything at him. Otherwise, he might have done a better job of comparing the Conciliar, as we can do now.

Whoever wants to see further how the dear holy fathers have become men, should read the booklet of D. Pomer. Pomer, our pastor, on the 4 Cap. ad Corinthios; from it he will have to learn that St. Augustine was right in writing, Noli meis etc., as it is said above that he does not want to believe any of the fathers, because he has the Scriptures for himself. Dear Lord God, if the Christian faith should hang on men and be based on the word of men, what should one believe in the Holy Scriptures? Or for what purpose has God given them? So let us push them under the bench, and in their place put the Concilia and Fathers alone on the desk. Or if the fathers were not men, where shall we men be saved? If they were men, then they will also have thought, spoken, and done at times as we think, speak, and do; but from this they must speak (as we do) the dear blessing: "Forgive us our trespasses as we forgive" 2c. Especially because they do not have such a promise of the Spirit as the apostles, but must be disciples of the apostles.

66 If the Holy Spirit had been so foolish that he had to be sure or trust that the Conciliarities and Fathers would do everything well and not be lacking, he would have had no need to warn his church before them, that everything should be tested, and see where straw, hay, and wood would be built from the ground, 1 Corinthians 3:12. 3, 12, so that he would not prophesy secretly or weakly, but publicly and powerfully, that in the holy church there would be builders of wood, hay and hay, that is, teachers, who nevertheless remained on the ground or foundation, who would be harmed by the fire, but would be saved.

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ten. This cannot be understood by the heretics. For they lay another foundation, but these remain on the foundation, that is, in the faith of Christ, become blessed and are called saints of God, nevertheless have hay, straw, wood, which must burn through the fire of the holy Scriptures, although without harm to their salvation, as St. Augustine speaks of himself: Errare potero, haereticus non ero, I may err, but a heretic I do not want to become. Cause, heretics do not only err, but also do not want to be taught, defend their error as right, and argue against the known truth and against their own conscience.

Of such, St. Paul says Titus 3:10, 11: "You should avoid a heretic when he is admonished one or two times, and you should know that such a one is a sinner and sins autocatacritos," that is, one who willfully and knowingly wants to remain damned in error. But St. Augustine will gladly confess his error and have it said to him. Therefore, he cannot be a heretic, even if he were in error. All other saints do the same, and gladly give their hay, straw and wood into the fire, so that they remain on the ground of blessedness. As we have done and are doing.

68 Therefore, because it cannot be otherwise in the fathers (I speak of the holy and good ones), where they build without writing, that is, without gold, silver, precious stones, but that they build wood, straw and hay: so we must know, according to the judgment of St. Paul, to make a distinction between gold and wood, between silver and precious stones and hay. According to the judgment of St. Paul, we must know how to distinguish between gold and wood, between silver and straw, between precious stones and hay, and not let ourselves be forced by the useless criers into thinking that gold and wood are one thing, silver and straw one thing, emerald and hay one thing, or ask them (if it were to be done) that they themselves first become so wise and take wood for gold, straw for silver, hay for pearls. Otherwise they should spare ours, and not think of such foolishness or childishness.

69 And yet this miracle of the Holy Spirit is also to be noted by all of us, that he has wickedly given all the books of the Holy Scriptures, both the New Testament and the Old Testament, from the people of Abraha alone, and through his seed to the world, and has not allowed one of them to be written by us Gentiles.

little as he also chose the prophets and apostles from the Gentiles, as St. Paul says Rom. 3, 2: The Jews have the great advantage "that God's words are trusted in them", as also the 147th Psalm, v. 19.He preached His words to Jacob and His judgments to Israel, so He has not done to any Gentile"; and Christ Himself Joh. 4, 22: "We know that salvation came from the Jews"; and Rom. 9, 4: "The promise is theirs, the law, the fathers and Christ" 2c.

70 For this reason we Gentiles must hold the writings of our fathers not as high as the holy Scriptures, but a little lower. To whom: those are the children and heirs; we are the guests and strangers, who have come to the children's table by grace, without all promise. Yes, we should thank God humbly, and with the heathen woman desire no more than that we should be the little dogs that pick up the crumbs that fall from the master's table Matth. 15, 27. So we go on, and want to lift up our fathers and ourselves like the apostles; do not think that God would rather break us, because he did not spare the natural branches, Rom. 11, 21, and Abraham's seed or heirs, for the sake of their unbelief. Nor does the accursed abomination at Rome, even over the apostles and prophets, want to have the power to change the Scriptures to his liking. Therefore, St. Augustine writes to St. Jerome: "I do not think, dear brother, that you would want to keep your Scriptures like the books of the apostles and prophets; God forbid that you should desire such things.

There is also no Concilium nor Fathers in which one could find or learn the whole Christian doctrine. Nicenum alone says that Christ is truly God; Constantinople that the Holy Spirit is God; Ephesus that Christ is not two, but one Person; Chalcedon that Christ has not one, but two natures, as Godhead and humanity. These are the four great main concilia, and have nothing more than these four pieces, as we shall hear. But this is not yet the whole doctrine of Christian faith. St. Cyprianus deals with how one should die firmly in faith

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and suffering, and rebaptizes heretics, also reproves evil customs and women. St. Hilarius defends the Concilium of Nicea, that Christ is the right God, and acts a little Psalms. St. Jerome praises virginity and the hermitage. St. Chrysostom teaches prayer, fasting, almsgiving, patience 2c. St. Ambrose has nevertheless much, but St. Augustine the most, therefore also Magister Sententiarum has the most from him.

And summa, put them all together, both fathers and concilia, yet you cannot get the whole doctrine of the Christian faith out of them, though you believe little in it. And where the holy scripture had not done and kept, the church would not have remained long for the sake of the concilia and fathers. And for the landmark: Where do the fathers and conciliarities get what they teach or do? Do you think that they first invented it in their time, or that the Holy Spirit always gave them something new? By what then was the church established before such conciliarities and fathers? Or were there no Christians before the conciliarities and fathers arose? Therefore we must speak differently of the Conciliar and Fathers, and look not at the letters but at the understanding, and that is enough for the first part of this booklet, that we also get breath.

The other part of the concilia.

73 First of all, about the concilia. For the letters "Concilium" give us, the unintelligent, an immeasurable amount of trouble, even more than the Fathers and the Church. But I do not want to be a judge or a master here, but rather to give my thoughts. Whoever can do better, may he have grace and happiness, amen. And take before me the saying of St. Hilarii de Trinitate: Ex causis dicendis sumenda est intelligentia dictorum, that is: Whoever wants to understand a speech must see why, or from what causes it was spoken. Sic ex causis agendi, cognoscuntur acta. This is also taught by natural reason, but I will indicate it in a crude way. When one peasant sues another: "Dear judge, this man calls me a rogue and a knave. These words and letters, so bare, give the

The defendant, however, comes and gives the reasons for such letters, and says: "My dear judge, he is a knave and a rogue, for he was stolen from the city of N. with rods for the sake of his roguishness, and honestly asked by pious people that he not be hanged, and will hand me over here in my hanse. Here the judge will understand the letters differently than before. As daily experience in the regiment teaches. For before one learns the reason and cause of the speeches, they are letters or the cries of choirboys and nuns.

74 Thus, when Christ said to Peter, "Whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatever you loose shall be loosed" Matt. 16:19, the pope takes these letters and leads them into the land of the sleeping monkeys, and interprets them thus: "Whatever I do in heaven and on earth is right; I have the keys to bind and loose, all and everything. Yes, if we had eaten turnips! 2c. But when the causes are considered, Christ is in this, that he speaks of the binding and loosing of sins, because they are keys to the kingdom of heaven, whither no man entereth but by the remission of sins; and no man is shut out from it, save he wherein they are bound for his impenitent life. So that the words do not concern St. Peter's power, but the need of miserable sinners, or proud sinners. But the pope makes of such keys two thieves crowns and chests for all kings, bags for all the world, body, honor and goods. For he looks at the letters like a fool, and pays no attention to the causes.

So there are many sayings in the Scriptures that are contrary to each other according to the letter, but where the causes are shown, it is all right. Hold also well that all jurists and Medici find such in their books also exceedingly much, as I said above about the judge. And what is all the essence of men but vain antilogiae or vile things, until one hears the things? Therefore my antilogists are excellent, fine, pious sows and asses, who gather my antilogies together, and leave the causes pending, even obscure them with diligence; just as if I could not also recite antilogies from their books, since they are

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are also not to be compared with some cause. But enough of that, because they are not worth so many words.

From the Concilio Niceno. 1)

We now take before us the concilium at Nicea, which was held for such a reason: The praiseworthy emperor Constantinus had now become a Christian, and had given peace to the Christians against the tyrants and persecutors, so with great, earnest faith and heartfelt opinion that he also overcame his brother-in-law Licinium, to whom he had given his own sister Constantia, and had made her a secondary emperor, and expelled her from the empire, because after many admonitions he would not stop torturing the Christians very shamefully.

Since the noble emperor had made such peace with the Christians, and had done them every good, he supported the churches as much as he could, and was quite sure that he intended to make war with the Persians outside the empire. In such a beautiful peaceful paradise and happy time, the old serpent came and awakened Arium, a priest in Alexandria, against his bishop, and wanted to bring up something new against the old faith, and also be a man; He challenged his bishop's teaching that Christ was not God, and too many priests and great learned bishops fell to him, and misfortune increased greatly in many countries, until Arius was allowed to boast that he was a martyr, and had to suffer for the sake of truth from his bishop Alexandro, who did not allow him to do so well and wrote shameful letters against him in all countries.

When this came before the pious emperor, he acted as a very wise prince and wanted to extinguish the flames before the fire grew bigger; he wrote a letter to both of them, bishop Alexandrum and priest Arium, admonishing them so amicably, also so seriously, that it could not be written better; he showed them how he had made peace in the empire for the Christians with great effort, and that they should now cause strife among themselves, which would be a great annoyance to the pagans, and would perhaps fall away from the faith again (as also happened),

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

and he himself complains), and he would thus be prevented from going against the Persians. Summa, it is a humble Christian letter written by such a great emperor to the two men. Methinks it is almost too much humility. For I know my rough pen so that I could not have brought such a humble writing out of my inkwell, especially if I had been emperor, and such an emperor.

But such a letter did not help. Arius had now gained a large following and wanted to fight his bishop head on; the pious emperor did not let up and sent a bodily embassy, an excellent, famous bishop in all the world, called Osius of Corduba from Hispania, to the two in Alexandria and all of Egypt to settle the matter. This did not help, and the fire continued to burn as if it were a forest. Then the good emperor Constantine did the last thing, and had the best and most famous bishops gathered from all the countries, commanded that they be brought together with the empire's donkeys, horses and mules to Nicea, and wanted to bring the matters to peace through them. Many fine bishops and fathers came together, and especially famous, Jacobus of Nisibin, and Paphnutius of Ptolomaide, bishops who had suffered great torture and performed miraculous signs at Licinio. But among them, like mouse droppings among the pepper, there were also some Arian bishops.

The emperor was now happy and hoped for a good end to the matter; he considered them all honest and beautiful. So some of them went to the emperor and brought complaints about what one bishop had against the other, and demanded the emperor's judgment. He dismissed them, for he did not care about the bishops' quarrels, but wanted to have this article judged by Christ, and had not summoned the concilium for the sake of their quarrels. But since they did not desist, he ordered them all to bring him the notes, and read none of them, but threw them into the fire. But he rebuked them with such kind words: he could not be their judge, whom God had set over him as judges, and admonished them to take up the main matter. Well, let this be to me a wise, gentle, patient prince; another would have been at such bi-

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and pushed the barrel into a heap. But still he showed his opinion by burning the notes, regardless of their episcopal dignity, and thus admonished them of their childish things, because they were required for the sake of a greater cause.

When the concilium began, he also sat down in the midst of the bishops on a chair that was lower than the bishops' chairs. The bishop of Rome, Sylvester, was not there, but (as some say) he had sent two priests there. When the bishop of Antioch, Eustathius (who sat at the top of the council), thanked and praised the emperor for such a blessing, Arii's teaching was read publicly (for it seems that he himself was not there, since he was neither a bishop nor an embassy), how Christ was not God, but created and made by God, as it is written in the Histories. Then the holy fathers and bishops got up from their chairs in displeasure and tore the notes to pieces, saying: This would not be right. And so Arius was also condemned publicly with the unjust words of the Concilii. So grievous was it to the fathers, and so unpleasant was it to them to hear such blasphemy of Arius. And all the bishops signed such condemnation, even the Arian bishops, though from a false heart, as it turned out afterwards; except for two bishops from Egypt, who did not sign. So the emperor let the concilium of the day from each other, and he himself and the concilium also wrote letters all over the world about this deal. The emperor Constantine was very glad that the matter was settled and accomplished, and he was very friendly to them, especially to those who had been martyred.

From this it is clear why the Council met and what they were to do, namely, to preserve the old article of faith, that Christ is the true, true God, against the new cleverness of Arii, who, according to reason, wanted to falsify this article, even to change and condemn it; for this he himself is condemned. For the Concilium has not invented or established this article anew, as if it had not existed before in the

Church, but against the new heresy of Arii. As can be seen from the fact that the fathers became offended and tore up the note, confessing that they had previously learned and taught differently in their churches from the time of the apostles. For where would the Christians have remained, who before this Council had believed for more than three hundred years from the time of the apostles, and had worshipped and called upon the dear Lord Jesus as a true God, and had died for it, and had allowed themselves to be miserably tortured?

I have to indicate this here. For the pope's hypocrites have fallen into such gross foolishness that they do not think otherwise, that the concilia have power and right to set new articles of faith and to change the old ones. This is not true. And we Christians should also tear up such notes. No concilia have done so, nor can they do so. For the articles of faith must not grow on earth through the concilia, as from a new secret inspiration, but must be publicly given and revealed from heaven through the Holy Spirit, otherwise they are not articles of faith, as we shall hereafter hear. This Concilium at Nicea (as already mentioned) did not invent this article, nor did it establish anew that Christ is God, but it was done by the Holy Spirit, who came publicly from heaven upon the apostles on the day of Pentecost, and transfigured Christ through the Scriptures as a true God, as He had promised the apostles. From the apostles it remained and came to this Council, and so continues to us; it will also remain until the end of the world, as he says: "I am with you until the end of the world.

And if we had no more to defend this article than this Concilium, we would stand in a bad way. And I did not want to believe the Concilium itself, but say: They were men. But the evangelist St. John and St. Paul, Peter, together with the other apostles, these hold fast, and stand for us for good reason and defense, as it was revealed to them by the Holy Spirit, publicly given from heaven, of which the churches had it before this Concilio, and the Concilium also of the same. For they have both before the Concilio, since

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Arius began, and in the Concilio, and after the Concilio, he was hard on the Scriptures, especially on St. John's Gospel, and sharply disputes, as Athanasii and Hilarii books testify. Thus also Tripart. lib. 5. o. 29 speaks: The faith is founded in Nicea by the apostles' scripture. Otherwise, where the holy Scriptures of the prophets and apostles that, 1) the mere words of the Concilii would create nothing, and their judgment would accomplish nothing. So this article of the divinity of Christ is the main part of this Concilii; indeed, it is the Concilium altogether, as for this reason it is called, and (as said before) left one from another.

Another day, however, when the emperor Constantine was not reported, they met again and discussed other matters concerning the external temporal government of the churches; among them were undoubtedly the notes that Constantine had previously thrown into the fire and did not want to be a judge. Therefore they had to come together themselves and settle such matters without the emperor. For the several parts are a real clerical quarrel, as that there should not be two bishops in one city. Item, that no bishop from a small church should seek a larger one. Item, that clerics or ecclesiastics should not leave their church, and sneak through other churches from time to time. Item, that no one should consecrate another bishop's persons without his knowledge and will. Item: that no bishop shall accept one who has been expelled by another. Item: that the bishop of Jerusalem should keep his old advantage of dignity over others, and of gossip 2) more. Who can consider such things to be articles of faith? And what can be preached to the people in the church? What is the church's or the people's business? One would like to learn from this, as from a history, that at that time in the churches there have also been wilful, wicked, unruly bishops, priests and clerics, and people, who have asked more for honor, power and goods, neither for

  1. "that" - would not be there, would not prevent, would not force. Cf. St. Louis edition, vol. V, 251, s 27; 66, s 37 and the note there.
  2. In the first edition: "Geschmetzs", which is: chatter.

GOD or his kingdom, which one has to resist therefore.

For it is easy to reckon that Constantine did not bring this concilium together for the sake of such pieces, otherwise he would have done so before Arius began his lamentation. What would he have had to worry about, how such things would be kept? Because all this the bishops had to govern among themselves, each in his diocese, with his church, and had already done before, as the articles themselves report. It would also be a sin and a disgrace to gather such a large council for the sake of such minor matters, since reason, given by God, is sufficient to regulate such external matters, so that the Holy Spirit is not needed for this, who is to transfigure Christ, and not to deal with such matters, which are subject to reason. To do so would mean to do everything of the Holy Spirit that devout Christians do, even when they eat and drink. Otherwise, for the sake of doctrine, the Holy Spirit must have other things to do than such works, which are subjected to reason.

87 So they were not all pious in this Concilio, not only Paphnutii, Jacobi, Eustathii 2c. For there are 17 Arian bishops who were held in high esteem, even though they had to pretend and pretend in front of the others. The History of Theodoret says that there were 20 articles; Ruffinus makes it 23. Whether the Arians, or others with them, added some afterwards, or took them down, or put others (for the article that St. Paphnutius is said to have received, from the wives of the priests, is not among them), I cannot say anything about it. But I do know that almost all of them died long ago, are buried in the books and decayed, and can never rise again, as Constantine meant and prophesied with the work, when he threw them into the fire and burned them. For they are not kept, nor can they be kept. It has been hay, straw, wood (as St. Paul says) built on the foundation; therefore the fire consumed it in time, as other temporal, perishable things perish. But if they had been articles of faith or God's commandment, they would have remained, like the article of the divinity of Christ.

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However, of the wooden articles, one small block has remained smoldering, namely of the Easter day. The same article we hold (as the Mathematici or Astronomi tell us) not quite right, because the same day or Aequinoctium in our time is far different, neither at that time, and our Easter is often held too late in the year. In the past, after the apostles, quarrels began over Easter, and the bishops fought and quarreled over such a small, unnecessary matter, so that it was a sin and a disgrace. Some wanted to keep it with the Jews on one day, according to the law of Moses. The others, so that they would not consider themselves Jewish, wanted to keep it on Sunday. For the bishop of Rome, Victor, at one hundred and eighty years before this Council, who was also a martyr, condemned all the bishops and churches in Asia for not keeping Easter with him. In this way the Roman bishops took hold of the majesty and power. But Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons in France, who knew one of the disciples of St. John the Evangelist, Polycarpum, punished him and put an end to the matter, so that Victor had to leave the churches alone.

For this reason, Constantine had to take care of these matters, and to help mediate in the Concilio, he wrote that the Easter feast should be kept the same in all the world, Lege Tripart. lib. 9. cap. 38. pulcherrima. Now, again, a reformation may be necessary, so that the calendar is corrected and the Easter feasts are set right. But no one should do this, for the high majesties, emperors and kings, must unanimously issue a command to all the world as to the time from which Easter Day should henceforth be observed. Otherwise, if one country began to hold its fairs, fairs, and other secular business according to the current Easter Day, the people of one country would have to come to a market in another country at the wrong time, and there would be chaos and confusion in all matters. It would be easy to do this where the high majesties wanted to do it, because everything has already been finely worked out by the astronomers, and only the tender or commandment is lacking. However, we keep the smoldering wood from the Niceno Con

cilio, that the Easter day remains on a Sunday, it schuckele meanwhile the time, as it can. For they call it festa mobilia, I call it Schuckelfest, since Easter Day changes annually with its attached festivals, now comes early, now late in the year, and does not remain on a certain day, like the other festivals.

90 The reason for such a discrepancy in the festivals is that the old fathers (as already mentioned) wanted to have Easter Day in the beginning, around the time of Moses, namely in the full moon of March, next to the Equinox or Aequinoctio, and yet they did not want to have Easter at all, or to keep it with the Jews on the full moon, but as Christians they let the Law of Moses go, and took the Sunday after the full moon of March. So it happened in the next year 1538, the Jews held their Easter on the Saturday after Invocavit, as our church calls it, that is, five weeks before we held our Easter. Now the Jews laugh at this and mock us Christians, as we do not know how to keep Easter properly, thus strengthening themselves in their unbelief. Our people are now disturbed by this and would like to see the calendar corrected by their high majesties, because it is not possible, much less advisable, without their assistance.

(91) But it has happened, in my opinion, as Christ says, Matt. 9: Where one mends an old garment with new cloth, the tear becomes worse; and where one puts must into old evil vessels, the old ripeness breaks, and the must is spilled. They want to keep a piece of the old law of Moses, namely, that one should observe the full moon of March; that is the old coat; after that they do not want to be subject to the same full moon day (as Christians, freed from the law of Moses by Christ), but have the following Sunday for it; that is the new lappet on the old coat. That is why the eternal strife and the eternal strife has made so much essence in the church, and must make it until the end of the world, that the books can have no measure nor end. For this reason, Christ has imposed and allowed this to happen, because he always demonstrates his power in weakness, and teaches us to recognize our weakness.

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(92) How much better they should have left the law of Moses dead from the paschal feast altogether, and kept nothing of the old coat! For Christ, to whom it was directed, by his suffering and resurrection, has purely lifted it up, killed and buried it forever, torn the veil in the temple, and then broken and destroyed Jerusalem with its priesthood, principality, law and everything. For this, they should have noted the day of the Passion, the Grave and the Resurrection, counted according to the course of the sun, and placed it in the calendar on a certain day, as they did with the Chrismation, the New Year, the Holy Kings, the Light Mass, and the Annunciation of Mary, St. John and other more festivals, which they call certain, and not Schuckel festivals, so that one would have known yearly when Easter Day, and those attached to it, should come, without such great trouble and disputation.

(93) Yes, you say, it was necessary to honor Sunday for the sake of Christ's resurrection, which is therefore called Dominica this, and to put Easter Day on it, because Christ rose after the Sabbath (which we now call Saturday). It is probably an argument that moved them, but since this Dominica is not called Sunday, but the Lord's Day, why should not all the days on which Easter Day would have come be called Dominicam, the Lord's Day? Is not Christ's Day also this Dominica, the Lord's Day, that is, in which the Lord's special work, as his birth, is celebrated, which does not come on Sunday every year? nor is it called Christ's Day, that is, the Lord's Day, even if it comes on a Friday, because it has a certain letter in the calendar after the course of the sun. In the same way, Easter Day could have had a certain letter in the calendar, it would have come on Friday or midweek, as is the case with Christ Day. With that we would have got rid of the law of Moses with its full March moon. Just as one does not ask now whether the moon is full or not around Christmas Day, and remain without calculation of the moon with the days according to the course of the sun.

94 And whether one pretends, because the same day or Aequinoctium (as the astronomers point out) goes from its place, but the years in the calendar

The longer the more, the further the same day would come from the appointed day of Easter, as it comes from Philippi and Jacobi and other feasts. What do we Christians ask for, if our Easter would come around Philippi and Jacobi (which will not happen before the end of the world, I hope)? And still further, we keep Easter every day with the preaching and faith of Christ. And it is enough that Easter is held once a year on a special day as a public, sensitive remembrance; not only so that the story of the resurrection can be told there more diligently before the people, but also for the sake of the season, so that the people may be guided by it in their dealings and business, as the seasons of Michaelmas, Martinmas, Catharinemas, Johnmas, Petermas, and Paulmas 2c.

95 But this has been neglected long ago and from the beginning, that we cannot do this, because the fathers did not do it. The old coat has always remained with its great tear, so it may remain so until the last day. But it is now at the end. For if the old coat has been mended and torn for 1400 years, it may be mended and torn for another hundred years. For I hope that everything will come to an end. And if the Easter now at fourteen hundred years cuckold, so they may henceforth cuckold the rest of the short time, because no one wants to do it, and those who would like to do it, can not do.

I do such rambling and unnecessary talk for the sole reason that I want to indicate my opinion as to whether in time some of the Rotten would, of their own accord, dare to celebrate Easter in a different way than we do now. And I think that if the Anabaptists had been so learned in astronomy that they would have understood this, they would have gone through it with their heads, and would have (as is the way of the Rotten) also wanted to bring something new into the world, and keep Easter Day differently from the rest of the world. But because they were unlearned people in the arts, the devil could not use them for such an instrument or tool.

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Therefore, my advice is to let the Pascha go and be kept as it is and is kept now, and to let the old skirt be mended and torn (as I said), and to keep the Pascha going back and forth until the last day, or until the monarchs unanimously and simultaneously change it, considering this cause.

For it does not break our leg, and St. Peter's little ship will not suffer any hardship, because it is neither heresy nor sin (as the old fathers considered it out of ignorance, and were disobedient and broken up over it), but badly an error or solöcism in astronomy, more serving the secular government than the church. If the Jews mock us about it, as if we did it out of ignorance, we rather mock them again, that they keep their Easter so stiffly and in vain, and do not know that Christ has fulfilled it all 1500 years ago, and has annulled it. For we do it willingly, knowingly, and not out of ignorance. We would know very well how to keep Easter according to Mosiah's law, neither they know it better. But we want to do it and should not do it. For we have the Lord over Moses and over all things, who says Matt. 12:8, "The Son of man is Lord over the Sabbath." How much more is he Lord over Easter and Pentecost, which are lesser in the law of Moses neither the Sabbath, which are in the tables of Moses, Easter and Pentecost apart from the tables of Moses? In addition, we have St. Paul, who strictly states that one should not be bound to the holidays, feasts and anniversaries of Moses, Gal. 4, 10. Col. 2, 16.

(99) Therefore it is and shall be in our power and liberty to keep Easter when we will; and even if we make Friday a Sunday, and again, yet it shall be lawful, provided it be done by the Majesties and the Christians (as I have said) with one accord. For Moses is dead and buried by Christ. And days or time shall not be lords over the Christians, but the Christians are free lords over days and time to set as they will, or as it is convenient for them. For Christ hath made all things free, when he raised up Moses, without that we should let it remain as it is now, because there is no driving, no error, no sin.

nor heresy, and do not want to change anything without necessity, or out of their own individual thirst, for the sake of others who are equally attached to such Easter with us. For without Easter and Pentecost, without Sunday and Friday, we know how to be saved, and for the sake of Easter, Pentecost, Sunday, Friday, we cannot be condemned, as St. Paul teaches us.

100 And that I come again to the Concilio, I say that we hold the block of the Niceno Concilio too much, and afterwards the pope with his church has made of it not only gold, silver, precious stones, but also a reason, that is, an article of faith, without which we cannot be saved, and all call it a commandment and obedience of the church, so that they are much worse than the Jews. For the Jews have for themselves the text of Moses, commanded by God at that time; they have nothing but their own conceit for themselves, and go on and want to make a new skirt out of the old rags of Moses, pretending to keep Moses, and yet their thing is a mere poem and dream of Moses, who has been dead so long, and, as the Scripture says, buried by the Lord Himself (that is, by Christ), that no man has found his grave; and they want to make Moses look alive to us; they do not see that, as St. Paul says in Gal. Paul Gal. 6, 2. says, if they want to keep one piece of Moses, they must also keep the whole of Moses. Therefore, if they consider the full month of March necessary to keep at Easter, as a piece of his law, they must also keep the whole law of the paschal lamb, and become bad Jews, and keep a bodily paschal lamb with the Jews; if not, they must let it all go, even the full month with the whole of Moses, or ever not consider it necessary to salvation, like an article of faith; as I consider that the fathers in this Concilio (especially the best) have done.

101 Thus we have that this Concilium has primarily dealt with this article, that Christ is right God, therefore it is also required together, therefore it is also a Concilium and is called. In addition, they have dealt with a number of incidental, bodily, external, temporal pieces, which are to be regarded as worldly, not to be compared to the articles of faith, nor to be considered as eternal law (for they are

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have passed away and decayed), but the Concilium has had to perform such bodily acts, as were accidental and necessary in their time, even with those that no longer concern us in our time, nor are they possible or useful to consider. And as a sign, even if one of them is wrong and unjust, that heretics should be baptized again, it is otherwise set by the right fathers themselves, and not patched up by the Arians or the loose bishops who changed it. So also the Concilium of the Apostles at Jerusalem, after the main part, had to pay some incidental, external articles, as of blood, asphyxiation, sacrifices to idols, as a necessity in their time; but not thinking that it should remain an eternal right, as an article of faith, in the Church, because it has fallen. And why would we not also consider the same Concilium, how it is to be understood, from the causes that have enforced it.

From the Apostles Concilio. 1)

102 This was the cause. The Gentiles, converted by Barnabam and Paul, had received the Holy Spirit through the gospel as well as the Jews, and yet were not under the law as the Jews were. Then the Jews pressed hard: the Gentiles must be circumcised and called to keep the law of Moses, or they could not be saved. These were harsh, sharp, heavy words: they could not be saved without the Law of Moses and circumcision. And this was the practice of the Pharisees before others, who had believed in Christ, Acts 15. 15 Then the apostles and the elders came together for this reason, and when they had quarreled much and sharply, St. Peter stood up and preached the powerful and beautiful sermon, Acts 15:7-11. 15, 7-11: "Dear brethren, you know how God chose that through my mouth the Gentiles should hear the word of the gospel and believe; and God, the Proclaimer of hearts, bore witness to them, and gave them the Holy Spirit, just as he did to us, and made no distinction between us and them, and purified their hearts through faith. What then do you tempt GOD

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

with the putting of the yoke upon the necks of the disciples, which neither our fathers nor we have been able to bear? but we believe to be saved by the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, even as they also were saved."

This sermon reads as if St. Peter was angry and unhappy with the harsh words of the Pharisees, saying that they cannot be saved unless they circumcise themselves and keep the Law of Moses, as stated above. Again he gives harsh and sharp words, saying, "Surely you know that the Gentiles have heard the word through me and have believed, as Cornelius did with his followers. And for a sign ye murmured against me, and reproached me for going unto the Gentiles, and converting them, and baptizing them, Acts 10 and 11. 10 and 11. How then have ye forgotten these things, and have laid upon the Gentiles such burdens as neither our fathers nor we ourselves could bear? What is it but to tempt God, if we lay upon others an impossible burden, which we ourselves cannot bear, any more than they can, especially if you know that God gave them the Spirit without such a burden, and made us like them, since we also received the same Spirit, not for the merit of the burden, but by grace, as did our fathers. For since we were not able to bear the burden, we have thereby earned more disgrace than grace, which we were obliged to bear, as we had undertaken to do.

(104) This is the substance and main matter of this Council, namely, that the Pharisees, against the word of grace, wanted to establish the works or merits of the law as necessary for salvation. This would have nullified the word of grace, along with Christ and the Holy Spirit. That is why St. Peter fights and curses so hard against it, and wants to be saved badly, without any works, only by the grace of Jesus Christ. Not content with this, he may also be so bold as to say that all their forefathers, both patriarchs, prophets and the whole holy church in Israel, were saved by the grace of Jesus Christ alone; and condemns all those as God's tempters who want to be saved by other ways or still want to be saved. I mean, that is preached, and the barrel

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The ground was pushed. Should we not burn this heretic, who rejects all good works and considers grace and faith alone to be enough for salvation, and this with all saints and ancestors from the world? We must now be called heretics and devils, who teach nothing else than this sermon of St. Peter and this Conciliar Decree, as all the world now knows, better than the Pharisees knew, whom St. Peter chides here.

But St. Peter is far above us, and yet too strange, that he does not only preach the grace of Christ to salvation, which everyone likes to hear, but that he says that neither they themselves nor their ancestors were able to bear such a burden, that is said in good German: We apostles and who we are, together with our ancestors, patriarchs, prophets and the whole people of God have not kept God's commandment, are sinners and condemned. For he does not speak of blood sausage or black puddings, but of the law of Moses, and says that no one has kept it or is able to keep it, like Christ John 7:19: "No one among you keeps the law. That is (methinks) the law rightly preached to damnation, and made himself a damned sinner with it. Where then does the supposed heir of St. Peter's chair come from, that he calls himself Sanctissimum, and raises up saints, whom he wants, for the sake of their work, not for the grace of Christ? And where are the monks, who can bear much more, neither the burden of the law, that they also sell their remaining holiness? We do not have such whimsical St. Peter's head. For we must not consider the patriarchs, prophets, apostles and holy church as sinners, but must also call the pope the Most Holy, that is, Sanctum Sanctorum, id est, Christum.

But St. Peter is worthy of a very gracious and honest absolution, and is no longer to be considered strange. For in this very great article he preaches, first, the law that we are all sinners; second, that the grace of Christ alone makes us blessed, and also the patriarchs, prophets, apostles, and the whole holy church from the beginning, all of whom he makes sinners with himself and condemns. Thirdly, before the Concilium becomes Nicea,

He teaches that Christ is the true God. For he says that all the saints must be damned unless they are saved by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. To give grace and salvation as a Lord, he must be a true God, who can take away sin by grace, death and hell by salvation; no creature will do this, except the Sanctissimo of Rome, but without harm St. Peter's sermon. Fourth, whoever holds otherwise, and teaches that Christians may be saved or obtain grace by law or their own works, is a tempter of God.

(107) Whoever wishes may interpret this burden to mean that it is the law of Moses and circumcision alone, not the Ten Commandments or good works. I am well content with that. If you can keep the ten commandments more easily than the ceremonies of Moses, then go and be holier than St. Peter and St. Paul; I am so weak in the ten commandments that it seems to me that all the ceremonies of Moses should be much easier for me to keep if the ten commandments did not weigh me down. But now is not the time to discuss this; there is plenty of discussion elsewhere. But this also reason will have to judge and confess, that the ten commandments or works of the ten commandments are not nor may be called the grace of JEsu Christ, but must be and be called something else altogether. Now here St. Peter says that we must be saved by the grace of Jesus Christ alone; but grace cannot be received and retained with the hands, much less with the works of the hands, but with faith in the heart. This is certainly true.

And it is a wonder to see that St. Peter, who as an apostle had the command and power, along with other apostles, to set forth anew this article, for which reason they are also called the foundation of the church, nevertheless goes behind, and introduces the holy former church of God, of all the patriarchs and prophets from the beginning, and says this much: It is not a new doctrine, for thus our forefathers and all the saints have taught and believed. What do we presume to do. To teach something different or better, without tempting God with it, and making the consciences of the brethren misleading and burdensome? This, I say, is the substance or main point of this Concilii, which is why it has been put together.

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If the priest demands or comes, everything is decided and arranged. But the priests do not see and pay attention to this main part, and look at the other four parts, which Jacobus adds, of blood, strangled things, sacrifices to idols and fornication. For they want to strengthen their tyranny from them, and pretend: Because the church has changed such articles, they also want to have power to change the articles of faith and the concilia; that is, we are the church, may sit and do as we please. Do you hear it, Pabst, you are especially a rough ass, yes, you are a foul-mouthed pig.

The article of this Concilii has not fallen nor been changed, but has always remained, even from the beginning, as St. Peter says here, and will remain until the end of the world. For holy men have always remained for ever, who have been saved by the grace of Christ alone, and not by the law. Just as the text and faith of the gospel, baptism, the sacrament, the keys, and the name of Jesus Christ 2c. remained under the devil of the pope, although the pope raged against it with his accursed lies and shamefully deceived the world. Just as it was said of the Concilio Niceno that his decree was before and remained after. For the decrees of the true Concilium must always remain; just as they always remained before the main articles, for which reason they became and are called Concilium.

(110) But what shall we say here in this Concilio of the Apostles, when St. James exorcises the four things, blood, strangled things, things sacrificed to idols, and fornication? Is not the Concilium against itself, and the Holy Spirit at variance with it? For the two sayings are manifestly and palpably contrary to each other: Not to load the burden of the law of Moses, and yet to load it. And if it were desired to be sophistical, it would not be spoken in the Concilio of the whole law, but of pieces, of which some might be charged, and some not charged; it is not so. For St. Paul concludes Gal. 5, 3: He that keepeth one piece of the law is guilty of keeping it altogether. And this is just as much as if he knew that he owed it completely, otherwise he would not observe it. And even here a new cloth would be found on an old skirt, and

the rift will become worse. So it is also quite obvious that these pieces are in the law of Moses, and nowhere else in the laws of the Gentiles. What else would have been necessary to interpret such things to the Gentiles, where they had been accustomed to them before, but their law of the land? How then do we bring it together, no law, and all law?

If we cannot rhyme it together, we must leave St. James with his article and keep St. Peter with his main article, for the sake of which this council is held. For without St. Peter's article no one can be saved. But Cornelius and the Gentiles, whom St. Peter had baptized with him, became holy and blessed before St. James came with his article 2c., as St. Peter preaches in this Concilio. Above I have also raised the question whether one may with a good conscience let such pieces be forfeited, because the Holy Spirit governs this Concilium, and sets such things. But this disputation is much sharper, whether the concilium is against itself and at odds with itself. And so, just as they want to take away an impossible burden from us, they put an even more impossible burden on us, that we should do nothing and everything at the same time. Although now, because it has fallen, we have done well, and remain with the one part, with St. Peter's article, that is, with the right Christian faith.

112 Without fornication, the fourth part of St. James' article, has not fallen, although 20 years ago the Curtisans and damned lords had already begun to consider fornication not a mortal sin, but a daily sin, saying: Natura petit exitum. As the holiest people in Rome still hold. And this very article should have caused the blind leaders, because St. James puts fornication among the three forfeited pieces, from which it was taken: If the prohibition of blood, of choking, and of sacrifice to idols is no longer valid, then the prohibition of fornication is also no longer valid, since it stands with the three pieces, and is otherwise a natural and human work. Let them go, they are not worth anything better!

I will say my own thing about this, but someone else will do it better. It is now often said that one should look at the Concilia and also keep according to the main article, which is the cause of the

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For that, and there the Concilium is substantialiter, the right body or body of the Concilii, after which everything else should be directed and sent, as a dress sends itself after the body, which wears it or has it, if not, then one sweeps it off, and throws it full, then it is no longer a dress. But there can be no concilium (as well as no assembly, no matter if it is a Diet or a Chapter), if the main things are aligned. There are incidental little side deals, one or two, which also want to be mended or done. As in the Concilio Niceno, since it was aligned, that Christ is right God, the external trades of the Easter Day and Psaffengekranke fnudeu. So here also St. Jacob's article is found after the main article of St. Peter.

Therefore, it is the final opinion and judgment of all the apostles and the Council that one must be saved without laws or the burden of the law, but only by the grace of Jesus Christ; when St. Peter, St. Paul, and some of their number received this judgment, they were happy and well satisfied. For after such a verdict they had worked and struggled against the Pharisees and Jews who believed and still wanted to keep the law Acts 15:13. That St. James now adds his article to this, they could well suffer, because such is not laid down as a law or a burden of the law; as also the letter of the Concilii reports (Apost. 15, 28. 29.): Nihil oneris, we do not want to lay a burden on you, only that you keep yourselves from blood 2c. Yes, they might well have suffered that St. Jacob had added more pieces, as of essays or the like, as without that the ten commandments remain. But such shall not be law nor burden (they say), but otherwise necessary pieces. But if burden is no longer burden, it is good to bear, and if law is no longer law, it is good to keep, like the ten commandments. How much more, then, is it in the ceremonies, especially if they are taken away for this purpose, or if they are kept a very little. More about this elsewhere. For where the pope wants to take from us his burden that they need not be laws, we would easily obey him, especially if he kept a little of them, and the quantity was reduced. So now St. Jacob with his article must

suffer the mind that St. Peter's article of grace, without laws, remain pure and firm, and rule without the law alone.

But we also want to see the causes of this side deal with St. Jacob, so that we may fully understand this concilium. The law of Moses was born, birthed, suckled, imbibed and instilled in the Jews from their youth, so that it almost became their nature, as St. Paul (Gal. 2:15) says: "We are Jews by nature. That is, born of Moses: for he speaks of the law, and not of birth alone; therefore they could not bear to be compared with the Gentiles, when they were scattered among the Gentiles in the countries, when they saw how the Gentiles ate blood and choked things and things sacrificed to idols Acts 15:29, and yet boasted that they were God's people or Christians. This moved St. Jacob to prevent such trouble, so that the Gentiles would not abuse their freedom too brazenly, as if to defy the Jews, but would do so carefully, so that the Jews, so deeply immersed in the law, would not be thrown before the head and eat the gospel. For, dear God, with sick and erring people one should have patience; also as we drunken Germans are sometimes wise, and say: A drunken man shall give way to a cartload of hay. For in sick people no one can become a knight, and in the unwise no one can become a master.

Now St. Jacob nevertheless makes it very neat, and leaves the whole law of Moses concerning sacrifices and all other things, which they had to keep in Jerusalem and in the land, entirely undone, and takes only the four things before him, wherein the Jews were vexed among the Gentiles outside Jerusalem. For the Jews, being scattered among the Gentiles, had to see the manner of the Gentiles, dwell with them, and sometimes eat with them. So it was very annoying, and also unjust, to put before a Jew sausages, rabbits in black, speeches to the gods, and sacrifices to idols, if I knew that he could not stand it and would have to understand it in defiance. For in doing so, I would be doing just as much as if I said, "Do you hear, Jew, even if I could bring you to Christ, if I did not eat the black pudding or present it to you, I will not do it, but I will use the black pudding to scare you away from Christ.

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and chase them into hell. Would that be a kind, I will be silent, Christian thing to do? Must not every man often hold his peace, and leave another to it, when he sees and knows that to speak and do it would be harm, especially where it is not against God? Now at that time the Gentiles were fierce against the Jews and very proud, as they were their masters; on the other hand, the Jews were unpleasant, as if they alone were God's people, as many histories powerfully testify.

For this reason, this good counsel of St. Jacob was the very finest means to peace, and even to salvation for many, that the Gentiles, because they had now obtained the grace of Christ without law and merit, in turn also showed themselves to be beneficial to the Jews in very few ways, as for the sick and erring to come to the same grace. For since it did the Gentiles no harm in the sight of God, whether they offered blood, choked food, and sacrifices to idols in public, since they were free in conscience through the grace of all this, for the sake of the Jews' benefit and salvation they let their defiance stand, and otherwise, in the absence of the Jews, they could eat and drink what they lusted for without any trouble to their conscience; and the Jews, though they were equally free in conscience, could not so suddenly change the outward old habit. Consuetudo est altera natura, much more, where it has grown out of God's law. Thus, equity and reason also teach that one should not oppose or hinder, but serve and encourage, according to the commandment Matth. 22, 39: "Love your neighbor" 2c.

So the two articles, St. Peter and St. Jacob are against each other, and yet not against each other Apost. 15, 11. and v. 19. f., St. Peter's is of faith, St. Jacob's is of love. St. Peter's article suffers no laws, eats blood, suffocates, sacrifices to idols, and the devil as well, and does not notice it, because he acts against God and not against men, does nothing, because he only believes in the merciful God. But St. Jacob's article lives and eats with men, and directs everything so that they also come to St. Peter's article, and diligently prevents that no one is hindered. Now the office of love is so done on earth that that which it loves and promotes is changeable and transient, so that it is not eternal.

But perish, and after that there shall come another, which must love them also unto the end of the world. When the Jews were destroyed or became stiff-necked, and the Gentiles no longer had to practice such love for them, everything fell, not changed by the power of the church, as the papists lie, but because the cause no longer existed, the Christians freely ate the blood and the rituals, which they refrained from for a while for the sake of the Jews, even though they were not obligated to refrain from it before God according to faith. For if St. Jacob had wanted to impose such pieces as laws, he would also have had to impose the whole law, as Gal. 5:3. St. Paul says: "He who keeps one law must keep them all." This would be contrary to St. Peter's article, which St. James confirms.

(119) But that he includes fornication [Apost. 15:20, which is forbidden forever in the Ten Commandments, I consider this to be the cause. For fornication was not considered a sin among the Gentiles. As one ran in the heathen books, and I indicated above, how 20 years ago the Curtisans and useless priests also began to speak and believe such publicly. Therefore it was as great a sin among the heathen to commit fornication as to eat blood sausage, rabbits in pepper, Galreden, or sacrifices to idols. Read the Roman histories, how reluctantly they took wives, that Emperor Augustus had to force them to marry. For they thought that fornication was right, and that it was violence and injustice for them to be forced into marriage. Therefore, St. James wants to teach the Gentiles that they should, even without being forced by the authorities, gladly leave fornication, and live conjugally, chastely, chastely, as the Jews did, who were highly annoyed by such freedom to fornicate, and could not believe that they should come to God's grace and become God's people, because of such inequality of food and behavior 2c.

120 Thus the apostles did not lay down the law for the Gentiles, but left it for a time for the Jews, and preached grace freshly alongside it. As we see in St. Paul, that he kept himself Jewish with the Jews and Gentile with the Gentiles, so that he might win them all, 1 Cor. 9:20. And circumcised his disciple.

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Timothy, who was already a believer, Apost. 16, 3, not as if it had to be this way, but as St. Lucas writes, for the sake of the Jews of the place, so that he would not offend them. And afterwards Apost. 21, 26. He let himself be purified in the temple with the Jews, and sacrificed according to the law of Moses; which he did all, as St. Augustine writes his and now famous saying: Oportuit.Synagogam cum honore sepelire, that one should bury Moses or his church and law with honor.

But how such a council and both St. Peter's and St. James' articles were subsequently held is abundantly found in St. Paul's epistles, in which he complains everywhere about the false apostles, who were doing the law needfully and against grace, seducing whole houses and countries from Christ back to the law, but under the name of Christ, just as after the Nicene council the matter became much worse. For since the rogue Arius thus humbled himself,' and also accepted the Concilium with an oath before the Emperor Constantine, wherefore the Emperor allowed him to come in again: then he blew up the fire right at first, and the game of his part bishops, especially after Constantine's death through the son, Emperor Constantius (whom they won in), drove out so horribly that in all the world Constantius drove out all right bishops, except for the two, Gregory and Basilius. 1) For also Eustathius of Antioch was driven out, who had sat on top in the Concilio. And Osius at Corduba, the great bishop, as told above, finally also became an Arian, and died shamefully inside.

Some say here that Constantinus, the father, should also have become an Arian before his death, and should have ordered an Arian priest, faithfully besought by his sister Constantia at the deathbed, to the son Constantio in the will, through whom the Arians became so powerful afterwards. But this is not true. 2) Without such histories warning us to pray faithfully for the great lords, for the devil seeks them to the highest, as through them he can do the greatest harm. And that we also be careful ourselves,

  1. The following to the end of the paragraph is missing in the first edition.
  2. The words: "But - true" are missing in the first edition.

and do not easily believe the spirits of the wicked when they humble themselves high and low, as this rogue Arius did; as also Saul did against David. Aliquando (one speaks) compunguntur et mali; but they stop behind the mountain until they get air and space, so they go along like Arius, and yet do what they had in mind before. That I am not much surprised why the fathers have imposed such severe and long repentance on the denied Christians; they will have experienced how false their humility is, and how difficult it is for them to humble themselves or repent with earnestness and from the bottom of the heart, as Sirach also says Cap. 12, 9.10.: Ab inimico reconciliato etc. (From inimico reconciliato etc.).

Summa, who does not know what is called osculum Judae, Judas' kiss, who reads with me the histories Arii under Constantino, he will have to say that Arius was far above Judas. For he witnesses the good emperor Constantinus with these beautiful words: We believe in One God Father Almighty, and in the Lord JEsum Christum, His Son, who was born of Him, before all the world, One God, One Word, by whom all things were made 2c. [Joh.1,3.) Dear, which Christian could consider such words heretical, or think that Arius herewith nevertheless considers Christ to be a creature? as it is clarified, since it comes to the interrogation. Similarly, Auxentius, the bishop of Milan, the closest to St. Ambrose, teased the people with such beautiful words that I was almost angry at St. Hilarium when I read the title: Blasphemia Auxentii, in front of the Confession Auxentii. I would have dared my body and soul on Auxentii's word that he would have taken Christ for a true God. I also hope that under such blind, weak words, many devout, simple-minded people nevertheless remained and are preserved in the former faith, as they could not have understood such words otherwise than as faith has been from the beginning. As no man can understand them otherwise, who knows nothing of the Arian secret interpretation.

124 And because such an example is necessary to know among Christians, and the common reader does not look at history so diligently, nor does he think how useful it is as a warning against all the other evil spirits, which the devil, your

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God, makes it so slippery that it can neither be grasped nor grasped anywhere, I will briefly arrange this matter into several pieces.

Of the Arii deception and heresy. 1)

First, Arius taught that Christ was not God, but a creature. Then the pious bishops forbade him, so that he had to confess that Christ was God. But this he did with such a false opinion, that Christ was God like St. Peter and Paul, like the angels, who are called gods and children of God in the Scriptures. 1 Cor. 8, 5. Joh. 10, 34. Ps. 82, 6. Job 38, 7.

Secondly, when the fathers became aware of this, they continued to persecute him, so that he and his followers would admit that Christ was a true, real God, and they hid themselves from such words for the sake of glimpses, because until then it had been taught in this way in all churches. But among themselves they interpreted these words in this way, especially Eusevius, bishop of Nicomedia, Arii's highest patron: Omne factum Dei est verum, what God creates or makes is true and right; for what is false, God did not make. Therefore let us confess that Christ is a right, true God (but with us a made God, like Moses and all the saints) 2c. Here they added everything that is still sung in the church on Sundays, according to the Concilio Niceno: Deum de Deo, lumen de lumine, Deum verum de Deo vero.

Thirdly, when such false deception broke out, that they nevertheless called Christ a creature under such words, the disputation became sharper, so that they had to confess that Christ had been before the whole world. Who could believe otherwise than that Arius and his bishops were true Christians and unjustly condemned by the Nicene Council? For this they did soon after the Niceno Concilio (which had played with them for a short time, and put the faith as it still exists), for they wanted to destroy the Nicenum Concilium, and challenged one piece after another.

128 Fourthly, since such a blind grip was also noticed, that nevertheless Christ should have

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

being and being called one creature, with such an interpretation, Christ would have been before all the world, that is, he would have been created and made before all the world or other creatures Col. 1, 15., they were forced to confess that all the world, also 2) all things were made through him, as John 1, 3. says; but among their people they interpreted it thus: Christ was made before, after that all things were made through him.

Fifth, they had to easily confess genitum, non factum, born of God, not created John 1:13, born as all Christians are, born of God, children of God, John 1:12. Not created among other creatures, but before all creatures.

(130) Sixthly, when it came to the heart that Christ was homousius with the Father, that is, that Christ was equal with the Father and of one Godhead, equal and of one power, they could no longer find any trick, hole, rank, or folly. Homousius means one and the same being or nature, or one and the same and not two beings, as the Fathers had put it in the Concilio, and in Latin it is sung: consubstantialis, some called it coexistentialis, coessen- tialis afterwards. They had accepted this at Nicea in the Concilio and still accepted it when they had to speak before the emperor and the fathers. But among their own, they contested it very harshly; they pretended that such a word was not in Scripture; they held many concilia, even in Constantine's time, in order to weaken the Nicea Concilium; they caused much misfortune, and afterwards made ours so afraid of it that even St. Jerome, upset by it, wrote a lamentable letter to the bishop of Rome, Damason, and began to request that such a word homousius be scratched out. For I do not know (he says) what poison is in the letter, that the Arians make themselves so useless about it.

131 And there is still a dialogue in which Athanasius and Arius quarrel before a magistrate Probus about this word homousius. And when Arius insisted that such a word was not in Scripture, Athanasius caught Arium again with the same art and said: "These words are also not in Scripture,

  1. "also" is missing in the first edition.

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innascibilis, ingenitus Deus, that is, God is innate, which the Arians had used to prove that Christ could not be God because He was born, but God was unborn 2c. And the magistrate Probus judged against Arium. For it is true that one should not teach anything in divine matters apart from the Scriptures, as St. Hilarius writes, 1. de Trinit. This does not mean anything else than that one should not teach anything else. But that one should not use more or different words, neither in the Scriptures, that cannot be kept, especially in the dispute, and when the heretics want to make things wrong with blind grasps, and turn the Scripture word: It was necessary to put the opinion of Scripture, which was set forth with many sayings, into a short and summary word, and to ask whether they held Christ homousion, as the opinion of Scripture is in all words, which they had reversed with false glosses among their own, but had freely confessed before the emperor and in the Concilio. Just as if the Pelagians wanted to drive us by this word: original sin, or Adam's pestilence, because such words do not stand in Scripture, yet Scripture teaches the same words opinion mightily, as that we are conceived in sins, Ps. 51, 7, all by nature children of wrath, Eph. 2, 3, and all must be sinners for the sake of one sin, Rom. 5, 12.

Now tell me, if this very day Arius came before you and confessed to you the whole faith of Niceni Concilii, as we sing it in our churches this very day, could you consider him heretical? I myself would say that it is right; and yet he, under it, as a mischievous man, believed otherwise, and understood and taught the words differently behind: would I not be finely deceived? Therefore I do not believe that Constantine became Arian, but remained with the Niceno Concilio. But this happened to him, that he was deceived, and believed Ario, as if he held the same with Niceno Concilio, about which (as said above) he took an oath from him, and thus ordered that Arium should be accepted again in Alexandria. But since Athanasius did not want to do this, as he knew the false Arium better than Constantine, he had to be expelled. For it may well have occurred to Constantine as a human being, as if he had

Arium, such a pious part of Chris, is condemned to Nicea because of envy or suspicion; especially because the Arians, and especially Eusebius of Nicomedia, took care of the emperor, blued his ears and adorned Arium. For at court, great kings and lords, even if they are pious, do not always have angels and St. John the Baptist around them Marc. 6,18., but often Satan 1 Kings 22, 24., Judas [Luc. 22, 3.), and Doeg 1 Sam. 22,9., as the kings' books well testify to us. And this is a good indication that Constantinus before his end called Athanasium anch to come in again, how hard also the Arians weep him, 3. Tripart. II. So that he testifies that he did not want to reject the Niceni Concilii and its teachings, but would have liked to bring everything to unity.

Some of our false papist scribes are doing the same, posing as if they wanted to teach faith and good works, to adorn themselves with them, and to disparage us, as if they had taught in this way all along, and we had accused them unfairly of another, so that if they had dressed themselves in such sheep's clothing again, as if they were completely like us, they would bring their wolf back into the sheepfold Matth. 7:15.. For they are not serious about teaching faith and good works, but because they (like the Arians) cannot maintain or restore their poison and wolfliness in any other way than by such sheep's clothing of faith and good works, they adorn and cover the wolf's bellows until they come back into the sheepfold. But one must do unto them as they do unto us, and call them to repudiate their abominations, and prove them by putting away all the abuses that reigned against faith and good works in their churches among their people, that they might be known by their fruits Matt. 7:16. Otherwise one cannot believe the bad words and gestures, that is, the sheepskins. So Arius should also have recanted, confessed his error, and taught and lived against himself, like St. Augustine against his Manichaeism; as now many do against their popery and monasticism, among which I can also count myself by God's grace. But they do not want to have erred, and cannot give glory to God.

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The Arians also wanted to defend their lies and not to be banned by the Council.

We should take note of such examples of these histories, especially when we have to be preachers and are commanded to feed Christ's flock, so that we may watch well or be good bishops, as St. Peter says I Pet 5:2, because to be an episcopus or bishop means to watch well, to be diligent, to watch diligently, so that we will not be overpowered by the devil. For here we see how he can twist, disguise and disguise himself so masterfully that he becomes much more beautiful than the angels of light 2 Cor. 11:14, and false bishops are holier than true bishops, and the wolf is more pious than any sheep. We do not now have to deal with the coarse, black polter-pabst spirits apart from the Scriptures; they now find their way into the Scriptures and our doctrine, want to be like us, and yet tear us apart. But the Holy Spirit alone must help here, and we must pray diligently, or we are far lost.

From all this it is clear why the concilium was held, not for the sake of external ceremonies, but for the sake of the high article of the divinity of Christ, as that is why the dispute arose, was dealt with primarily in the concilium, and then challenged by the devil's unspeakable ravings, in which the other articles are not considered. The lamentation has also lasted until three hundred years among the Christians, that St. Augustine holds that Arii's torment in hell will increase daily as long as this error lasts, because Mahomet came from this sect. And as I have stated above, it can be seen that this council has neither conceived nor established anything new, but has condemned the new error of Arii against the old faith 1) by the holy Scriptures, so that from this the councils cannot be given the power (much less the pope at Rome) to change old articles, and 2) to conceive or establish new articles of faith or good works, as they falsely boast. Let this be said once enough of the first main concilio at Nicea.

  1. Put by us to give meaning. All editions offer: "but has condemned the old faith against the new error Arii, by the holy Scriptures".
  2. The words: "old articles to change, and" are missing in the first edition.

From the other main teoneilio Constantinopolitano. 3)

The other main council, assembled at Constantinople, about 50 years after the Niceno, under the emperors Gratiano and Theodosio, had these causes: Arius had denied the divinity of Christ, and 4) not of the Holy Spirit. Between them, a new mob, the Macedonians (as always one error brings another, one misfortune another, without end and cessation), praised the Concilium Nicenum, that Christ was true God, and strongly condemned Arius with his heresy: But they taught that the Holy Spirit was not true God, but a creature of God, through whom God moved, enlightened, comforted, strengthened the hearts of men, and did everything that the Scriptures say about the Holy Spirit. This mob was also torn apart by many great, learned, excellent bishops. Macedonius was the bishop of Constantinople, the largest capital of the whole empire in the Orient, where the imperial court was located. The same bishop started this group; it had a great prestige that the most distinguished bishop, moreover in the emperor's residence in Constantinople, taught in such a way. Almost everything that adhered to Constantinople in the countries around Constantinople fell to it, and Macedonius did not celebrate either, pushed the matter hard, would have liked to draw all the world to himself (as the devil does in all groups).

Here, the pious bishops were much too weak to resist such a bishop's scandal, because previously a bad priest at Alexandria, Arius, had caused such a mess, but here not a priest, not a common bishop, but the bishop of the most noble city, the imperial palace at Constantinople, caused such a mess. Here the bishops had to appeal to the emperor once again, so that a main council would be assembled against such blasphemy. Which the pious Emperor Theodosius did, and placed it in the city of Constantinople, in the parish and church,

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.
  2. Here the Jena edition has the marginal note: "It seems as if there is a lack here, for as Nazianzenus and others testify, the time of the conflict was not yet aroused by the Holy Spirit.

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Since Macedonius had been bishop, just as Constantinus had previously placed the Concilium Nicenum in Nicea, where the bishop Theogonius was, who helped to raise Arium next to the bishop Eusebio in Nicomedia, and finally bring it back.

In the following year, the bishop of Rome, Damasus, also held a concilium, and would have liked to handle things in Rome, so that the Roman See would have the authority to call concilia and to judge all things, and would be called a universal concilium. For he summoned, as a supreme bishop in the world, the fathers who had held the Concilium at Constantinople the year before. But they did not want to come, but wrote him a very beautiful Christian letter about what they had done in the Concilium at Constantinople; among other things, they showed him how they had condemned Macedonian heresy. And further, how they had ordered other bishops at Constantinople, Antioch and Jerusalem. Oh, they should not have done this without the knowledge and will of the bishop of Rome, who alone wants to have the right and power to appoint concilia (which he was not able to do), to judge all heresies (which he could not do), and to change bishops (which was not his due).

139 About this, they give him a very good slap, telling how in the new church at Constantinople (for the city of Constantinople had recently been built) they had shredded Nectarium for bishop, and at Antioch Flavianum, at Jerusalem Cyrillum. For these three pieces were almost annoying to the bishop of Rome, even unpleasant to hear and read. The first, that they call Constantinople the new church, and set a bishop there, when without the will and knowledge of the bishop of Rome no new church nor bishop should be ordered. The other is even worse, that they call the church at Antioch the first and oldest church, in which (as they prove from St. Lucas, Apost. 11, 26.) the believers in Christ were called Christians for the first time, and St. Peter and Paul together with many of the highest apostles preached the gospel there for more than seven years. This would be said in my German so much: Hear you it. He bishop of Rome, you are not the first nor supreme bishop, but where it should be a church,

the one at Antioch would be cheaper, which has for itself St. Lucas Scripture and the deed, but Rome has neither Scripture nor deed for itself.

But there were fine and excellent people, who, according to Christian love and humility, wanted to control the hopeful spirit in Rome cleanly and gently, and, as Sirach Cap. 28, 14 teaches, spit into the sparks and admonish that the bishop of Rome should consider, because the gospel did not come from Rome to Antioch, but from Antioch to Rome, that the oldest church in Antioch should be ahead of the younger church in Rome, where it should be applied. What ambition (as the word gives) has made such fine holy fathers angry with the Roman bishop (how reasonable). And if there had been a Doctor Luther in the Concilio, such a mild letter would not have had to be written to the bishop of Rome, as much as he would have been able to. Summa, there were people in this Concilio, whom all bishops of Rome, who ever were, could not hold a candle to.

The third is the most serious, because they call the church at Jerusalem the mother of all churches, because Christ the Lord Himself was bishop and sacrificed Himself on the cross as a symbol for all the sin of the world Heb. 7:27, 10:12. There the Holy Spirit was given from heaven on the day of Pentecost, after which all the apostles (not only Peter, of whom the bishop of Rome boasts) ruled the churches Apost 2:4. None of these things happened in Rome. With this they neatly admonish the bishop of Rome that he should consider that it is still far lacking that he is not bishop of Jerusalem in the mother church, but that his church at Rome is a daughter church, as it did not have Christ, nor 1) the apostles or 1) Jerusalem brought to faith, but that he was brought to faith with his church through them, as St. Paul also told the Corinthians. Paul also humiliated the Corinthians by saying that the gospel did not come from them, but came to them from others 2 Cor. 10:14.

In the end, however, they do it too roughly and put a patriarch in the new church at Constantinople, and do it without the knowledge and will of the bishop at Rome,

  1. In the first edition: "and".

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as if nothing at all was attached to his knowledge in such matters. Here we see the eternal quarrel and strife (as the Pope's hypocrites themselves write) between the bishop of Rome and the bishop of Constantinople over the primacy or supreme authority. For since the bishop of Constantinople was now (although in a new city) equal to the bishop of Rome as a patriarch, the bishop of Rome was concerned that the bishop of Constantinople would be subject to the primacy; as subsequently happened. The bishops of Constantinople claimed that the emperor had his residence or court in Constantinople, and not in Rome, and that Constantinople was called the new Rome, therefore he should be the supreme bishop, because he was the bishop of the imperial city and court. Again, the one in Rome pretended that Rome was the right Rome, and the Emperor was called the Roman Emperor, and not the Constantinopolitan Emperor, and Rome would not have been Constantinople before. Scratched themselves with such childish, effeminate, foolish jokes, that it is sin and shame to hear and read.

The quarrel lasted until Phocas became emperor, who had the pious emperor Mauritium (whom the histories call holy), his lord and ancestor (whose captain he had been) beheaded with his wife and children. This pious Cain confirmed to the bishop Bonifacio of Rome the supremacy over all bishops, and such supremacy should also be confirmed by no better man than by such a disgraceful emperor murderer, so that Rome would have as good an arrival of the papacy as it had before the arrival of the empire, since Romulus murdered his brother Remus, so that he alone might rule and call the city Rome after his name. Nevertheless, the bishops at Constantinople did not teach themselves anything about it, the quarrel remained nevertheless for and for, although the Romans nevertheless, over the emperor's Phoca confirmation, began to adorn themselves with the fig leaves, and cried out loudly with a great roar, Revelation 12, 3. f. [13, 4. ff. 13, 4. ff., that the church at Rome was supreme, not from human order, but from Christ's own institution Matth. 16, 18.: Do it Peter. But those at Constantinople saw that those at Rome, as unlearned men, were leading the words of Christ falsely and inconsistently, and did not accept it.

Thus the two churches, Rome and Constantinople, quarreled over the vain primacy, with vain, lame, futile jokes, until at last the devil ate them both, the one at Constantinople by the Turk and Mahomet, the one at Rome by the papacy and its blasphemous decrees. I am telling all this so that it may be seen how such misery has arisen from this fine council at Constantinople, because the bishop there is a patriarch. Although it would not have remained without this if there had been no patriarch at Constantinople, for the ambitious devil of Rome had already begun to demand this of the bishops everywhere (as has been said above); and if the one at Constantinople had not happened to him, he would have rubbed up against those at Alexandria, Jerusalem and Antioch, and would not have wanted to suffer the decree of the Nicea Conciliar, in which he is placed on the same level as the bishop at Alexandria and under the bishop at Jerusalem. For he wants to be without concilia and fathers, but divino, as set by Christ himself, as he roars, blasphemes and denies in his decrees.

(145) Now we have this other main council at Constantinople, which did three things. First, it confirmed that the Holy Spirit was true God, and condemned the Macedonian who held and taught that the Holy Spirit was a creature. Secondly, he deposed the heretic bishops and appointed true bishops, especially in Antioch and Jerusalem. Thirdly, the bishop Nectarium of Constantinople was made a patriarch, and the bishops of Rome became foolish, foolish and foolish, even though the dear fathers had perhaps done so in good opinion. The first part is the main part and the only reason why this Council was held, from which one can also understand the Council's opinion, namely, that it should not do more, nor has it done more, than to receive the article of the divinity of the Holy Spirit, and with this the Council is finally directed, as for this reason it was called together. The other part, about the deposition of the bishops, is not an article of faith, but an external, tangible work, which also reason should and can do, so that

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it is not necessary to have the Holy Spirit in a special way (as for the articles of faith), or to gather a council for this purpose. Therefore it will be done also another day after the concilii day.

146 For they did not reestablish the ecclesiastical or episcopal offices at Antioch and Jerusalem, but left them as 1) they had found them from the beginning; only they put other persons in them, which was necessary. For the offices must always have been in the church from the beginning and remain until the end. But other persons must always be put in, as Matthias after Judah Acts 1:26, and living bishops after the dead. This is not the business of the concilia, but may, indeed must, be done both before the concilia, among the concilia, and after the concilia, according to the need of the churches. Concilium cannot be had daily, but persons must be had daily, who can be appointed to the offices of the churches as often as they become vacant.

The third part is a new one, that they make a patriarch out of human good opinion. But we have just told how this was done, and what shameful quarreling and bickering the two bishops caused over it, so that it can be seen how the Holy Spirit did not order it. For it is not an article of faith, but an outward, tangible work of reason, or flesh and blood. What does the Holy Spirit ask about which bishop is in front or behind? He has other things to do, neither such worldly child's play. And not only do we learn from this that the concilia have no power to establish new good works, much less new articles of faith, but it also warns us that the concilia should neither establish nor establish anything new, as they should know that they are not assembled for this purpose, but rather defend the old faith against the new teachers; without being able to place new persons (who cannot be called articles of faith nor good works, for they are uncertain, mortal men) in the old, former offices. This must be done in the churches more often, even daily, apart from the conciliar meetings.

  1. Thus the Wittenberg and the Jena editions. Erlanger-. "wo".

The fathers of this Concilii themselves confess that they have not founded anything new, when they write to the bishop of Rome, Damaso (as said), what they have done in the Concilio, among other things thus: We know that this is the old right faith, which is directed after baptism, and teaches us to believe in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit 2c. Yes, they are completely silent about the third part, the patriarch at Constantinople, perhaps because they thought it was not the part for which they came to the Concilium, and was not heresy, where a Christian would not consider the bishop a patriarch as an article of faith. Just as now many people are not heretics nor lost because they do not consider the pope to be the head of the churches, regardless of his concilia, decrees, bulls and roars; or will not have done it all together, but the emperor Theodosius did it. For the other histories indicate that Theodosius should have instigated and driven it, who did not have the power to establish articles of faith.

Since they themselves say and confess that it is the old true faith, in which we were baptized and taught before, what power do we want to give to the Conciliis, so that they may set new articles and burn all those who do not believe it as heretics? This does not mean that the Concilium is understood correctly, and that they do not know what Concilium is, or what its office and actions are, but merely look at the letters and give it all power, even over God. More about this hereafter. The other two main concilia are also to be considered fully and briefly.

From the third main concilio, at Epheso. 2)

150 The third main council was held under the emperor Theodosius the Younger, whose grandfather was Theodosius the First, about which it is said above in the other council. The same emperor summoned 200 bishops to Ephesus. And even though the Latin writers wanted to include the pope, the truth is that it was not the emperor who was the first to do so.

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

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Pabst, but the emperor had to call this Concilium together. For now a Patriarch of Constantinople was equal to the Bishop of Rome, so that the bishops in the morning gave much less to the Bishop of Rome than before. Therefore it was impossible for the bishop of Rome to call such a council, especially to Ephesus, far beyond the sea in Asia, otherwise he would have placed it, if he could, 1) closer to Rome. As Damasus did about the previous Concilium at Constantinople. But he is said to have had his message there. That would be fine, but they did not sit at the top.

151 And the cause of this concilii was that the dear fathers and fine bishops were gone: St. Ambrose, St. Martin, St. Jerome, St. Augustine (who died in the same year). St. Hilarius, St. Eusebius, and the like, and in their place arose very unequal fathers, so that even the Emperor Theodosius no longer wanted to have a bishop elected to Constantinople from the priests or clergy in the city of Constantinople, for the reason that they were commonly proud, vainglorious, and carping, who were wont to cause vain misfortune. For St. John Chrysostom had also been such a head, as the Tripartite History reports. Therefore, the emperor had an advenam (that is what he is called) brought to Antioch, named Nestorius, who was of a strict, chaste life, well-mannered and eloquent, fiercely hostile to all heretics, and had to become "patriarch" and bishop of Constantinople. And the emperor ran at this, and found the right one; wanted to escape the rain, and fell into the water.

He began to defend his priest Anastasius, who had preached that the Blessed Virgin Mary should not be called the Mother of God, for because she was a man, she could not give birth to God. This struck all Christians on the head, and they could not understand it otherwise than if he did not consider Christ, born of Mary, to be God, but to be a pure human being, as we all are; and out of this arose such a being and confusion that the emperor had to gather a concilium to investigate the matter.

  1. Thus improved by Walch. In the other editions: "sonst hatte er's Wohl, wo er's vermocht hätte, würden" 2c.

help. Then the high bishops (however slowly) came together to Epheson, Nestorius with many others, Cyril of Alexandria, Juvenalis of Jerusalem. And when John of Antioch was about to depart, he went to Cyril, who was hostile to Nestorius, and Juvenalis, condemned Nestorius, and he them again with his own. When John of Antioch came and found such a rift, he was angry with Cyril for hastening to condemn Nestorium with such a hot brow, and the two of them also came together over it, and one condemned the other, and pushed each other out of the episcopate.

When Nestorius saw that such a disarray had arisen, he said, "Let us do away with what makes such displeasure, and confess that Mary is called the Mother of God. But such recantation did not help him, he had to remain condemned and expelled from the country. Although the two bishops, Antioch and Alexandria, condemned each other even after the Concilio, when they returned home, they were finally at peace again. It is nevertheless annoying, even miserable, to read that such high people acted so womanishly and childishly, and would have needed a Constantine who would have thrown their letters of discord into the fire. But they were there who could do it.

If Nestorius has been in such error that he has not considered Christ to be God, but a true man, then he is justly condemned, as he who taught neither Arius nor Macedonius much worse. This is now the third main council, it has done nothing more. And yet we see that it has not established a new article, but defends the old right faith against the new doctrine of Nestorii (did he teach otherwise), so that from this we cannot give the councils power to establish new articles. For the fact that Christ is the true God was previously defended in the Concilio at Nicea and Constantinople, as a true, old article, held from the beginning, and proven and convinced by the Holy Scriptures against the new heresy of Arii. The "other" decrees, which are stated there, concern bodily matters and are not articles of faith; we leave them aside.

In order to understand this Concilium thoroughly, let us go a little further.

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talk about. For I myself have not been able to understand what Nestorius' error was, I have always thought that Nestorius denied the deity of Christ, and held Christ to be nothing more than a mere man, as the papal decrees and all papal writers say; but from their own words, when I really looked at them, I had to think otherwise. For they blame him for making Christ into two persons, namely God and man. Some say, as if they could not understand it either, that he taught thus: Christ was first born of Mary a true man, then lived so holy that the Godhead united with him, and thus became God. And their writing is so confused that I think that even today they themselves do not know what and why they have condemned Nestorium. Notice that they confess that Nestorius took Christ to be God and man, without making two persons out of it. So it is certain from this that Nestorius did not consider Christ to be a true man, as we have all supposed, because he also considers him to be a god, according to their own words. And the only thing that remains is that he should have taken Christ, a right and true God and man, for a twofold person, as a divine and a human one. That is one.

Whoever then separates Christ and makes two persons out of it, makes two Christs, as one divine Christ, who is vain God and no man; and one human Christ, who is vain man and no God. Otherwise they could not be two persons. Now it is certain that Nestorius did not believe in two Christs, but in one Christ, just as their own words show that Nestorius considered Christ, namely the one, the same, the right one, and no other Christ, to be two persons; so it must also be false and wrong that Nestorius considered Christ to be two persons. For it cannot stand together that Christ is two persons, and yet the same one Christ remains, but, as said, if there are two persons, then there are two Christs, and not one Christ. But Nestorius holds nothing more than One Christ. Therefore, he could not consider Christ to be two persons.

Otherwise, he would have to hold yes and no against himself in the same article. So nowhere in the histories does it say that Nestorius considered Christ to be two persons, without the popes and their histories being so clever. Although they themselves confess that they write that Nestorius taught that Christ became God after the birth of Mary, or was united with God in One Person. They were forced to do this by their conscience or by an erroneous mind, because they had to confess that Nestorius had no more than one Christ.

157 Now the question is, what is condemned about Nestorius, and why is this third main council held against him, if Nestorius teaches nothing else than that Christ is truly God and man, also one Christ, not two Christs, that is, one person in two natures, as we all believe, and all Christianity has believed from the beginning? For it is found that the pope with his own has invented such words on Nestorium, that he has taken Christ for one true man, and not also for one God, and that he has taken Christ for two persons or two Christs. This is found not only in the Histories, but also in the Popes' and their writers' own words and writings. What then has Nestorius erred? so that we may know the causes of this concilii.

You may read in the 12th book Tripart. 4. read a page or two, you can do that in half a quarter of an hour, there you will find everything that can be thoroughly known about Nestorio and this Concilio; and see if I hit it. The shortcoming is: Nestorius was a proud, unlearned man, and since he became such a great bishop and patriarch, he thought that he must be the most learned man on earth, must not read any books of the ancestors or others, or learn to speak of things in their way, but because he was eloquent and determined, he wanted to be a self-educated doctor or master, and as he said or pronounced it, it should be right. And he approached this article with such pride that Mary is God's mother or God's childbearer. There he again found proud bishops who did not like his pride, especially Cprillum of Alexandria. For

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There was neither Augustine nor Ambrose. Now Nestorius had learned in the church at Antioch that Christ was the true God, born of the Father in eternity, as the Concilium at Nicea had affirmed, and then born of the virgin Mary a true man. Nestorio was in no doubt about these two things, had preached them himself for a long time, yes, he persecuted the Arians, condemned in the Niceno Concilio, so fiercely that he also caused much murder and bloodshed over them. So firmly did he hold Christ to be a true God and man.

He also allowed that Christ, the Son of God, was born of the Virgin Mary according to humanity, not according to divinity, which we and all Christians also say. But he did not want Mary to be called the mother of God, because Christ was not born of her according to the Godhead; or, to put it plainly, that Christ did not have the Godhead from the mother, as mankind had from her. This is the war altogether, that GOD could not be born of a man or have his divine nature, and a man could not give birth to GOD or give the divine nature to a GOD. For the unlearned, coarse, proud man stood on this letter: GOtt born of Mary, and interpreted "Born" according to the Grammatica or Philosophia, as if it meant to have the nature of the Godhead from the bearer, that also the Tripartite says: he took such words for abominations, as we and all Christians (where they should have such understanding) also hold.

160 From this it is seen that Nestorius, as an incomprehensible, proud bishop, means Christ with right earnestness; but according to his incomprehension he does not know what and how he speaks, as he does not know rightly to speak of such a thing, and yet has wanted to be master of speaking. For this we also know well, that Christ did not get his divinity from Mary. But that it should therefore be false that God was born of Mary, and that God is the Son of Mary, and that Mary is the Mother of God, does not follow from this. Of this I must set a gross example: If a woman gives birth to a child, a lazy Nestorius (so Tripartite calls him) can be so proud and unlearned and clever: This woman has given birth, but she is not the mother of this child;

Cause, the soul of the child is not of her nature or blood, but from somewhere else, as infused by God. So this child is born of a woman after her body, but because the soul is not of her body, it is not the mother of the child, because it is not the mother of the child's soul.

161 Such a lazy sophist does not deny that the two natures, body and soul, are one person, nor does he say that there are two persons or two children, but confesses that the two natures, as body and soul, are one person or one child; nor that the mother gave birth to two children, but to one child, but does not see what he denies or says. Nestorius was also such a man, who admits that Christ is God and man in One Person; but because the Godhead does not come from the Mother Mary, she is not to be called God's Mother; this is rightly condemned in the Concilio, and shall be condemned. And although Nestorius has a right opinion in one piece of the main matter, that Christ is God and man, one should not suffer the other piece or such word and speech that God is not born of Mary and crucified by the Jews, just as one should not suffer the Sophist (who speaks quite rightly in the piece that the mother cannot give birth to the child's soul nor give it), since he says that the child is not the mother's natural child, and the mother is not the child's natural mother.

  1. Summa, the proud, unlearned bishop has caused a Greek evil bite, as the Roman Cicero says of the Greeks: Jam diu torquet controversia verbi homines grae- culos, contentionis cupidiores, quam veritatis. For whoever confesses that a mother gives birth to a child that has body and soul, let him say and hold that the mother gives birth to the whole child, and is the child's right mother, even if she is not the mother of the soul; otherwise it would follow that no woman is the mother of any child, and the fourth commandment would have to be abandoned altogether: "You shall honor father and mother." So it should also be said that Mary is the true natural mother of the child whose name is Jesus Christ, and she is the true mother of God, God's child-bearer; and what
  2. In the old editions: "Grekisch".

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more can be said of child mothers than suckling, washing, etching, watering, that Mary suckles GOD, weighs GOD, makes GOD porridge and soups 2c. For GOD and man is One Person, One Christ, One Son, One JEsus, not two Persons, not two Christs, not two Sons, not two JEsus. Just as your son is not two sons, two Hanse, two cobblers, though he has two natures, body and soul, body from you, soul from God alone.

De communicatione idiomatum.

So Nestorii's error is not that he considers Christ to be a pure man, nor does he make two persons out of him, but confesses two natures, God and man, in one person: but he does not want to admit communicationem idiomatum; I cannot speak German with one word. Idioms means what is attached to a nature or is its characteristic, as dying, suffering, crying, talking, laughing, eating, drinking, sleeping, mourning, rejoicing, being born. Having a nut, sucking breasts, walking, standing, working, sitting, lying, and what is more, are called idiomata naturae humanae, that is, qualities that are inherent in a human being by nature, as which he can do or suffer, and indeed must. For idioms Greek, proprium Latin, is a thing. Meanwhile, let us call it a quality. Again, Idioma Deitatis, divine nature's quality is that it is immortal, omnipotent, infinite, not born, not eats, drinks, sleeps, stands, walks, mourns, weeps. And what shall mau say much? It is an immeasurably different thing from God, neither is a man. Therefore, the idiomata of both natures cannot agree. This is the opinion of Nestorii.

164 If I preach: Jesus, a carpenter in Nazareth (for that is what the Gospels call him: filium fabri), walks there in the street, and gives his mother a jug of water and a penny's worth of bread, so that he eats and drinks with his mother, and this same Jesus, a carpenter Matth. 13, 55. Marc. 6, 3., is the right true God in one person; Nestorius admits this to me and says that it is right. But when I say, "God is walking in the street, giving water and bread, so that he may eat and drink with his mother;

Nestorius does not admit this speech to me, but says: Fetching water, buying bread, having a mother, eating and drinking with her, these are idiomata, attributes of human and not divine nature. So, if I say: JEsus the carpenter is crucified by the Jews, and the same JEsus is the right God, Nestorius admits that it is right. But if I say, God is crucified by the Jews, he says, "No. For the cross and the suffering and the death are not true: No. For the cross, suffering and death are not of divine, but of human nature idioms or attributes.

When the common Christians hear this, they cannot think otherwise than that he considers Christ to be a pure man and separates the person. Which he does not intend to do without the word, as if he did it. From this it can be seen that he was a completely mad saint and incomprehensible man. For since he admits that God and man are united and mixed in one person, he cannot in any way deny that the idioms of the natures should not also be united and mixed. Otherwise, what would God and man be united in one person? And his foolishness is just that, against which one teaches in the schools: Qui concedit antecedens bonae consequentiae, non potest negare consequens; in German we speak thus: If one is true, then the other must also be true. If the other is not true, then the first is also not true. Whoever admits that Greta is your wife, cannot deny that her child (if she is pious) is your child. When such things are taught in school, no one thinks that such people can be rude; but ask the rulers and jurists whether they have not often had such a part before them, who confess a thing, and yet will not admit what follows from it.

But one would like to pretend that Nestorius mischievously confessed that Christ is God and One Person. No, the proud man was not that clever, but meant it seriously. For in a sermon (says Tripartite) he cried out: No, dear Jew, you must not be proud, you could not crucify God. There he wants to say that Christ is God, but God is not crucified. And in the Concilio before Bishop Cyrillo he says that many confess that Christ is God, but the

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I will never say that God is bitris or trinitris; that is so much said: Jesus is God, as our many confess; but that God should be born twice or three times, that I will not teach; and this is in his mind (as Tripartite indicates) as God and dying do not rhyme together. For it seems terrible to him to hear that God should die. And this was his opinion, that Christ was immortal according to the Godhead; but he did not have so much sense that he could have pronounced it thus. In addition, the other bishops were also proud, not thinking how to heal the wounds, but how to tear them much worse.

Although, to speak thoroughly, it must follow from Nestorii opinion that Christ is a pure man and two persons, it was not his opinion. For the coarse, unlearned man did not see that he was pretending impossible things, that at the same time he seriously considered Christ to be God and man in one person, and yet did not want to admit the idiomata of the natures of the same person of Christ. He wants to hold the first to be true; but that is not to be true, which nevertheless follows from the first. So that he shows that he himself does not understand what he denies.

For we Christians must appropriate the idiomata of the two natures in Christ as equal and all in person, as: Christ is God and man in One Person. Therefore, what is said of Him as man must also be said of God, namely, Christ died, and Christ is God, therefore God died; not the separate God, but the united God with humanity. For of the separated GOtt both are false, namely that Christ is GOtt and that GOtt died. Both are false. For God is not man. But if Nestorium thinks it strange that God dies, he should think that it is so strange that God becomes man. For thus the immortal God becomes the one who must die, suffer, and have all human idiomata. Otherwise, what would be the same man with whom God unites personally, if he should not have proper human idiomata? It would have to be a ghost

  1. Erlanger: "and".

as the Manichaeans had taught before. Again, what is said of God must also be attributed to man. Namely, God created the world and is omnipotent; the man Christ is God, therefore the man Christ created the world and is omnipotent. Cause is, because it has become One Person from God and man, therefore the person of both natures leads idiomata.

O Lord God, from such a blessed and comforting article one should always be joyful, singing, praising and thanking God the Father for such unspeakable mercy, that he has let his dear Son become like us, man and brother. Thus, the wicked Satan, through proud, ambitious, desperate people, causes such unhappiness that our dear and blessed joy must be prevented and spoiled. Let this be lamented to God! For we Christians must know this: where God is not in the balance and gives the weight, we sink to the bottom with our bowl. This is what I mean: if it should not be said that God died for us, but only a human being, then we are lost; but if God's death and God's death lie in the bowl of the wagon, then it sinks, and we rise up as a light, empty bowl. But he can also go up again, or jump out of his bowl. But he could not sit in the bowl, he would have to become a man to us, so that it could be said: God died, God's torture, God's blood, God's death. For God in His nature cannot die; but now God and man are united in One Person, so it is rightly called God's death when man dies, who is One Thing or One Person with God.

The Concilium also condemned the Nestorio too little. For it deals only with the one idiom that God was born of Mary. Therefore, the Histories write that in this Concilio it was decided against Nestorium, which is supposed to be Mary,

Theotocos was to be called God's child-bearer, while Nestorius denied all idiomata of human nature of God in Christ, such as dying, the cross, suffering, and everything that does not rhyme with the Godhead. Therefore, they should not only decide that Mary was Theotocos, but also that Pila-

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tus and the Jews were God's crucifiers and murderers, and the like. But that one has condemned him afterwards by all idiomata with these words: Nestorius denies that Christ is God and One Person, is indeed right in effectu ober ex consequenti, but spoken too harshly and too strangely, because Nestorius could not think otherwise from this than that violence and injustice had been done to him. For he never taught such words, but always said against them that Christ was the right true God, and not two persons, on which he harshly persecuted the Arians. For such coarse people cannot syllogize, or make consequentias, namely, that he should be called denying the substance or nature who denies the idiomata or attributes of nature; but so the verdict should be: Although Nestorius confesses that Christ, true God and man, is One Person, but because he does not give the idiomata of human nature to the same divine Person of Christ, it is wrong, and as much as if he denied nature itself. And they should not have deleted only the one idioma, of the Mother Mary. Thus the matter of this Concilii would have been the clearer to understand, which I respect that very few have understood so far. From Platina and his like more it is impossible to understand.

For I have also had Nestorians before me, who argued very stiffly against me that the deity of Christ could not suffer; and Zwinglius also wrote against me about this saying: Verbum caro factum est John 1:14, and did not want Verbum to be called factum, but wanted it to be: Verbum caro facta est, cause, God can become nothing. But at that time I myself did not know that such was Nestorii conceit, as I did not understand this concilium either, but recognized it as error from the holy Scriptures, Augustino and Magistro Sententiarum. And who knows how many Nestoriani are still in the papacy, who nevertheless praise this Concilium highly, and do not know what they praise. For reason wants to be wise here, and not suffer that God should die, or have a being in a human way, although it already believes by habit that Christ is God, like Nestorius.

This concilium has not added anything new to the faith, as we said above, but has defended the old faith against the new conceit of Nestorius, so that no example can be taken from it, nor can the conciliis be given the power to establish new or different articles of faith. For this article has been in the church from the beginning, and has not been renewed by the council, but has been preserved by the gospel or sacred Scripture. For it is written in St. Lucas Cap. 1, 32, that the angel Gabriel announced to the virgin Mary that the Son of the Most High would be born of her. And St. Elizabeth Luc. 1, 43., "Whence cometh it unto me, that the mother of the Lord is come unto me?" And the angels all together in Christmas Cap. 2, 11: "To you is born this day a Savior, who is Christ the Lord." Item St. Paul Gal. 4, 4: "God has sent His Son, born of a woman." These sayings (I know for certain) hold firmly enough that Mary is God's mother. Thus St. Paul says 1 Cor. 2, 8: "The princes of this world have crucified the Lord of Majesty"; Apost. 20, 28.: "God purchased the Church with His own blood", yet God has no blood to judge by reason. Phil. 2, 6. 7.: "Christ, being like unto GOD, was made a servant, and found in all men's ways." And the infant faith, Symbolum Apostolorum, says: "I believe in Jesus Christ, his only Son, our Lord, who was conceived, born of Mary, suffered, was crucified, died, and was buried. There the idiomata of human nature are clear enough, and yet they are assigned to the only Son and Lord, in whom we believe like the Father, and as in a true God. That is enough of this Concilio.

From the fourth main coneilio, to Chalcedon. 1)

The fourth main council is held at Chalcedon in Ponto or Asia (about two or three and twenty years after the third previous main council at Ephesus) by the

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

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Emperor Martianus, who became emperor at Constantinople after the younger Theodosio. Anno 455. And so the four main concilia were held almost within 130 years, because the one at Nicea was held Anno 327. Before and after that, however, there were many other concilia, without the emperors, held by the bishops themselves from time to time. But these four could not meet without the emperors, so frail were the holy fathers, since not easily one wanted to give way to the other, as unfortunately the histories well testify, to give us special comfort that we should not despair, because the Holy Spirit was in such some fathers, and they must be holy and be called, we will also be holy and become blessed.

But what the cause of this Concilii fei was, I myself would like to learn from another. For no credible historia reaches here. The Ecclesiastica ceased with the first Concilio Niceno, the Tripartite and Theodoretus with the third at Ephesus, and must now continue to believe almost the Pope and his histories, which are very difficult to believe, for excellent, noticeable reasons: for they have therefore drawn everything to themselves, and lied so shamefully about their majesty, and still continue to lie, that no one can build his conscience on it. Now, counselor, where will I be saved, who do not understand this council, nor know what it does? And where have they gone, the dear saints and Christians, who through so many hundred years have not known what this Concilium has established? For there must always be saints on earth, and when they die, other saints must live, from the beginning to the end of the world; otherwise the article would be false: "I believe a holy Christian church, congregation of saints," and Christ would have to lie, since he says Matth. 28,20.: "I am with you until the end of the world." Living saints (I say) must always be on earth, they are where they can, otherwise Christ's kingdom would have an end, and there would be no one who prayed the Lord's Prayer, confessed the faith, was baptized, went to the sacrament, was absolved 2c.

175 Well, Platina and others say that it is this cause: that at Constantinople an abbot, or, as they call it, Archimandrita, Eutyches, has against the Nestorium an

The Fathers, however, in the Conciliar, decided that Christ is One Person and two natures. Against this the Fathers in Concilio decided that Christ is One Person and two natures. This is now right and the Christian faith. But Pabst's Histories write that he taught that after the Godhead assumed humanity, and thus became Christ in One Person, there remained no more than the Godhead, and Christ alone was to be considered God and not man. If this is Eutyche's opinion, then he is almost a crude Nestorius, who is said to have taught two persons in Christ, and yet one person. Thus, he must have taught two natures at the same time, and yet one nature in Christ. For thus 1) Pope Leo writes in a letter that Eutyches and Nestorius teach abominable heresy. And it is true that he who teaches that Christ is two persons and yet one nature; and again, that in Christ there are two natures and yet one nature: these are of course contrary to each other, indeed, each contrary to himself.

If the papists knew that Nestorius and Eutyche were not of this opinion, they should refrain from such words and speak a little more clearly about the matter and in terminis propriis, that is, they should use their own words. Otherwise, the heretics think that they want to hurry them by force and injustice through false words, and falsely interpret their words, as I said above about Nestorio.

177 For that Eutyches does not hold only one nature in Christ, the papists themselves give their own words, when they say: Eutyches confessed that in Christ there are two natures, namely, the Godhead has taken on humanity. He who confesses this says that Christ has more than one nature. But what Eutyches means by this, that afterwards in Christ alone the divine nature, without human nature, remained, they do not indicate; they leave it thus as if Eutyches at the same time held that Christ had two natures, and yet not two, but one nature. Therefore the histories also become uncertain and dark, so that no one can understand what Eutyches said.

  1. In all editions except Walch: "schreiet".

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or what the pope's histories mean; thus lose this concilium together with the reason why it is assembled. Yes, it can be found from the conciliar histories and from the popes' letters not 1). Again, however, the pope's historians should not write so rough and unpolished, nor should they talk their own words to us, so that one can take from it that they have understood this Concilium almost as finely as I have.

178 I want to say my thoughts. If I am right, well; if not, then the Christian faith has not fallen. Eutyche's opinion is also wrong (like Nestorius') about the Jdiomata; but in a different way. Nestorius does not want to give the idiomata of humanity to the Godhead in Christ, even though he is certain that Christ is God and man. Again, Eutyches does not want to give the idiomata of the Godhead to mankind, although he also holds firmly that Christ is true God and man. As if I preached that the Verbum, the Son of God, is. Creator of heaven and earth, like the Father forever, Joh. 1, 13. 14. and the verbum, the same Son of God, is truly man, Joh. 1, 3. Eutyches allows me these things and does not doubt them. But when I continue to preach that the same man Christ is the creator of heaven and earth, Eutyches is repulsed and appalled by this word: "A man creates heaven and earth," and says, "No. For such a divine idiom (as creating heaven) does not belong to men. But do not think that he has previously admitted that Christ is truly God and man in one person, and yet will not admit the consequence or consequens bonae consequentiae.

For he who confesses that God and man are one person, must, for the sake of this union of the two natures in one person, also badly admit that this man Christ, born of Mary, is the creator of heaven and earth. For he has become that in One Person, namely God, who created heaven and earth. Eutyches does not understand such a consequence, and yet firmly says that Christ is God and man; see also

  1. "not" is missing in the editions, but the Jena one notes: "Scheinet, als Mangel ein nicht".

not that he must deny the human nature of Christ in Christ, where he rejects the divine idiomata from the human nature. For thereby the person would be separated, and Christ would not remain a man. And this is what those want to indicate who write of Eutyche that he did not allow the human nature to remain in Christ, scilicet in consequenti, when he nevertheless confesses, scilicet in consequenti, that the divine and human nature is One Christ, One Person, and two natures. Summa, as said above, whoever confesses the two natures in Christ, God and man, must also admit both of their idiomata of the person. For God and man are nothing where they should not have their idiomata. Therefore they both, Nestorius and Eutyches, are condemned with their error and reason.

  1. although it is true that Eutyches may have had more challenge, neither Nestorius. For the human nature idiomata of Christ are many left behind him, as eating, drinking, sleeping, mourning, suffering, dying, burying 2c. For he now sits at the right hand of God, eats, drinks, sleeps, mourns, suffers, dies, nevermore in eternity, as will happen to us when we pass from this life into that life, 1 Cor. 15:49, 53. These are temporal and perishable idiomata; but the natural ones remain, as that he has body and soul, skin and hair, blood and flesh, marrow and bone, and all the members of human nature. Therefore it must be said: This man Christ, the flesh and blood of Mary, is the Creator of heaven and earth, has overcome death, destroyed sin, broken hell, which are divine idiomata, and yet are rightly and Christianly assigned to the person who is Mary's flesh and blood, because it is not two, but One Person.

181 As your son Peter is called learned, so such idioma is only of the soul, and not of the body, and a Eutyches would like to alfenzen: No, Peter is not learned, but his soul. Again a Nestorius: No, I did not teach your son, but his body. This is as if one wanted to make two persons out of Petro, or keep only one nature, if it is not meant that way. This is ignorance and rudeness, and testifies that they have been evil dialectics.

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But such ignorance is not strange in the world, even in other things, where one often confesses something, and yet denies that which must follow from it, as said: Antecedente concesso negare consequens. So now there are many great lords and learned men who freely and firmly confess that our doctrine of faith, which makes righteous without merit by pure grace, is right, but that for this reason monasticism and the service of saints or the like should be abandoned and despised, this strikes them upside the head, even though it enforces the consequence and consequence. For no one can be justified except by faith; from this it follows that one cannot be justified by monastic life. What is the point? What is the point?

182 And so that I also take myself by the nose, and do not so ungratefully forget my foolishness: I taught 20 years ago that faith alone without works makes one righteous, as I still do. But if someone had stood up at that time who taught that monasticism and nunnery should be called idolatry, and that the mass should be called a real abomination, I would not have helped to burn such a heretic, but I would have kept it, and it would have served him right. And I, an inconsiderate fool, could not see the consequence that I would have to yield, that where faith alone did it, monasticism and the mass could not do it. And what was even finer, I knew that it was all human doctrine and work, and yet I did not ascribe such to the good works commanded by God and done in faith. Indeed, I have proved my Nestorium and Eutychen (but in other matters), since I admitted one, and the other, which follows from it, I did not give in, just as Nestorius admits that Christ is God and man, and does not want to give in here that the same God was born and died, which follows from it.

Further, Luther scolds the papists for not teaching the Christian faith or good works, so they do not celebrate either, but scolds Luther much more vehemently for not teaching the Christian faith correctly and forbidding good works. Why then are they not one, if they confess the same thing? I will tell you this: Nestorius has been misled here about the Jdiomates. Luther wants to have the good works, but they are not to have the good works.

The Lord is the one who carries the glorious divine idiomata, so that they are sufficient for sin, appease God's wrath and make sinners righteous. For such idiomata belong to another, who is called "God's Lamb who bears the sin of the world" John 1:29. Yes, of course, the blood and death of Christ should not have such idiomata; good works should have other idiomata, other merit and reward. The papists do not want such things, but give good works the right to do enough for sin and to make people pious. Therefore they cry out that Luther does not teach good works, but forbids them. But they do not see this consequence or consequence, that where one teaches such good works that are sufficient for sin, that it is just as much as not teaching good works. For such good works are nihil in rerum natura, nothing and nowhere, and cannot be. Therefore, just in that they teach and confess good works firmly and almost, they teach no good works at all.

Here you see what the dialectician is who gives an antecedent and denies the consequent, and thus also makes the antecedent false. For if one is true, the other must also be true in a right consequence. Again, if the latter is false, the former must also be false. Good works do enough for sin, which they not only admit, but do hard; but the other thing, which follows from this, that such works are not good, nay, are nothing and no works at all, that they condemn. Now this follows very clearly from the foregoing. For good works sufficient for sin are as much as no good works. Just as this consequence is powerful, qui docet id, quod non est, docet nihil, whoever teaches that which is nothing teaches as much as nothing. The same may be said of faith: he who teaches such faith as does not justify by itself and without works teaches as much as no faith. For such faith as justifies with or by works is nothing and nowhere.

I will add one more thing. Some jurists admit that priestly marriage is right; but they do not give the consequence that the children should be heirs. This is just as much as to say that the marriage of priests must be fornication. For if there is marriage, the child must also be heir.

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If it is not heir, then there is no marriage (cactsris paribu8); 1) such is called in the schools: negare consequens antecedentis concessi in bona consequentia; and: destructo consequente, retinere antecedens, which is impossible, and are called coarse, incomprehensible people. But both Nestorius and Eutyches lacked this, as happens to many in other matters. For they were certainly serious that they both considered Christ to be God and man in one person, as the Histories and also the Acta Conciliorum indicate, and yet they could not have judged the consequence that the person, who is God and man, may have been crucified and created heaven, but God may not be crucified, nor man create heaven.

And what shall we say of ourselves? The apostles at Jerusalem Acts 15:11 and many thousands of Jews were justified by faith alone, that is, by the grace of Christ. They still had their Nestorios and Eutyches in their skin, but did not see that the Law of Moses did nothing to it, nor could it do anything, but wanted to give it the idiomata that belong only to the Lamb of God, and said that the Gentiles could not be saved unless they circumcised themselves and kept the Law of Moses. This was just as much as denying Christ with His grace, as St. Paul says Gal. 2, 21: "If of the law is righteousness, then Christ died in vain," and Rom. 11, 6: "If it is grace, then it is not works." But those at Jerusalem say thus: It is grace alone, but it must nevertheless also be 2) work; 3) because grace has not yet done this, the law must do it, as it follows. That means in German, to hit oneself in the cheeks, and not to understand what one is saying. The schools call it (as I said) consequens negare; above consequens destruere unb antecedens affirmare; saying yes and no at the same time in one and the same thing.

  1. The words: (ceteris paribus) are missing in the first edition.
  2. Thus the Jenaer. In the other editions: "alone" instead of: also.
  3. In the very first printing it was thus stated: "For without law one cannot be saved, although one must be saved by grace alone without works, but later, as it is stated here, corrected" (Walch).

Things. No one has to do this, except an incomprehensible person or a desperate scoffer.

So do my antinomians, 4) who preach very finely, and (as I cannot think otherwise) with real earnestness, of the grace of Christ, of the forgiveness of sins, and what more is to be said of the article of salvation. But this consequence they flee like the devil, that they should tell the people about the third article, sanctification, that is, about the new life in Christ. For they think that people should not be frightened or distressed, but always preach comfortingly about grace and the forgiveness of sins in Christ, and by all means avoid these or similar words: Do you hear it, you want to be a Christian, and yet remain an adulterer, whore hunter, full sow, hopeful, stingy, usurer, envious, vengeful, malicious 2c., but so they say: If thou hearest, thou art an adulterer, a fornicator, a covetous man, or any other sinner; but if thou believest, thou art blessed; thou shalt not be afraid of the law; Christ hath fulfilled it all.

Tell me, my dear, is this not called antecedent conceded, and consequent negated? Yes, in the same way it means to take away Christ and make him null and void when he is preached most highly. And everything is a vain yes and no, in one and the same thing. For such a Christ is nothing and nowhere, who died for such sinners, who do not after the forgiveness of sins leave their sins and lead a new life. So they preach finely on Nestorian and Eutychian dialectica Christ thus that Christ is, and yet is not; and are indeed fine Easter preachers, but shameful Pentecostal preaching. For they preach nothing about the sanctification and vivification of the Holy Spirit, but only about the redemption of Christ, when Christ (whom they preach highly, how rightly) is therefore Christ, or has purchased redemption from sins and death, that the Holy Spirit should make us new men from the old Adam, that we should die to sin and live to righteousness, as St. Paul teaches. Paul teaches Rom. 6, 2. ff., to begin and increase here on earth and to accomplish there.

189 For Christ has not left us alone

  1. See St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 1610 ff. Luther's writings > against the antinomians.

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gratiam, grace, but also äouum, the gift of the Holy Spirit, so that we not only have forgiveness of sins, but also cessation of sins. Whoever then does not cease from sins, but remains in the former evil nature, must have another Christ from the antinomians. The right Christ is not there, and if all the angels cried out Christ, Christ, and must be condemned with his new Christ.

190 Now see how evil dialectici we are in high things, so above us or untrained that we hold and do not hold a thing at the same time. But in low things, there we are exceedingly sharp Dialectici. For a peasant, however coarse he is, he has soon understood and reckoned: whoever gives me a penny does not give me a florin; for it follows from himself, and he sees the consequence finely. But our antinomians do not see that they preach Christ without and against the Holy Spirit, because they want to let the people remain in their old nature, and nevertheless pronounce them blessed, when the consequence wants that a Christian should have the Holy Spirit, and lead a new life, or know that he has no Christ. Nor do the donkeys want to be better dialectics than N. Philippe and Aristotle; I must be silent about Luther, because the pope has felt the same 1) alone; they have flown far too high for me. Well, Nestorii and Eutyches Dialectica is a common plague, especially in the Holy Scriptures; but in other matters it knows how to hold its own. However, in subtle matters it gives lawyers and regents enough trouble, since they sometimes have to hear yes and no at the same time, and have trouble separating them.

If now Eutyches or Nestorius remained stiff and proud on his sense (as I cannot judge nor should, as far as I read the Histories) according to the bishops' instruction, then they are not only condemned as heretics, but also as gross fools. If, however, they did not stubbornly stand on their senses, as especially reported by Eutyches of the Concilien Acta themselves.

  1. It would perhaps like to read "derselbigen" (Luthern). The reading: "the same" (the antinomians, the bad dialecticians) does not seem to us to give a suitable sense. To refer this word "the same" to "Philip and Aristotle" seems impossible to us.

and they did not teach the erring person in a friendly manner according to the teachings of St. Paul Gal. 6:1, they nevertheless judged the matter rightly for themselves, but with their pride and weak authority (because now the Conciliis has attained great prestige, and there have been six hundred and thirty bishops) they must answer to the right judge.

I remember how M. Johannes Wesalia (who was a preacher in Mainz, and before that governed the high school in Erfurt with his books, from which I also became a master there) had to be condemned by the desperate, hopeful murderers, called haereticae pravitatis inquisitores (I should say: inventores), preacher monks, because he did not want to say: Credo Deum esse, but said: Scio Deum esse. Dem: alle Schulen halten, dass Deum esse**, per se notum sit,** wie St. Paul Rom. 1, 19. auch sagt. How the barefoot murderers at Eisenach also dealt with Johann Ilten 2) is written in the Apologia.

I suppose that an honest man would come to you and to me without warning, who could make things strange with harsh words, and say: "Shall I not tell you that a new prophet has arisen who teaches that where a man becomes fully holy, he can not only perform miracles, but also create heaven and earth, angels, and all that is in them, out of nothing, as some scholastics have also argued? 4. and that is even worse, he says that the old right God has died 2c. Here you and I would say that must be the devil and his mother. The Scripture says (Mal. 3, 6.]: "I am God, and will not be changed." And St. Paul 1 Tim. 6, 16.: Qui solus habet immortalitatem. What may it be much word? God lives alone and is life itself. Then he began: Do you yourselves teach thus, saying that Christ is a man, perfectly holy, who created heaven and earth, and also a true God, who died for you on the cross. Behold, how suddenly we have become blasphemous Nestorius and Eutyches, who at the same time confess that Christ is God and man, One Person, who died for us and created heaven and earth.

  1. In the apology in this volume Col. 1326 he is called "Johannes Hilten".

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and yet said above, it must be the devil and his mother, who says that a man created heaven and earth, and God died, if it forces the consequence or consequence, from the fact that we believe Christ God and man in one person. There you stand, as the idiomata unawares strike unthinking people before the head and make them mislead. Here you should run towards, teach with gentleness, and not condemn the erring with pride. God grant that I am lying. I see to it that some heretics will be judges on the last day, and the judge-bishops will be damned. God is strange and incomprehensible in His judgments (Rom. 11, 33), so that one does not know that He is gracious to the humble and hostile to the proud (1 Pet. 5:5): And especially in the churches and church ranks, one should not act out of envy or pride, for God does not like it.

I have such thoughts from the Eutyche. If I did not get it right, then I have failed, and it is their fault. Why did they not do it more properly and describe it more diligently, so that it could be understood more clearly? And how would one have to do, if this concilium were lost? The Christian faith would not have to sink because of it. Surely more and more useful things are lost, neither this Concilium is. St. Augustine himself complains that he finds almost nothing among his ancestors that helps him against the Pelagium, and yet much must have been done about such a main matter. But I have kept in these thoughts according to the words of the Roman bishop Leonis, who writes that Eutyches and Nestorii are heresies against each other or contrary and reversed. Now it is certain from the Tripartite that Nestorius confessed Christ to be true God and man, even quite vehemently, and was not an Arian who badly did not hold Christ to be God; but he drove them out and persecuted them, even by murder and slaughter. But this is his heresy, that the idiomata have disturbed and misled him, that God should be born of the image of a woman and be crucified. Therefore, Eutyche's heresy must have been done in a counter-intuitive way, that he also considers Christ to be God and man, but does not want to give the idiomata of divine nature to the

Humans. Just as Nestor again does not want to attribute the idiomata of human nature to God in Christ's unique person; that is, against each other or reversed.

If his opinion is that he denies the human nature in Christ, his heresy is not contrary to the heresy of Nestorius, but he must have been insane and furious, who at the same time should hold that in Christ the Godhead is united with humanity, and yet only one nature, namely, the Godhead, remains or becomes. This would not only be against Nestorium, but against all believers and unbelievers, against all heretics and true Christians, against all heathens and men. For no man has ever taught in this way. But because they have described this thing in such a way that they themselves testify that Eutyches confessed Christ, united divinity and humanity in one person, and write the other thing as if they did not want it to be understood, we do not want to understand it either. What do we care, if we have it much better otherwise! Eutyches says in the Concilio that he did not speak it in such words as they blamed him, namely, that he should deny the human nature in Christ. From this it can be seen that he was mistaken and did not want to deny Christ's humanity. But if I were Doctor Luther, I would like to hear from the papist writers how they could believe even their own words, since they may say that Nestorius held at the same time two persons, and yet only one person in Christ; Eutyches held at the same time two natures, and yet only one in Christ. I truly think they are also Nestorian and Eutychian dialectici; of theology I speak nothing; perhaps they must be antilogists.

196 And that we come back to the Concilio, it is also found here that this Concilium did not establish any new article of faith. But this is no example of giving the Conciliis the power to impose new articles on Christianity. For such an article is much more abundantly and powerfully founded in Scripture, John 5:27: "The Father hath given the Son power to execute judgment, because he is the Son of man." Here would have

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Christ, according to Eutyche's opinion, must say: because he is the Son of God. For judgment is an idiom of divine nature, and not of human nature; but Christ gives it to his human nature, namely, the Son of man, that is, the Son of Mary the Virgin. And Matth. 22, 43. Christ asks the Pharisees: how does it rhyme that David calls Christ, who should be his son and seed, his Lord? If he is David's son or seed, how is he seated at the right hand of God? Here Eutyches should have said: David's seed cannot sit at the right hand of God. God's right hand, but only God's Son; and yet confess that God's Son and David's Son are One Person. But where the Person sits, there sits the Son of God and the Son of David. Eutyches does not see such a consequence, therefore one must think that he does not consider Christ to be a man, but only a divine person and nature; which, however, is not his opinion.

197 And in sum, all the prophets, all the Scriptures that give Christ or Messiah an eternal kingdom, salvation from sins, death, hell, are all against Eutychen. For they all say that the seed of the woman shall bruise the head of the serpent, Genesis 3:15, that is, overcome sin, death, the devil, hell, which are idiomata of divine nature, and not of the seed of the woman. And all the world was to be blessed through the seed of Abraham, Genesis 22:18, that is, to take away sin, death, hell, the curse of God; these are also idiomata, not of Abraham's seed, but of divine nature. And after that the glorious, mighty prophecies of David, Esaiä, Jeremiä Cap. 23, 5. and all prophets, who say of David's seed that he shall establish eternal righteousness, that is, put away death, sin, hell. These are all idioms of divine majesty and nature, but they are attributed to the Son of David, Christ, the Son of the virgins of Mary, in the whole of Scripture. If I do not have this Concilium, or do not understand it correctly, I have this Scripture and understand it correctly, according to which the Concilium is also to be kept, and is more certain to me than all Concilia.

Whoever wants to, may continue to read the stories of Concilii himself; I have read myself unamused by them. Such a bite, bite

turmoil and disorder is kept inside, that I almost have to believe the Gregorio Nazianzeno. St. Hieronymi Preceptor, who lived before this time, and has seen better Concilia or Fathers, yet writes thus: If one is to speak the truth, I hold that one should flee all bishops' concilia. For I have not seen a good end of the conciliar, nor the abolition of the evil, but rather ambition, quarrels about procedure 2c., that I wonder how it happens that they have not long since made the worst heretic out of him for the sake of such words. But it is true that he says how the bishops are ambitious, proud, quarrelsome and fierce in the concilia; you will find that in this concilio. So they must not be all holy by reason of necessity, who teach rightly or receive right doctrine. For Balaam also prophesies rightly Num. 24, 17, and Judas is also a right apostle Matth. 10, 4, and the Pharisees sit on the seat of Moses and teach rightly, Matth. 23, 2. So we must also have something more 1) and more certain for our faith, neither are the concilia. The same more and certain is the holy scripture.

That it is true that he says that he has not seen a good end to the Conciliar, the histories teach us finely. For Arii's heresy was a joke before the Niceno Concilio, compared to the misery they caused after the Concilio, as said above. The same happened to the other Conciliis, as with Macedonio and Nestorio. For the part that was condemned held together all the more tightly, wanted to adorn themselves and be uncondemned, and always blew up the fire more fiercely than before, against the Concilia, which they did not quite understand. Just as it happened to us Germans with the Costenzer Concilio, when the pope was subjected to the Concilio and deposed, and his tyranny and Simonei were harshly condemned, the pope has since been possessed with seven evil devils, and has first of all really wreaked his tyranny and Simonei; eats, robs, steals all monasteries, convents and churches, sells indulgences, grace, justice, God, Christ, the Holy Spirit; betrays, corrupts, confuses emperors and kings; gets, spills blood, beats to death.

  1. This "More" stands for: More.

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Body and soul, that one must grasp who is the God who is in Rome's household. There we Germans have our reward for having deposed and reformed the popes in the Costenzer Concilio. I think that the end of this Concilii was well advised. Another time, depose more popes and reform them, if they do not have enough of seven devils, so that they get seven and seventy legions of them against you, if there is still room for more devils to enter them, and if they are not already full of devils. This is the reformation of the Costenzer Concilii.

Thus we have the four main conciliations and the reasons why they are held. The first, at Nicea, defended the deity of Christ against Arium. The other, at Constantinople, defended the deity of the Holy Spirit against Macedonium. The third, at Ephesus, defended One Person in Christ against Nestorium. The fourth, at Chalcedon, defended two natures in Christ against Eutychen, but did not establish a new article of faith. For these four articles are much more abundant and powerful in St. John's Gospel alone, even if the other evangelists and St. Paul and St. Peter had written nothing about them, who also teach and testify to all these things powerfully, along with all the prophets. If these four main concilia (which the bishops of Rome consider equal to the four Gospels, according to their decree, 1) just as if such pieces did not stand much more abundantly next to all articles in the Gospels, or the concilia did not have it from the Gospels; so finely do the donkey bishops understand what evangelia or concilia are!) neither want to nor can make or set anything new in articles of faith, as they themselves confess: how much less can such power be given to the other concilia, which must be held inferior, where these four are to be and are called the main concilia.

201 In this way, all other concilia, whether great or small, must be understood; and if there were many thousands of them, that they had nothing new, neither in faith nor in knowledge.

  1. The meaning of this passage is: which, as the bishops of Rome say in their decree, are to be held equal to the Gospels.

But as the highest judge and the greatest bishop under Christ, they defend the old faith and old good works according to the holy Scriptures, without also dealing with temporal, perishable, changeable things in their time of need, which must also be done apart from the conciliarities in all parishes and schools. But if they do something new in faith or good works, let it be certain that the Holy Spirit is not there, but the unholy spirit with his angels. For they must do this without and apart from the holy Scriptures, yea, contrary to the holy Scriptures, as Christ saith Matt. 12:30., "He that is not with me is against me." The Holy Spirit knows and can do nothing more than St. Paul, when he says 1 Cor. 2:2: "I know nothing but Jesus Christ crucified." And the Holy Spirit is not given to instill or teach us anything apart from Christ, but to teach and remind us of all things in Christ (Jn. 14:26.], "in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and understanding" Col. 2:3., the same He is to transfigure us, as Christ says Jn. 16:19., and not to praise our reason and conceits, or make them an idol.

For this reason such concilia are, apart from the Scriptures, Caiaphas', Pilate's and Herod's concilia, as the apostles say, Apost. 4, 27: Convenerunt in unum adversus Dominum, they counsel or hold concilia against God and His Christ Ps. 2, 2. And the evangelists all write that the chief priests and Pharisees held council or gathered concilia, how they would kill Christ Matth. 26,4. Marc. 14, 1. Luc. 22, 2., as David had previously proclaimed Ps. 2, 2. that they would counsel against God and His anointed, and call Christ's preaching vain bands and ropes, tear them apart and throw them from them. Such were the several parts of the Pope's Concilia, in which he set himself up as the head of the churches in Christ's stead, threw the holy Scriptures under himself and tore them apart, as his decrees indicate, as he condemned both forms of the sacrament in Costence, tore apart marriage before, forbade it, condemned it, and crucified and buried Christ in a bad way.

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What a Concilium is. 1)

Here will be the main question for which I am writing this booklet: What then is a Concilium, or what is its work? For if it should not establish new articles of faith, then all the world would be miserably deceived, which neither knows nor holds otherwise, than: what a Concilium conspires, that is an article of faith, or at least to consider it a necessary work for salvation, so that, whoever does not keep the Concilii decree, can never be saved, as he who is disobedient to the Holy Spirit, the Concilii Master. Well, I consider my conscience free, that no concilium (as said above) has power to set new articles of faith, because the four main concilia have not done so. Therefore I will state my opinion here, and answer the main question thus: that a concilium has

First of all, no power to establish new articles of faith, regardless that the Holy Spirit is in it. For even the Apostle Concilium at Jerusalem Apost. 15:11, does not add anything new to the faith, but, like St. Peter, admits that all their ancestors also believed this article, that one must be saved without law, by the grace of Christ alone.

Secondly, a concilium has the power, and is also obliged to do so, to curb and condemn new articles of faith, according to sacred Scripture and ancient faith, just as the concilium at Nicea condemned the new article Arii, that at Constantinople the new article Macedonii, that at Ephesus the new article Nestorii, that at Chalcedon the new article Eutyches.

Third, a council has no power to command new good works, nor can it do so. For all the good works commanded in the Scriptures are superfluous. What more good works can be devised than those taught by the Holy Spirit in Scripture? than humility, patience, gentleness, mercy, faithfulness, kindness, peace, obedience, discipline, chastity, giving, serving 2c. [Gal. 5:22.), and summa, love.

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

What good work can be devised that is not commanded in love? [But if it is apart from love, what good work is it? Since love is, according to St. Paul's teaching Gal. 5, 14, the fulfillment of all commandments, as Christ Himself says Matth. 5, 44.

Fourthly, a council has the power, and is also obliged, to condemn evil works, which are contrary to love, according to the holy Scriptures and the ancient ways of the churches, and to punish the persons, as the Niceni Concilii decree punishes the bishops' and deacons' honor and other vices. Here, however, we should speak of two kinds of evil works: some that are obviously called and are evil, such as avarice, murder, adultery, honor-seeking, and the like. These we find condemned by the Conciliis, as they are also condemned in Scripture without the Concilia, and are also punished in secular law. But besides these are other new good works, which are not called evil, but are beautifully evil, 2) fine vices, holy idolatry, invented by the special saints or also mad saints; and summa, the white devil and light Satan. Such evil (I should say) new good works should condemn the Concilia in the highest and most severe way, because they are dangerous to the Christian faith and annoying to the Christian life, and make both of them a monstrosity or contempt.

When a weak Christian hears or sees a holy hermit or monk who leads a special, strict way, above the old common Christian state or being, he is offended by it, and thinks that against this new saint of all old Christians life is nothing, or even worldly and dangerous. Therefore it is an abomination in all the world that a Christian citizen or peasant who has a right, pure faith in Christ, and practices the right old good works, commanded by God in the Scriptures, as in humility, patience, meekness, chastity, love and faithfulness to his neighbor, diligence and care in his service, office, occupation and profession: this one is a right old saint and Christian; but he must stink and be nothing compared to the new saint, who under a but garment, food,

  1. That is, they are evil with a beautiful appearance.

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The saint is an arrogant, prideful, angry, impatient, ugly, carnal, presumptuous, false Christian, if he does not fast, camp, give, and such new good works. St. Paul himself 2 Tim. 3, 2. ff. calls such hopeful and self-willed saints, who choose for themselves a new nature and worship of their own (not commanded by God) over the old, right common nature and worship of the Christian Church, instituted and commanded by God.

The elect may be preserved in such new evil works, but they must take off this new skin and be saved in the old Christian skin. Just as happened to St. Anthony when he had to learn that a cobbler or a tanner in Alexandria would be a better Christian than he with his monasticism. As he also confessed, he would not have come as far as the same cobbler. So also the great Saint John, primus Eremita, who was also a prophet to the Emperor Theodosio, highly praised by Saint Augustine: when the people wondered at his scatterings, among which Saint Jerome was one, he gave this answer: "What do you look for in us? You have it better in your parishes, where the scriptures and examples of the apostles and prophets are preached to you! This means taking off your caps and throwing yourselves under the holy scriptures, praising the common Christian state alone. Paphnutius had to learn that he was like a fiddler who had been a murderer, like two wives who had lain with their husbands the same night, and had to say: "One should not despise any class. This is what happened to St. Bernard, St. Bonaventure, and no doubt many more pious people; when they finally felt that their new holiness and monasticism could not hold the sting against sin and death, they crawled to the cross, and without such new holiness they became blessed in the old Christian faith, as St. Bernard's words testify in many places.

210 Such new good works are not found condemned in any of the concilia, especially in the four main concilia, without one or two small concilia, as the one at Gangra of 20 bishops (so recently*) is in print.

I) In 1537. See Document No. 1242 in this volume.

(The Church of St. Anthony) has done something in this, but rather they have let such new holiness take over, until the Christian Church is almost no longer recognizable, and like the industrious gardeners let the water sprouts take over so that the old right tree must suffer damage, or perish. At that time, already from St. Anthony on, monasticism was so rampant that in this fourth Concilio, also near Constantinople, there was an abbey where the above-mentioned Eutyches was abbot. Although it was not such stone imperial castles as the monasteries became afterwards, because they call him Archiman-drita. Mandrae is supposed to mean a bad fence or enclosure, such as is made of bushes, shrubs, and brushwood for the cattle, or hurdles for the sheep, and Eutyches, as the chief, was sewn in such an enclosure with his own, and led a secluded life. From this it can be understood what a monastery was at that time, since there was no monastery that was closed or had walls.

211 But as it happens in the garden, where the water shoots or sprouts grow much higher, neither the right fruitful shoots, so it also happens in the garden of the church, that such new saints, who grow up on the side, and yet also want to be Christians, and feed on the sap of the tree, increase much more tremendously, neither the right old saints of the Christian faith and life. And because I have come to it, I must indicate that, so I noticed from the histories. St. Bernard was abbot for 36 years, and in the same years he founded 160 monasteries of his order. Now it is well known what Cistercienses are for monasteries, whether they were perhaps lesser at that time, but now they are pure principalities; and I want to say even more: at the same time, when under Emperor Heinrico 3. 4. 5, within twenty years, four different princely monastic orders arose, as Grandimotenses, Canonici regulares reformed, Carthusians and Cistercians. What will have happened after that in the four hundred years until now? Truly, one might say, it rained and snowed monks. And it would not be surprising that neither a town nor a village would have remained without a monastery or two,

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would be at least a terminarius or stationarius. The Histories scold Emperor Valentinianum for using the monks for war. Yes, dear, the idle people wanted to become too many, as one also ran from some kings in France that they had to forbid to become monks, especially the serfs. For they sought freedom under the caps, and ran everything into monasteries.

The world wants to be deceived. If you want to catch a lot of red deer and birds, you have to put the little owl or an owl on the clover or glue, that's how it works. Also, if the devil wants to see the Christians, he must put a monk's cap or (as Christ calls it Matth. 6, 16.) a sour hypocritical face, so we are much more surprised at such owls and owls, neither of the right suffering, blood, wounds, death and resurrection, which we see and hear in Christ our Lord, for our sin; fall therefore with heaps and all power from the Christian faith to the new sanctities, that is, to the devil in his clover and glue. For we must always have something new; Christ's death and resurrection, faith and love are old and now common things, therefore they must no longer be valid, but we must have new earbuds (as St. Paul says 2 Tim. 4:3). And it happens to us, because our ears are so sore that we can no longer stand the old true truth, ut acervemus, that we load great heaps of new doctrines on uus. As has happened and will continue to happen. For the following Conciliarities, especially the Papal ones (for they are almost all Papal afterwards), have not only left such new good works undamned, but have raised them high above the old good works in all the world, so that the Pope has also canonized or exalted many saints from the monastic orders.

In the beginning it was and still is beautiful to look at, but in the end it becomes a horrible, monstrous thing, since everyone adds to it from day to day. As, St. Francis' beginning could be seen finely, but has now become so coarse that they also put on the caps of the dead, in which the dead shall be blessed. Isn't it terrible to hear? Yes, that's how it is; when one begins to fall from

Christo and falls, then one cannot stop. What happened in our time in the Netherlands, when Mrs. Margareth ordered after her death that she should be made a standard. This happened. She was dressed in nuns' clothes, seated over a table, given food and drink, and given credence, as if she were a princess: then she atoned for her sin and became a holy nun. But when it had lasted several days, and the pious Emperor Carol found out, he had it abolished. If he had not done so, I believe that such an example would have spread throughout the world. This is what the new holiness does, and this is what the new holiness must do, which wants to do better than the true old Christian holiness: it does not deceive in this way, but remains, and always practices faith, love, humility, discipline, patience, etc., so that nothing monstrous can be seen, but only lovely, blissful, quiet, clean, useful examples, which please God and man. But the new holiness rumbles with strange, new gestures, so that they attract the careless souls, pretending great things, and yet there is nothing behind them, as St. Peter writes 2 Petr. 2, 14-18.

Item, Gerson writes of the Carthusians that they are right in keeping so rigidly to their rule that they do not eat meat if they have to die immediately. Well then, if a pious physician notices here that the sick person could be helped with a chicken broth or a morsel of meat, and not otherwise, then one does not follow the physician, but the sick person must die sooner. I praise St. Augustine for this, who writes in his rule that one should ask the doctor for advice, and says: they are not all of the same fortune, therefore one should not keep them all the same. This is a right beautiful epiikia (ineetxeta), do not force them to stay forever. For it is not a monastery, but a free society of several priests. D. Staupitz once told me that he had heard from the bishop of Worms, who was a Dalbergian, that if St. Augustine had written nothing else but the Rule, one would still have to say that he was an excellent wise man. This is also true. For he would have considered such Carthusians to be murderers in the highest degree, and their monasteries to be real physical murder pits (as they are then in the

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truth) are condemned. In Erfurt itself, in the Carthusian monastery, I saw a sick man walking on a crutch, who was still young; I asked him whether he was not being kept from the choir and the guard. No, he said wisely, I must leave.

  1. But it has been done to us rightly. God has sent us His Son as Teacher and Savior 1): not content with this, He Himself preaches to us all from His high heavenly throne, saying Matth. 17, 5: Hunc audite, this one hear. Then we should fall down with the apostles, and let it seem to us that we hear nothing else in all the world; so we let the Father and the Son preach in vain, and go away and invent our own sermon. Thus it goes, as the 81st Psalm, v. 12, 13, says: "My people do not obey my voice; so I let them go according to their heart's conceit." Hence come such beautiful Ethelothresiae and Aphidiae, Col. 2, 23, self-chosen spirituality and mercilessness over our own bodies, that we thus kill ourselves, when God has commanded that one should care for the body and not kill it. Don't you think that if, according to St. Augustine's rule and St. Paul's teaching Rom. 13, 14, the doctors had been allowed to give advice on the bodies of the clergy, especially of women, many a fine person would have been helped who otherwise would have had to go mad or die, as daily experience has taught us. But it was the time of wrath that the new and great holiness had to reign, as a punishment to the world.

Fifthly, a council has no power to impose new ceremonies on Christians for mortal sins or for journeys of conscience, such as fast days, feast days, food, drink, and clothing. But if they do so, St. Augustine ad Januarium says: Hoc genus liberas habet observationes; and Christ has given few ceremonies. For since they have no power to call it, so have we power to forbid it; yea, it is forbidden to us to observe by St. Paul Col. 2:16: "Be not conscience of any part of the day, and fasting, meat, or drink" 2c.

The sixth is the power of a concilium,

  1. Erlanger (2.): "Beistand".

and is guilty of condemning such ceremonies according to the Scriptures; for they are unchristian and set up a new idolatry or worship, which is not commanded by God but forbidden.

The seventh is that a council has no power to interfere with worldly rights and government 2c. For St. Paul says 2 Tim. 2, 4 that he who wants to serve God in spiritual warfare should abstain from worldly affairs.

  1. eighthly, a concilium has power and is guilty to condemn such made way or new rights, according to the Holy Scripture, that is, to throw the Pope's decree into the fire.
  2. ninth, a council has no power to make such statutes or decrees, which seek nothing more than tyranny; that is, how the bishops shall have power and authority to command what they will, and everyone must tremble and be obedient. But hath power, and is guilty of condemning such things, according to the sacred Scripture, 1 Pet. 5:3. "Shall not rule over the people"; and Christ [Luc. 22:26.), "Vos non sic: He that will be chief, let him be your servant."
  3. tenthly, a council has the power to establish several ceremonies, with this difference: first, that they do not strengthen the tyranny of the bishops. Secondly, that they be necessary and useful to the people, and give a fine orderly discipline and character. It is necessary to have certain days and places where people can meet together, to preach certain hours and to offer the Sacrament in public, to pray, sing, praise and give thanks to God 2c. As St. Paul says 1 Cor. 14, 40: "Let everything be done properly and honestly." With such pieces, not the tyranny of the bishops is sought, but only the need, benefit and order of the people. And summa, one must have it, and cannot do without it, if the church is to remain otherwise.

However, if someone is unable to do so at times due to necessity, illness, obstacles, or whatever, it need not be a sin. For it is for his benefit, and not for the bishop's. If he is a Christian, he will not seek his own harm in it. What does God ask of anyone who does not want to be with such a group or being?

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find. And summa, he who is a Christian is not bound by such an order, he prefers to do it, because he leaves it, where he can be unhindered. Therefore no law can be set for him here; he would rather will and do more than such a law demands. But whoever arrogantly, proudly and wantonly despises such a law, let him go. For such a one will certainly despise higher law, be it God's or man's law.

Perhaps you would like to say here: What do you want to make of the conciliums in the end, if you want to cut them down so much? In this way, a pastor, even a pedagogue (the parents will remain silent) would have more power over his students than a council over the churches? I answer: Do you also think that a pastor or a schoolmaster are such low offices that they cannot be compared to the conciliis? If there were no pastors or bishops, where would one gather a concilium? If there were no schools, where would one take pastors? I am talking about such schoolmasters, who not only teach the children and youth arts, but also draw them to Christian doctrine and faithfully teach them; likewise also about such pastors, who faithfully and purely teach God's word. For I will easily prove that the poor, lowly priest of Hippon, St. Augustine, taught more than all the conciliarities (for fear of the most holy popes in Rome, I will remain silent). I want to say more: There is more in the infant faith, neither in all concilia. So teach also the Lord's Prayer and ten commandments more, neither do all concilia teach. They do not teach this, but prevent anything new from being preached against the old teachings. Help God, how shall the papists wring out these words from me, shout them down, grind them up, and destroy them, but let my reasons stand beside them, why I have spoken so. For they are pious, honest people, who can do nothing but calumniate and lie, of which I should be quite afraid. But God does not forgive me, I cannot do it, and let them blaspheme and lie.

But let us, you and I, speak to each other of the matter. What then can a concilium do? or what is its work? Hear for yourself their own words, Anathematiza

Their office is called, we condemn. Yes, they speak much more demurely, and do not say, we condemn; but so they say: Anathe-

matisat Ecclesia, the holy Christian church condemned. The condemnation of the Concilii should not frighten me, but the condemnation of the holy church would kill me in a moment, for the sake of the man who says Matth. 28, 20.: "I am with you until the end of the world"; oh! the man's condemnation is not to be suffered. But the Concilia, because they attract the holy Christian church, as the right high judge on earth, they testify that they are not judges of their own liking, but the church, as the holy scripture preaches, believes, and confesses, as we shall hear. Just as a thief or a murderer would remain in the presence of the judge because of his person, but the law and the land are held together by the judge as their servant; he must be afraid of the two.

  1. 225 A concilium is nothing else than a consistory, court, chamber court, or the like, in which the judges pronounce the verdict after interrogating the parties, but with such humility: By law, that is, our office is anathematisare, condemn. But not according to our head nor will, or new invented law, but according to the old law, which is considered law in the whole realm. So a concilium also condemns a heretic, not according to their conceit, but according to the law of the realm, that is, according to the holy Scriptures, as they confess, which is the law of the holy church. Such law, kingdom and judge is truly to be feared for eternal damnation. For such law is God's word, the kingdom is God's church, the judge is both minister or servant.

226 Such a servant or judge of this law and kingdom is not only the council, but also every pastor and schoolmaster. For this purpose, a concilium cannot need such a judicial office forever and without interruption. For the bishops cannot remain together forever, but must come together only at certain times of need, and

  1. Here the Wittenberg and Jena editions have for the second time the superscription: "Was ein Concilium sei."

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anathematize, or be a judge. As if an Arius in Alexandria becomes too powerful for his parish priest or bishop, hangs the people on himself, and mixes other parish priests and people in the country, the parish priest in Alexandria is defeated, and his office as judge can no longer defend the right of this realm, that is, the right Christian faith: In such distress and at such time, the other parish priests and bishops should run with all their might and help the parish priest of Alexandria to defend the right faith against Arium, and condemn Arium for the salvation of the others, so that the misery does not completely take over. And where the parish lords are not able to come, the pious Emperor Constantine should also do this with his power and help the bishops together. Just as when a fire breaks out, if the landlord alone cannot extinguish it, all neighbors should run to help extinguish it; and if they do not run to help, the authorities should help and command that they must run to help, and anathematize or condemn the fire to save the other houses.

227 Therefore the Concilium is the great servant or judge in this realm and law; but when the emergency is over, he has completed his office. As in the secular regime, the high, great judges must do this where the lower, small courts want to resist the evil too weakly, until it finally comes to the highest, greatest court, the Diet, which also cannot be eternal, but must, when the emergency is over, draw from each other again, and leave the matters to the lower courts again. But it happens at the imperial diets that new or more rights must sometimes be decreed, the old ones changed and improved or even abolished, and that eternal law cannot be applied forever. For it is a temporal government that governs temporal things that change and change, therefore the rights that are set for such changeable things must also change. For where the thing is no longer, on which the right is ordered, then the right is also nothing. Just as the city of Rome no longer has the status and character that it had before, so the rights that were based on it are dead and no longer apply.

nothing more. Transient thing has transient right.

But in this realm of the church it is said: "God's word endures forever" Is. 40, 8, according to which one must judge, and not make new or different God's word, set new or different articles of faith. Therefore, pastors and schoolmasters are the lowly, but daily, permanent, eternal judges, who anathematize without ceasing, that is, ward off the devil and his ravings. A concilium, as a great judge, must make pious or kill old, great husks, but cannot beget others. A parish priest and schoolmaster have to deal with small, young peelers, and always beget new people to bishops and to concilia, where it is necessary. A concilium cuts down the large branches of the trees or even rots out the evil trees. But a parish priest and a schoolmaster plant and produce vain young trees and spicebushes in the garden. Oh, they have a delicious office and work, and are the noblest jewels of the churches; they preserve the churches. Therefore, all lords should do their best to preserve parish priests and schools. For while we cannot have concilia, the parishes and schools, though small, are eternal and useful concilia.

229 One can see how seriously the old emperors meant the parishes and schools, since they so richly endowed the monasteries. These names, Provost, Dean, Scholasticus, Cantor, Canonici, Vicarii, Custos 2c. testify that there were schools in the first place. But what has become of it? Oh Lord God! that they would still want to do something, remain what they are, keep what they have, would be princes and lords, but again set up lectures, and force the canons, vicars, choir students, that they hear a lecture in the Holy Scriptures every day, so that it would have some form of a school again, so that one could have pastors and bishops, and thus help to govern the churches. O Lord God, how immeasurably great good they could do for the church, and God would well grant them their wealth or power and leave it to them, where they would otherwise also improve their shameful lives. But such our sighing and complaining is in vain. There is no

2262 Erl. (2.) 25, 404-408. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2768-2770. 2263

Hearing nor seeing, the parishes become desolate, and the people become raw and wild without God's word. I have heard it from people whom I must believe that in many dioceses two hundred, three hundred, four hundred good parishes stand empty. Isn't that a terribly cruel thing to hear among Christians? Have mercy on God in heaven! and hear our miserable sighing and lamenting, amen.

230 And that we also come once from the concilia, I think that one should be able to understand from this what a concilium is, what its right, power, office and work is; also which concilia are right or wrong concilia, namely, that they should confess and defend the old faith against the new articles of faith, and not set new articles of faith against the old faith, nor set new good works against the old good works, but defend the old good works against the new good works. But he who defends the old faith against the new faith also defends the old good works against the new good works. For as the faith is, so are the fruits or good works, without the two Concilia having seen such a consequence, otherwise they would have condemned the Archimandrite Eutychen not only because of faith (which they seriously did), but also because of his monasticism (which they did not do), but rather have confirmed, thus testifying that they themselves also give evil dialectici, an antecedent, and do not give the consequent, according to the common plague of all the world, and have just the defect in good works that Nestorius and Eutyches had in faith. This is said: God does not want to make us children in faith alone, but also to consider us fools in dialectics, and to reckon us like Nestorius and Eutyches, so that he may humiliate us. For even if Nestorius and Eutyches are condemned in theologia, their lazy dialectica always remains in the world, as it has been from the beginning, that one keeps the antecedens and leaves the consequens. And what will one say much? If you have all the concilia, you are still not a Christian, they give too little. Even if you have all the Fathers, they do not give you enough; you must read the Scriptures, in which it says

Everything is abundantly given, or in the Catechismum, since it is briefly given, and also far more is found neither in all the Concilia and Fathers.

Finally, a council should deal only with matters of faith, and that when faith is in need. For public evil works can certainly be condemned at home by the secular rulers, priests, parents, and the good ones can be handled. But false good works also belong to the things of faith, as they corrupt the true faith; therefore, where the pastors are too weak, they also belong to the concilium. Although the Concilium (as I said) did not concern itself with this, without one or two small Concilia, as that of Gangra, which was mentioned above. The ceremonies should even be left out of the conciliis at home in the parishes, even in the schools, so that the schoolmaster would be Magister Ceremouiarum next to the parish priest. For from the pupils the others all learn it, without all essays and effort.

  1. So what, when and how the disciples sing or pray in church, the crowd learns afterwards, and what they sing over the corpse or at the grave, the others also learn; when they kneel down and fold their hands, the schoolmaster taps with the stick while singing: Et homo factus est, the crowd does it afterwards; when they take off their hats or bend their knees, as often as the name of Jesus Christ is mentioned, and what they practice more of the same Christian discipline and gestures, the crowd does afterwards without preaching, as if moved by living examples. All ceremonies, even under the pope, have come from the schools and parishes, without which the pope has sought his tyranny, with food, fasting, celebrations 2c. However, one must also take care that the ceremonies do not become too much. First of all, however, one must see to it that they are not considered necessary for salvation, but serve only for outward discipline and order, which may be changed every hour, and are not commanded for eternal rights (as the pope does) in the church, and are written into the books with tyrannical dread. For it is altogether an outward, bodily transient, changeable thing.

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Accordingly, in our time we would have things that would be more than important and worthy enough to gather a concilium. For we poor, miserable, weak believers, and unfortunately real misergi, that is, lazy Christians, who are still left, would have to sue the pope, along with his own, for the article of St. Peter, of which we heard above that it is called God's temptation, where the believers are burdened with unmistakable burdens, which neither we nor our ancestors (but especially the pope with his own, does not want to touch a finger) have been able to bear [Apost. 15, 10.). Although St. Peter speaks of the Mosaic Law, which God Himself commanded; but the pope has oppressed us with his foul, filthy and stinking burdens, that the holy church had to be his secret chamber, and what went down and up from it had to worship for God; also that he has not set fire to one or two, like Arius and his like, but the whole Christian church and burned it, so that he has destroyed the old right article of faith of St. Peter to the ground. Peter to the ground, as much as there was in him. For that we (as St. Peter testifies, v. 11) must be saved by the grace of Christ alone, as all Christendom from the beginning of the world, all patriarchs, prophets, kings, saints 2c. have been, is called heresy, and has from the beginning always condemned the same article for and for, nor can it cease.

Here we call and cry for a concilium, and ask all of Christendom for advice and help against this arch-church-burner and murderer of Christians, so that we may get this article of St. Peter again. However, we request that no Nestorian or Eutychian Dialectica be used here, which gives or confesses one part, but denies the Consequens or other parts. We desire the whole article round and pure, as it is set by St. Peter and taught by St. Paul, namely, that in doing so one also condemn everything that follows from this article; or as St. Peter calls it: the infallible, impossible burden, and St. Augustine: the innumerable burden, loaded on the church by bishops. For what does it help, if the first piece is already given, that it is true that we are saved by grace alone?

Christ must be justified and saved, and yet does not let the other part follow, which must follow from it. As when St. Paul says Rom. 11:6, "If it be grace, it is not works; if it be works, it is not grace"; and St. Peter: "If it be grace, it is not the infallible burden; if it be the infallible burden, it is not the grace of Christ, which is called tempting God. Also St. Augustine, since Christ wanted to burden the churches with few ceremonies, yes, rather to have them free, did not want to have them oppressed by the innumerable burdens of the bishops; that the church is worse off, neither the Jews, who were burdened by God's laws, and not (like the church) by human, presumptuous, sacrilegious essays.

We want to have such a dialectica of St. Peter, St. Paul, St. Augustine, which is the dialectica of the Holy Spirit, which exists in its entirety and is not divided into nestoric parts, or one alone wants to be true, and the other, which must also be true from it, does not want to be true. Otherwise it would be the same, as it is written about some kings of Israel and Judah 1), that they certainly performed the right worship, but did not stop the high places or other altars and worship. Which the prophet Elijah calls limping into both parts 1 Kings 19:21. We Germans call it: wanting to make two brothers-in-law with one sister. Thus they wanted to give one people two different Gods, or if they almost reformed, they also wanted to leave a foreign god next to the one God. For they were also gross Nestorian dialectics, who professed that one must worship only one God, and yet did not see that it must follow from this, nor let it follow that all other gods must be absent, or could not have the one God. Therefore, we do not want to suffer a nestorium in the Concilio, desired by us, who gives us one thing and takes away another, with whom we also cannot keep that which he gives, and is a right giver-taker. For where we are given that the grace of Christ alone makes us blessed, and not also given the consequence and emphasis that works do not make us blessed, but will

  1. Thus only in Walch; in the other editions: "Jüden".

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If we retain that works are necessary for satisfaction or righteousness, we are deprived of the first thing that was given to us, namely, that grace alone without works makes us blessed; then we retain nothing and have become worse.

I will speak in German: In the Concilio, the Pope should not only renounce all his tyranny of human commandments, but also hold with us that even good works, done according to God's commandments, cannot help to righteousness, to eradicate sin, to obtain God's grace, but only faith in Christ, who is a king of righteousness in us, by his own blood, death, and resurrection, that he might blot out sin for us, make atonement for us, and deliver us from death, wrath, and hell. Therefore he shall condemn and burn all his bulls, decrees, books of indulgences, purgatory, monasteries, saints' service, pilgrimages, together with all innumerable lies and idolatries, as they are raging against this article of St. Peter's; he shall also restore everything that he has bought, stolen, robbed, plundered or acquired with it, especially his false primacy, which he boasts is so necessary that no one can be saved who is not subject to him. For the pope's hat did not die for my sin, nor is Christ called, and all Christians before him and under him have become holy and blessed without his hat.

This is, in my opinion, a matter of sufficient importance to warrant the holding of a stately, sharp, and powerful concilium. Emperors and kings should help here, and force the pope, if he does not want to, to do so, as the emperors did in the four main concilia. But not all bishops, abbots, monks, doctors, and the useless bunch of huddlers and the big crowd would have to come there, otherwise it would be such a concilium, since the first year would be spent with the arrival, with bickering, which one should sit at the top, go behind or in front; the other year with parading, prancing, running and stabbing; the third year with other things, or also with burning, for instance of Johann Hus or two, and in the meantime such a fuss is made that one might well use it for a campaign against the Turk.

would like to keep. Rather, one would have to call for people from all countries who are thoroughly learned in the holy scriptures, who also mean God's honor, the Christian faith, the church, the salvation of souls, and the peace of the world with seriousness and heart. Among them some of worldly status (because it also concerns them), who would also be intelligent and faithful. As if Mr. Hans von Schwarzenberg were alive, one would know how to trust him or his peers. And it would be enough if there were three hundred of them everywhere, select people, since one would like to put country and people on it: just like the first Concilium, which had no more than three hundred and eighteen from all the countries that the Turk and our monarchs now have, and yet seventeen were false and Arians. The other, at Constantinople, had one hundred and fifty. The third, at Ephesus, had two hundred. The fourth, at Chalcedon, had six hundred and thirty, almost as many as all the others, and yet were quite unlike the fathers at Nicea and Constantinople.

Nor would it be necessary to take up all the matters of the country that no one else can or wants to judge, even old, decayed, evil disputes, and heap everything on the neck of the Concilio. A Constantinus would have to be there, who would take up such matters and throw them all into the fire, would have them judged and decided at home in countries, but would have to take up the matter and get the most beneficial result. There, the Pope's heresy, even abomination, would be read publicly piece by piece, as it is all against St. Peter's Articles and against the old right Christian faith of the church, which has held St. Peter's Articles from the beginning of the world, and would be condemned immediately 2c.

Yes, you say, such a concilium can never be hoped for. I think so myself. But if one wants to speak of it, and desire or wish for a concilium, then one should wish for such a thing, or let it go, and wish for none, keep silent. For such a council was held the first at Nicea, and the other at Constantinople; which examples are to be followed. And therefore show that emperors and kings, because they are Christians, would be obliged to gather such a council for the salvation of many thousand souls, whom the pope has destroyed with his tyranny and

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They all might well come back to St. Peter's articles and to the right old Christian faith through a concilium, and otherwise they must be lost. For they cannot get this teaching of St. Peter, because they neither hear nor see anything about it.

240 And even if other monarchs did not want to join the main council, Emperor Carolus and the German princes could still hold a provincial in German lands. And that some think that it would turn into a schism: who knows, if we did our part, and earnestly sought God's honor and the salvation of souls, God could still turn the hearts of the other monarchs and make them praise and accept such a conciliar judgment in time. For it could not happen suddenly. But if Germany were to accept it, it would have to resound in other countries as well, where it cannot or can hardly come without such a great preacher as the Concilium is and has a strong voice that is heard from afar.

241 Well then, if we must despair of a concilio, let it be ordered to the right judge, our merciful God. However, we want to promote the small Concilia and the young Concilia, that is, parishes and schools, and let St. Peter's articles be pushed and preserved in every possible way, against all the damned new articles of faith and new good works that the pope has washed into the world. I will comfort myself when I see the children going into bishops' larvae, and think that God makes and will make such playful bishops into right bishops, again considering those who should be right bishops according to their name to be vain playful bishops and mockers of His Majesty, as Moses says Deut. 32, 21.: "I will enrage them with that which is not my people, and I will enrage them with a foolish people, because they have enraged me with that which is not God." It is not his first to reject bishops, he has foretold it in Hosea Cap. 4, 6.: "Thou castest away doctrine, and I will cast thee away again, that thou be not my priest." Et factum est ita, et fit ita. That is enough of the conciliarities, now let us also speak of the church in the end.

The third part, of the church. 1)

Just as they cry out about the fathers and conciliarities, and do not know what fathers and conciliarities are, but only want to cover us up with empty letters, so they also cry out about the church. But that they should say what, who, where the church is, they would not do so much service, neither to the church nor to God, that they would ask or seek for it. They like to be taken for the church, as pope, cardinals, bishops, and yet let them be vain disciples of the devil under this glorious name, who want to practice nothing but vain deceit and mischievousness. Well then, putting aside all kinds of writings and division of the word church, let us this time remain simple-mindedly with the child's faith, which says: "I believe in a holy Christian church, the communion of saints. There faith clearly indicates what the church is, namely, a communion of saints, that is, a crowd or collection of such people who are Christians and holy; that is, a Christian holy crowd or church. But this word "church" is especially un-German with us, and does not give the sense or thought that one must take from the article.

243 For Apost. 19, 39. 40. the chancellor Ecclesiam calls the congregation or the people, who had gone to the market to the house, and says: "It may be done in a proper congregation. When he had said this, he let the congregation go. In these and other places, ecclesia or church is called nothing else than a gathered people, even if they were pagans and not Christians, just as the councilors call their congregation to the council house. Now there are many nations in the world, but the Christians are a specially called people, and are not badly called Ecclesia, Church or people, but Sancta, Catholica, Christiana, that is, a Christian holy people, who believe in Christ, therefore they are called a Christian people, and have the Holy Spirit, who sanctifies them daily, not only by the forgiveness of sins, which Christ has purchased for them (as the antinomians fool), but also by putting away, sweeping away, and killing sins, whereof they are called a

  1. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

2270 Erl. (2.) SS, 413-41S. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2778-2781. 2271

holy people. And now "holy Christian church" is as much as a people that is Christian and holy, or as one also tends to speak, the holy Christendom; item, the whole Christendom. 1) In the Old Testament it is called God's people.

244 And if such words had been used in childhood faith, I believe that there is a Christian holy people, then all the misery would have been easily avoided, which has been torn down under the blind unclear word "church". For the word: Christian holy people, would have brought both, understanding and judgment, clearly and powerfully with it, what church or not church would be. For whoever had heard this word: Christian holy people, would have been able to judge immediately: The pope is not a people, much less a holy Christian people. So also the bishops, priests and monks, they are not a holy Christian people; for they do not believe in Christ, nor do they live holy, but are the devil's evil, shameful people. For he that believeth not in Christ is not a Christian or a Christian. He who does not have the Holy Spirit against sin is not holy. Therefore they cannot be a Christian holy people, that is, Sancta et Catholica Ecclesia.

But because we use this blind word "church" in infantile faith, the common man falls upon the stone house called the church, as the painters paint it; or perhaps they paint the apostles, disciples and the Mother of God, as on the day of Pentecost, and the Holy Spirit hovering above. This is still possible; but this is only a time holy Christian people, as in the beginning. But Ecclesia shall be called the holy Christian people, not only in the time of the apostles, who are now long dead, but until the end of the world. That therefore there may always be on earth in life a holy Christian people, in whom Christ lives, works and reigns, per redemptionem, through grace and forgiveness of sins, and the Holy Spirit per vivificationem et sanctificationem, through daily expurgation of sins, and renewal of life, so that we do not remain in sins, but can and should lead a new life in all kinds of good works, and not in old evil works, such as the ten commandments or two tables.

  1. The words: "item, die ganze Christenheit" are missing in the second edition of the Erlangen edition.

This is the teaching of St. Paul. But the pope with his own has drawn both, name and image of the church, only from himself and from his shameful, cursed houses, under the blind word Ecclesia, church 2c.

246 But they give themselves the right name when they call themselves Ecclesia (if we are to interpret correctly that it rhymes with their nature) or Romana, or Sancta, and do not add to it (as they also cannot) Catholica. For Ecclesia means a people; that is what they are, just as the Turk is also Ecclesia, a people. Ecclesia Romana means a Roman people; that is what they are, and truly much more Roman than the pagans have been Roman in the past. Ecclesia Romana sancta, is called a holy Roman people; that they are also, because they have invented a much greater holiness, neither is the holiness of the Christians, nor has the holy Christian people. For their holiness is a Roman holiness Romanae Ecclesiae, the holiness of the Roman people, and now they are also called Sanctissimi, Sacrosancti, the Most Holy; as Virgilius speaks, sacra fames, sacra hostia, unb plautus, omnium sacerrumus. For Christian holiness they cannot suffer. Therefore they cannot have the name Christian church or Christian people, also for the reason that Christian church and Christian holiness is a common name and common thing to all churches and Christians in the world, hence it is called Catholicum. But they regard such a common name and holiness as little and almost nothing, but have devised a special, higher, different, better holiness than others, which shall be called Sanctitas Romana, et Ecclesiae Romanae sanctitas, that is, Roman holiness, and the Roman people's holiness.

For Christian holiness, or the holiness of common Christians, is when the Holy Spirit gives people faith in Christ and thereby sanctifies them, Acts 15:9. 15, 9, that is, he makes new heart, soul, body, work and being, and writes the commandments of God not on tablets of stone, but on hearts of flesh, 2 Cor. 3, 3. As if I speak rudely: after the first tablet he gives right knowledge of God, so that they, enlightened by him with right faith, can resist all heresies, overcome all false thoughts and error, and thus be pure in faith against the devil.

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remain. He also gives strength and comforts the stupid, despondent, weak consciences against the accusation and temptation of sins, so that the souls do not despair or despair, nor are they frightened by the torture, torment, death, wrath and judgment of God, but are strengthened in hope and confidently, boldly and cheerfully overcome the devil. He also gives us a right fear and love of God, so that we do not despise God and do not grumble or be angry against His strange judgments, but love, praise, thank and honor Him in everything that happens, good or bad. This is called a new, holy life in the soul, after the first table of Moses. It is also called tres virtutes theologicas, the three main virtues of Christians, as faith, hope, love 1 Cor. 13:13, and the Holy Spirit, who gives, does and works such things (acquired for us by Christ), is therefore called Sanctificator or Vivificator. For the old Adam is dead and cannot do it, and must also learn through the law that he cannot do it and is dead; otherwise he would not know this about himself.

In the other table, and after the body, he also sanctifies the Christians, giving them to be willingly obedient to parents and overlords, to be peaceful, humble, not angry nor vengeful or spiteful, but patient, kind, helpful, brotherly, loving, not unchaste, adulterous, licentious, but chaste, chaste with wife, child and servants, or without wife and child. So on, not stealing, usury, stinginess, translating 2c., but honestly working, honestly feeding themselves, gladly lending, giving, helping where they can; so not lying, deceiving, asterreden, but being kind, truthful, faithful and constant, and what more is required in the commandments of God. This is done by the Holy Spirit, who also sanctifies and awakens the body to such new life, until it is accomplished in that life. And this is called Christian holiness. And such people must always be on earth, and should be only two or three, or only the children. The old ones are unfortunately few. And those who are not, should not count themselves Christians, nor should they be comforted as if they were Christians, by much talk of the forgiveness of sins and graces of Christ, as the antinomians do.

249 For these, after they reject and do not understand the ten commandments, preach many things concerning the grace of Christ, but strengthen and comfort those who remain in sins, that they may not fear nor be afraid of sins, for they are all gone through Christ; and yet they see and let men go on in public sins, without any amendment or improvement of their lives. From this it is evident that they truly do not understand the faith and Christ, and by preaching it they nullify it. For how can he speak rightly of the works of the Holy Spirit in the first table, of comfort, grace, forgiveness of sins, who neither respects nor does the works of the Holy Spirit in the other table, which he can understand and experience, but has never tried or experienced. Therefore it is certain that they neither have nor understand Christ nor the Holy Spirit, and their talk is a loud foam on the tongue, and as said, they are true Nestorii and Eutyches, who confess or teach Christ in Antecedenti, in dex Substanz, and yet deny in Consequenti or Jdiomaten, that is, they teach Christ, and annihilate Christ by teaching him.

Now this is said of Christian holiness, which the pope does not want, but must have a special one, which is much holier, namely, that one should teach casel, plates, caps, garments, food, feasts, days, monasticism, nunnery, masses, saintly service, and other more innumerable pieces of outward, bodily, perishable things. Whether one lives among them without faith, fear of God, hope, love and what the Holy Spirit works according to the first table, but instead with unbelief, uncertain hearts, doubting, contempt of God, impatience against God, false trust in works (that is, idolatry), and not in the grace of Christ, nor on his merit, but does enough even by works, also sells excess to others, and takes all the world's goods and money for it, as well deserved: Such things do not hinder, but can be more holy, neither is Christian holiness itself.

251 So, in the other table, it does no harm that they teach disobedience of parents and overlords, even murder, war, agitate, envy, hate, avenge, are unchaste, lie,

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steal, usurp, deceive, and do all folly to the utmost; only throw a surplice over your head, and you are holy, according to the Roman church holiness, you can well be blessed without Christian holiness. But let us go idle of the foul people (it is in vain what we do to them; Venit ira Dei super eos in finem, as St. Paul says (1 Thess. 2, 16?), 1) and talk with us about the church.

(252) Now the infant faith teaches us (as I said) that a holy Christian people must be and remain on earth until the end of the world. For it is an article of faith, which cannot cease until it comes to believe; as Christ promises Matt. 28:20, "I am with you unto the end of the world." Whereby will or can a poor, erring man notice where such Christian holy people are in the world? They should be in this life and on earth, for they believe that a heavenly being and eternal life will come, but they do not yet have it; therefore they must still be in this life and in this world and remain until the end of the world. For it says, "I believe another life," thus confessing that it is not yet in the same life, but believes, hopes, and loves it as its right fatherland and life; meanwhile it must remain in misery and wait, as one sings in the song of the Holy Spirit: "When we go home from this misery, Kyrieleis. This is to be spoken of.

By which signs the Christian church can be recognized. 2)

First of all, this Christian holy nation is to be recognized where it has the holy Word of God. Although it is unequal, as St. Paul says 1 Cor. 3, 12. 13.: Some have it completely pure, some not completely pure. Those who have it pure are called those who build gold, silver and precious stones on the ground; those who have it impure are called those who build hay, straw and wood on the ground, but are saved by fire, of which more than enough has been said above.

  1. These brackets are put by us to make sense.
  2. This superscription is found in the Wittenberg and Jena editions.

This is the main part and the high main sanctity, of which the Christian people is called holy. For the Word of God is holy and sanctifies all that it touches, yes, it is God's holiness itself, Rom. 1:16: "It is the power of God that makes blessed all who believe in it"; and 1 Tim. 4:5: "All things are made holy by the Word and prayer." For the Holy Spirit Himself leads it, and anoints or sanctifies the church, that is, the Christian holy people with it, and not with the chrism of the pope, so that he anoints or sanctifies fingers, garments, skirts, chalice and stones. For these pieces never learn to love God, to believe, to praise, to be pious. They may adorn the maggot sack, then tear and rot with Chresem and holiness, as much as is on it, along with the maggot sack.

But this sanctuary is the right sanctuary, 3) the right ointment, which anoints to eternal life, if you cannot have a pope's crown or a bishop's hat, but must live and die naked in the body; just as infants (and all of us) are baptized naked and without any adornment. But we speak full of the outward word, preached by men, as by you and me, orally. For Christ left this behind him as an outward sign, so that his church, or his holy Christian people, might be recognized in the world. We also speak of such an oral word, when it is believed with earnestness and publicly confessed before the world, as he says Matth. 10, 32. 33. Luc. 12, 8.: "Whoever confesses me before men, him will I confess before my Father and his angels." For there are many who know it secretly, but will not confess it. Many have it, but do not believe it or act on it. For few are they that believe it, and do it. Like the parable of the seed, Matt. 13:4, which says that four parts of the field are planted and have fruit, but only the fourth part, the fine, good field, bears fruit in patience.

255: Wherever you hear or see such a word preached, believed, confessed and acted upon, have no doubt that there must certainly be a true Ecclesia sancta catholica, a Christian holy people (1 Petr. 2, 9.), when

  1. In the first edition: "Heilthum"; in the collections: "Heiligthum".
  2. In the first edition and in Walch: "three".

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are equal to very few of them. For God's word does not leave alone, Isa. 55:11, but must have at least a quarter or a piece of the field. And if there were no other sign than this alone, it would still be enough to show that there must be a holy Christian people there. For God's word cannot be without God's people. Again, God's people cannot be without God's Word. Otherwise, who would want to preach it or hear it preached where there would be no people of GOD? And what could or would God's people believe where God's Word was not there?

  1. And this is the piece that does all miracles, makes everything right, keeps everything, straightens everything, does everything, casts out all devils, as pilgrimage devil, indulgence devil, bull devil, fraternity devil, saint devil, fair devil, purgatory devil, monastery devil, priest devil, red devil, sedition devil, heretic devil, all papal devils, also antinomian devils; but not without clamor and strife, as he shows in the poor people, Marc. 1, 23. 26. and 9, 26. No, he must leave a screaming and tearing behind him, if he is to go out, as is seen in the Emser, Ecke, Rotzleffel, Schmid, Wezel, Tölpel, Knebel, Filtz, Rültz, Säu, Esel and the like his screamers and writers, who are all the devil's mouth and limbs, through which he thus screams and tears; but help 'em not, he must go out, and cannot suffer the power of the word. For they themselves confess that it is indeed God's word and the holy Scriptures, but it is better to have it from the Fathers and Conciliar. Let them go; it is enough that we know how the main body, main sanctum feget, hält, nähret, stärkt, und schützt die Kirche, wie St. Augustinus auch sagt: Ecclesia verbo Dei generatur, alitur, nutritur, roboratur. But those who persecute and condemn it call themselves by their own fruits.

257 Secondly, God's people or the Christian holy people are known by the holy sacrament of baptism, where they are taught, believed and used according to Christ's order. For this is also a public sign and delicious sanctuary, by which God's people are sanctified. For it is a holy bath of the new birth through the Holy Spirit Tit. 3, 5, in which we bathe and are sanctified by the Holy Spirit.

The Holy Spirit washes you from sins and death, but in the innocent, holy blood of the Lamb of God. Where you see such signs, know that the church or the holy Christian people must certainly be there, regardless of whether the pope does not baptize you, or you know nothing of his holiness and power; just as the young children know nothing of it, unless, when they grow up, they are unfortunately deceived by their baptism, as St. Peter complains, 2 Petr. 2, 18: "provoking by fornication those who had just escaped and are now walking in error. 2c. Neither should you be mistaken as to who the Baptist is. For baptism is not of the baptizer, nor given to him, but of the one who is baptized, to whom it is instituted and given by God; just as the word of God is not of the preacher (he himself would also hear and believe), but of the disciple who hears it and believes, to whom it is given.

Third, God's people, or a Christian holy people, are known by the holy sacrament of the altar, where it is properly administered, believed in and received according to Christ's institution. For it is also a public sign and precious sanctuary, left behind by Christ, by which his people are sanctified, so that they also practice and publicly confess that they are Christians, as they do with the Word and with baptism. And you must not pay attention to anything here, if the pope does not say mass for you, consecrate you, confirm or anoint you, or wear a chasuble. You may well receive it without all clothes (as in a bed sick), without the outward discipline forcing you to cover yourself modestly and honestly; you must also ask nothing in this, whether you have a plate or are cured; You must not dispute whether you are male or female, young or old, as little as you ask about all these things in baptism and preaching; it is enough that you are consecrated and consecrated with the high, holy creed of God, the word of God and baptism, and also this sacrament; then you are highly and gloriously enough anointed and priestly clothed.

259 Neither be thou deceived how holy the man is, or whether he be bisexual or not, that passeth it unto thee. For the sacrament is not of him that ministereth it, but of him to whom it is ministered.

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Without that he himself also takes along. Then he is the one who receives it and is also given to him. Wherever you see such sacramental blood served in the right way, know that it is God's people. For as was said above of the Word: Where God's Word is, there must be the church; so also, where baptism and sacrament are, there must be God's people, and again. For no one has, gives, practices, needs, or confesses such pieces of salvation, but only God's people, although there are some false and unbelieving Christians secretly among them; but these do not desecrate God's people, especially because they are secret; for the church or God's people does not suffer the obvious ones among themselves, but also punishes and sanctifies them; or, if they do not want to, expels them from the sanctuary by banishment, and considers them heathens, Matth. 18, 17.

  1. fourth, God's people or holy Christians are known by the keys they use publicly, that is, as Christ states in Matt. 18:15, 16, where a Christian sins, he is to be punished, and if he does not amend, he is to be bound and cast out; if he does amend, he is to be absolved. These are the keys. Now the key custom is twofold, public and special. For some are so stupid and despondent in pleasures, if they are not publicly condemned, that they still cannot console themselves until they receive absolution from the priest in particular. Again, some are so hard on me that even in their hearts and before the priest they secretly do not want to forgive or remit sins. Therefore, the key must be used in all kinds of ways, publicly and specially. Wherever you see sin being forgiven or punished in some persons, whether publicly or specially, know that God's people are there. For where God's people are not, there are not the keys, and where the keys are not, there are not God's people. For Christ left them behind, that there should be a public sign and sanctuary, through which the Holy Spirit (acquired from Christ's death) sanctifies fallen sinners again, and thus "confesses" the Christians that they are a holy people under Christ in this world. And those who do not want to be converted, "let them be sanctified again, so that the same from

would be pushed away from such holy people, that is, bound, and excluded by the key, as will happen to the unrepentant antinomians.

Here thou must not turn to the two keys of the pope, which he hath made two lock picks for all kings' chests and crowns. For if he will not bind or punish sin, whether public or particular (as he does), let it be punished and bound in thy parish. If he will not loose it nor forgive it, let it be loosed and forgiven in thy parish. For his reserving or binding, his laxing or permitting, does not sanctify nor sanctify you, because he cannot have the keys, but has vain lock picks. The keys are not the pope's (as he teaches), but the church's, that is, Christ's people, God's people, or the holy Christian people, as far as the whole world is, or where Christians are. Den" they cannot all be to Nom, unless first the whole world were to Rome, which will not happen for a long time yet. Just as baptism, sacrament, word of God are not of the pope, but of the people of Christ, and are also called claves Ecclesiae, not claves Papae.

262 Fifth, the church is known externally by the fact that it ordains or appoints ecclesiastics, or has offices that it is to appoint. For one must have bishops, pastors or preachers, who publicly and especially give, administer and practice the above-mentioned four parts or sanctuary, on account of and in the name of the church, but rather by the appointment of Christ, as St. Paul Eph. 4,11. says: Accepit dona in hominibus, "he has given some to be apostles, prophets, evangelists, teachers, governors" 2c. For the whole multitude cannot do this, but must command it or let it be commanded to one. Otherwise, what would happen if everyone wanted to speak or hand out, and no one would yield to the other? One alone must be commanded, and let him 1) alone preach, baptize, absolve, and administer the sacrament; the others all be satisfied of this, and consent to it. Where you see this, be sure that it is God's people and the Christian holy people.

  1. "him" is missing in the first edition,

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263 But it is true that in this passage the Holy Spirit has singled out women, children and unfit people, but only competent male persons, as one reads in St. Paul's epistles from time to time, that a bishop is to be a doctrinaire, pious and a woman's man [1 Tim. 3, 2.In sum, it should be a skillful, chosen man, where children, wives and other persons are not competent, although they are competent to hear God's word, to receive baptism, sacrament, absolution, and are true holy Christians, as St. Peter says 1 Ep. 3, 7. For such a difference also nature and God's creation gives, that women (much less children or fools) cannot nor should not have any rule, as experience gives, and Moses 1 Mos. 3,16. says: "You shall be subject to the man"; but the gospel does not abolish such natural right, but confirms it as God's order and creatures.

Here the pope will persuade me through his screamers and devils: 1) St. Paul says not only about pastors and preachers, but also about apostles, evangelists, prophets, and other high ecclesiastics, therefore there must be higher ecclesiastics in the church, neither pastors nor preachers. Where now, Domine Luther? Where should I go? There I do not go: If they themselves become apostles, evangelists, prophets, or show me one, oh what a fool I am! if they show me one among them who is worthy of a pupil in the school, or who knows as much about Christian doctrine and holy scripture as a maiden of seven years, then I will give myself up. Now I know for certain that an apostle, evangelist, prophet can do more, or even as much, as a girl of seven years, I am talking about the holy scriptures and faith, because that they can do more human doctrine, also more mischievousness, I believe very well, and stronger than I believe in God, because they show me before my eyes with the deed. Therefore, as they are churches, so are they apostles, evangelists and prophets, that is, they are the devil's apostles,

  1. In the first edition: "Devil's Heron".

Evangelists and prophets. For the right apostles, evangelists and prophets preach God's word and not against God's word.

If the apostles, evangelists and prophets have ceased, others must take their place and continue to do so until the end of the world. For the Church shall not cease until the end of the world; therefore apostles, evangelists and prophets must remain, even if they are called what they will or can, to carry out God's word and work. For the Pope and his followers of God's word, and yet they themselves confess that it is true, must be very bad apostles, evangelists and prophets, like the devil with his angels. But, how do I come upon the shameful, foul people of the pope? let them go once more, and do not call them to come again, or 2c.

266 As it was said above concerning the other four pieces of the great divine sanctuary, by which the holy church is sanctified, that thou shalt not consider who and how they are from whom it is received, so in this thou shalt not inquire who and how he is that giveth it thee, or that hath the ministry. For all things are given, not to him that hath them, but to him that shall have them by his ministry, that he may have them with thee wheresoever he will. Let him be what he will, and how he can; because he is in office, and is tolerated by the multitude, so let it also go, his person makes God's word and sacrament neither worse nor better for you. For it is not what he speaks or does, but Christ your Lord, and the Holy Spirit speaks and does it all, so long as he remains to teach and do in the right way; so that the church should not suffer nor can suffer public vice. But thou alone be content and let go, because thou single one cannot be the whole multitude or the Christian holy people.

But you must not turn to the pope, who decrees that no husband can be called to such an office, but all should be chaste virgins, according to the Nestorian consequence, that is, all clergy should be chaste, but they themselves may well be unchaste. Behold, yet thou comest in to me with thy pabst, and I would have thee no more. Well, then, be evil to me

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and unwell, I will also receive you Lutheran. 1)

268 The pope condemns the life of bishops or parish priests, that is obviously enough. He does not have enough of that, but condemns the digamiam even more harshly, and that I say it clearly, he makes four digamos, if not five. I will now call Digamum a bisexual, who frees twice or takes another's wife. The first is a bisexual who takes two virgins in succession for marriage; the second, who takes a widow; the third, who takes a bride left a virgin by a dead bridegroom; The fourth one is disgraceful in that he must also be called a two-woman man, because he takes a virgin unknowingly, unwillingly, and afterwards finds her neither pure nor a virgin; but in short, he must be a two-woman man with the pope, much more than the third one who took the bride virgin. These all stink and smell bad in the spiritual right, may not preach, baptize, administer the sacrament or exercise any office of the church, if they were more holy than St. John, and their wives more holy than God's mother. So perfectly holy is the pope in his decrees!

But if one had weakened a hundred virgins, defiled a hundred honest widows, and still had a hundred whores lying behind his back, he might not only become a preacher or a pastor, but also a bishop or a pope, and if he still did so, he would still now be served in such offices; but where he gets a virgin bride, or a false virgin, he cannot be God's servant. It does not help that he is a right Christian, learned, pious, useful, he is a two-woman, he must leave the office, and never come to it. What do you think? Is this not a new, higher holiness, neither is Christ himself, both with the Holy Spirit and his church? Christ does not disdain either one-woman or two-woman men, nor one-woman or two-woman women, if they believe in him; he lets them remain members of his holy Christian people, and you also need them for what they are or can be useful. Although after

  1. This "Lutheran Reception" is paragraphs 268 to 278.

of the holy scripture is called a two-woman, who has two living wives at the same time, like Lamech; but the pope is more learned, and is called a two-woman, who has two wives after each other, so also of wives; because he is much more learned, neither God himself.

270 And what is even more fine, the pope himself also confesses that the two-woman marriage is right, and does not sin against God, nor the world, nor the church, and that the same marriage is a sacrament of the church; nor must he be rejected from the church office; also the third and fourth, who should be called holy or virgin men. Why is that? Because such a marriage cannot be a sacrament or figure of Christ and the church; for Christ has only one bride, the church, and the bride only one husband, Christ, and both remain virgins. In this piece, there are so many inconsistent fools' tales that no one can tell them all, so that the canonists should be called donkey Christians. First of all, if marriage is to be a sacrament of Christ and the church, then no marriage must be a sacrament, but only that in which the bridegroom and bride both remain virgins; for Christ and the church remain virgins. Where then shall we take children and heirs? Where will the marriage state, instituted by God, remain? And Summa, there will be no marriage, because Joseph and Mary, or the like; all other marriages must be no sacrament, perhaps also fornication.

271 Secondly, who taught or ordained that we should keep these things? St. Paul Eph. 5, 32 says that man and wife is one great sacrament, yes, I say in Christ and the church. Dear, can you take me from these words of St. Paul that marriage is a sacrament, as they say of sacraments? He says that man and woman are one body, which is a great sacrament. After that he interprets himself: I say of Christ and the Church, and not of man and woman. So they say that he speaks of man and woman. Paul wants Christ and the church to be a great sacrament or mystery; so they say that man and woman is a great sacrament. Why then do they consider it to be the least of sacraments, even to be pure impurity and sin, in which one cannot worship God?

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nen? Further, can you also find in St. Paul's words that the marriage of the two-woman and two-man is not man and woman, or One Body? If they are One Body, why are they not also Sacrament of Christ and the Church? St. Paul speaks in general of all husbands and wives who become One Body, that they are single or widows, and calls them Sacrament (as you understand Sacrament). From where are you so wise that you make a distinction between marriages, and take only the one marriage as the sacrament of Christ and of the church, when a man marries a virgin, and exclude all other marriages? Who has commanded you. St. Paul's words thus to torture and to force?

272 Above this, you do not keep the same marriage for the sacrament. For the bridegrooms do not let their brides remain virgins, nor do they take men for the sake of remaining virgins, which they can do much better without men, but they want to and should bear children as God created them to do. Now where is the sacrament of Christ and the church, which both remain virgins? But is it finely arranged a figura ad historiam, vel econtra, ab historia ad figuram? Where did you learn such dialecticam? Christ and the Church are conjugal, and remain virgins in the flesh; therefore man and woman shall also remain virgins in the flesh. Item, Christ is conjugal only with one virgin; therefore a Christian or priest should be conjugal only with one virgin, otherwise the sacrament is not there? Why then do you allow and say that the marriage of widows is also a sacrament, because it can be a marriage, and again, yet not a sacrament, because the woman has not been a virgin? Are you not mad and foolish and coarse Nestorii, who do not know what you say yes or no, one in antecedent, another in consequent? Out with you coarse asses and fools!

273 This error also came from the fact that they called the bishops and popes the bridegroom of the church and held them to be so; hence they draw the saying of St. Paul 1 Tim. 3, 2: "A bishop shall be the husband of one wife," that is, a bishop of one church, as Christ is of one wife.

Church's bridegroom; therefore, they should not be Digami. Truly, popes and bishops are fine fellows to be the bridegroom of the church. Yes, if it were the Hurwirthin, or the devil's daughter in hell! Right bishops are servants of this bride, and she is the wife and mistress over them. St. Paul calls himself Diaconon, a servant of the church 1 Cor. 3, 5, does not want to be bridegroom nor lord of this bride, but Jesus Christ Son of God, so the right one is called bridegroom of this bride. St. John does not say, "I am the bridegroom," but, "I am the bridegroom's friend," and rejoice that I should hear his language. For "he that hath the bride (saith he John 3:29) is the bridegroom," whose language one should hear with gladness, and think himself a servant according to it.

But how fine they themselves hold this gross folly and foolishness! A bishop may have three bishoprics, but he must still be called a woman's husband. And even if he has only one bishopric, he may have a hundred, two hundred, five hundred or more parishes or churches; nor is he the bridegroom of one church. The pope wants to be bridegroom of all churches, large and small, nor is he called a church man. These are not Digami or two-women, who have so many brides at once. But he who takes a virgin who has been trusted is a digamus. Such unruly, monstrous foolishness shall God inflict upon us, if we despise His word and want to do everything better than He has commanded us.

Yes, they have an acutius in their decree, 1) since St. Augustine holds against St. Jerome that he who had a wife before baptism, after baptism also has one, is a two-woman. Dear asses, does it also follow from this that St. Augustine, even though he considers this man to be a two-woman (which the Scriptures do not), wants to condemn him so that he may not serve God, as you do? And if it follows from this, do you not have a strong noli meis against it in D. 9? 2) How that you hold the Acutius so firmly (which is contrary to Scripture)?

  1. Decret. P. 1, Vist. 26, 6. 2. (Erl. Ausg.)
  2. Decree. ?. 1, Vist. 9, 6. 3. (Erl. Ausg.)

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and the I^oli ice along with other chapters so pass over? Yes, this is the opinion that you want to be lords of the churches; what you say should be right: marriage should be right and a sacrament, if you want; again, marriage should be impurity, that is, a shitty sacrament that cannot serve God, if you want; marriage should bear children, but the woman should remain a virgin, or is not a sacrament of Christ and the church, if you want. The two-women are without fault, and have a right marriage and sacrament, if you will; again, they are condemned from the service of God, because they have no sacrament of Christ and the Church, if you will. Behold, how the devil doth giddily and tremble you, that teacheth you such an unreasonable thing!

How would I have to consider St. Augustine's saying as an article of faith, if he himself does not want to consider his sayings as articles of faith, and also does not want to consider his ancestors' sayings as articles of faith? If the dear fathers have so held and taught that digamus means such a thing (as said), what is that to us? We do not have to keep it that way, nor teach it. We need not stake our salvation on man's word or work, as on hay and straw our house. But the canonists are such gross asses and fools with their idol at Rome, that they make vain articles of faith out of the "dear" fathers' sayings and doings, against their will and without their thanks. It should be proved from the Scriptures that such men were called two-women and three-women, so it would be right that they should not be church servants, according to St. Paul's teaching 1 Tim. 3, 2: "A bishop should be the husband of one wife." But it often happened to the fathers that they mended an old cloth to a new cloth. So, here it is right and the new cloth, that no digamus should be a church servant; but that this or that one should be a digamus, that is an old lump of their conceit, because the Scripture does not say it. But in the Scriptures, a man is called a two-woman man who has two living wives at the same time; and St. Paul is considered to have had a wife, Phil. 4:3, and to have died to her. According to this, he would also have to be a two-woman and leave the apostleship; because in 1 Cor. 7, 8. he counts

and yet he wants to have power with Barnaba to take another wife with him. Who will make us certain that the poor fishermen Peter, Andrew, and James were virgins and not widows, or that they did not have two wives in succession?

The asses' heads do not mean chastity, as the fathers did, but would like to mislead the poor souls and throw them into danger, only that their nasty stink book would be right, and their art could not err, nor have erred. Otherwise, they see what is considered chastity. They can nevertheless say finely in external opinionibus (and what is it, because vain opiniones are their best and most): Non tenetur; Hoc; why can they not do it here too? since they otherwise reject not one, but all fathers at once in a heap in causis decidendis, as their idol spouts and roars. But they would gladly govern the churches, not with certain wisdom, but with wanton opinionibus, and again make all the souls of the world misguided and uncertain, as they have done before. But as they reject the fathers and theologians from their canonicals, so we in turn reject them from the church and from the Scriptures. They are not to teach us the Scriptures, nor to rule in the church; it is not their due, nor can they do it, but they are to wait for their canonicals and contentions of prebends, which is their holiness. They have rejected us poor theologians together with the fathers from their books, for which we thank them kindly. Now they want to throw us out of the church and the Scriptures, and they themselves are not fit for it. That is too much and tears the sack; we do not want to suffer it either.

278 I think, indeed, that according to their wisdom no man should take a virgin, or after her death could not become a priest with them. For who can become his guarantor or be good for him, that he may surely get a virgin? The way passes at the door (as they say). If he does not find her a virgin when he dares, he is a stinking two-woman man through no fault of his own. If he wants to be sure that he can become a priest, he must not take a virgin, for who will make him sure?

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But to ravish virgins, widows, wives, to have many whores, to commit all kinds of dumb sins, he may well do, so he is worthy of the priesthood. But this is the sum of it: The pope, the devil and his church are hostile to the marriage state, as Daniel says Cap. 11,37, therefore he wants to desecrate it so that he should not be able to cultivate the priesthood. This much must be said: Marriage is whoredom, sin, unclean, rejected by God. And if they nevertheless say that it is holy and a sacrament, they lie out of a false heart. For if they held it holy and a sacrament in earnest, they would not forbid the priests to marry. But because they forbid it, they must consider it impure and sinful, as they also clearly say: Mundamini, qui fertis; or (where some are so pious) they must be rude Nestorii and Eutyches, who set antecedens, and deny the consequent. So be it this time donkey Pabst, and Pabst donkey received with his donkey lawyers, want to come back to ours.

279 So do not turn to the papists (as I said), who and how he is who leads the church office. For the asses do not understand St. Paul's word, nor do they know what St. Paul's grammatica calls a sacrament. Sacrament, he says Eph. 5:32, is Christ and his church, that is, Christ and the church are one body, like man and woman; but it is great mystery, and must be understood by faith, it cannot be seen nor grasped; therefore it is a sacrament, that is, a secret thing, mysterium, invisible, hidden. But since not only virgin spouses, but also widow spouses are One Body, every marriage is a figure or sign of this great sacrament or mystery in Christ and the Church. St. Paul does not speak of virgins or widows; he speaks of marriage, since man and woman are One Body. Now where you see such offices or ministers, know that certainly the holy Christian people must be; for the church cannot be without such bishops, pastors, preachers, priests; and again, neither can they be without the church, they must be with one another.

  1. sixth, the holy Christian people are outwardly recognized by their prayers, praising God and giving thanks publicly. For where you see and

When you hear people praying and learning to pray the Lord's Prayer, singing psalms or spiritual songs according to the Word of God and right faith, item, publicly practicing faith, the Ten Commandments and the Catechism, then know that there is a holy Christian people of God. For prayer is also one of the holy things, through which everything becomes holy, as St. Paul says 1 Tim. 4:5. Thus the Psalms are also prayer, in which one praises, thanks and honors God. And faith and the ten commandments are also the word of God, and all things are holy things, by which the Holy Spirit sanctifies the holy people of Christ. But we speak of prayer and chant, which is intelligible, from which one can learn and improve. For the listening of monks, nuns, and priests is not prayer, nor praise to God. For they do not understand it, and learn nothing from it, so they do it like a donkey's work, for the sake of the belly, and no improvement, nor sanctification, nor God's will is sought in it.

In the seventh place, the holy Christian people are outwardly recognized by the sanctuary of the holy cross, that they must suffer all misfortune and persecution, all kinds of temptation and evil (as the Lord's Prayer prays) from the devil, the world and the flesh, mourning inwardly, being stupid, frightened, being poor outwardly, despised, sick, weak, so that they may become like their head, Christ. And the cause must also be this alone, that it firmly holds to Christ and God's word, and thus suffers for Christ's sake, Matth. 5, 11: "Blessed are those who suffer persecution for my sake." They must be pious, quiet, obedient, willing to serve the authorities and everyone with body and soul, and do no harm to anyone. But no people on earth must suffer such bitter hatred; they must be called worse than Jews, pagans, Turks, Summa, they must be called heretics, brats, devils, accursed and the most harmful people on earth, so that even those do a service to God by whom they are hanged, drowned, murdered, martyred, chased away, tormented, and no one has mercy on them, but also waters them with myrrh and gall where they thirst; Not because they are adulterers, murderers, thieves or scoundrels, but because they want Christ alone and no other God. Wherefore when thou seest or hearest these things, know this,

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that the holy Christian church is, as he says Matth. 5,11. 12.: "Blessed are you, when men curse you and reject your name as an evil thing, and that for my sake; be glad and rejoice, for your reward is great in heaven". For with this sanctuary the Holy Spirit makes this people not only holy, but also blessed.

And in the meantime, do not turn to the papists' sanctuary of dead saints, from the wood of the holy cross. For there are as many bones of the pale as legs of saints, and as many of the wood of the gallows as of the holy cross. And there is all deceit among them, that the pope may deceive and seduce people from Christ for money. And even if it were holy, no one would make it holy. But if you are condemned, cursed, scolded, blasphemed, tormented for the sake of Christ, that makes you holy. For it kills the old Adam to learn patience, humility, gentleness, praise and thanksgiving, and to be joyful in suffering. This is called being sanctified by the Holy Spirit and renewed to a new life in Christ, and thus learning to believe, trust, hope and love God, as Rom. 5:4: Tribulatio spem etc.. These are now the right seven main parts of the high sanctification, by which the Holy Spirit practices in us a daily sanctification and vivification in Christ. And this according to the first table of Moses, which we fulfill by this, though not so abundantly as Christ did; but we always follow after, under his redemption or forgiveness of sins, until we also once become completely holy, and need no more forgiveness; for to this end it is all directed. I would have called them the seven sacraments, but because this word "sacrament" has been misused by the papists, and is used differently in Scripture, I let them remain the seven principal parts of Christian sanctification, or seven sanctuaries.

  1. over and above these seven main things, there are also more outward signs by which the holy Christian church is known, namely, that the Holy Spirit also sanctifies us according to the outer table of Moses, when he helps us to warmly honor father and mother, and in turn to bring up children in a Christian manner and to live honestly; when we faithfully obey our lords and rulers.

We must serve and be subject to others, and they in turn must love, protect and shield their subjects. Item, if we are not unkind to anyone, if we bear no anger, hatred, envy or revenge against our neighbor, but gladly forgive, gladly lend, help and advise; if we are not lewd and drunkards, proud, hopeful, splendid, but chaste, chaste, sober, kind, gentle and humble; not stealing, robbing, profiteering, being stingy, overcharging, but being mild, kind, gracious, compassionate; not false, lying, perjuring, but truthful, constant, and what more of such commandments are taught, as all these St. Paul teaches abundantly from time to time. Paul teaches abundantly from time to time. For this reason also we must have the Decalogue, not only that it may tell us by law what we ought to do, but also that we may see in it how far the Holy Spirit has brought us with His Holy One, and how far we still lack, lest we should be sure and think that we have now done it all. And so always grow in sanctification, and always become more and more a new creature in Christ; it is called crescite, and abundetis magis 1 Thess. 4:1, 10.

  1. Although such signs may not be regarded as certain as those above, because some pagans also practice such works, and sometimes seem to be more holy than the Christians, yet their thing does not come out of the heart so pure and simple for God's sake, but seeks something else in it, because they have no right faith nor knowledge of God, but here is the Holy Spirit, who sanctifies the heart, and brings forth such fruit from a good, fine heart, as Christ says in the parable Matth. 13, 23. 13, 23. And because the first table is higher, and there must be more sanctuary, I have summarized it all in the other table; otherwise I could have divided it into seven sanctuaries or main parts, according to the seven commandments.

Now we know for certain what, where and who it is, the holy Christian church, that is, the holy Christian people of God, and we cannot lack it, of that we are well assured. Everything else except these things can be lacking, and certainly is lacking, as we will hear in part. From such a people one should take people to the concilium; this would be a concilium that

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would be governed by the Holy Spirit. So Lyra also writes that the church is not to be counted according to the high or spiritual classes, but according to the people who believe. I am surprised how he is not burned for such a word, that he does not want to let popes, cardinals, bishops, prelates be the church, from which even horrible heresies follow, offensive to the holy Roman church and much too close. About it elsewhere.

When the devil saw that God was building such a holy church, he did not celebrate, and' built his chapel with it, larger than God's church is, and did so: He saw that God was taking external things, as baptism, word, sacrament, keys, etc., and thereby sanctifying his church (as he is always God's monkey, and wants to make all things like God and better), By sanctifying his church (as he is always God's monkey, and wants to do all things according to God, and make them better), he also took external things before him, which should also sanctify; just as he does with the weather makers, sorcerers, devil's spells 2c., so he also has the Lord's Prayer and Gospel read over it, so that it may be great sanctity. So he has had the popes and papists consecrate or sanctify water, salt, candles, herbs, bells, images, Agnus Dei, pallia, altar, casels, plates, fingers, hands; who wants to tell it all? lastly, he has sanctified the monk's caps in such a way that many people have died and been buried in them, as if they wanted to be saved by it. Now this would be fine if God's word, blessing or prayer were spoken over the creature, as children do over tables, and over themselves when they go to sleep and get up, of which St. Paul says 1 Tim. 4:5: "All creatures are good, and are sanctified by word and prayer." For from this the creature gets no new power, but is confirmed in its former power.

But the devil seeks another, but wants the creature to get a new power and authority through his monkey play. Just as water, through God's word, becomes a baptism, a bath to eternal life, washes away sin and makes us blessed, which is not the nature or power of water; and bread and wine become the body and blood of Christ; sins are forgiven by the laying on of hands, according to God's ordinance: so the devil also wants his jiggery-pokery and monkey play to be powerful, and to be over

do something to nature. Holy water is to eradicate sin, it is to cast out devils, it is to ward off the poltergeists, it is to protect the child-worshipers, as the Pabst teaches us c. Aquam sale, äs ps.; so shall holy salt also do; Agnus Dei, consecrated by the pope, shall do more than God Himself is able to do, as such is described in verses which I should omit once glossiret. Bells shall chase away the devils in the weather; Antony's knives stab the devil; the blessed herbs drive away the poisonous worms; some blessings heal the cows, ward off the milk thieves, extinguish fires; some letters make safe in war and also otherwise, against iron, fire, water, animals 2c.; monasticism, mass and the like shall give more than common blessedness. And who can tell it all? No need has been so small, the devil has founded a sacrament or sanctuary on it, through which one finds counsel and help. He also had prophetesses, soothsayers and wise men who could reveal secret things and bring back stolen goods.

Oh, he is far, far above God, equipped with sacraments, prophets, apostles, evangelists, and his chapels far greater than God's church, also has far greater people in his holiness than God. It is also easier and more preferable to believe in His promise, in His sacraments, in His prophets, and in Christ. He is the great God in the world, as Christ calls him Joh. 12, 31. 14, 30. 16, 11.: "Prince of the world", and Paul 2 Cor. 4, 4.: "God of this world." With such monkey business he drives people away from the faith of Christ, and makes the Word and Sacraments of Christ despised and almost unrecognizable, because one can produce all things closer than to blot out sin, to help out of troubles, to be saved by the Sacrament of the devil, neither by the Sacrament of Christ. For He wants to make people holy and devout in body and soul through His Holy Spirit, and not let them remain in unbelief and sin. This is too difficult for those who do not like to be pious or to leave sins, but they can easily do this work of the Holy Spirit, after they have learned how to

  1. vsorst. ?. 3, vrst. 3, e. 20. (Erl. Ausg.)

2294 Erl. (2.) 25, 439-441. Cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2810-2812. 2295

Without the work of the Holy Spirit it is easier to be saved than by holy water, by Agnus Dei, by bulls and letters, by masses and monk's caps; therefore it is not necessary to look for or respect anything else.

Not only that, but the devil prepared himself in such a way that he wanted to annul the Word and Sacrament of God, and thought: "If someone appears who will attack my church, Sacrament and bishops, as if an outward thing should not bring salvation, then God's Word and Sacrament shall also perish with them. For they are also outward signs, and his bishops and church are also physical people. If mine is not valid, his must be much less valid, because my church, bishops and sacrament work quickly and help in this life and presently, so that it must be seen and grasped. For I am there, and soon help as one desires. But Christ's sacraments work on the future and invisible being, in the spirit, so that one can hardly smell his churches and bishops a little from afar, and the Holy Spirit acts as if he were not there, so that they suffer all misfortune and must be held as heretics before my 1) church. However, my church is not only so close that it can be grasped, but my works also follow soon, so that everyone thinks that it is the right church of God. Such is the advantage I have and can have.

  1. So it was, when we began to teach through the gospel that such outward things could not save, because they were evil creatures of the flesh, and the devil often used them for sorcery, that men, even great and learned men, fell away, that baptism, as an external water, the Word, as an external human speech, the Scriptures, as an external letter made by dints, the bread and wine, as baked by the baker, should be bad nothing, because they were external, perishable things. So they cried out: "Spirit, spirit! the spirit must do it, the letter kills. So Münzer called us Wittenberg theologians the scribes, and the spirit scholars the "spirit scholars.
  1. Here we have adopted the conjecture of the Jena edition: "meiner" instead of: "meine".

and after him many more. In this you see how the devil had thus prepared himself and posted: if one would attack his outward doctrine and sacraments (which help soon and visibly, powerfully and quickly), then the outward sacraments and words of Christ (which come slowly with the help, or invisibly and weakly) would have to perish much more.

Therefore Ecclesia, the holy Christian people, has not badly external word, sacraments or offices, as the monkey of God, Satan, has also and much more, but has commanded, instituted and ordered them by God, so that He Himself (not an angel) wants to work through them with the Holy Spirit. And it is not angels, nor men, nor creatures, but God's own word, baptism, sacrament, or forgiveness, which is called ministry; without which he wants to do it, for the comfort and good of us poor, weak, stupid people, not by his mere, appearing, bright majesty. For who could suffer the same in such sinful poor flesh for a moment? As Moses says [2 Mos. 33,20.): Non videbit me homo et vivet. So the Jews could not suffer his feet shoe on the mountain Sinai, 2 Mos. 20, 18. f., That is, in the weather and in the clouds, how could they have suffered the sun of his divine majesty and the clear face with such stupid eyes? But he will do it through painful, clean, sweet means, which could not be better mentioned by ourselves than that a pious, kind man speaks to us, preaches, lays out hands, forgives sins, baptizes, gives bread and wine to eat and drink. Who can be astonished at such lovely forms, and not rather rejoice with all his heart?

Well, this is good for us stupid people, in which we see how God deals with us as with dear children, and does not want (as he would have the right to do) to act majestically with us, and yet, underneath it all, he exercises his majestic, divine works, power and authority, as forgiving sin, sweeping away sin, taking away death, giving grace and eternal life. Yes, such a thing is missing in the devil's sacraments and churches, so that no one can say that God commanded, commanded, instituted, instituted, that He Himself wants to be there and do everything Himself, but one must say: God did not command it.

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but forbidden, men have invented it, or rather the ape of God has invented it, and deceived the people with it. For he also works nothing, except what is temporal; or where it should be spiritual, it is vain deceit. For he cannot eternally forgive sins and make people blessed, as he denies, through holy water, masses and monasticism, even though he can make a cow get its milk again, which he himself stole beforehand through his prophetess and priestess, who are called devil-whores among Christians, and where they are caught, they burn them with fire, as is right, not for the sake of stealing milk, but for the sake of blasphemy, that she strengthens the devil against Christ with his sacraments and churches.

  1. Summa, if God were to give you a straw to pick up, or a feather to pluck up, with such a command, order and promise that you would thereby have forgiveness of all sin, His grace and eternal life, should you not accept, love and praise it with all joy and gratitude, and therefore hold that same straw and feather more sacred, and let it be dearer to you than heaven and earth? For however small the straw or feather may be, yet by it you get such good as neither heaven nor earth, nor even all the angels, can give you. Why then are we such shameful people that we do not hold the baptismal water, bread and wine, that is, Christ's body and blood, oral word, and the laying on of a man's hands for forgiveness, as highly sacred as we would hold the straw or feather, even though in them, as we hear and know, God Himself wants to work, and His water, word, hand, bread and wine are to be, through which He wants to sanctify you and make you blessed in Christ, who has purchased such things for us and given the Holy Spirit from the Father for such a work?

294 Again, if you went to St. James in a state of armor, or if you allowed yourself to be murdered by Carthusians, Barefooters, and preachers 1) through such a strict life, so that you might be saved, and God had not sanctioned or instituted such a thing, what good would it do you? He knows nothing about it, but the devil and you have devised it, as special sacraments or

  1. Preachers - Dominicans.

Priesthoods. And if you could carry heaven and earth, that you might be saved, all is lost, and he who lifts up the straw (where it is commanded) would do more than you, even if you could carry ten worlds. Why is that? God wants us to obey His word, to use His sacraments, to honor His church, so He will make it gracious and gentle enough, and more gracious, even fifth, than we could desire. For it is said Ex. 20:2, 3, "I am your God, you shall have no other gods"; it is also said, "This is the one you shall hear" Matt. 17:5, and no other. That is enough talk about the church. There is nothing more to be said about it, except that each part can be further deleted. All the other things must have another opinion, of which we also want to say.

  1. Above such outward signs and sanctification, the church has other more outward ways, by which and through which it is not sanctified, neither in body nor in soul, nor instituted nor commanded by God, but, as much has been said above, that it is necessary or useful from the outside, well and good; as that for preaching or prayer one keeps some holidays, some hours, as mornings or afternoons, that one needs church building or house, altar, preaching stand, baptismal font, candlesticks, candles, bells, priest clothes and the like. Which pieces work nothing nor do otherwise than is their nature; even as eating and drinking do nothing more for the sake of the children Benedicite or Gratias. For the godless or crude people, who do not pray Benedicite or Gratias, that is, neither ask nor thank God, become just as fat and strong from eating and drinking as the Christians. Christians can be and remain sanctified without such things, if one preaches on the pavement, without a house, without a pulpit, forgives sins, administers the sacrament without an altar, baptizes without a baptismal font; as it happens every day that one preaches, baptizes, administers the sacrament at home, but for other reasons. But for the sake of the children and the simple people, it is fine and gives a fine order, that they have a certain time, place and hour, according to which they can judge and meet together, as St. Paul says 1 Cor. 14:40: "Let the people of the Lord be baptized.

2298 Erl. (2.) 25,443-446. cap. 15. negotiations concerning a concilii. W. XVI, 2815-2817. 2299

Everything must be done in a fine and orderly manner. And no one should despise such order (as no Christian does) without cause, out of sheer pride in making a mess of everything, but should keep such order for the good of the crowd, or ever not err or hinder it. For that would be contrary to love and kindness.

Nevertheless, they are to remain free, as if we cannot, out of necessity or other useful causes, preach at 6 or 7, at 12 or 1, on Sunday or Monday, in the choir or at St. Peter's: so preach at other hours and days and places; only that one does not mislead the house, but carries along in such change. For such things are altogether external, also subject to reason (as the time, place, and person demand) mightily and entirely; God, Christ, and the Holy Spirit ask nothing of them, no more than what and where we will eat, drink, clothe ourselves, dwell, be free, walk, or stand; without which, without cause, no one shall make a thing of his own, and mislead or hinder the company. Just as at the wedding or other parties, no one should do anything special or obstructive to the bride or the party, but should sit, walk, stand, dance, eat and drink the same as the party. For one cannot order a table, kitchen, cellar or servant for everyone. If he misses something, he gets up from the table and lets the others sit and stay in peace. Here, too, everything should be done peacefully and orderly, and yet be free to change where time, person, or other causes demand it; there, the crowd also follows one another, because (as I said) it makes no Christian more holy or more unholy.

297 Although the pope has clicked the world full of books about it, and has made of it a vile rope, law, justice, articles of faith, sin and holiness, that it would be worthwhile to burn his decree with fire even once. For one could well guess such a book, which has done great harm. It has pushed the Holy Scriptures under the bench, and almost suppressed the Christian doctrine, also brought the jurists with their imperial law under itself, so both church and

Emperor trampled underfoot, and in exchange we have the coarse asses' heads, the canonists, the heretics, who thereby rule the church, and, what is even more deplorable, leave the best in it, and take out the worst, force it into the church. For what is good in it could be found much better and more abundantly in the Holy Scriptures, even in St. Augustine, as far as teaching Christianity is concerned, and also in the jurists' books, as far as secular government is concerned. For the jurists themselves have intended to throw such a book out of jurisprudence and leave it to the theologians. But it would be better if it were thrown into the fire and reduced to ashes, even though there is something good in it. For how could vain evil exist where there is no good underneath? But the evil is too much that it takes the place of the good, and (as I said) the good is to be found more abundantly in Scripture, also in the fathers and in the jurists; one wants to keep it, then, as a testimony on the libraire, so that one can see how the popes and some concilia, along with other teachers, have cheated and erred; therefore I also keep it.

298 Let us regard such outwardly free pieces as a vest's garment or a diaper, in which the child is bound for baptism. For the child is not baptized or sanctified by the vestment or diapers, but only by baptism; yet there is reason to put it in a cloth. If the cloth becomes unclean or torn, another one is taken, and the child grows without any diapers or napkins; however, one should keep a measure here, and not take too much of the napkins or diapers, so that the child is not suffocated. So the ceremonies should also have a measure, so that they do not become a burden or work, but remain so light that one does not feel them. Just as at the wedding no one feels a burden or work, if he keeps himself equal to the others and bids them farewell. I will write about the special fast once, when I will write about the German plague, eating and drinking. For it also almost belongs to the secular regiment.

I have also written a great deal about the schools above and elsewhere, that one should be firm and

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diligently about it. For although they are to be regarded as a pagan, external thing, in that boys learn languages and arts, they are highly necessary. For where Schiller is not taught, we will not have pastors and preachers for long, as we have well learned; for the school must give the church persons who can be made apostles, evangelists, prophets, that is, preachers, pastors, rulers. No matter what other people are needed in the whole world to become chancellors, councillors, scribes and the like, who also help to govern in the world. Above that, where the schoolmaster is God-fearing, and teaches the boys to understand, sing and practice God's word and right faith, and keeps them in Christian discipline, the schools are (as said above) vain young, eternal concilia, which probably create more benefit than many other great concilia. That is why the previous emperors, kings and princes did well to build so many schools, high and small, monasteries and convents, with such diligence, that they wanted to create a rich, large supply of people for the church; but through their descendants they have been shamefully turned to abuse. So princes and lords should now do the same, turn the monasteries' goods into schools, and endow many people for the studio; if our descendants abuse it, we have done our part in our time.

300 In sum, the school must be next to the church, as in it young preachers and priests are begotten, and from it they are then placed in the place of death. After that, the burgher's house is next to the school, as from it one must get pupils; after that, the town hall and castle, so burghers must protect, so that they beget children to the school, and schools send children out to the parish, and after that parish priests can in turn make churches and God's children (be it burghers, prince or emperor). God, however, must be the supreme and neighbor who keeps such a ring or circle against the devil, and does everything in all classes, even in all creatures. Thus Ps. 127:1, 2. says that on earth alone there are two physical regiments, city and house: "Where the Lord does not build the house"; item: "Where the Lord does not keep the city." The first is housekeeping, from which people come.

The other is to rule city, that is, land, people, princes and lords (which we call the worldly sovereignty). That is, to give everything, child, property, money, animal 2c. The house must build, the city must guard, protect and defend it. Then comes the third, God's own house and city, that is the church, which must have people from the house, protection and protection from the city.

These are three hierarchies ordered by God, and we are not allowed to do any more, but we have enough and more than enough to do, so that we live rightly in these three, against the devil. For see the house alone, what there is to do, to be obedient to parents and masters of the house; in turn, to divinely feed, raise, govern and provide for children and servants; that we would have enough to do with the house right, if there were nothing else to do. After that, the city, that is, the worldly regiment also gives us enough to do, where we are faithfully obedient; in turn, our subjects, land and people are to judge, protect and promote. The devil gives us enough to do, and God has given us the nose sweat, thistle and thorns the abundance, so that we have to learn, live, do and suffer abundantly in these two rights. After this is the third right and rule; where the Holy Spirit rules, it is called a comforting, sweet, light burden Matth. 11, 30; where it does not, it is not only heavy, sour and terrible, but also impossible, as Paul says Rom. 8, 3: Impossibile legis; and elsewhere: "The letter kills" 2 Cor. 3, 6.

  1. What then shall we do about these three high divine regiments, about the three, divine, natural, worldly rights, the blasphemous juggler's right or regiment of the pope? Which wants to be everything and yet is nothing, but seduces and tears us away from these blessed divine ranks and rights, and puts a larva or cap on us for it, and makes us fools and jugglers to the devil, who walk idly and no longer know these three divine hierarchies or rights. Therefore, let us no longer suffer it, but do according to the teachings of St. Peter, Paul and Augustine, and be free from it, and turn the 2nd Psalm, v. 3, against them: "Let us break their bonds, and from

[2302]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 1. 2. 2303

cast us their ropes." Yes, we want to sing with St. Paul Gal. 1, 8: "Whoever teaches otherwise, even if it were an angel from heaven, let him be accursed"; and say with St. Petro Apost. 15, 16: "Why do you tempt God with such a burden? And thus again be lords of the Pabst, and trample him under foot, as Ps. 91, 13. says: "Thou shalt walk upon the adder and the basilisk, and the lion

and trample dragons underfoot. And this we will do by the strength and help of the seed of the woman, who crushed the serpent's head Gen. 3:15 and is still crushing it, even though we must dare to let him bite our heels again. To the same seed of the woman, which hath given, be praise and glory, together with the Father and the Holy Spirit, one true God and Lord forever and ever, amen.

Appendix of some of Luther's letters.

to which one has referred in this sixteenth part of his writings.

Newly translated from the Latin.

No. 1.

(Wittenberg.) March 27, 1526.

To Spalatin in Altenburg.

This letter can be found in our edition, Vol. XV, Appendix, No. 128.

No. 2.

Coburg. June 1, 1530.

To Jakob Probst in Bremen.

About the prospects for the Diet in Augsburg and the discussion in Marburg.

This letter is found in handwriting in Wolfenbüttel, Cod. Helmst. 108, f. 112 (with the wrong date: Ultimo Decembris ao. 30.) and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 1l2. Printed in Ooelostiiri trist. Oorn. Vu^., torrr. l, tot. 54; in Luückorrs, p. l03; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 27 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 352. German, in part and with the wrong date 1529 in the Altenburger Ausgabe, vol. IV, p. 801 and in the Leipziger, vol. XIX, p. 531; complete in Walch.

To the excellent and sincere servant of Christ, Mr. Jakob Probst, > Licentiate of Theology, Servant of the Word in Bremen, his extremely > dear brother.

Grace and peace in the Lord! You have learned, my dear Jacob, that I was absent when your Johann Zelst^1^ ) came, and

  1. Zelst was the Caplan Probsts at Unser Lieben Frauen Kirche in Bremen.

I am truly sorry. But also since then I have to work in God's cause, since the burden of the whole empire lies on us. Today, on the first day of June, the Emperor is still at Innsbruck and will perhaps go to Augsburg around Pentecost. 2) There is great hope that the Emperor will act graciously, and he has indeed written to our Prince two or three times in a gracious manner, as have others from his court, especially Heinrich, Count of Nassau. Then he gave this sign of his mercy: when the Dukes of Bavaria, Duke George and Margrave Joachim, passed Augsburg and hurried to Innsbruck to seize the Emperor, 3) and, by forestalling him, wanted to provoke him against our Prince, the Emperor did not want to admit them, 4) because he wanted to remain impartial in the matter even against the others. And the highest chancellor Mercurinus has publicly said that he does not want to participate in violent attacks,

  1. The news in this letter find mostly from Melanchthon's letter to Luther of May 26, No. 927 in this volume.
  2. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. IV, 1444, tz 27.
  3. In this, Melanchthon, thus also Luther, was not reported correctly. In fact, a kind of "Vorreichstag" was held in Innsbruck.

2304 Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 2. 2305

because he had seen enough at Worms what violent attacks could do. He wishes that the affairs of the church are ordered peacefully. Perhaps God has awakened this Naaman 2 Kings 5 for us there. Let us only pray; our prayer has begun to be heard, we do not want to let go. There is a great theurge in Augsburg, so that our prince spends 100 florins on bread alone every week and consumes 2000 florins weekly. This Diet will not be able to last long. Eck has poured out forty 1) theses, which are full of the devil, against us, and offers himself for disputation against all, except against himself, and even most of all against himself. We laugh at this man's rage; there will be no opportunity to dispute now that the enemy has killed so many, nor will there be time at Augsburg.

I am staying in the borders of the Saxon territory, in the middle between Wittenberg and Augsburg. For it was not safe to take me to Augsburg. There you have almost the whole thing as it stands at present to Augsburg. Philip, Jonas, Spalatin, and Agricola are with the prince at Augsburg.

  1. I am writing a letter of consolation to the count in Friesland, as you requested. 2) Furthermore, I have handed over Carlstadt's lies to the prince, which you sent before, and I believe that the prince has sent a letter to the count.
  2. The 41 theses are meant here, to which Eck gave the title: ^rtieuli Imttigri, which Melanchthon wrote in No. 904 of this volume.

not the 404 theses, which Melanchthon mentions in Nö. 902.

  1. Count Enno II, successor of Count Edzard, who died on February 14, 1528. Under him Melchior Hofmaun and Carlstadt, also Zwinglians, came into the country and made great progress there, while the count adhered to Luther. Therefore, he sent an embassy to Bugenhagen, who was in Hamburg at the time, asking him to come there for a short time and to fight the false teachers and the rebaptizers by preaching the Gospel. Bugenhagen refused. On the other hand, the two Bremen clergymen Johann Timann and Joh. Pelt came in July 1529, worked there for a while, and before returning home presented the count with a number of articles, from which a religious edict was drafted, which the count presented to all preachers appointed there for acceptance on January 13, 1530 in Emden. The Zwinglish-minded remonstrated, but after Luther's expert opinion had been obtained, the count had it printed as a church order and introduced it. (Erl. Briefw.)

I have written to you. I have also just informed you of the same thing by letter, I know that for sure; I am surprised if you have not received the letter.

3 Furthermore, that the Sacramentarians boast that I was defeated in Marburg, they do so in their own way. For they are not only liars, but liars themselves, pretending and pretending nothing, as Carlstadt and Zwingli testify with their deeds and words. But you see that at Marburg, in the articles they have presented, they have recanted the pernicious teachings they have put forward in the books they have published up to now concerning baptism, the use of the sacraments, the outward word, and other things. We have not recanted anything. But since they had also overcome in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, they did not want to revoke this article, even though they saw that it did not pass. For they feared their people, to whom they should not have returned if they had recanted. And how should they not have been defeated, since Zwingli's one and only argument was: a body cannot be without place and limited space. I countered him from philosophy: even heaven, such a large body, is naturally without place, and this they could not refute. Oecolampad's one argument, however, was this: The fathers call it a sign, therefore there is no body. But they promised with many words that they wanted to have the same discourse with us so far: Christ's body is truly present in the Lord's Supper (but in a spiritual way), only so that we might condescend to call them brethren, and thus pretend to unity. This is what Zwingli asked publicly with tears in the presence of the landgrave and all, saying these words: "There are no people on earth with whom I would rather be one than with the Wittenbergers. With the utmost diligence and effort, they wanted to be considered as one with us, so that they could never suffer this word from me: You have a different spirit from us. They were completely inflamed as often as they heard this.

  1. Scripture No. 23 in the 17th volume of the St. Louis edition.

[2306]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 2. 3. 4. 2307

heard. Finally, as it is written in the last article, we have admitted this, that although they were not brothers, they should not be deprived of our love (which is due even to an enemy). Thus it grieved them that they could not obtain the name of a brother, but had to go away as heretics, so that in the meantime we kept peace in writings against each other, whether God might want to open their hearts.

4 You can safely say this, as true as I am Christ's preacher, yes, as true as Christ is the truth. This I also write as the truth, so that you may have something to oppose the lies when they will not rest. For they have behaved with unbelievable humility and kindness toward us, but, as is now evident, all in a fictitious way, so that they would like to move us to a feigned harmony and make us participants and patrons of their error. O what a cunning devil, but a much wiser Christ who has preserved us! I have already ceased to be surprised when they lie impudently. I see that they cannot do otherwise, and I boast because of this case, seeing that, since Satan rules them, they no longer show off with hidden attacks (insidiis), but with lies publicly. Farewell. Of the articles that Johann Zelst should have told me, especially those that the godless people in Marienhafen 1) have placed, I think that they can be overturned tremendously by you. Coburg, June 1, 1530. Mart. Luther.

No. 3.

(Coburg.) 2. June 1530.

To Melanchthon.

Luther wants to avoid too frequent visitors.

Handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, 6oä. Leimst. 108, 1. 22d; and in Copenhagen, Ms.1383,1. 241. Printed in Oosisstiuus, tom. I, toi. 60 b; in Luclclsus, p. 106; in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 30; and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 361.

  1. grace and peace in Christ! It was Hans Reineckvon Mansfeld and

Georg Romer yesterday with me and Argula from

  1. Carlstadt had settled in Marienhafen for a while in 1529.

Staufen today in the same way. But since I see that this place wants to be visited too much, I have decided, after the example of your Stromer, 2) to wander elsewhere for a while, either ostensibly or seriously, so that the rumor arises that I am no longer staying here. Therefore, you too may henceforth say and write like this with your own, so that they no longer seek me here. This I indicate to you now with a Jonah-like haste. 3) For I will be hidden, and henceforth you also keep me hidden in your words and letters.

Here they begin to persuade us that nothing will come of your Diet, and that the Emperor will be delayed by the cunning and artifice of the bishops, until, after everything is consumed, you will be forced to return home. For it is not expected that the one of Trier and the Count Palatine 4) will be present, and the Emperor, by the artifice of the popes, seeks causes of delay that he will not come to Augsburg. These things and words make me wonder. But the messenger hurries. Farewell in Christ. June 2, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 4.

Coburg. April 23^5^ ) 1530.

To Melanchthon.

Luther writes of his whereabouts, his work, and his mood.

Handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, 6o<I. Leimst. 108, I. 11 (undated); in Copenhagen, Als. 1393, p. 215 (datirt 22. April) and again there p. 260 (datirt: ^uKustns Ultimo 3uuii); in Ooci. Hostoeb. (undated) and in the 6o<i. leu. b, k. l21 (datirt 22. April). Printed in Loelestiuus, tom. I, toi. 39 l undated); in Lu<ickeus, v. 85 (datirt April 22; in the margin: al. 9. Llaii 6)); '' in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 2 (datirt April 22) and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 302.

  1. D. Heinr. Stromer in Leipzig.
  2. In testiuautia louiaua. On May 22, Jonas addressed a letter to Luther (which is lost to us), which seems to have been very short and fleeting. (Erl. Briefw. VII. 376.)
  3. Elector and Archbishop Richard von Greiffenklau and Elector Ludwig von der Pfalz did not come to the Imperial Diet, but were represented by their embassies. Cf. Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 292.
  4. For the date, see the first note to No. 1165.
  5. If instead of "9. LIaii" is assumed: 9. 6al. Hlasi, the correct date is April 23.

[2308]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 4. 5. 2309

To his exceedingly dear brother, Magister Philip, the faithful and > wise servant and disciple of Christ.

Grace and peace in the Lord Jesus! Finally we have arrived at our Sinai, dearest Philip, but only we will make a Zion out of this Sinai and build three tents there: one for the Psalter, one for the prophets and one for Aesopus. But this one is temporal. ^1^) The place is exceedingly pleasant and very suitable for study, only that your absence makes it sad. I begin to burn from the bottom of my heart against the Turk and Mahomet, seeing the unbearable raging of Satan, who rages so hopefully against the bodies and souls. Therefore, I will pray and plead and not cease until I realize that my cry is heard in heaven. You are more troubled by the native monsters of our kingdom. But it is we who are destined to see and suffer these two last woes, which rage at the same time and break in with the utmost impetuosity. But this very impetuosity is a witness and prophet of his end and our redemption.

(2) I pray Christ to give thee continued good sleep, and to deliver thy heart from sorrow, that is, from the fiery darts of Satan, and to keep thee from them, amen. This I write, being idle, as I have not yet received my box of papers and things; for I have not yet seen either of the two officers. Nothing is missing that belongs to the solitude, namely the very large house that juts out at the castle is entirely ours, and we have been given the keys to all the chambers. It is said that over thirty people are entertained here, among whom are twelve night watchmen and two trumpet-equipped (drometarii) excursionists on various towers. But what is this? Of course I have nothing else to write. In the evening, as I hope, the Kastner will be there, then only perhaps we will hear something new. God's grace be with you, amen.

  1. The old translator has given the words: 8ed Koe tsm "orals thus: "But for this time is required." However, these prefixes are dark and ambiguous.
  1. you greet me the Doctor Caspar^2^ ) and M. Spalatin, because the order to greet M. Agricola and Aquila I will give to Jonas. From the realm of birds, at this third hour^3^ ) 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 5.

Coburg. April 29, 1530.

To Melanchthon.

Luther reports news, writes about his condition and his works.

Handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Ood. Keimst. 108, k. 10k; in Copenhagen, ÄIs. 1393, k. 218; in the 6od. den. k, i. 122 and in the Ood. (doss. Printed in Luddeus, p. 98; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 10 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 313.

Grace and peace in Christ! The fifth cry of the children has sanctified the house of Jonah; now such and so holy a temple must not be destroyed in any way, lest Jonah alone by crying kill the destroyers. I send all the letters which I have received from Wittenberg, that ye may know nothing less than we. Since the messenger was in a hurry, I answered briefly; at another time, when I have leisure, I will write to them more expansively. Regarding Cruciger, I have given my wife orders. I swear to you that you command this messenger of Jonas^4^ ) to receive letters home from us again. See what they are doing in Strasbourg. But Carlstadt will make my prophecy come true, since I said that he does not believe that there is a God; but they may go and do what they want.

There is nothing new here, except that we are surprised that no letters have come from you yet. I sent letters to you the first day we parted, although I did not know what to write. 5) Now that I have been prevented by the messenger's haste and have been overwhelmed with a lot of letters, I have sent you letters. But now that I am prevented by the messenger's haste and overwhelmed with a lot of letters, I have not received several letters.

  1. Lindemann, the personal physician of the Elector.
  2. On April 23, afternoon 3 o'clock.
  3. donensem. The wife of Jonas had sent the messenger to her husband in Augsburg. - In the old edition: "Jenischen".
  4. April 23. So this divisiorüs is to be grasped. The old translator offers: "On the first day of division".

[2310 Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. Z. 6. 2311]{.underline}

can write. We are masters here, we are kept delicious and all too delicious. My shin does not want to heal yet. I suspect that a kind of flow is developing, which I would not like to prevent, and yet I do not know. I am writing to Doctor Caspar about this. ^1^) My exhortation to the clergy is progressing; both the material and the impetuosity of the attack are growing under my hands, so that I am compelled to drive back, almost by force, a great many lansquenets 2) who do not desist from imposing themselves uninvited. The Lord, who blessed Jonas with the fifth son, bless you also with the third, a second George, amen, amen. From the Imperial Diet of the Milanese or rather of the Jackdaws,^3^ ) April 29, 1530. Martin Luther.

No. 6.

Coburg. May 28, 4) 1530.

To Wenc. Link in Nuremberg.

Luther reports on his work, and news.

A copy from the original of this letter can be found in Wolfenbüttel, Ooü. H<üin8t. 108,1.30 b. Printed in Ooklestinus, tom. I, col. 37; at Ln<ZÜ6U8, p. 89 at De Wette, vol. I V, p. 11 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 345.

Grace and peace in Christ! Of course, my dear Wenceslaus, you accuse me quite nicely of silence and even of negligence, that you might also be ready to accuse me with the suspicion, as if

  1. Lindemann. The letter is not available. - The "Admonition to the Clergy" 2c. No. 1000 in this volume.
  2. These "Landsknechte" are not (with Köstlin, Mart. Luth. 3, vol. II, p. 201) to be referred to the soldiers of the castle guard, who disturbed him by making noise, but (with Kolde, Mart. Luth., vol. II, p. 330) to the impetuous attacking thoughts.
  3. Äl66ioian6N8ibu8 - Non6ÜuIan6N8ibu8, a play on words which can be rendered in German approximately by: Walen - Dahlen. - "Dahlen" occurs also otherwise with Luther for jackdaws.
  4. According to the manuscript, only the Erlangen correspondence has the date: "May 28", all other editions May 8. The above date is made very probable by the fact that Luther states in this letter that he has almost completed the Jeremiah, while he mentions nothing about it in the letter to Melanchthon of May 12 (in the next number).

whether I accuse you because of the tragedy of that Moab 5) either of recklessness or outrageousness, since you yourself confess that, apart from the letter in which I asked you for Johann Ernst, 6) you also received four living and speaking letters 7). But I don't want to hold out on this reason for proof, you see, moreover, how much opportunity you show me here yourself to hurl everything back at you abundantly and forcefully, and you may also, even if you wrote many comments to me, never have answered these four letters of mine sufficiently.

I am indeed idle here and live splendidly, and have resolved to translate what is left of the prophets into the German language, and have already almost completed Jeremiah. Perhaps I will also scatter some little psalms among the people with the addition of my cogitatiunculis, so that I do not sit here in vain, and I will further write to you more often, if only messengers can be had. I have also set myself the task of preparing Aesop's fables 8) for the childish and coarse people, so that they can be of some use to the Germans. So I have something to do. I do not deny that I would have liked to see you; but what GOtte liked, I also like. I also know very well that I am completely useless on this journey, and perhaps I would have been more useful at home with my teachings, but I could not resist the one who called me.

I have no news from Wittenberg, except that Pomeranus writes that the gospel has also begun in Lübeck and is strongly attacking the Lüneburgers, and things are progressing peacefully and righteously in those cities. Thanks be to God! Furthermore, news of new events is awaiting you. I fear very much that Germany,

  1. "Moab" is the Duke George. The "tragedy" is the incident which culminates in "Luther's writing of secret and stolen letters". See St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, introduction, p. 20 ff. and the writing itself, idiä. Col. 518.
  2. No. 917 in this volume.
  3. Thus, in a letter to Eoban Hesse in Nuremberg of April 23, 1530 (De Wette, Vol. IV, p. 6), Luther names those mentioned in the above-mentioned letter No. 917, namely Melanchthon, Jonas, Eisleben and Spalatin.
  4. St. Louis edition, vol. XIV, 792.

[2312]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 6. 7. 2313

especially the upper one, deserves a strong judgment from God because of the blasphemies, murders, contempt and other abominations against the Word of God, which increase daily, and the Turk does not defend himself in vain. May God have mercy on us! Fare well in the Lord and pray for me again, as I pray for you. Greet your darling and your meadowlings, that is, your daughters and their mother. From the Diet of the Jackdaws, which is held here. May 28, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 7.

(Coburg.) May 12, 1530.

To Melanchthon.

Luther writes of his work being disturbed by headaches and warns Melanchthon against excessive exertion 2c.

Handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Ooä. Mar. 108, 12; in Copenhagen, Lls. > 1393, 1. 220 and in the Ooü.

Printed by OoeleKtinus, toin. I, toi. 47d; in öuckckous, p. 92; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 14 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 332.

To the extremely dear brother, M. Philipp Melanchthon, the very strong > and faithful Christophorus.

Grace and peace in the Lord! My dear Philip, on the eighth of May we began to reply to your letters dated from Nuremberg, but there was a delay so that I have postponed it until now, and in the meantime we have also received a bundle of your letters from Augsburg. I have long since completed my attack on the clergy 1) and sent it to Wittenberg. I have also translated the two chapters of Ezekiel from Gog 2) and provided them with a preface, which will appear in print at the same time with the admonition to the clergy. After these were finished, I took the prophets in hand and attacked the matter with great impetuosity; I had resolved to have all the prophets translated before Pentecost. After that the Aesopus and others. And I would certainly have accomplished it, so the work went on.

  1. No. 1000 in this volume.
  2. St. Louis edition, vol. VI, 880.

But the old outer man lapsed so that he could neither bear nor follow the impetuosity of the new inner man, for my head began to be filled with roaring, even with thunderclaps, and if I had not immediately let up, I would have soon fainted, from which I have hardly escaped even in the last two days. So it is now the third day that I have neither wanted nor been able to look at even one letter. "It won't do anymore, I see well, the years are approaching." My Caput 3) has become a chapter, but will continue and also become a paragraph, finally a single sentence. Therefore, I am now completely idle and celebrating. Gradually, however, this turmoil in the head subsides, supported by medicines and their help. There you have the reason why I hesitated so much to answer. On the day your letter came from Nuremberg, Satan had his legation with me. I was alone, however, since Vitus and Cyriacus 4) were absent, and he certainly had the victory so far that he drove me out of the chamber and forced me to go among the people. I can hardly wait for that day when we will finally see the great power of this spirit and its almost divine majesty.

These are our internal matters; external are others, among which you also indicate to me that Geck Eck is warring anew, together with your Billicanus. "What else is there to do at the Diet?" Those coarse asses think like that about the things of the church, that's how they are minded. But they may have a good year. Magister Joachim 5) has sent me delicious food, or rather dates, and raisins, and has written to me twice in Greek. 6) But I, when I will be restored, will write to him in Turkish, so that he also gets something to read.

  1. Luther plays here with the double meaning of eaput, head and main piece; likewise oaxitulum, little head and chapter.
  2. "Veit" is Veit Dietrich, whom Luther had taken with him to help him write. "Cyriacus" is a merchant.
  3. Camerarius.
  4. The one Greek letter is found in Kolde's leota, p. 450 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 318; the other is missing.

[2314Appendix of]{.underline} some of Luther's letters. No. 7. 8. 2315

what he does not understand?) For why does he write to me in Greek? Here I want to stop, at another time more, so that I do not irritate again the appeased unrest of my head, which is already very irritable. But I pray; you also pray.

Very gladly I would have written (as you wish) to the younger prince about the landgrave (Macedonian), also to the older one and to all of you, but I will do it in his time. The Lord be with you. Greetings to all your company. But listen to what I wanted to say first of all: see that, according to my example, you want to ruin your head. Therefore, I will command you and the whole company to force you, under threat of banishment, into the rules that serve to preserve your body, lest you become a suicide and then pretend that this is out of obedience to God. For one serves God even by doing nothing, yes, by no thing more than by doing nothing. For this is why he willed that the Sabbath should be kept so strictly before other things. See that you do not despise this. It is God's word what I write. May 12, 1530, your Martin Luther.

No. 8.

Coburg. June 19, 1530.

To Conrad Cordatus.

Luther advises Cordatus against the journey to Augsburg and tells him what he knows about Augsburg and how he is doing.

This letter is found handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Cocl. Hslmst. 108, tot. 24b; there duck. 214, tot. 59 and in dock. cksu. b. 212. printed in Luckcksus, x. 106; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 42 and in Erl. Briefw., vol. VIII, p. 9. A piece of the same is found in Huckcksus, p. 110, in Ooswstiuus, tom. I, praise 137, and by Walch (in the following number) as a letter addressed to Hausmann, dated June 25. But from this day there is another letter to Hausmann, which is found in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 47 and in Walch's old edition, vol. XXI, 1376.

  1. Luther fulfilled this promise by inserting a tailor's shake verse written in Hebrew letters in a letter of reply to Camerarius. Camerarius was not able to decipher this, not even the Hebraists he had consulted. So he finally went to Augsburg to get information from the scholars there. They, informed by Luther, enlightened him. Mathesius reports this in his 12th sermon. Mathesius, St. Louis edition, p. 229.

Grace and peace in Christ! I have written this letter to you, dearest Cordatus, so that you may not doubt that I remember you and may not suspect that I have forgotten my promise. For I am still in this desert, and there is not much hope that I will be called to the Diet. But if I am called, you may be sure that I will send you word, as we have agreed. However, as the dear man, Nicolaus Hausmann, your pastor, writes, I do not know whether it is advisable for you to go to the Diet and leave your office in the meantime, especially since there is still no hope at all that the princes will act on the matter of religion; or if they do act, then they will negotiate in secret and among themselves according to the Emperor's decree, without any public disputation or interrogation. I would have answered this the other day when I received his letter, but no messenger soon showed up.

(2) We have not yet received any news, nor do our people at Augsburg write to us?) From what the rumor testifies, we have gathered that it is certain that the Emperor arrived at Augsburg on June 15; may Christ give grace and happiness to this, amen. Let us only pray and not let up. Christ lives and reigns; however unknown he may be to the wicked, yet to us he is the known and certain King of kings and the Lord of lords. I am quite well by God's grace and your prayers, and although Satan has hindered me for several weeks by roaring in my head, I have translated Jeremiah into German. Now there is Ezekiel left, which I want to tackle. But first I want to give our poor printers an alms consisting of several copies, among which is also the Psalm Confitemini 3), which I will soon complete in two days.

Greetings to Mr. Nicolaus Hausmann, who is extremely dear to me. The letter from his brother

  1. The following to the end of this paragraph forms the next number of this appendix in Walch's case.
  2. St. Louis edition, vol. V, 1174. See also the note there.

[2316]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 8. 9. 10. II. 2317

I have taken him with me here and will answer him as soon as possible. 1) From the desert, June 19, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 9.

To Nicolaus Hausmann.

At this point, Walch finds a piece of the previous letter, which is made into a special letter by a wrong caption and a wrong date together with a signature. See the previous number.

No. 10

Coburg. June 19, 1539.

To Gabriel Gemini.

Luther reports what he knows of Augsburg, of his condition and his works.

This letter is found handwritten in the 6od. Bostooü. Printed in Oooisstinns, tom. I, toi. 1025; in Buddeus, p. 107; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 43 and in Erl. Briefw., vol. VIII, p. 11.

To Gabriel Didymus, pastor at Torgau.

Grace and peace in Christ! Through this messenger I am sending the letters to you, my dear Gabriel; whether you or Bernhard can do it most conveniently, I ask you both to diligently see to it that they are transported to Wittenberg. Perhaps you will learn something new from Bernhard. For our people from Augsburg have not answered us for a whole month. We have heard from the foreman here that the emperor entered Augsburg on June 15, and so our Riedtesel wrote. We know nothing else in this desert. We are well and living splendidly, only that I have suffered thunderous noise in my head for almost a month now, not a sound, may the blame and cause be attributed to the wine, or Satan may have made such a mockery of me. I have finished Jeremiah and am about to translate Ezekiel and the other prophets. You pray with the congregation for the prince, for the prince and the whole Diet, and you shall know that the petitions are not in vain; for you already feel their manifest

  1. Luther enclosed this answer to the letter to Nicolaus Hausmann on June 25, and instructed him to forward it to his brother Valentin.

and great strength. Farewell and greet the Pausbacken 2) together with your Elsa, and the two: preachers (presbyteros) with their family. From the desert, June 19, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 11.

Coburg. August 24, 1530.

To Melanchthon.

Luther sends the writing from the schools and reports news from Wittenberg.

This letter is found handwritten at Wolfenbüttel in the 6od. Holrrist. 108, toi. 845; in the Ood. Bostooü. and in the 6od. den. 5, toi. 197. printed by Oosisstinns, toru. Ill, toi. 50; b^i Buddeus, p. 186; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 138 and in Erl. Briefw., vol. VIII, p. 204.

Grace and peace in Christ! I believe that you have long since heard the news from Augsburg, my dear Philip, namely, that fourteen men have been chosen as new mediators, whose names we all know, and that you, with the corner, are the first to lead the word, but Spalatin is the scribe; 3) if this is true, it is wonderful. Moreover, that the Pope, after the siege of Florence has been lifted, is besieged at Rome in Castel Sant'Angelo by a Roman army. For what are we hermits to do but to announce news to you in a much wandered way (xxxxxxxxx), while in the meantime you are as silent as the frogs on Seriphos. 4)

I am sending here the Sermon of the Schools, 5) a completely Lutheran writing, which through the verbosity (verbositate) of Luther does not deny its author in anything, but represents him in the most complete way. That is my way. Likewise will be the booklet of the keys 6). Then, if Christ wills, I will deal with the article of justification.

  1. our Wittenberg is plagued by the suspicion of the plague, which, it is thought, has affected students from
  1. vnooatium, a word formed by Luther from 5U60N. What is meant is Zwillings Söhnchen.
  2. Compare the documents No. 1041 ff. in this volume.
  3. See St. Louis edition, vol. XVIII, 1731, note 1.
  4. St. Louis edition, vol. X, 416.
  5. St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 902. See also the introduction there, p. 415.

[2318]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 11. 12. 2319

Leipzig, because about four have died of the disease, and two houses are closed off. So Luft writes to me, the others are silent, because my mistress writes nothing about this. And "Häuptman" and the younger Prince Hans Ernst are still there, which is certainly a great proof that there is no danger. I am writing this so that the rumor does not disturb you.

May the Lord who sent you to Heiligenstadt (Augustam) 1) make you all holy (augustos), amen. A kind of sore (corrosio) has arisen again in my neck, so that I suspect that either the evil juices are increased by the sharpness of the wine, or that after so many years of health the old remnants of the previous illness are returning, or that it is Satan's fist blows. 3) I have a sore in my neck. But if only Christ is victorious, nothing matters whether Luther perishes, who, since Christ is victor, will be victor. Greetings to all of us. I do not know whether my letters have been delivered to you by Cyriacus and Caspar Müller, nor whether they themselves have reached you, since they have been away from here for almost three weeks now and have written nothing to us. Farewell. From the desert, on the day of Bartholomew August 24 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 12.

Coburg. September 15, 1530.

To Melanchthon.

Luther reports the return of the Churprinzen; he wants the Reichstag to end.

This letter is found handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, 6<xl. t1;äm8t. 108, toi. 96; at Dresden, oock. 6. 140, toi. 83 6; in the Ooä. HutEnd.; in the Oxi. kostoew. and in the 6oü. Isn. 6, tot. 116. printed at Ooewstüuus,

  1. Augustus means in first meaning: sanctified, holy. Therefore we were allowed to render ^uAustum (Augsburg) by Heiligenstadt. Since the word is ambiguous; so fittingly anch could be translated thus: "who has sent you to the imperial city, make you all more of the empire".
  2. in sutturs is also in the following number, 8 3; it is not to be translated: in the throat. Oorrosio will probably be a kind of lichen, not a "scratching in the throat".
  3. De Wette offers inlsnua pUwAMn; the old translator read (perhaps more correctly) salsnm, for he translates: "das salzige Geblüt". The Erl. Briefw. offers: "ulsuln.

toin. Ill, koi. 876; in Buddeus, p. 204; in Schütze, vol. II, p. 188; in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 164 and in Erl. In Walch, twice: once here, and again incomplete and with wrong date in this volume No. 1074. We have omitted the latter redaction and referred to this number.

Grace and peace in Christ! Yesterday our younger prince arrived together with Count Albrecht, unexpected and sudden guests. And I have seen with joy that they have escaped from that turmoil; after all, God wished that I could see you shortly as escaped ones, if it is not granted to expect you as released ones. You have done enough and more than enough; now the remaining time is for the Lord to do it, and He will do it. Just be a man and hope in Him. I am both indignant and comforted that Eck and his opponents are dragging out the matter with this trivial quibble, namely, if we claim that both forms of the sacrament are necessary, we condemn the whole church and the emperor himself. The wretched people finally have this last resort, that they raise quibbles in the presence of the emperor. Rather, let them confidently abuse the emperor, by which they seriously challenge the one who has already drawn his bow in heaven and laid deadly bullets on it. For so say the Turks: it is not to be supposed that so great a nation should be condemned.

2 If this reason of proof is good, what article of faith is left that we could confess or keep if the articles of faith depend on quantity? But for what purpose do I treat this in letters? You may see to it that you are mindful of this, that you are one of those who are called Lot in Sodom, whose souls torment those with ungodly works day and night. But it follows [2 Petr. 2, 9.j: "The Lord knows how to deliver the godly from temptation." You have confessed Christ, offered peace, obeyed the emperor, endured insults, been satiated with blasphemies, and have not repaid evil with evil: Summa, ye have done the holy work of GOD, as befits the saints, in a worthy manner. Rejoice also at last once in the

[2320]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 12. 13. 2321

Lord, and be glad, ye righteous Ps. 32:11, ye have been long enough afflicted in the world; look up, lift up your heads, your redemption draweth nigh Luc. 21:28. I will raise you, as faithful members of Christ, among the saints (canonizabo); how then can you seek any more honor? Or is it too little, that mau have rendered faithful service to Christ, and behaved as a member worthy of him? Let this be far from you, that the grace of Christ should seem so small to you. But more of this orally.

I have been healthy in these days. I suspect that the winds, which now make the castle shake and roar outside, have been in my head and will one day return to my head again; they seem to be shifting around me. The prince gave me a golden ring, but so that I would see that I was not born to wear gold, it immediately fell from my thumb to the ground (for it is a little too loose and too wide for my fingers). I said: You are a worm and not a man. It should have been given to the Faber and the Eck, for you lead or a rope would have been more appropriate or a rope at the neck. He wanted to give me the opportunity to return home and take me with him, but I asked him to leave me here so that I could wait for you when you returned and wipe off your sweat after this bath.

I wish and pray that you may have strong and good courage, so that you will not let yourselves be troubled by the appearances and appearances of the present things, since you know that everything is entirely in the hands of him who can not only cover the sky with clouds in an instant and make it cheerful again, but is also in the habit of doing so and even takes pleasure in it. In his bosom I command sinners you sinners, who are confessors and not defenders of their sins. Greet all our brothers in the Lord, who will shortly absolve you, amen. From the desert, on Thursday about 1) the equinox Sept. 15 1530.

  1. We have retained the reading versus in Schütze and De Wette, against post in Erl. Briesw.

You should not believe anything about the plague in Wittenberg. Everything is well, as you have seen from the last letters.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 13.

Coburg. August 28, 1530.

To Justus Jonas.

Luther reassures Jonas about the settlement action and sends a letter from the landgrave.

This letter is found handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Oocl. Hörnst. 108, toi. 89d; in the Oock. RostOoN.; in the Ooä. lsu. d, toi. 193 and in the Oock. OotU. 451. printed in Ooelestinus, toin. Ill, col. 63; in Lrulck^us, p. 200; in DeWette, vol. IV, p. 157and inErl. Briefw., vol.VIII, p. 236.

Grace and peace in Christ! I, my dear Jonas, have earnestly commanded Christ our cause, and he has promised me (for I believe him at any rate) that this cause is and will be his. Therefore, since I already see that the adversaries despair of violence and turn to cunning, I do not fear much, indeed, I am rather hopeful, since I am sure that even if we snore to our shame. He is watching for his honor. They may boast that you have conceded many things, but they do not realize that this conceding is to have failed the one greatest thing, and that they have lost on their side the one very good thing. "Let them go here, the Speirian monk-larvae." 2) You may only want to exempt the gospel in everything you allow, as I did at Worms, because (as I see) the case and the course and the action are similar.

Eck, I see, also wants to become a victor of Augsburg, as he was a victor of Leipzig. Amen, "saith Christ".

I send here (it is whimsical) the landgrave's letter to me. I have not answered, because the hurried messenger went away. You will do in my name what he desires, and send me, I beg you, this letter back or bring it back to me yourself, because it pleases me very much. See that you do not lose this letter to me in your melancholy.

  1. Compare No. 1027 in this volume, the first note, and No. 1058, § 1.

[2322]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 13. 14. 15. 2323

I will test your faithfulness and your vigilance with the same. Farewell, my dear Jonas, and return happy and safe.

I have not yet been freed from the roaring in my head, of course, and the damage (arrosio) on my neck is getting worse. But I have lived and done enough. Let my hour come when it seems good to him whom I also rejoice to see, who laid down his life and blood for the sinner Luther. Farewell. From the desert, on the day of St. Augustine August 28, not the monk, 1) 1530. Yours, Martin Luther.

No. 14.

Coburg. September 23, 1530.

To Conrad Cordatus.

About Luther's condition and the near end of the Reichstag.

This letter is found handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Oocl. Reimst. 108, col. 103 and in the Oock. Rostoek. Printed in Ooelestinus, tom. Ill, p. 89; in Luctcteus, p. 211; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 173 and in Erl. Briefw., vol. VIII, p. 271.

Grace and peace in Christ! This whole time, as long as I have been here, almost half of it has been lost to me through very arduous idleness, so exceedingly violent and persistent has a roar, or rather a roar similar to whirlwinds, taken over and tormented my head. My dear Cordatus, if it had not been for this, I might have completed everything that I wished to complete in the rest of my life. Now I am forced to publish little interpretations in bits and pieces, so that I am not completely idle. Now, however, the hustle and bustle begins to subside and to give me a new break.

I have written everything I know about our Augsburg affairs to your bishop 2). Besides, I have nothing new. The princes are making off one by one. Our people are being held back by the extremely

  1. With this Luther will aim at the Roman Abbot Augustine, who was sent to England by Gregory I in 596.
  2. Nicolaus Hausmann. The letter to the same is No. 1107 in this volume, simultaneously with this letter.

Satan is still firm there. The rest, as I believe, has also reached you through the younger prince. You, my dear Cordatus, pray to the Lord for me, that he may guide and sustain me according to his good will. May He be with you and strengthen you by His Spirit, Amen. Greetings to your Eva and all yours. From the castle of Coburg, September 23, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 15.

Coburg. July 21, 1530.

To Justus Jonas.

About the request of the Catholics if the Lutherans wanted to hand over more articles; about Zwingli and Bucer, etc.

This letter is found handwritten in Wolfenbüttel, Oocl. Reimst. 108, col. 67; in Copenhagen, Ns. 1393, col. 307; in the Oocl. RostoeN.; in the Oocl. Ootli. 451 and in the Ooä. 3en. d, toi. 194. printed in Ooelestinus, tom. II, col. 233d; in Luclcieus, p. 169; in DeWette, vol. IV, p. 109; in Schirrmacher, p. 134 and in Erl. Briefw., vol. VIII, p. 133. German (incomplete) in Chyträus, p. 95 d.

Grace and peace in Christ! We have received the parcel and the bundles of letters, my dear Jonas; you have woken up for once. Moreover, Philip apologizes for you, who have confessed that you are surpassed by me in diligent writing; but it is easy to deceive a man like me, who is neither a rhetorician nor a dialectician, with these arts.

But I am deceived in my hope, because I thought you would come, already beaten by an edict of the emperor. But now I see what these questions 3) wanted: whether you would have more articles to hand over. Namely, Satan is still alive and has well noticed that your Apology, 4) the "Quiet Treaders", 5) the articles of Purgatory, of the service of the saints and especially of the Antichrist, the Pope, have transitions.

  1. ah, the poor emperor, if he has set up this imperial diet to counter Luther's counter-speeches against papal doctrine (antilogiis).
  1. See No. 968 and No. 973 in this volume.
  2. This is the Augsburg Confession, which was initially called npoloZin, which means protective writing.
  3. Thus the Copenhagen manuscript, Buddeus and De Wette. Erl. Briefw.: "to tread softly".

[2324]{.underline} Appendix of some of Luther's letters. No. 15. 16. 2325

as if they did not have enough to do with answering the present apologia themselves.

  1. And that these frogs with their croakers have access to the emperor in this way, seriously distresses me with so much work in the most important things, and 1) even if there had been nothing to do, they should not have been free to do this. But this is done so that I may be a true prophet, since I have always said that one works in vain and hope for a unification in the doctrine that it would be enough if we could obtain worldly peace.

I will write and carefully send everything to your wife (do not doubt). I am glad that Philip learns about Campegius' and the Guelphs' way of thinking. Philosophy does not believe these things, it has experienced them. I believe neither the confessor of the emperor nor also any Welsh even one sound (My==Muck). For my Cajetan loved me so much that he wanted to shed blood for me, namely mine. "They are jacks." Although it is true that if a Welshman is good, he is very good; but this is something

  1. Instead of ut we have assumed et.

exceedingly strange and quite like a black swan.

  1. Zwingli and Bucer really please me! "So shall God bring them forth to the day"! To be sure, with these people let us enter into a fraternization! But after the Emperor's departure they will be different people again. "If you are not tired of the Reichstag, I wonder, I am tired of it. I would like to be the victim of this last concilium, as John Hus at Constance was the victim of the last papal welfare (fortunae)?) Greetings, I beseech you, all of ours. May the Spirit of Christ be mighty with you, Amen. From the desert, July 21, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

No. 16.

Coburg. September 11, 1530.

To Melanchthon.

The letter that Walch communicates here is a duplicate of No. 1103 in this volume, therefore omitted here.

  1. The meaning of this somewhat obscure sentence will be: As John Hus was the sacrifice for the last triumph of the papacy, so I would like to be the sacrifice of this last council, so that the evangelical truth gains the victory.

End of the sixteenth part.


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